Halloween: From Pagan Ritual to Party Night

«n 1998, my partner and I decided to leave the tricksters at our door and venture downtown to the gay quarter of Toronto, For many years now, the gay parades to the St. Charles tavern, one of the highlights of Halloween in the 1970s, had disappeared» — el libro abre con una escena de campo: en 1998 Rogers y su pareja bajan al barrio gay de Toronto, donde los desfiles gay a la taberna St. Charles, punto alto del Halloween de los años setenta, ya habían desaparecido (la capa de texto se come la capitular y el pasaje arranca en *n 1998*)

«But in 1998, the revelers were out in force for Masquer Aid. Two blocks of Church Street had been cordoned off, and the costumes glistened in the neon lights.» — la crónica del Masquer Aid de 1998 en Church Street, con dos cuadras acordonadas

«Nuns and angels graced the evening’s promenade, just as they would in Greenwich Village. They rubbed shoulders with samurai and road warriors, one of whom wore biker leggings that bared his ass.» — el desfile de Toronto se compara con el de Greenwich Village, que el libro tratará más adelante

«Halloween at the end of the millennium has become a major party night for adults, arguably the most important after New Year’s Eve. An estimated 65 percent of American adults participate in Halloween, beyond, that is, simply handing out candy.» — la cifra con que sitúa la fiesta en el presente: participación adulta estimada del 65 por ciento en Estados Unidos, más allá de repartir dulces

«The holiday has become a sort of continental Mardi Gras, usually more free-form and spontaneous than the elaborately staged ‘Mardi Gras festivals of New Orleans and Mobile, whose street parades are carefully regulated by local societies» — compara Halloween con un Mardi Gras continental más libre y espontáneo que los desfiles regulados de Nueva Orleans y Mobile

«What is it about Halloween that disposes people to dress up and act out their individual fantasies, some purely fanciful, others more self-consciously political? What does it tell us about the body politics of the late twentieth century? Is Halloween quintessentially a children’s celebration that has been appropriated by adults? Or is the history of this ancient festival rather more complex?» — las preguntas con que abre la investigación, sobre la política del cuerpo a fines del siglo XX

«Although I can lay claim to some Celtic heritage, the part of Britain from which I hail never observed the 31st of October.» — Rogers declara su posición: creció sin Halloween pese a su ascendencia celta

«In the southern reaches of Somerset, at a litte village called Hinton St. George, there was and still is a festival called Punky or Spunky Night, so named after the turnip jack-o’-lanterns that were carved into grotesque faces to represent imps or goblins. On the last Thursday in October, children visit local houses with their lighted lanterns, performing a festive repertoire that is very similar to a North American Halloween.» — en Hinton St. George, Somerset, la fiesta paralela es la Punky o Spunky Night, con linternas de nabo talladas como duendes y visitas infantiles a las casas el último jueves de octubre

«The real night of autumnal festivities occurred a few days later, on Bonfire Night, historically the English anniversary of the so-called Gunpowder Plot. This was the night of bonfires and fireworks, of youthful revelry and innumerable pranks, although sometimes the mischief occurred on the evening before.» — en el West Country inglés la noche de fuegos y travesuras no era Halloween sino la Bonfire Night del complot de la pólvora

«they had been displaced by the emergence of Gay Pride Day as. celebration of homosexual afÏrmation. Inthe last few years, the main Halloween action could be found on Yonge Street, where youthful revelers rocked cars that were locked in the trafÏc and paraded along the sidewalk to the honking of horns and the flashing of cameras.» — los sustituyó el Gay Pride Day como celebración de afirmación homosexual, y la acción de Halloween se mudó a Yonge Street (el OCR rinde *affirmation* como *afÏrmation* y *traffic* como *trafÏc*)

«In our corner of the bar cross-dressers abounded: women dressed as pirates, bejewelled ladies with party masks, a six-foot-one Joan Crawford sporting a cigarette» — inventaría el travestismo del bar; el tramo se corta en el cambio de plana y sigue en la plana 15 con *holder and a fox fur*

«a half man-half woman who reminded me of a mock-portrait of the Chevalier d’Eon, a French diplomat whose sexuality was the source of much speculation in the London of the 1770» — remite la figura de mitad hombre y mitad mujer a un retrato burlesco del Chevalier d’Eon, el diplomático francés cuya sexualidad se discutía en el Londres de los años setenta del siglo XVIII (el OCR imprime *17708* por 1770s)

«By 10 ra. the street carnival was in full swing, There were men on stilts and dominos out of Fellini’s Casanova. There were mounties, spider women, Darth Vaders, a Zorro, and a King of Hearts.» — el inventario de disfraces del carnaval callejero, con zancos y dominós salidos del Casanova de Fellini (el OCR imprime *10 ra.* por 10 p.m.)

«A transvestite in a fur coat periodically flashed virtually everything, her silicone-stocked breasts and genitals covered only by pom-poms. Not to be upstaged, a cluster of drag queens wheeled in a giant penis ringed with tinsel.» — la exhibición de cuerpos y prótesis que Rogers registra como dato de la noche

«My own fascination with Halloween stems from a long-standing scholarly interest in crowds and urban festivals. It is also based on the fact that as a child I never experienced Halloween.» — declara de dónde le viene el interés: el estudio de las multitudes y las fiestas urbanas, y el no haber tenido Halloween de niño

«Coming to Canada in my carly twenties, 1 was bewildered by Halloween, a North American festival about which I knew nothing; And as I learned the rituals along with my children and witnessed the efÒorescence of the festival in the 1970s and ro80s—and the controversies it provoked—my wonderment increased.» — sitúa su extrañeza de recién llegado a Canadá y el crecimiento de la fiesta en los años setenta y ochenta como origen del libro (el OCR imprime *carly* por early, *ro80s* por 1980s y *efÒorescence* por efflorescence)

«Icbegins with some discussion of origins, the automatic reflex of the historian, although one that is sometimes suspected of privileging a developmental perspective that overlooks the ruptures and strangeness Of the past.» — advierte que empezar por los orígenes es el reflejo automático del historiador y que se sospecha de él por privilegiar una mirada evolutiva sobre las rupturas y la extrañeza del pasado (el OCR pega *It begins* en *Icbegins*)

«Chapter 1 Jooks at Halloween’s purported pagan origins, a theme of particular interest to new-age enthusiasts, to Hollywood, and to those of the evangelical Right who denounce the holiday as satanic.» — el plan del capítulo primero: los supuestos orígenes paganos, asunto de interés para los entusiastas *new-age*, para Hollywood y para la derecha evangélica que la denuncia como satánica

«The scene then shifts in chapter 3 to the other side of the Adantic, where I show how ninetcenth-century immigrants from Ireland and Scotland remodeled the holiday and how it broke free from its Celtic moorings to acquire a permanent place in the North American calendar of anniversaries.» — el plan del tercero: cómo los emigrantes irlandeses y escoceses del siglo XIX remodelaron la fiesta y la soltaron de sus amarras celtas

«Here I argue that Halloween’s capacity to provide a public space for social inversion or transgression held it in good stead at a time when other potentially raucous holidays were becoming more institutionalized and domesticated.» — la tesis del capítulo tercero: la capacidad de dar espacio público a la inversión social sostuvo a Halloween cuando otras fiestas ruidosas se institucionalizaban

«In particular, Halloween gave a broad range of people the opportunity to reclaim the city streets from its corporate owners and boosters, however temporarily, and to represent the marginal, the unorthodox, and, above all, the wild energy of youth» — la fiesta permitía reclamar la calle a sus dueños corporativos y representar lo marginal, lo heterodoxo y la energía de la juventud

«Chapter 4 explores the attempts to reorder the holiday as a children’s festival and the degree to which this was undermined by urban disquiet and decay, in particular, by the circulation of urban legends about Halloween sadists.» — el plan del cuarto: el intento de reordenar la fiesta como cosa de niños y las leyendas urbanas sobre sádicos de Halloween que lo socavaron

«Chapter 5 looks at the way in which Hollywood has sought to capture Halloween and the extent to which the holiday has become a fright night of simulated horror, in which the distinction between the real and “phoney real” has become radically scrambled.» — el plan del quinto: Hollywood y la noche de horror simulado donde se revuelve la distinción entre lo real y lo *phoney real*

«In particular, I stress the emergence of Halloween as a new site for gender politics, not simply because the holiday affords an opportunity to flout gender norms in traditional society, but because it has been used to reafÏrm the values of feminist and gay cultures.» — el plan del sexto: Halloween como sitio nuevo de política de género, no solo por permitir saltarse las normas sino por servir para reafirmar valores feministas y gays (el OCR rinde *reaffirm* como *reafÏrm*)

«In the penultimate chapter I look at Halloween in the context of the Southwest and Mexico, where Halloween is juxtaposed to a cognate festival, the Day of the Dead. Will the growing presence of Halloween south of the Rio Grande undermine the vitality and meaning of El Dia de los Muertos, to the detriment of Mexican cultural traditions? Or is it possible to imagine a fruitful exchange between these two festivals, perhaps even a new hybrid?» — el plan del séptimo: Halloween junto al Día de Muertos en el suroeste y en México, y la pregunta de si lo socava o abre un intercambio

«This cultural engagement, particularly the issue of why El Dia de los Muertos commemorates the dead in a way that Halloween does not, helps frame the last chapter, where I discuss the celebration of Halloween in the United States in the wake of the terrorist attacks on September 11.» — el plan del octavo: la fiesta en Estados Unidos tras los atentados del 11 de septiembre, enmarcada por la manera distinta en que el Día de Muertos conmemora a los difuntos

«Taken together with All Souls’ Day, which falls on 2 ‘November, it is a time assigned in the Christian calendar for honoring the saints and the newly departed. In past centuries, it was also the ‘occasion for praying for souls in purgatory.» — el lugar de la fiesta en el calendario cristiano: honrar a los santos y a los recién muertos, y en siglos pasados rezar por las almas del purgatorio

«Some folklorists have detected its origins in the Roman feast of Pomona, the goddess of fruits and seeds, or in the festival of the dead called Parentalia. More typically, it has been linked to the Celtic festival of Samhain or Samuin (pronounced sow-an or sow-in), meaning summer’s end.» — según Rogers, algunos folcloristas remiten el origen a la Pomonalia o a la Parentalia romanas, y más comúnmente al Samhain celta, que Rogers traduce *summer’s end*

«In the tenth-century Gaelic text Tochmare Emire, the heroine Emer mentions Samhain as the first of the four quarter days in the medieval Irish calendar, “when the summer goes to its rest» — el testimonio más antiguo que aduce: en el Tochmarc Emire, Emer nombra Samhain como el primero de los cuatro días de cuarto del calendario irlandés medieval

«closely Halloween’s religious origins and practices, its cultural links with other early modern festivals, and its tortuous and uneven survival in post-reformation Britain.» — el plan del capítulo segundo: los orígenes y prácticas religiosas, los vínculos con otras fiestas de la primera modernidad y la supervivencia desigual en la Gran Bretaña posterior a la Reforma; el tramo empieza a media frase porque el troceo corta en el cambio de plana tras *Chapter 2 explores more*

«is commonly thought to have pagan origins, even though its etymology is Christian, Halloween is, quite literally, the popular derivative of All Hallow Even, or the eve of All Saints» — el arranque del capítulo primero: la etimología es cristiana aunque se le supongan orígenes paganos; la capitular se pierde y el OCR imprime *Hess:* por Halloween

«Yet because Halloween is popularly associated with the supernatural, it is often believed to have strong pagan roots that were never eliminated by the holiday's subsequent Christianization.» — la asociación popular con lo sobrenatural es lo que hace creer en raíces paganas que la cristianización no habría borrado

«Paired with the feast of Beltane, which celebrated the life-generating powers of the sun, Samhain beckoned to winter and the dark nights ahead.» — Samhain hacía par con Beltane: uno celebraba los poderes del sol que engendran vida y el otro llamaba al invierno

«The feast of Samhain was the occasion of stock-taking and in-gathering, of reorganizing communities for the winter months, including the preparation of quarters for itinerant warriors and shamans.» — la función práctica de la fiesta: inventario, recogida y reorganización de la comunidad para el invierno (el guion de *in-gathering* se restituye porque el impreso lo parte a fin de renglón, en paralelo con *stock-taking*)

«Te was also a period of supernatural intensity, when the forces of darkness and decay were said to be abroad, spilling out from the sid, the ancient mounds or barrows of the countryside. To ward off these spirits, the Irish built huge, symbolically regenerative bonfires and invoked the help of the gods through animal and perhaps even human sacrifice.» — el otro lado: tiempo de intensidad sobrenatural en que lo que sale de los *sid* se conjura con hogueras y sacrificios (el OCR pega *It* en *Te*)

«Not all writers agree on precisely what went on at the feast of Samhain, but many stress its elemental primitivism and its enduring legacy to the character of Halloween, particularly in terms of its omens, propitiations, and links to the otherworld.» — consigna el desacuerdo entre los autores sin arbitrarlo, y retiene lo que muchos subrayan: presagios, propiciaciones y trato con el otro mundo

«Although the divinatory practices associated with Halloween have long since disappeared, the holiday's netherworld resonances are still reproduced in jack-o'-lanterns and ghoulish garb.» — las prácticas adivinatorias desaparecieron pero las resonancias del inframundo siguen en las calabazas y el disfraz macabro

«Indeed, in recent years the supernatural qualities of Halloween have been revitalized by two opposing groups: new-age pagans and the religious Right.» — dos grupos opuestos revitalizaron lo sobrenatural de la fiesta: los paganos *new-age* y la derecha religiosa

«It was quintessentially “an old pastoral and agricultural festival; wrote» — Rogers cita a J. A. MacCulloch, que tenía Samhain por fiesta pastoril y agrícola vieja; el tramo se corta en el cambio de plana y la frase sigue en la 27

«which in time came to be looked upon as affording assistance to the powers of growth in their conflict with the powers of blight» — la continuación de la frase de MacCulloch en la plana siguiente: la fiesta acabó viéndose como auxilio de las fuerzas del crecimiento contra las de la plaga

«The first has stressed the “natural uncanniness” of Halloween and its therapeutic qualities in helping people “touch the realms of myth and imagination” and “come to terms with their fears of change and death» — según Rogers, los paganos *new-age* subrayan lo inquietante natural de la fiesta y su valor terapéutico para tratar con el miedo al cambio y a la muerte

«The Christian evangelists, in contrast, have denounced its “satanism” and its glorification of evil. Some have even claimed that Halloween is “one of the four black sabbaths when witches meet to worship the devil.» — según Rogers, los evangélicos denuncian el satanismo de la fiesta y algunos la cuentan entre los cuatro sabbats negros en que las brujas adoran al diablo

«Not surprisingly, they have urged school boards to ban Halloween celebrations because of the day’s flagrantly un-Christian overtones.» — de ahí la presión sobre los consejos escolares para prohibir la celebración

«In the meantime, entrepreneurs, eager to cash in on the scariest night of the year, are not averse to replicating the nastiest narratives of Samhain.» — y en medio, los empresarios del ramo replican los relatos más truculentos de Samhain

«Although John Carpenter's cult horror movie Halloween made no reference to ancient Celtic rites, the same was not true of its sequels.» — la película de Carpenter no aludía a ritos celtas; sus secuelas sí

«In Halloween 3, a crazed manufacturer of Irish descent (Conal Cochran) contrives to immolate children by inserting a life-threatening force from Stonchenge into their Halloween masks.» — en Halloween 3 el fabricante Conal Cochran mata niños metiendo en las máscaras una fuerza tomada de Stonehenge (el OCR imprime *Stonchenge*)

«By the sixth, Halloween: The Curse of Michael Myers, even the medical establishment of Myers’s former hospital has been infected with the Samhain bug, quite ready to appease the life force through a black mass and the ritual sacrifice of an infant child.» — en la sexta entrega el hospital mismo aparece contagiado del culto, con misa negra y sacrificio de un niño

«Here the film toys with the notion that Samhain involved a macabre rite in which first-born children were sacrificed to the gods of darkness.» — el guion juega con la idea de un rito en que se sacrificaban primogénitos a los dioses de la oscuridad

«Whatever new-age devotees might think about Samhain’s gentler, therapeutic qualities, its savagery has been marketable.» — la contraposición que le interesa: piensen lo que piensen los devotos *new-age* de la dulzura terapéutica de Samhain, lo vendible ha sido su salvajismo

«the hunt for the psychotic serial killer Michael Myers, someone smears SAMHAIN on a schoo! wall. Itis a sign that prompts Myers’s former analyst, Dr. Sam Loomis, to expound on the Druidic sacrifices of animals and humans in an attempt to foretell the future through their “contorted bodies”» — en Halloween 2 alguien escribe SAMHAIN en un muro y eso mueve al doctor Sam Loomis a disertar sobre los sacrificios drúidicos y el augurio por los cuerpos contorsionados de las víctimas

«We can dismiss the argument that Samhain was “satanic” or that in some essentialist sense Halloween is a “satanic ritual? as the Reverend Pat Robertson, the founder of the Christian Coalition, declared in 1982.» — objeta el argumento de que Samhain fuera satánico o Halloween un ritual satánico, como declaró en 1982 el reverendo Pat Robertson, fundador de la Christian Coalition

«Although a few pre-Christian religions depicted a dualistic struggle between the God of Light and the God of Darkness, Satanism is essentially a Christian creation, a travesty of Christian forms centered on the fallen rebel angel, Lucifer.» — su razón: el satanismo es creación cristiana, remedo de formas cristianas centrado en el ángel rebelde

«In fact, the monism of the early Christian church left little room for Satan. His infernal majesty made his entrance in the Book of Job, appeared more frequently in the New ‘Testament, and came to the fore only in the writings of St. Augustine.» — traza la entrada tardía de Satán: el monismo de la iglesia primitiva le dejaba poco sitio, aparece en Job, más en el Nuevo Testamento y pasa al frente solo con Agustín

«Certainly, Satanism was incompatible with the polytheism of the ancient Celts. Indeed, the belief in satanic cults blossomed only in the late ‘medieval era when it formed part of the persecutory discourse against heretics and witches—long after the demise of Samhain.» — y el satanismo era incompatible con el politeísmo celta: la creencia en cultos satánicos florece en el discurso persecutorio bajomedieval contra herejes y brujas, mucho después de Samhain

«The issue of whether or not the celebrants of Samhain appeased the gods with animal or human sacrifice is, however, more contentious. Although some of the Celtic folklore hints at sacrificial rites involving ‘humans, the main literary evidence is derived from the classical authors» — el punto que sí tiene por discutible: si los celebrantes aplacaban a los dioses con sacrificio animal o humano; el grueso de la prueba literaria es de autores clásicos

«These writers, including Julius Caesar, Strabo, and Diodorus, decried the practice of human sacrifice at a time when the Roman world no longer thought it compatible with civilization.» — nombra a los tres autores clásicos y la fecha desde la que escriben: un mundo romano que ya no tenía el sacrificio humano por civilizado

«These were not first-hand accounts but scholarly ruminations on the beliefs, superstitions, and practices of the “barbarous peoples” north of the Alps.» — no son testimonios de primera mano sino elucubraciones eruditas sobre los pueblos bárbaros del norte de los Alpes

«Moreover, they were mainly negative constructs prompted by what the authors saw as dramatic affronts to civilized society. As such, they might tell us more about the Romans than about their warring neighbors of northern Europe.» — y son construcciones negativas que quizá digan más de los romanos que de sus vecinos

«None of these accounts specifically mentions Samhain, either. Their focus was altogether more general, referring only to the execrable practices of the Gauls, or the Keltoi, and to the seers or Druids» — ninguno de esos relatos nombra Samhain: hablan de los galos o Keltoi y de los druidas que oficiaban

«Itis by way of the Druids that the link to Samhain hhas been made, on the assumption that they were the principal ofÏciators of sacrificial rites in the Celtic north and that their rites were intrinsic to Samhain, as they were to other quarterly festivals» — el enlace con Samhain se hace por los druidas, dando por supuesto que oficiaban los ritos sacrificiales y que esos ritos eran propios de la fiesta (el OCR pega *It is* en *Itis*)

«The idea that the Druids engaged in human sacrifice is not implausible, although the references to their activities are frustratingly fleeting.» — no niega la verosimilitud del sacrificio humano drúidico; mide la prueba y la halla fugaz

«The most detailed account of a Druidic ceremony comes from Pliny the Elder (23 or 24-70 a.) but it concerns the sacrifice of two white bulls on the sixth day of the moon in what was very likely a routine fertility rite rather than a special ceremony.» — el relato más detallado, el de Plinio el Viejo, trata de dos toros blancos en el día sexto de la luna, probablemente rito ordinario de fertilidad

«Pliny thought the affair pretty trivial, and condescendingly remarked that “such are the religious feelings that are entertained towards trifling things by many peoples.» — y Plinio lo tenía por cosa trivial

«Writers from previous generations, such as Strabo of Amasia and Diodorus of Sicily, were more forthcoming. Diodorus was especially intrigued by the Druidic practice of stabbing victims and auguring from their death-throes.» — Estrabón y Diodoro son más explícitos; a Diodoro le interesaba el apuñalamiento de víctimas y el augurio por su agonía

«Strabo made the same observations about divining from the “death struggle? although he also referred to death by impalement or arrow, even though archery was nota normal part of Celtic warfare.» — Estrabón observa lo mismo sobre el augurio por la agonía, y añade la muerte por empalamiento o flecha aunque el arco no fuera arma celta corriente

«The Roman historian Tacitus was more graphic in his Annals. He denounced the “savage cults” of the Druids, specifically their propensity to “slake the altars with captive blood and to consult their deities by means of human entrails» — según Rogers, Tácito denuncia en los Anales los cultos salvajes de los druidas, que regaban los altares con sangre cautiva y consultaban a sus dioses por las entrañas humanas

«Without a doubr, the most dramatic account of human sacrifice came from the pens of Strabo, Julius Caesar, and Diodorus, all of whom referred to the huge human-like wicker structures into which living men. were cast before they perished in fire.» — el relato más dramático es el del hombre de mimbre, en Estrabón, César y Diodoro (el OCR imprime *doubr* por doubt)

«The Druids, claimed Caesar, believed “that unless for a man’s life a man’ life be paid, the majesty of the immortal gods may not be appeased; and in public, as in private life, they observe an ordinance of sacrifices of the same kind. Others use figures of immense size, whose limbs, woven out of twigs, they fill with living men and set on fire, and the men perish in a sheet of flame» — según Rogers, César atribuye a los druidas la doctrina de que solo una vida paga otra vida, y describe las figuras de mimbre llenas de hombres vivos

«This extraordinary account, very likely derived from the Syrian historian Posidonius, so captivated the Englishman Aylett Sammes that in his Britannia Antiqua Illustrata of 1676, he commissioned an engraving of the wicker man for his readers, “the strangeness of which Custome I hhave here thought not amiss to represent.» — remite el relato a Posidonio de Siria y consigna que de ahí sale el grabado del hombre de mimbre encargado por Aylett Sammes para su Britannia Antiqua Illustrata de 1676

«Predictably, it is an image that has made a comeback in Halloween horror drama, forming the sinister subtext to the British-made production The Wicker Man (3973), which has become something of a cult movie in the United States.» — y esa imagen vuelve en el cine de horror con The Wicker Man, película de culto en Estados Unidos (el OCR imprime *3973* por 1973)

«Admirers of the Druids have sought to dispel the accuracy of these accounts by emphasizing their second, even third-hand derivation, and their very obvious propagandist value to the Roman imperial war effort.» — según Rogers, los admiradores de los druidas objetan esos relatos por ser de segunda o tercera mano y por su valor de propaganda para el esfuerzo bélico imperial

«It was predictable that the Romans should charge the Keltoi with barbaric habits that they themselves had publicly repudiated in an attempt to vindicate their own conquests and improve troop morale.» — su lectura del interés romano: imputar a los Keltoi hábitos bárbaros que ellos mismos habían repudiado servía para justificar la conquista y levantar la moral de la tropa

«Strabo even attributed cannibalism and incest to the barbarous Celts. “They count it an honourable thing, when their fathers die, to devour them, and openly have intercourse, not only with other women, but» — Estrabón llega a imputarles canibalismo e incesto; el tramo se corta en el cambio de plana y sigue en la 33 con *also with their mothers and sisters*

«also with their mothers and sisters? he remarked in his Geqgraphy.!8 Yet Strabo also added that he had no trustworthy witnesses for such an allegation, reinforcing the impression that the Romans and their supporters were interested only in denigrating the Celtic character and way of life.» — pero el propio Estrabón dice no tener testigos fiables, lo que refuerza para Rogers que el interés era denigrar (el OCR imprime *Geqgraphy* por Geography)

«This skepticism is strengthened by the fact that there are few references to human sacrifice in the ancient Irish sagas. There are certainly references to tributes, and to tributes on Samhain.» — el otro apoyo de su reserva: las sagas irlandesas antiguas casi no hablan de sacrificio humano, sí de tributos

«In his History of Ireland, written in the seventeenth century, Geoffrey Keating noted that the Fomorians demanded milk, corn, and two-thirds of the newly born children from the ancient race of Neimheadh “on the eve ‘of Samhain? But whether or not this tribute involved blood sacrifices is unclear.» — según Rogers, Geoffrey Keating consigna el tributo de leche, grano y dos tercios de los recién nacidos que los fomorianos exigían en la víspera de Samhain, sin que se sepa si había sangre de por medio

«First-born sacrifices are mentioned in a poem in the Dindshenchas, which records that children were sacrificed cach Samhain to the idol Cromm Criaich [the lord of the mound] at Mag Slécht in County Cavan.» — el poema del Dindshenchas registra niños sacrificados cada Samhain al ídolo Cromm Criaich en Mag Slécht, condado de Cavan

«But this may well have been embroidery, an embellishment by its Christian recorder that was intended to inflate the importance of St. Patrick, who is credited with eliminating such practices from Ireland,» — y lo tiene por posible bordado de su registrador cristiano, hecho para agrandar a san Patricio

«Human sacrifices are also noted in some of the folktales concerning the life of St. Columba, or Colm Cille, as he is known in Gaelic. In these stories there are references to a monk from Tona named Odran, a disciple of St. Patrick, who against the beliefs of his master offered himself in sacrifice to propitiate the demons that infested the isle of Iona, or to forestall famine, or, at St. Columba’s request, to put down roots for a permanent Christian settlement in this» — los relatos sobre Columba o Colm Cille traen a Odran, monje de Iona, ofreciéndose en sacrificio contra los demonios de la isla, contra el hambre o para fundar asentamiento cristiano

«This evidence suggests that human sacrifice was customary at the dawn of the Christian age and indeed was not necessarily rejected as a form of divine appeasement by Christians themselves. Yet St. Patrick, in his own account of his campaign against pagan customs, makes no mention of human sacrifice at all.» — de ahí infiere que el sacrificio humano era usual al alba de la era cristiana y que los cristianos no lo rechazaban de plano; y anota que el propio Patricio no lo menciona

«The discovery of pits in the sanctuary floor of an Irish site on the hill of Tara in County Meath, all filled with the bones of animals and humans, also suggest sacrificial rites. The more recent excavations of bog men in Denmark and Britain point in the same direction.» — los pozos de la colina de Tara, llenos de huesos de animales y humanos, y los hombres de turbera de Dinamarca y Gran Bretaña

«In the case of the “Lindow Man; the body found on Lindow Moss south of Manchester in 1984, the victim appeared to have been struck from behind, garrotted, and bled as he was dropped into the bog. It is, of course, conjecture as to whether or not this was a ritual sacrifice, let alone a sacrifice that likely occurred at a Celtic festival, but the suggestion that human sacrifice was part of the culture of the ancient “British” peoples cannot be easily dismissed.» — el caso del hombre de Lindow, golpeado por la espalda, agarrotado y desangrado; Rogers deja la lectura ritual en conjetura y aun así no descarta la práctica

«The second factor that must be taken into account revolves around the status of the early Irish sagas as historical evidence. These sagas were part of a long vernacular tradition that was written down centuries later and probably in corrupted and abbreviated form.» — la segunda razón: las sagas irlandesas son tradición oral puesta por escrito siglos después y probablemente corrompida

«These stories should be read as clues to the mystery of ancient lore and to the art of story-telling rather than as straightforward evidence of social practice. It is difÏcult to see how one can write a literal history of ancient Celtic peoples from these sources.» — de ahí que las lea como pistas del arte de narrar y no como prueba directa de práctica social (el OCR rinde *difficult* como *difÏcult*)

«Thus, it is dangerous to infer that no sacrifices took place because the Irish myths made litte reference to them. The Romans may well have embellished their accounts of the sacrificial rites of their enemies, but their accounts cannot be discounted altogether.» — el corolario simétrico: el silencio del mito irlandés no prueba que no hubiera sacrificios, ni el adorno romano invalida del todo sus relatos

«Nor, as historian Stuart Piggot has observed, can the Druids be exculpated from participating in them.18 As the wise men of ancient Celtic societies, the Druidic priests very likely played an important role in appeasing the gods. The depiction of them as peace-loving bards is really an eighteenth- and nineteenth-century invention.» — según Rogers, el historiador Stuart Piggot no exculpa a los druidas; y la imagen del druida bardo pacífico la data en los siglos XVIII y XIX

«None of this evidence conclusively establishes Samhain as a peculiarly sanguinary festival, whatever Hollywood has subsequently made of it.» — el balance del tramo: nada de esa prueba fija a Samhain como fiesta sanguinaria, diga lo que diga Hollywood

«But the sanguinary aspect of Samhain more frequently involved the annual slaughter of animals to reduce the livestock in the lean winter months rather than the ritual killing of humans, whether criminals, as Julius Caesar surmised, or first-born children, or tribal enemies.» — lo sangriento de Samhain era más bien la matanza anual de ganado para aligerar el invierno

«In fact, the pagan origins of Halloween generally flow not from this sacrificial evidence but from a different set of symbolic practices. These revolve around the notion of Samhain as a festival of the dead and asa time of supernatural intensity heralding the onset of winter.» — los orígenes paganos de Halloween no vienen de la prueba sacrificial sino de otro juego de prácticas simbólicas: la fiesta de los muertos y la intensidad sobrenatural del umbral del invierno

«In marking the onset of winter, Samhain was closely associated with darkness and the supernatural. In Celtic lore, winter was the dark time of the year when “nature is asleep, summer has returned to the underworld, and the earth is desolate and inhospitable?23 In Cornwall and Brittany, November was known as the dark or black month, the first of winter» — Rogers ata Samhain al umbral del invierno y a lo sobrenatural, y recoge los nombres del mes oscuro en Cornualles y Bretaña (la capa de texto pega la llamada de nota en *inhospitable?23*)

«As night overwhelmed day, so the supernatural abounded. In Ireland, the fé,fiada, the magic fog that rendered people invisible, was lifted on ‘Samhain, and elves emerged from the fairy raths, erasing the boundaries between the real and otherworld.» — según Rogers, en Irlanda el *fé,fiada* —la niebla mágica que volvía invisible a la gente— se levantaba en Samhain y los elfos salían de los *fairy raths*, borrando el linde entre este mundo y el otro

«In the Irish saga the Book of Lismore, Fingein was visited every Samhain by a banshee, a fairy-woman, “who ‘would relate to him all the marvels and precious things in all the royal strongholds of Ireland? In the long nights of impending winter, the festival was closely related with prophecy and story-telling.» — Rogers cita la saga irlandesa del *Book of Lismore*, donde Fingein recibe cada Samhain la visita de una banshee, para atar la fiesta a la profecía y al arte de contar

«Mythic kings and heroes died on Samhain, and carousing Ulster warriors, the Uliad, met their death by fire and the sword at the hands of their Munster enemies. Samhain was also the ‘occasion when the Formorians exacted tributes of grain, milk, and live children from their subordinates and when malevolent gods strove unsuccessfully to burn Tara, the meeting place of the five Irish provinces.» — el inventario mítico que enuncia: reyes y héroes mueren en Samhain, los Ulaid caen a manos de sus enemigos de Munster, los fomorianos cobran tributos de grano, leche y niños vivos, y dioses malévolos intentan quemar Tara

«It represented a time out of time, a brief interval “when the normal order of the universe is suspended” and “charged with a peculiar preternatural energy”?» — y por eso lo dice como tiempo fuera del tiempo, intervalo en que el orden normal del universo queda suspendido y cargado de una energía preternatural

«What was especially noteworthy about Samhain was its status as a borderline festival. It took place between the autumn equinox and the winter solstice. In Celtic lore, it marked the boundary between summer» — la tesis del capítulo: lo notable de Samhain es su condición de fiesta de linde, entre el equinoccio de otoño y el solsticio de invierno; el troceo parte aquí (fin de chunk002) y el impreso sigue *and winter, light and darkness. In this respect, Samhain can be seen as a threshold, or what anthropologists would call a liminal festival*

«Samhain imparted to Halloween a supernatural charge and an {intrinsic liminality, it did not offer much in the way of actual ritual practices, save in its fire rites.» — el arranque del capítulo *Festive Rites*: Samhain le dio a Halloween carga sobrenatural y liminalidad, pero casi ningún rito, salvo los del fuego (la capitular sale como *£* en la capa de texto)

«In England and Germany, this celebration took place on 1 November. In Ireland, it was commemorated on 20 April, a chronology that contradicts the widely held view that the November date was chosen to Christianize the festival of Samhain.» — el dato con que Rogers objeta la idea corriente de que el 1 de noviembre se eligió para cristianizar Samhain: en Irlanda la fiesta de todos los santos se conmemoraba el 20 de abril

«Almost 250 years later, in 998, the abbot of Cluny, Odilo, ordered a solemn mass for the souls of the Christian dead in his monastery and its afÏliated houses. The date Odilo chose was in February, but over the course of the next two centuries, the commemoration was moved to the day after All Saints’ on the grounds that saints could be important intercessors for departed souls facing divine judgment.» — traza la cronología: Odilón de Cluny ordena en 998 una misa solemne por los muertos, en febrero, y en dos siglos la conmemoración se muda al día siguiente de Todos los Santos

«It was a holiday that afÏrmed the collective claims that the dead had on the living. Its requiem masses also served as insurance against hauntings, for ghosts were generally “understood to be dead relatives who visited their kin to rectify wrongs committed against them while alive and to enforce the obligations of kinship”!» — según Rogers, la fiesta afirmaba el derecho colectivo de los muertos sobre los vivos, y las misas de réquiem servían de seguro contra apariciones (el OCR rinde *affirmed* como *afÏrmed*)

«As night fell and All Souls’ Day arrived, bells were also rung for the souls in purgatory. These were people who were in a spiritual suspension, in an intermediary space between heaven and hell, for whom prayers and penance could be made for their sins before the day of judgment.» — el toque de campanas por las almas del purgatorio, gente en suspensión espiritual entre el cielo y el infierno

«In preparation for Hallowtide, churches made sure that their bells were in good shape, for in some places they were rung all night to ward off demonic spirits. In the churchwardens’ accounts of Heybridge in Essex in 1517, for example, there were payments to Andrew Elyott and John Gidney of Maldon to repair the “bell knappelle” and rope for “Hallowmasse”?» — la prueba documental que aporta: las cuentas de los mayordomos de Heybridge, en Essex, pagan en 1517 a Andrew Elyott y John Gidney de Maldon el arreglo de la campana para *Hallowmasse* (nombres tal cual el troceo, sin cotejo con el facsímil)

«In Naples, the charnel houses containing the bones of the dead were opened on All Souls’ Day and decorated with flowers. Crowds thronged through them to visit the bodies of their friends and relatives. Sometimes the cadavers were dressed in robes and placed in niches along the walls.» — la costumbre napolitana que registra: los osarios se abrían el Día de Difuntos, se adornaban con flores y los cadáveres se vestían y se ponían en nichos

«The festival honoring all souls was largely the inspiration of the Cluniacs, the French monastic order, although the Spanish churches were probably the first to develop such a holy day» — atribuye la fiesta de los difuntos a los cluniacenses franceses y apunta que las iglesias españolas probablemente la tuvieron antes; la plana corta aquí la palabra *com-/memorated* y el impreso sigue *since they commemorated the “faithfully departed” on Pentecost Monday as early as 650*

«At Salerno, and indeed elsewhere in Catholic Europe, household members would lay out food for the dead, whose souls were expected to return to their former abodes on All Souls’ Day. As we see in chapter 7, this practice has obvious links to the current rituals of the Mexican Day of the Dead, notably to the meticulously prepared offendas, or family altars.» — la comida puesta para los muertos en Salerno y en la Europa católica, que Rogers ata desde ya a las *ofrendas* del Día de Muertos mexicano del capítulo 7 (el troceo imprime *offendas*)

«In England, many churches purchased extra candles or torches for the ecclesiastical processions of Hallowtide. Bonfires were also built in {graveyards to ward off malevolent spirits. At one rich parish in London, St. Mary Woolnoth, five young garlanded women were hired in 1539 to play harps by lamplight.#» — el gasto de las parroquias inglesas en cirios y hogueras de camposanto, y la contratación en 1539 de cinco muchachas enguirnaldadas para tocar el arpa a la luz de las lámparas en St. Mary Woolnoth de Londres

«In fact, it became customary in many towns and villages for the richer parishioners to offer doles to the poor during Hallowtide in return for prayers to the dead, emulating the medieval custom of the well-to-do, who left small bequests for this purpose to parishes or chantries.» — la limosna de Hallowtide: los feligreses ricos daban comida a los pobres a cambio de oraciones por los muertos, a imitación de los legados medievales a parroquias y capellanías

«The spectacle of the poor receiving food for prayers at Hallowtide was well established by Shakespeare’ day. In his comedy Tivo Gentlemen of Verona, Speed mockingly accuses his master of “puling [whining or whimpering], like a beggar at Hallowmas?®» — según Rogers, la escena estaba tan asentada que Shakespeare la usa en *Two Gentlemen of Verona*, donde Speed acusa a su amo de lloriquear como pordiosero en Hallowmas (el troceo imprime *Tivo Gentlemen*)

«To prepare for winter, the slaughter of livestock conventionally began in earnest on All Saints? Day. As one sixteenth-century tract putit: “At Hallontide slaughter time entereth in?6» — la matanza de ganado empezaba en firme el día de Todos los Santos, y cita un tratado del siglo XVI: *At Hallontide slaughter time entereth in*

«This was a boon to local lads. The dead animals provided bladders that could be used for ball games, inaugurating the beginning ‘of the foorball season when rival villages, or rival ends of the same village, would try to rough and tumble their way to victory.» — de la matanza salían las vejigas para los juegos de pelota, con lo que Hallowtide abría la temporada de futbol entre aldeas rivales

«clergy led a solemn procession to the graveyard, where the local people ‘would consecrate the graves of their kin with holy water or milk.» — en Bretaña, según Rogers, el clero llevaba una procesión solemne al camposanto y los vecinos consagraban las tumbas de los suyos con agua bendita o leche; la frase viene de la plana anterior, que cierra *In Brittany, the*

«but its liturgy also referred to “the wise virgins awaiting the coming of the bridegroom; thereby anticipating forthcoming marriages and a replenishing of the Christian flock.» — la liturgia de Todos los Santos hablaba de las vírgenes prudentes que esperan al esposo, con lo que, según Rogers, anunciaba bodas y repoblación del rebaño cristiano

«Because this injunction to marry was also sung by choristers with their hoods up “in the manner of virgin women? it also introduced the season of masking and impersonation that by then characterized the November and Christmas calendar.”» — y como los coristas lo cantaban encapuchados *in the manner of virgin women*, abría la temporada de máscara y suplantación de noviembre y Navidad

«In this season of misrule, choristers became boy bishops and urban leaders were temporarily usurped from power by mock-mayors and sheriffs in a ritualized topsy-turvy world replete with “subtle disguisings, masks, and mummeries?®» — la temporada del *misrule*: obispillos, alcaldes y alguaciles de burla que desplazan un rato a las autoridades urbanas en un mundo al revés

«In country districts, “the wilde heades of the parish” chose a “Ground Capitaine [grand captain] of mischeef whom they innoble with the title of my Lorde of Misscrule?» — lo que Rogers expone de Philip Stubbs: en el campo las cabezas salvajes de la parroquia elegían un capitán del desorden al que ennoblecían como *my Lorde of Misscrule* (nombres y grafías tal cual el troceo, sin cotejo con el facsímil)

«These mummers demanded tributes from the neighborhood to maintain their “Heathenerie, Devilrie? and “Drunkennesse? Stubbs continued. Those that refused to contribute were “mocked and flouted at shamefully, yea, and many times carried upon the cowlstaff, and dived head and ears in water, and otherwise most horribly abused?» — sigue Stubbs, según Rogers: los mimos cobraban tributo al vecindario para su *Heathenerie* y a quien no daba lo zambullían de cabeza en el agua sobre el palo de la colada

«Consequently, Hallowtide was closely associated with the role reversals and shaming rituals~rough music, ‘skimmingtons, charivari—that became an integral part of early modern popular culture.!0» — de ahí que ate Hallowtide a las inversiones de papel y a los ritos de escarnio —*rough music*, *skimmingtons*, charivari— de la cultura popular moderna temprana (el troceo pega el guion ondulado en *rituals~rough*)

«Indeed, at Hallowtide in 1631, in a small village called ‘Chéne near Geneva, Besangon Daussy was subjected to a humiliating charivari for allowing his wife to abuse him. In the eyes of his neighbors, he had abrogated his role as the head of his household.» — el caso que trae: en 1631, en *Chéne*, cerca de Ginebra, Besangon Daussy sufre charivari por dejarse maltratar de su mujer, es decir, por abdicar de su papel de cabeza de casa (nombres tal cual el troceo)

«mistreatment, his house was stoned, his vines were cut, and his cow was sold. The organizers of the charivari, resenting his appeal to outsiders, also defamed Daussy and his wife with cries of “bougre” [bogey] and “sorcier” [witch].!!» — el desenlace del charivari de Daussy: por acudir a las autoridades le apedrean la casa, le cortan las vides y le venden la vaca, y a él y a su mujer los difaman a gritos de *bougre* y *sorcier*

«Hallowtide was thus one of those occasions when flagrant violations of community norms might be addressed. It was a time when choristers would cross-dress and begin the revels that culminated in the Christmas Feast of Fools, normally reserved for 28 December, the Feast of the Holy Innocents. It was a time when youths rang bells for their dead ancestors and extended their misrule into the streets.!?» — Rogers enuncia la función: Hallowtide era ocasión de ajustar cuentas con quien violaba las normas de la comunidad, con coristas travestidos y mozos tocando las campanas por sus muertos

«As one poet put it: “How fit our well-rank’d Feasts do follow/All mischief comes after All-Hallow."!8» — el verso que cita como resumen de la temporada: *All mischief comes after All-Hallow*

«In less formal settings, it was a time when the young men of the village would ring in the winter season, play the fool, gang together to play football, and perhaps, under cover of that collective, carry out some rough justice against unpopular neighbors.» — y en el registro informal, los mozos abrían el invierno, hacían el tonto, se juntaban a jugar futbol y, al amparo del grupo, cobraban justicia ruda contra vecinos mal vistos

«honoring the dead. All Souls’ was often marked by reverence rather than profanity. It was quintessentially a day for honoring the dead, with midnight vigils at gravesites and, until the eighteenth century, domestic offerings of food and clothing for the recently departed.» — el contrapeso solemne: el Día de Difuntos era de reverencia, con vigilias de medianoche junto a las tumbas y ofrendas domésticas de comida y ropa para los recién muertos hasta el siglo XVIII

«As late as a century ago in Catholic Ireland, it was commonly believed that the dead would return on All Hallow Eve or on the days thereafter. In New- ‘market, County Cork, the “woman of the house” would light candles and leave spring water for the deceased visitors.!4» — la costumbre irlandesa que recoge: en Newmarket, condado de Cork, la *woman of the house* encendía velas y dejaba agua de manantial para los visitantes difuntos (la plana parte la palabra *New-/market*)

«In England, the rituals of Hallowtide came under attack during the Reformation of the sixteenth century. Protestants denounced purgatory as a popish doctrine incompatible with the notion of predestination. They deplored the idea that the living could influence the condition of the dead through their prayers and rejected the belief that the saints could function as intermediaries between humans and Christ.» — la Reforma inglesa contra Hallowtide: los protestantes tienen el purgatorio por doctrina papista incompatible con la predestinación y niegan que los vivos puedan influir en los muertos con sus oraciones

«Determined to eliminate all rituals that upheld such a notion, Archbishop Thomas Cranmer attempted to abolish the ringing of bells for the dead in 1546, But Henry VIII refused to sign the edict, believing it might jeopardize a potential rapprochement with France and the Holy Roman Empire. His more Protestant son, Edward VI, had fewer reservations. His royal commissions successfully enforced a ban in 1548, with only a few parishes defying the injunction.» — la cronología de la prohibición: Cranmer intenta abolir en 1546 el toque de campanas por los muertos, Enrique VIII no firma el edicto por no estropear un acercamiento a Francia y al Imperio, y Eduardo VI lo impone en 1548

«The rituals of Hallowmass were revived briefly under his Catholic successor, Mary, but they were checked once more under Elizabeth I, when the services com- ‘memorating the dead were dropped from the litany of 159. All Saints? Day was retained, but as an occasion to celebrate the saints as outstanding Christians, not as semi-divine intercessors.» — el vaivén siguiente: María los revive, Isabel I los vuelve a cortar y los oficios por los muertos salen de la letanía, y Todos los Santos queda como fiesta de cristianos ejemplares, no de intercesores semidivinos (el troceo imprime el año como *159*)

«It proved more difÏcult for the Anglican Church to eliminate the devotions to the dead than to eliminate other Catholic practices, because some of them could be practiced without clerical guidance or ornaments.» — y señala por qué costó más: esas devociones podían practicarse sin clero ni ornamentos (el OCR rinde *difficult* como *difÏcult*)

«By the end of Elizabeth's reign, the ofÏcial practices surrounding Hallowmass had been eliminated, Yet the more popular customs associated with the holiday did survive in some areas. According to the Gentleman’s Magazine for 1783, Catholics continued to light fires on hilltops on All Saints’ Night.!7» — el balance de Rogers: al final del reinado de Isabel lo oficial estaba borrado, pero lo popular sobrevivió, y según la *Gentleman's Magazine* de 1783 los católicos seguían encendiendo lumbres en los cerros la noche de Todos los Santos

«In the more remote areas of the Pennines there were torchlight ceremonies to commemorate the dead, At Whalley, in Lancashire, near the forest of Pendle, families formed a circle and prayed for the souls of the departed until the flames burned out. Similar Hallowtide rituals were observed in the Derbyshire village of Findern, on the moors of Marton, and in the hills surrounding the Fylde, sometimes on sites known as “Purgatory field” or “Purgatory farm?» — las ceremonias de antorchas de los Peninos: en Whalley, Lancashire, cerca del bosque de Pendle, las familias hacían círculo y rezaban por los difuntos hasta que se apagaba la llama, en parajes llamados *Purgatory field* o *Purgatory farm* (topónimos tal cual el troceo)

«It was reported, for instance, that the farmers in Fylde would circle their fields “with a burning wisp of straw at the point of a fork” to protect the crop from weeds.!8» — el uso que recoge del Fylde: los labradores rodeaban sus campos con un manojo de paja ardiendo en la punta de la horca para librar la cosecha de malas hierbas

«Alongside these fire rituals was the more extensive practice of “souling? The custom of baking bread or soul cakes for “all crysten [christened] souls” was well established before the Reformation. This food was conventionally distributed to all relatives and poor neighbors who offered to pray for the souls in purgatory, underscoring the belief that prayers and ritual practices could smooth or speed a soul’s passage to heaven.19» — el *souling*: pan de ánimas para *all crysten souls*, repartido entre parientes y vecinos pobres que rezaran por las almas del purgatorio, sobre la creencia de que el rezo aligera el paso al cielo

«This custom was likely revived or revamped by Catholics as a popular response to the elimination of All Souls’ Day from the ofÏcial religious calendar by the Protestants. The antiquary John Aubrey noted its popularity in seventcenth-century Shropshire.» — y lo lee como respuesta católica a la supresión protestante del Día de Difuntos, con el anticuario John Aubrey como testigo del Shropshire del siglo XVII (el troceo imprime *seventcenth*)

«in England. In Wellington, Somerset, in 1604, revelers attacked a constable who attempted to suppress the customary festivities.16» — la resistencia rural que registra: en Wellington, Somerset, en 1604 los juerguistas atacaron al alguacil que quiso cortar la fiesta; el troceo parte aquí el chunk y la frase abre en la plana anterior con *In more remote areas of the country, Hallowtide nonetheless survived for a few more decades*

«on the Board a high-heap of Soule-cakes? he remarked, “lyeing one upon another like the picture of the Sew-Bread in the old Bibles. They are about the bignesse of 2d {tuppenny] cakes and nearly all the visitants that day take one?’ upon reciting the rhyme, A Soule-cake, a Soule-cake, Have mercy on all Christian soules for a soule-cake.20» — lo que expone de John Aubrey: el montón de *Soule-cakes* sobre la mesa, del tamaño de un pan de dos peniques, que se daba a quien recitara la copla *A Soule-cake, a Soule-cake, Have mercy on all Christian soules*

«Souling is important to our investigation of Halloween in two respects. First, the rituals surrounding souling, in which supplicants moved from door to door asking for food in return for a prayer for the dead, bear a resemblance to modern Halloween customs, especially since soulers went from house to house with hollowed-out turnip lanterns, whose candle connoted a soul trapped in purgatory. In other words, with what we might describe as mobile jack-o’-lanterns.» — la primera razón por la que le importa el *souling*: pedir de puerta en puerta a cambio de un rezo se parece al Halloween moderno, y los que iban llevaban linternas de nabo ahuecado cuya vela figuraba un alma atrapada en el purgatorio, o sea calabazas portátiles

«Second, souling customs offer a clue to the survival of Hallowmass in England after the Protestant Reformation. It is a tricky one, since the historian is heavily reliant upon the researches of nineteenth-century folklorists for his or her evidence. One has to engage in what must be a retrospective reading of the rite.» — la segunda razón, con su reparo de método: el historiador depende de los folcloristas del XIX y tiene que leer el rito hacia atrás

«But there does seem to be some concordance between the continued observance of the custom and areas noted for their recusancy, that is, for the survival of Catholicism after the Protestant Reformation. These included the counties of Yorkshire, Lancashire, Cheshire, Shropshire, Staffordshire, and the peak district of Derbyshire.» — la concordancia que traza entre el *souling* y las comarcas de recusancia católica: Yorkshire, Lancashire, Cheshire, Shropshire, Staffordshire y el Peak District de Derbyshire

«The concordance is not exact. There were arcas of recusancy in the south of England, most notably in Hampshire and Sussex, where souling does not appear to have survived or even practiced. In contrast, souling was observed in parts of Wales, most notably in Monmouth and Caenarvonshire, and even as far south as Herefordshire and Somerset, even though these areas were not noted for their Catholicism.» — y él mismo pone los casos que no cuadran: Hampshire y Sussex, recusantes sin *souling*, frente a Monmouth, Caenarvonshire, Herefordshire y Somerset, con *souling* y sin fama católica (topónimos tal cual el troceo)

«neighbors during the bleak winter months. “Cold winter it is coming on, dark, dirty, wet and cold? ran one Cheshire souling song, “To try your good nature, this night we do make bold” Or as one souling patter from Somersetshire put it: “My clothes are very ragged/My shoes are very thin/Tve got a little pocket /To put three halfpence in /And I'll never come a souling/Till another year?2!» — las coplas de *souling* que trae, de Cheshire y de Somersetshire, con el invierno frío y la ropa rota como argumento de la petición

«As these rhymes suggest, souling was often only nominally concerned with praying for souls in purgatory. Ieformed part of a ritual cycle of enforced charity by the laboring classes as winter set in. As such, it was but one of many possible occasions for door-to-door treating.» — de esas coplas concluye que el *souling* solo de nombre iba de rezar por el purgatorio: era un ciclo de caridad forzada de los trabajadores al entrar el invierno (el troceo pega *It formed* en *Ieformed*)

«There were other “doleing days” that could suit: Guy Fawkes Day (5 November); St. Clement's Day (23 November); St. Catherine’s Day (as November); St. Andrew’s Day (30 November); even St. Nicholas’s Day (6 December) and St. Thomas's (21 December), just a few days before Christmas.2?» — y enumera los otros *doleing days* que servían igual: Guy Fawkes, san Clemente, santa Catalina, san Andrés, san Nicolás y santo Tomás

«Which day was chosen would depend upon a variety of factors: the local agrarian cycle, the religious legacy of the region, or the patronage of particular saints by industrial trades. St. Catherine was the patron saint of the Kentish ropemakers, for instance, and of the Buckinghamshire lacemakers; St. Clement of the blacksmiths, anchor-makers, and more generally of the naval dockyards.» — el criterio de elección: ciclo agrario, herencia religiosa de la comarca o patronazgo gremial — santa Catalina de los cordeleros de Kent y las encajeras de Buckinghamshire, san Clemente de herreros y arsenales

«Souling survived in northern England, especially in Lancashire and Cheshire, In the latter, All Souls’ Day even featured a mummer’s play in which a hobby horse would remonstrate with mean-spirited neighbors. “From All Souls’ Day to Christmas Day” noted one journal in 1850, “Old Hob is carried about; this consists of a horse’s head enveloped in a sheet, taken from door to door, accompanied by the singing of doggerel-begging rhymes”?» — la pervivencia en Cheshire con el *Old Hob*, cabeza de caballo envuelta en una sábana que un periódico de 1850 describe yendo de puerta en puerta del Día de Difuntos a Navidad

«But souling faced increasing ‘competition from other doleing days in the West Midlands and was more or less subsumed by them in the South,2# a pattern that appears to confirm the idea that Hallowtide customs survived principally in Catholic areas distant from London, in areas where ofÏcial vigilance was weak.» — el patrón que lee: las costumbres de Hallowtide duraron sobre todo en zonas católicas lejos de Londres, donde la vigilancia oficial era floja

«nonetheless clear the days were still regarded as a time of supernatural intensity. On Halloween, as it came to be known in the eighteenth century, ghosts, spirits, and witches were likely to be abroad.» — el saldo del capítulo: aun sin ritos de iglesia, esos días siguieron teniéndose por tiempo de intensidad sobrenatural, con fantasmas, espíritus y brujas sueltos

«Samuel Bamford, a radical agitator of the early nineteenth century, and one who was reared in the Protestant religion, recalled that the two nights of All Saints’ and All Souls’ were “especially set apart for spiritual appearances?” In his hometown of Middleton in Lancashire, it was popularly believed that“the spirits ofall those who should die” in the following year would appear in “bodily shape” on these ghoulish nights.26» — lo que expone del agitador radical Samuel Bamford, criado en la religión protestante: en Middleton, Lancashire, se creía que los espíritus de quienes morirían el año siguiente se aparecían *in bodily shape* esas dos noches

«or Driving Out] the Witches” of burning candles or torches to ward off evil spirits. Sometimes these candles were carried about the hills during the hour before midnight. Ifthe candle continued to bur during this “witching hour” then the carrier would enjoy an immunity from witches for the coming year.26» — el *Lating* de Lancashire: velas llevadas por los cerros la hora antes de medianoche, y si aguantaban encendidas la hora de brujas daban un año de inmunidad; la frase abre en la plana anterior, que cierra con *In other parts of the county, there was even a custom of “Lating” or “Lecting (Scaring*

«A woman born on Halloween was thought to have supernatural powers, an unusual capacity to foretell the future, especially with regard to her ‘own family. Even people born on another day believed they could predict a harsh or mild winter by the prevailing winds on Halloween. People could also learn of the impending deaths of neighbors from the shadowy shapes in the churchyard, or if they glimpsed a cofÏn whi ridding corn in a barn. Death was also to be expected if one dropped egg white into a glass of water and detected a shroud.2®» — los presagios ingleses que recoge: nacer en Halloween daba a una mujer don de adivinación, los vientos de esa noche anunciaban el invierno, y la clara de huevo en agua dibujaba la mortaja

«Not all of the fortune-telling rituals of Halloween were so lugubrious, of course, All Hallows had been associated with marriage as well as death, and consequently many of the divinations were rather more upbeat. In Derbyshire, young women customarily placed a sprig of rosemary or a crooked sixpence under their pillow on Halloween in order to dream of their future husbands. In Worcestershire, young women threw a ball of new worsted wool through an open window at midnight. Whoever picked up the worsted and whispered his name would be her future spouse.» — las adivinaciones alegres, ligadas al matrimonio: romero o seis peniques torcido bajo la almohada en Derbyshire, ovillo de estambre por la ventana a medianoche en Worcestershire

«In Cornwall, the trade or profession of a husband could be divined by running molten lead through cold water. Halloween was also a time when the fidelity of lovers could be tested ‘or the prospect of marriage foretold by the way nuts popped in the fire. Ifthe nuts stayed together, the love-match would prosper; if they flew apart, $0, t00, would the lovers”?» — en Cornualles se adivinaba el oficio del marido con plomo fundido en agua fría, y las nueces en la lumbre decían si la pareja duraba: juntas, amor; saltando, ruptura (el troceo rinde *so, too* como *$0, t00*)

«Thus, Halloween in England continued to be associated with the supernatural, but after the Reformation there was no common set of ritual practices marking the event. If there was one autumnal holiday» — el cierre del tramo inglés: tras la Reforma no quedó un juego común de ritos, solo el lazo con lo sobrenatural; la plana corta aquí y el impreso sigue *that achieved national status in England, it was the anniversary of the discovery of the Gunpowder Plot of 1605*

«that achieved national status in England, it was the anniversary of the discovery of the Gunpowder Plot of 1605. This was the abortive attempt by a group of Catholic malcontents, led by Guy Fawkes, to blow up the houses of Parliament.» — la fiesta que sí llegó a nacional: el aniversario del descubrimiento de la Conspiración de la Pólvora de 1605, el intento fallido de un grupo de católicos descontentos encabezados por Guy Fawkes

«In the course of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the Gunpowder Plot became an integral part of the calendar of national commemoration in England, legitimized by Parliament and included in the Book of Common Prayer until 1859. This holiday symbolized England’s deliverance from the Catholic menace.» — cómo se instituyó: el Parlamento la legitima y el *Book of Common Prayer* la lleva hasta 1859, como liberación de Inglaterra de la amenaza católica

«After 1688, it acquired a double meaning, for it also represented the nation’s deliverance from the Catholicizing and potentially absolutist monarchy of King James II. It was on the Fifth of November that William of Orange landed at Torbay to contest the throne in the name of Protestantism and parliamentary liberty.» — el doble sentido que adquiere tras 1688: el 5 de noviembre desembarcó Guillermo de Orange en Torbay a disputar el trono en nombre del protestantismo y de la libertad parlamentaria

«Popularly known as Guy Fawkes or Bonfire Night, the Fifth of November became the occasion for roasting in efÏgy the Catholic conspirator Guy Fawkes or his master, the Pope, or for that matter any unpopular politician, clergyman, or magistrate whose actions seemed authoritarian or arbitrary.» — el uso de la hoguera: asar en efigie a Guy Fawkes, al Papa o a cualquier político, clérigo o magistrado que pareciera autoritario

«In 1820, the inhabitants of Guisborough in Yorkshire used the holiday to signal their displeasure at George IV's mean-spirited, inquisitorial policy toward his estranged wife, Queen Caroline. During the Crimean War, the Emperor of Russia was burnt in efÏgy in villages in Leicestershire.30» — los ejemplos que da: Guisborough en 1820 contra la política de Jorge IV hacia la reina Carolina, y el emperador de Rusia quemado en efigie en Leicestershire durante la Guerra de Crimea

«In Lewes, Sussex, where the vitality of Guy Fawkes Day was and is still sustained by local bonfire societies, inhabitants would be regularly treated to the rants of mock» — en Lewes, Sussex, donde las sociedades de la hoguera mantienen viva la fiesta, los vecinos oían despotricar a curas de burla; la cita se parte en el guion de fin de renglón, porque el impreso dice *mock-priests decrying the latest public scandal*

«In the North Riding of Yorkshire, people would stroll around the villages collecting money for the tar barrels that were used to fuel the bonfire, and “if no money was given them, they would lay hands on besoms, wood, sticks or anything else likely to be of use for the bonfire” In Oxfordshire, it was “considered quite lawful to appropriate any old wood” that could be found for the bonfire.3?» — la licencia de la fiesta: en Yorkshire, a quien no daba dinero para los barriles de alquitrán le echaban mano a escobas y palos, y en Oxfordshire se tenía por lícito apropiarse de cualquier madera vieja

«The London radical Francis Place thought the holiday a blackguard festival, when the rougher elements of the community dominated the streets and when unpopular individuals ran the tisk of being “guyed” or hazed for their censorious or niggardly behavior.» — lo que expone del radical londinense Francis Place: tenía la fiesta por cosa de matones, con los elementos más rudos dueños de la calle y los antipáticos expuestos a ser *guyed*

«“The Guy was made up of old cloaths stuffed with hay and straw?’ Place recalled, the head was usually an old barber’s block with a mask for a face, it was seated on an old chair, and was carried in the same manner by two boys. A number of boys went in front, another party behind, and two or three on each side, they were all armed with bludgeons. The strongest or most valiant of the boys carried the begging box in the front and led the way.» — la descripción del *Guy* en voz de Place: trapos viejos rellenos de heno, una cabeza de peluquero con máscara, sentado en una silla y cargado por dos muchachos, con la comparsa armada de garrotes

«Even outside the capital, the streets were often filled with revelers bent on mischief on Bonfire Night. In Yorkshire, gangs of youths ranged the streets, striking doors with bags of stones and shouting out, “Fift? 0’ November, we'll mak’ ye” remember”» — fuera de la capital también: en Yorkshire las pandillas golpeaban las puertas con bolsas de piedras al grito de *Fift' o' November, we'll mak' ye remember*

«Although Bonfire Night lost some of its political edge after the 1850s, it continued to be a rowdy, raucous festival. It featured festive tributes» — aun perdida parte de su filo político tras 1850, la Noche de las Hogueras siguió ruidosa; la plana corta aquí y el impreso sigue *from neighbors and the foraging for winter fuel on a conspicuous scale*

«The notion that the customary festive license of the holiday put revelers beyond the law was also to be found in Leicestershire. In the early nineteenth century, when there was a continuing war between the landed gentry and the country» — según Rogers, la licencia de la fiesta se entendía como estar fuera de la ley también en Leicestershire, en plena guerra por el derecho de caza; el troceo parte aquí el chunk y el impreso sigue *population over the rights to hunt wild game, the Fifth of November was a time when local poachers felt they had a right to trap rabbits and shoot partridges with impunity*

«atmosphere and prattle it provoked, the festival was popularly known as “Babblin’ Nect?5 At Guildford, in Surrey, the festivities frequently got out of hand.» — el mote popular de la fiesta por el barullo que armaba, *Babblin' Nect*, y el descontrol de Guildford, en Surrey; el tramo abre después del pie de lámina de la plana

«In 1851, Henry Peak remembered secing “a great fire burning” in the town. Every shop window . .. was barricaded; and wet straw and manure heaped [up] to prevent the penetration of fireworks; ... these being immense squibs ... 12 or 15 inches ... being chiefly loaded with gunpowder ... curiosity drew me towards the fire, where a lawless crowd was» — lo que expone del testimonio de Henry Peak sobre Guildford en 1851: escaparates atrincherados con paja mojada y estiércol contra los petardos cargados de pólvora; la plana corta aquí y el impreso sigue en la 57, *gathered; the chiefs, fantastically dressed, were the “Guys” Society*

«In subsequent decades, local magistrates and elites, backed by friendly and temperance societies, tried to bring these festivities to some kind of order. When the police superintendent of Market Harborough attempted to ban the burning of tar barrels on Guy Fawkes Night in 1874, he was forced to take refuge in a local hotel and had the humiliation of seeing his own efÏgy burned in tar barrels the following day. According to local reports, the band that led the protest played a popular opera song entitled, “Well run him in?» — el intento de meter en orden la fiesta y su fracaso: al superintendente de policía de Market Harborough que quiso prohibir en 1874 la quema de barriles de alquitrán lo encerraron en un hotel y al día siguiente quemaron su propia efigie

«As a night of high spirits and youthful rascality, and as a ritual of social reversal, Guy Fawkes Night eclipsed Halloween in England, as it would in Australia and New Zealand, where it was sometimes called Danger or Mischievous Night.38» — la tesis del tramo: en Inglaterra la Noche de Guy Fawkes eclipsó a Halloween, y lo mismo en Australia y Nueva Zelanda, donde a veces se llamó *Danger* o *Mischievous Night*

«Given the close proximity of the festivals, which fell within five days of one another, it was predictable that some of the souling rituals of Halloween would spill over to the Fifth of November. In Southrepps and other places in Norfolk, the turnip lanterns that traditionally symbolized souls in purgatory were much in evidence on Bonfire Night.» — y por la cercanía de cinco días, los ritos de *souling* se pasaron al 5 de noviembre: en Southrepps y otros lugares de Norfolk las linternas de nabo que figuraban almas del purgatorio salían la Noche de las Hogueras

«In Lincolnshire, some of the fire rituals commonly associated with Halloween were transferred to the Fifth of November. Celebrants threw stones into the bonfire and on the following morning discerned their future from the way they were placed.» — en Lincolnshire pasó también la adivinación: se echaban piedras a la hoguera y a la mañana siguiente se leía el porvenir en cómo habían quedado

«In Yorkshire, Lancashire, and Derbyshire, thar cakes or parkins, usually made out of treacle and oatmeal, formed part of the festive fare. These were clearly reminiscent of the soul cakes distributed at Hallowtide, even though they were made of sweeter and heavier ingredients.» — y los *thar cakes* o *parkins* de melaza y avena, que Rogers oye como eco de los panes de ánimas de Hallowtide, aunque más dulces y pesados

«Guy Fawkes Night was a quintessentially English festival that achieved national significance before the union with cither Scotland or Ireland. In Scotland, the anniversary also became a day of national thanksgiving, as in England.» — la fecha en que sitúa la fiesta: inglesa por excelencia, con alcance nacional antes de la unión con Escocia o Irlanda, y luego día de acción de gracias también en Escocia

«James’s deliverance from the Gowrie conspiracy in 1600, the Fifth of November formed part of a providential Protestant calendar that both helped construct a Scottish national identity.» — en Escocia, junto con el aniversario de la salvación del rey Jacobo de la conspiración de Gowrie de 1600, el 5 de noviembre formó un calendario protestante providencial que ayudó a armar la identidad nacional escocesa

«In 1905, William Anderson, then a coalman in Edinburgh, remarked that there were “still a lot of Guy's going about"?» — el testimonio que trae de William Anderson, carbonero de Edimburgo, en 1905: seguía habiendo *a lot of Guy's going about*

«What was different about the Scottish celebration of Bonfire Night ‘was its compatibility with Halloween. There is no evidence that the state-sponsored Fifth displaced or radically altered the conventions of Halloween, despite the fact that the Kirk strove to ban saints’ days that smacked of “popery. This was because the Scottish Kirk took a pragmatic attitude toward seasonal revels that were important to the life cycle and rites of passage of local communities, especially where it anticipated real difÏculty in curbing them.4°» — la diferencia escocesa: el 5 de noviembre oficial no desplazó a Halloween porque el Kirk, aunque quería prohibir las fiestas de santos con olor a papismo, fue pragmático con los festejos de ciclo vital que no podía atajar

«The result was that Halloween continued to coexist and indeed vie with the Fifth of November asa night of prankish fun. In the twentieth century, boosted no doubt by Burn’s merry verses on Halloween and his stature as a national poet, the eve of All Souls’ was often considered the more quintessentially Scottish of the two festivals.#!» — el resultado: Halloween convivió y compitió con el 5 de noviembre, y en el siglo XX, impulsada por los versos de Burns y su estatura de poeta nacional, la víspera de Difuntos pasó por la más escocesa de las dos

«“What can you Englishers . .. ken o’ Hallowe’en;” asks John Galt’s Mungo AfÒeck, in a novel set in the seventeenth century but written in 1823. “O, sir, Hallowe'en among us is a dreadful night! witches and warlocks, and wlang-nebbit things, hae a power and dominion unspeakable on Hallowe’en.”*?» — lo que expone de la novela de John Galt (1823, ambientada en el siglo XVII): su Mungo AfÒeck —la ligadura *ffl* sale así en la capa de texto— dice que entre ellos Halloween es noche terrible, con brujas, brujos y *wlang-nebbit things* de dominio indecible (nombres y grafías tal cual el troceo)

«Although the ‘media made litle of it, “guising” on Halloween, dressing up and doing a tum at the neighbors’ houses, was integral to the Scottish festive cycle as late as the 19508 and 1960s.43» — y señala que el *guising* —disfrazarse y hacer un número en casa de los vecinos— siguió siendo parte del ciclo festivo escocés hasta los años cincuenta y sesenta, aunque la prensa le hiciera poco caso

«In Ireland, where a Protestant minority presided over a Catholic population, Guy Fawkes Day was predictably more contentious.» — en Irlanda, con minoría protestante sobre población católica, el día de Guy Fawkes fue previsiblemente más disputado

«But it was conventionally eclipsed by 4 November, the birthday of William of Orange, the English monarch who defeated the Jacobite army in Ireland during the 1690s and reestablished Protestant rule in that country. The Fourth of November was a day when troops and volunteers would parade the streets and when the preeminently Protestant Boyne and Enniskillen societies would celebrate the day with dinners and bonfires.» — en Irlanda el 5 de noviembre quedaba eclipsado por el 4, cumpleaños de Guillermo de Orange, con desfiles de tropas y voluntarios y cenas y hogueras de las sociedades Boyne y Enniskillen

«Despite its obvious Orange referent, the Fifth of November never achieved the status of the Twelfth of July, the Orange anniversary of the Battles of the Boyne and Aughrim, nor of the Protestant defense of Londonderry.» — pero, pese a su referente orangista, nunca alcanzó el rango del 12 de julio, aniversario del Boyne y Aughrim, ni el de la defensa de Londonderry

«Over the years, some of the Bonfire Night rituals, in particular, fireworks and efÏgy-burnings, were transferred to Halloween in Northern Ireland. If Bonfire Night appropriated some of the rites of Hallowtide in England, in Northern Ireland the appropriation has gone the other way.» — la inversión que señala: si en Inglaterra la Noche de las Hogueras se apropió de ritos de Hallowtide, en Irlanda del Norte los fuegos artificiales y la quema de efigies pasaron a Halloween

«In Ireland and Scotland, then, Halloween was largely untouched by the Protestant Reformation, If the Kirk found it politic to ignore Halloween rituals, so, too, did the Protestant Church of Ircland, which was more concerned with curbing Catholic priests and policing the declining rump of Catholic landlords than worrying unduly about the popular superstitions of the peasantry.» — la razón que da de que la Reforma apenas tocara Halloween en Irlanda y Escocia: la Iglesia de Irlanda andaba ocupada con los curas católicos y los terratenientes, no con las supersticiones del campesinado

«It was only after Catholic ‘emancipation (1828), as the sectarian politics of Ireland heated up, that the Fifth of November began to be commemorated vigorously by Orangemen» — y solo tras la emancipación católica —el troceo la fecha en 1828—, al calentarse la política sectaria, los orangistas conmemoran con brío el 5 de noviembre; la cita corta antes de la llamada de nota, que la capa de texto rinde como dos asteriscos

«To this day, Guy Fawkes Night is still observed in parts of Northern Ireland, where it remains a controversial symbol of sectarian identity.4S» — y hasta hoy, dice, la Noche de Guy Fawkes se observa en zonas de Irlanda del Norte como símbolo disputado de identidad sectaria

«In the Scottish Highlands, Hallow fires blazed from cairns and hilltops. Their ashes were later placed in magical circles around which people danced. In some areas, there were torchlight processions around the fields to ensure their fertility or to ward off evil spirits or witches. Firebrands were also used to purify cattle at what was sometimes known as Ceitein Samhraidh, the first day of winter. Many of these customs recalled the fire rituals of Samhain that were to be found in the ancient Celtic sagas.» — los fuegos de Halloween en las Tierras Altas: cenizas puestas en círculos mágicos para bailar alrededor, procesiones de antorchas por los campos para la fertilidad y teas para purificar el ganado en el *Ceitein Samhraidh*, primer día del invierno

«The fires themselves were known as sambhnag or samlnagan in many Gaelic» — los nombres gaélicos de los fuegos que registra, *sambhnag* y *samlnagan*; la cita se parte en el guion de fin de renglón, porque el impreso dice *Gaelic-speaking areas*

«In Ireland, too, where the oral traditions of Celtic practices were stronger, Halloween was often closely associated with Samhain. In West Limerick, Ardee, and Donegal, people born in the late nineteenth century continued to refer to Halloween as Oiche Samna or Shamna, ‘or simply as Sean Saman or Samayn.» — y en Irlanda, donde la tradición oral celta era más fuerte, gente nacida a fines del XIX en Limerick occidental, Ardee y Donegal seguía llamando a Halloween *Oiche Samna*, *Shamna*, *Sean Saman* o *Samayn* (nombres tal cual el troceo)

«The close association of Halloween with pagan Celtic practices meant that in some places the holiday was <ifferentiated from All Souls? The latter was a time of vigils for the dead, for whom food was prepared in a manner reminiscent of the Mexican Day of the Dead. As one inhabitant of Knocknagree, County Clare, declared, All Souls’ was the night when “all who ever lived and died in any house were all allowed to visit.” Halloween, in contrast, was a time of foreboding and omens, when the raths of the countryside were held in “superstitious awe”» — la distinción que documenta en Irlanda: el Día de Difuntos era vigilia con comida para los muertos —como el Día de Muertos mexicano, apunta—, y Halloween, en cambio, tiempo de presagios, con los *raths* del campo mirados con pavor supersticioso

«In County Connaught and County Kildare, it was even known as Puca Night, a reference to the imps who purportedly befouled the fruit and crops still in the fields.#8 As one respondent observed: “the good people [fairies] were supposed to be very active on Hollantide night. People did not throw water or sweep ‘out floors that night for fear of offending the good people» — en Connaught y Kildare la noche se llamaba *Puca Night*, por los duendes que ensuciaban lo que quedaba en el campo, y un informante dice que no se tiraba agua ni se barría para no ofender a la *buena gente*

«Yet the distinction between Halloween and All Souls’ was by no ‘means clear-cut, something underscored by the fact that Halloweve or Hollantide could be celebrated anywhere between 31 October and 2 November. The wandering spirits associated with ancient Samhain and the wandering souls of purgatory could be acknowledged at the same» — pero el propio Rogers deshace el corte: Halloweve o *Hollantide* podía caer entre el 31 de octubre y el 2 de noviembre, y los espíritus errantes de Samhain y las almas del purgatorio podían reconocerse a la vez; la plana corta aquí y el impreso sigue *time, even by priests*

«time, even by priests. On one Halloween, a Mitchelstown priest told his congregation that “they should drive slowly home, so as to give time to the souls roaming at this time to get out of the way?» — la anécdota con que lo prueba: un cura de Mitchelstown pidió a sus feligreses que volvieran despacio a casa para dar tiempo a las almas que andaban sueltas a quitarse del camino

«The syncretism or blending of Christian and pagan belief was also reflected in Scottish practice. The Halloween supper in Scotland, for instance, often featured a sau’mas (All Souls’) loaf. But it could also feature a porridge known as sowens, phonetically the phrase for Samhain, or a three-comered cake called bannock, in which was carved a design representing the rays of the sun.» — el sincretismo escocés: la cena de Halloween llevaba pan de *sau'mas* —All Souls'—, pero también *sowens*, que suena a Samhain, o un *bannock* triangular con los rayos del sol tallados

«Highlanders no longer prayed for the dead on Halloween, but they did bless their fishing boats by marking them with a cross. On the isle of Lewis, the inhabitants made a malt sacrifice to a sea-god named Shony before repairing to St. Malvey’s chapel for a moment’ silence, and then to the fields for the evening's revels. Ministers on the island thought this too pagan a ceremony and successfully suppressed the custom in 1670, only to discover its reappearance on Maundy Thursday, at the opening of the fishing season.5!» — y en la isla de Lewis, según Rogers, se hacía sacrificio de malta a un dios del mar llamado Shony antes de ir a la capilla de St. Malvey; los ministros lo suprimieron en 1670 y reapareció el Jueves Santo, al abrir la temporada de pesca

«Iris not always easy to track the development of Halloween in Ireland and Scotland from the mid-seventecnth century, largely because one has to trace ritual practices from folkloric evidence that do not necessarily reflect how the holiday might have changed; these rituals may not be “authentic” or “timeless” examples of preindustrial times. But three observations seem in order.» — el reparo de método que declara: seguir Halloween en Irlanda y Escocia desde mediados del XVII es difícil porque hay que sacarlo de la evidencia folclórica, que no tiene por qué ser auténtica ni intemporal

«Young people sometimes dressed up in strange garments, the boys going as girls; the girls as old men or women with masks or faces, perhaps a bit of flour-bag or calico with slits» — lo que expone de un testigo ante la Comisión de Folclore Irlandesa de los años cuarenta: los muchachos iban de muchachas y ellas de viejos, con caretas de saco de harina o percal; la plana corta aquí y el impreso sigue *for eyes, nose and mouth*

«The first is that Halloween’s mummery and misrule had a long and buoyant history, surviving into the twentieth century. In the Shetland» — la primera de las tres observaciones: la mascarada y el desorden de Halloween tuvieron historia larga y boyante hasta el siglo XX; el troceo parte aquí el chunk y el impreso sigue *Isles, gruliks or skeklers, young men dressed up in fantastic costumes made of animal skin or straw, went from house to house, dancing, singing, and begging for gifts*

«Isles, gruliks or skeklers, young men dressed up in fantastic costumes made of animal skin or straw, went from house to house, dancing, singing, and begging for gifts. Similar conventions existed in Mulligar, in West Meath.» — los *gruliks* o *skeklers* de las Shetland, mozos vestidos de pieles de animal o de paja que iban de casa en casa bailando, cantando y pidiendo regalos, con paralelo en Mulligar, West Meath (topónimos tal cual el troceo)

«for eyes, nose and mouth, the beard and brows drawn with boot polish, window curtains or veils and the like. A little band of them goes from one neighbour to another—never far from home—one member may have a mouth-organ or the like, they go into the kitchen & dance a “half-set play music and come out. They don't seck money or food, but if an apple were handed [them], they'd take it, or a few nuts.5?» — sigue el testigo: la banda no se alejaba de casa, entraba a la cocina a bailar medio *set* y salía, sin pedir dinero ni comida, aunque tomaba una manzana o unas nueces si se las daban

«Not all vi to houses were so innocent. In the tradition of mummery, revelers used such occasions to play tricks upon neighbors and occasionally to mete out rough justice to the most unpopular. ‘Mimicking the malignant spirits who were widely believed to be abroad on Halloween, gangs of youths blocked up chimneys, rampaged cabbage patches, battered doors, unhinged gates, and unstabled horses.» — el reverso: bajo la mascarada se gastaban bromas y se cobraba justicia ruda —chimeneas tapiadas, coles arrasadas, puertas aporreadas, portones desquiciados, caballos sueltos—, remedando a los espíritus malignos que se creían sueltos esa noche

«In nineteenth-century Cromarty, revelers even sought out lone women whom they could haze as a witch. On the island of Coll, it was said that “great liberties are raken in the way of stealing and hiding articles belonging to other people” The same was said of Kilbeggan and Rathowen in Ireland. Here, local inhabitants admitted to the Folklore Commission of 1941/42 that there was often “considerable damage done.”53» — los casos que documenta: en Cromarty buscaban a mujeres solas para vejarlas como brujas; en la isla de Coll se tomaban libertades robando y escondiendo cosas ajenas, y en Kilbeggan y Rathowen los vecinos admitieron ante la Comisión de Folclore de 1941/42 que había daño considerable

«If neighbors happened to incur the wrath of the community for some antisocial act, the retributions could be severe. In West Meath in Ireland, such retributions took the form of a ritual hazing, the culprit being burnt in efÏgy before his or her door# More typically, they would involve attacks upon a person's property. “If an individual happened to be disliked in the place? observed one Scot in 1911, “he ‘was sure to suffer dreadfully on these occasions. His doors would be broken, and frequently not a cabbage left standing in his gardens» — la represalia comunitaria: en West Meath quemaban al culpable en efigie ante su puerta, y un escocés declaraba en 1911 que al malquisto le rompían las puertas y no le dejaban una col en el huerto

«Such was Halloween’s reputation as a night of festive retribution that in some parts of Scotland the imperatives of community justice prevailed over private property, to a point that the Kirk-session found it impossible to enforce law and order.» — y en partes de Escocia, dice, la justicia de la comunidad se imponía a la propiedad privada hasta el punto de que la sesión del Kirk no podía hacer cumplir la ley

«It was their job to solicit peat and collect wood and fern for the bonfires. In Skye it was reported that they exercised “great licence, taking barrels, even doors, Wheelbarrows and carts” for the communal bonfire,®® presumably with some reckoning of what each household should contribute.» — el oficio de los mozos en la fiesta: juntar turba, leña y helecho para las hogueras; en Skye se decía que tomaban barriles, puertas, carretillas y carros con gran licencia

«Here, and in the guising and mischief that accompanied the night, male youths were clearly the dispensers of rough justice in their communities and their unofÏcial spokesmen, Although young women were sometimes masked on Halloween, the holiday was indisputably an important occasion for male bonding among revelers.» — la lectura de género: los mozos eran los repartidores de justicia ruda y los voceros no oficiales de su comunidad, y la fiesta era ocasión de camaradería masculina, aunque a veces también las muchachas se enmascararan

«The activities that took place within and near the home, however, tended to focus upon the aspirations of young women. Apart from the games such as apple-bobbing that were played on Halloween by all members of the family, Halloween acquired a special significance as a courtship ritual or augury for marriage.» — y dentro de casa la cosa giraba en torno a las aspiraciones de las muchachas: Halloween cobró sentido de rito de cortejo y augurio de matrimonio

«The way stones settled in bonfires, the way muts cracked in the heat, the shape of kale stalks pulled from the ground, the people or sounds one encountered at the midnight hour at a crossroads or stile—all were windows to the future.» — las ventanas al porvenir que enumera: cómo asentaban las piedras en la hoguera, cómo tronaban las nueces, la forma del tallo de col arrancado, lo que uno encontraba a medianoche en un cruce o una portilla (el troceo imprime *muts* por nuts)

«Some of these rites foretold forthcoming deaths, a predictable message in view of the holiday’s long association with the dying, and one that in Ireland persisted in the aftermath of the potato famine of the mid-nineteenth century, But where killer epidemics declined in potency and the demographic fortunes of young people began to improve, as least after infancy, the spells and omens of Halloween increasingly focused upon future marriage prospects: who, when, whether one would marry; whether one’s partner would be handsome or faithful or chaste at marriage.» — el desplazamiento que traza: mientras las epidemias mataban —y en Irlanda tras la hambruna de la papa— los ritos anunciaban muertes; al mejorar la suerte demográfica de los jóvenes, pasaron a preguntar por el matrimonio

«As the lawyer and agriculturalist William Aiton remarked of Halloween in Ayrshire at the turn of the nineteenth century, “many spells were then used to discover matters of futurity; particularly respecting marriages. Many of the lower orders, in that country still believe the devil is ready at their call, and on their using certain capers and spells to discover a secret which generally occupies much of their thought; namely, who is to be their future spouse.”5”» — lo que expone del abogado y agrónomo William Aiton sobre el Ayrshire de comienzos del XIX: se usaban muchos hechizos para saber del porvenir, y la gente humilde creía que el diablo acudía a su llamado para decirles con quién se casarían

«These divinations were part of the mating process in a fundamentally homosocial world, where men and women tended to work and play in ‘gender-distinct spheres, to a far greater extent than today. It was in the larger festive settings that young men and women contemplated their marriage prospects and in public view consolidated or broke off courtships. Halloween was one such setting.» — el marco que propone: esas adivinaciones eran parte del cortejo en un mundo homosocial, donde los jóvenes medían sus posibilidades de matrimonio a la vista de todos

«But rather than being associated predominantly with death and the undead (those in purgatory), Halloween became one of those ‘occasions in the ritual year when young adolescents tried to channel their sexuality into more permanent unions.» — y el giro que enuncia: en vez de la muerte y los difuntos del purgatorio, Halloween pasó a ser una de las ocasiones del año ritual en que los adolescentes encauzaban su sexualidad hacia uniones duraderas

«The young folks amuse themselves with burning nuts in pairs on the bar of the grate, or among the warm embers, to which they give their name and that of their lovers, or those of their friends who are supposed to have such attachments, and from the manner of their burning and duration of the flame, draw such inferences respecting the constancy or strength of their passions, as usually promote mirth and good humour.5?» — lo que expone de la *Gentleman's Magazine* de 1784, de donde viene el mote *Nut-crack Night*: se queman nueces de dos en dos con el nombre de los enamorados y de cómo arden se infiere la constancia de la pasión

«As one observer from Ballygoblin, County Cork, explained to the Irish Folklore Commission, divinatory games were played by “young people anxious about marriage prospects.”6°» — el testimonio de Ballygoblin, condado de Cork, ante la Comisión de Folclore Irlandesa: los juegos de adivinación los jugaba gente joven inquieta por sus perspectivas de casorio

«This helps explain the popularity of Robert Burn's Halloween as a critical referent of the holiday. This poem is essentially a burlesque account of Halloween’s games and divinations among the Ayrshire peasantry of the late eighteenth century, with the accent firmly upon future marriages than forebodings of death.» — con eso explica el peso del *Halloween* de Robert Burns como referente de la fiesta: un relato burlesco de los juegos y adivinaciones del campesinado de Ayrshire de fines del XVIII, cargado al matrimonio y no al presagio de muerte (el troceo imprime *Robert Burn's*)

«eis one of spells gone awry, of wishful couplings and disappointed hopes. In the case of Rab and Nelly, whose “tap-pickle maist was Jost,/When kiutlan in the Fause-house/Wi’ him that night,” it also recalled lovemaking in the corn and the loss of virginity.®!» — lo que lee en el poema de Burns: hechizos que salen mal, emparejamientos deseados y esperanzas frustradas, y en el caso de Rab y Nelly, el amor en el maizal y la pérdida de la virginidad; la plana anterior falta en el troceo y el tramo abre con la palabra partida *eis*

«By the eighteenth century, then, Halloween’s superstitions were being translated into courtship rituals and games. They were being adapted to 2 more secular milieu in which expectations of life were increasing.» — la tesis del tramo: para el siglo XVIII las supersticiones de Halloween se traducían en ritos y juegos de cortejo, adaptados a un medio más secular y de mayor esperanza de vida (el troceo imprime *2* por *a*)

«A memento mori is a reminder or foreboding of death, captured in medieval woodcuts in the shape of a skull, an hourglass, a cofÏn, or a skeleton.» — define el *memento mori* medieval —calavera, reloj de arena, ataúd, esqueleto— para medir contra él el desplazamiento de Halloween

«Halloween in Britain increasingly celebrated life, not death.» — la frase con que cierra ese desplazamiento: en Gran Bretaña la fiesta celebraba cada vez más la vida y no la muerte

«“At Hallowmass, whan nights grown lang, wrote the eighteenth- ‘century Scottish poet, Robert Fergusson, “And starnies [stars] shine fu? clear, / Whan fock, the nippin cald to bang [When folk the nipping cold overcome], Their winter hap-warms [wraps, overcoats] wear.”» — lo que expone del poeta escocés del XVIII Robert Fergusson: en Hallowmass las noches se alargan, brillan las estrellas y la gente se echa encima el abrigo de invierno

«Nearly two centuries, later a man from County Wexford observed that “All Holland? was looked on as the great parting of the ways—the ‘suns’ of summer and ‘mellows’ of autumn had, so to speak, come to a standstill and the festival of All Holland’ filled the intervening time-space between them and the cold icy grip of winter”¢» — y el testimonio de un hombre del condado de Wexford, casi dos siglos después: *All Holland* era el gran deslinde, el hueco entre los soles del verano y el agarre helado del invierno

«Some of the divinatory practices and games associated with Halloween also stemmed from its place in the agricultural cycle. Finding rings hidden in colcannon (an augury of marriage); reading the shapes of apple peels to divine the first letter of a future spouse’s name; burning nuts at the fireside to discover whether courtships would progress to the altar—all these practices, and those relating to the scattering of hemp sced or com, refer back to Halloween’s close association with the onset of winter and the final harvest.» — y de ahí saca los juegos de adivinación: el anillo escondido en el *colcannon*, la cáscara de manzana que dibuja la inicial del esposo, las nueces en la lumbre y el esparcir semilla de cáñamo, todos atados al invierno y a la última cosecha

«In rural areas, Halloween might be strongly related to the harvest, to the renewal of leases and farm hire, as well as to the world of the supernatural. In some urban areas it could be quite commercialized.» — el contraste que traza: en el campo la fiesta va con la cosecha, los arriendos y lo sobrenatural; en algunas ciudades ya estaba comercializada

«Judging from the poems that were written about Edinburgh’s Hallow fair in the eighteenth century, Halloween was a secular night for courtship, gaiety, and “gude ale” It was a time when “Love's Stalks are scattered /The top Grain is wasted / And Mause ‘gang [more go] to Kirk (church] anything but a Maid.”» — lo que expone de los poemas sobre la feria de Halloween de Edimburgo en el XVIII: noche secular de cortejo, alegría y buena cerveza, donde Mause va a la iglesia siendo cualquier cosa menos doncella

«Ir was also a night when too much reveling might tempt a young man to heed the hearty words of the recruiting sergeants who were always on the lookout for “sturdy lads?67» — y noche en que la juerga podía llevar a un mozo a hacer caso a los sargentos de reclutamiento, siempre al acecho de muchachos recios

«Within the agricultural cycle, Halloween was traditionally a time for renewing leases; hiring laborers; rethatching cottages; gathering crops, nuts, fruit, and peat; and slaughtering animals.» — el lugar de Halloween en el ciclo agrícola: renovar arriendos, contratar peones, techar de nuevo las casas, recoger cosecha, nueces, fruta y turba, y matar animales

«Accordingly, the Halloween supper was often a harvest supper featuring grain or fruit-based items, especially those associated with the potato: champ (mashed potatoes with milk, butter, and leeks), coleannon (mashed potatoes with cabbage), or boxty (fried colcannon).6» — y de ahí la cena de Halloween como cena de cosecha, con platos de papa: *champ*, *colcannon* y *boxty* (el troceo imprime *coleannon*); la cita corta antes de la línea anterior, donde la capa de texto mete un guillemet de apertura delante de *ailleach*

«Precisely how Halloween was observed or understood in Britain depended upon a variety of factors: the strength of oral tradition, the structure of the economy, and the religious culture. There is little evidence that the holiday had achieved the uniformity it would in» — el reparo contra la uniformidad: cómo se observaba dependía de la fuerza de la tradición oral, de la economía y de la cultura religiosa; la cita corta en *in*, porque el troceo rinde *twentieth-century* como *‘wentieth-century*

«for example, we find that Halloween was often called Hollantide or All Holland, or in Northern Ireland, Halleve, terms that reflected its Christian past. In County Connaught and County Kildare it was also known as Puca Night, a reference to the imps who purportedly befouled the fruit and crops still in the fields and also to the mischief-making ‘mummers who came to the door in “all sorts of fantastic disguises?8» — los nombres de la fiesta que recoge del testimonio ante la Comisión Nacional de Folclore de Irlanda: *Hollantide*, *All Holland*, *Halleve* en el Ulster —que remiten a su pasado cristiano— y *Puca Night* en Connaught y Kildare

«Other terminology was more contemporary, referring to the games or pranks that were traditionally played at Halloween: Snap Apple Night; Colcannon Night, referring to the potato dish in which rings or sixpences were hidden; and Gate Night, an allusion to the practice of tunhinging farmers’ gates and leaving them at the crossroads.» — y los nombres que vienen del juego: *Snap Apple Night*, *Colcannon Night* por el plato con anillos o monedas escondidos, y *Gate Night* por la costumbre de desquiciar los portones de las granjas y dejarlos en el cruce

«The diversity of names associated with Halloween did not connote the declining forcunes of the holiday. In Scotland, Ireland, and even in some of the remorer areas of England and Wales, Halloween was robustly observed throughout the nineteenth century and into the ‘twentieth.» — y niega que esa variedad indicara decadencia: en Escocia, Irlanda y zonas remotas de Inglaterra y Gales la fiesta se observó con vigor todo el siglo XIX y entrado el XX (el troceo imprime *forcunes* y *remorer*)

«At the time of substantial Irish and Scottish immigration to North America, Halloween had a strong tradition of guising and pranks, a fndamental aura of supernatural intensity, and a set of games and rituals thar often addressed the fortunes of love rather than the prospect of death, or life beyond death. How these practices developed in North America is a subject we address next.» — el puente al capítulo siguiente: al tiempo de la emigración irlandesa y escocesa, Halloween llevaba consigo mascarada, bromas, aura sobrenatural y juegos que preguntaban por el amor más que por la muerte

«The centrality of masking was also apparent in the terms used in County Wicklow and County Mayo: Vizor or Vazards Night; Juggy Night or Blackman’s Night, a reference to the entertainers who visited neighbors and blackened their faces with burnt cork; Hugata Night, after the boys ‘or hugaidhes who went around dressed like tramps; and Bredeogs Night,» — los nombres que vienen de la máscara: *Vizor* o *Vazards Night*, *Juggy Night* o *Blackman's Night* por los que se tiznaban con corcho quemado, *Hugata Night* por los *hugaidhes* vestidos de vagabundos, y *Bredeogs Night*; el troceo parte aquí el chunk y el impreso sigue *a reference either to the wicker baskets that mummers may have used to collect gifts or to the wicker masks or visors that they wore*

«alloween did not take firm root in North America until the nineteenth century. The Puritans of New England, like their counterparts in the old country, detested the holiday. Increase Mather, the rector of Harvard, approved of the ban on saints’ days and thought any holiday sufÏxed -mass, whether Hallowmass or even Christmas, to be an unnecessary concession to the Antichrist.!» — el arranque del capítulo *Coming Over*: Halloween no arraigó en Norteamérica hasta el siglo XIX, y los puritanos de Nueva Inglaterra la detestaban — Increase Mather, rector de Harvard, tenía por concesión al Anticristo cualquier fiesta terminada en *-mass* (la capitular se come la *H*)

«His son, Cotton ‘Mather, concurred. In this Zion in the wilderness, in this land of “Uprightness? reveling holidays were out. Even to talk of specters and apparitions tended to smack of witchcraft,? and superstitious souls who remembered the magic of Halloween were likely wary of making their feelings felt.» — y su hijo Cotton Mather coincidía: en aquella Sion del yermo hablar de espectros y apariciones olía a brujería, y quien recordara la magia de Halloween se cuidaba de decirlo

«North American almanacs of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth ‘century give no indication that Halloween was recognized as a holiday. New York, Boston, and even San Francisco almanacs highlighted the Gunpowder Plot, the Fifth of November, and made token gestures to All Souls’ and All Saints’, but 31 October called for no comment, One New England almanac for 1776 simply stated that it “ends the month?”» — la prueba negativa que aporta: los almanaques de Nueva York, Boston y San Francisco marcaban el 5 de noviembre y apenas Todos los Santos y Difuntos, pero del 31 de octubre no decían nada; uno de Nueva Inglaterra de 1776 se limita a anotar que *ends the month*

«In the light of the transatlantic migrations of the nineteenth century, however, it was likely that Halloween would be celebrated in some form or other in North America. The vast numbers of Irish men and women.» — y el pronóstico que enuncia: con las migraciones trasatlánticas del XIX era previsible que Halloween se celebrara de algún modo en Norteamérica

«who crossed the Atlantic, and the persistent outflow of Scots as well, ‘ensured that the festival would serve as a marker of ethnic identity. By 1890, nearly two million Irish men and women lived in the United States. Indeed, the Irish-Americans and their descendants outnumbered all other immigrant groups combined well into the twentieth century.» — la demografía con que lo sostiene: hacia 1890 vivían en Estados Unidos casi dos millones de irlandeses, y ellos y sus descendientes superaban a todos los demás grupos inmigrantes juntos

«In 1881, of the English or Gaclic-speaking peoples of Canada, 33 percent were of Irish and 2s percent of Scottish descent. Thus, at the turn of the century, the Trish were the predominant immigrant minority in the United States; in Canada, the Irish and Scots outnumbered those ‘of English extraction by a ratio of seven to five.» — las proporciones canadienses que da: en 1881, 33 por ciento de ascendencia irlandesa y 25 escocesa, con irlandeses y escoceses superando siete a cinco a los de origen inglés (el troceo imprime *2s percent*)

«In Canada and the United States, 31 October was never regarded as a sectarian holiday, that is, as one that might have differentiated Catholics from Protestants. The days of Orange-Green confrontations were predictably those cherished by each group: St. Patrick’s Day, the anniversary of the patron saint of Ireland, and 12 July, the anniversary of the Battle of the Boyne.3» — la distinción que traza: en Canadá y Estados Unidos el 31 de octubre nunca fue fiesta sectaria; las fechas de enfrentamiento orangista y verde eran San Patricio y el 12 de julio

«Very occasionally, violence spilled onto the streets on Guy Fawkes Day, a day still commemorated by Bostonians and Protestant Canadians. In 1864, for example, trouble flared in Toronto during the Orange Order's celebrations of the holiday. On this ‘occasion, it was rumored that the Orangemen planned to burn efÏgies ‘of Daniel O’Connell, the Catholic Irish liberator, and also of the Duke of Neweastle, the colonial secretary who had demanded that the Order remove a transparency of William III from the triumphal arch greeting the Prince of Wales in 1860.4 But Halloween was not an occasion. specifically targeted for this kind of sectarian politics.» — la excepción que documenta: en 1864 hubo alboroto en Toronto durante la celebración de la Orden de Orange, por el rumor de que quemarían las efigies de Daniel O'Connell y del duque de Neweastle (sic el troceo), pero Halloween no era blanco de esa política

«There were efforts, in fact, to recast Halloween as a day of decorous ethnic celebration. The impetus behind this in Canada came from the well-hecled Caledonian Society. Founded in 1855 by members of the» — el empeño por volver Halloween día de celebración étnica decorosa, que en Canadá empuja la acomodada Caledonian Society; la plana corta aquí y el impreso sigue *Scottish-Canadian elite*

«Scottish-Canadian clite, many of whom were well placed in business and higher education, this society observed Halloween with an annual concert of Highland reels, jigs, ballads, and the poems of Robbie Burns. ‘Asa guest speaker remarked at the 1885 Montreal meeting, “we are not divining the furure, or burning nuts, or catching the ‘snap apple? but [we are] celebrating Scottishness?5» — cómo celebraba la Caledonian Society: concierto anual de *reels*, *jigs*, baladas y poemas de Robbie Burns; un orador invitado dijo en Montreal en 1885 que no estaban adivinando el porvenir ni quemando nueces, sino celebrando la escocesidad

«He went on to applaud the industry and enterprise of the Scots, and their important contribution to Canadian life. “In the legislature, in the pulpit, in the counting house, ‘on the farm?’ he proclaimed, “everywhere—Scotchmen are successful”» — y el mismo orador aplaudió la laboriosidad escocesa: en la legislatura, en el púlpito, en la contaduría, en la granja, en todas partes los escoceses triunfan

«For the Caledonian societies of Canada, then, Halloween became an opportunity to expatiate on the Scottish contribution to nation-building, and empire and to honor its more auspicious representatives. These included Lord Strathcona, the governor-general at the turn of the century, who was said to epitomize the “true type of the Highland chief” a man who had used his “great wealth to bind all classes together."6» — la función que le adjudica: Halloween se volvió ocasión de explayarse sobre el aporte escocés a la construcción nacional y al imperio, y de honrar a figuras como lord Strathcona, gobernador general

«In the interests of elite solidarity and mutual tolerance, the Montreal branch of the Caledonian Society also invited representatives from other ethnic societies to its annual junkets. In 1900 they included the presidents of the St. George and St. Patrick societies, the St. Jean Baptiste Society, and the Irish Protestant Benevolent Society. By 1910, prominent local businessmen from the Montreal Irish community were also in attendance. Yet there is no indication that Halloween was celebrated as a pan-Celtic event; rather, it centered upon “Auld Scotia” and the gritty qualities that brought Scotsmen success along the St. Lawrence.”» — y el hallazgo que consigna: aunque la rama de Montreal invitaba a sociedades de San Jorge, San Patricio, San Juan Bautista y a la Irish Protestant Benevolent Society, no hay indicio de que Halloween se celebrara como fiesta pancéltica, sino como cosa de *Auld Scotia*

«Few societies were as self-congratulatory as the Caledonian, but ‘many seized the opportunity to use Halloween to rally their supporters and consolidate their membership. This was the case with the Orkney and Shetland Society of Hamilton, which organized a Halloween concert with a “strong Scotch flavour” in 1893. It was also true of the Young Ireland Literary Society of this industrial town, of the Hibernian Knights of Montreal, and the Kingston Sons of Scotland. In New York City, the Irish National League held a Halloween ball at the Lexington» — las demás sociedades que aprovecharon la fecha para reunir a los suyos: la Orkney and Shetland Society de Hamilton con su concierto de 1893 de *strong Scotch flavour*, la Young Ireland Literary Society, los Hibernian Knights de Montreal, los Kingston Sons of Scotland y la Irish National League de Nueva York; la plana corta aquí

«Avenue opera house in 1887, while a branch of the Gaelic Society on West 28th Street held a seannches, that is, an evening of poetry and ‘music, the same yeat.8» — sigue el inventario de bailes y conciertos étnicos: la Gaelic Society de la calle 28 Oeste tuvo en 1887 un *seannches*, velada de poesía y música (el troceo imprime *yeat* por year)

«North of the border, Orangemen also celebrated Halloween with concerts and balls. In Kingston, Ontario, the ’Prentice Boys and Orange Young Britons regularly held an assembly and ball at the Victoria Music Hall.9 The Hamilton lodge did so in 1872, but the following year, they switched the date to s November, the anniversary of the Gunpowder Plot.19 The reasons for this are unclear, bur it might have been a response to the growing sectarian violence within the Irish population that was filling the streets of Ontario’s major cities.!2» — y al norte de la frontera los orangistas también la celebraban con conciertos y bailes, hasta que la logia de Hamilton mudó la fecha al 5 de noviembre en 1873, quizá por la violencia sectaria en las ciudades de Ontario

«Philadelphia, which had a sizable Irish population in the nineteenth century, was also home to a variety of Halloween celebrations. In the 18608, the curious could venture to Mrs. Drew’s New Arch Street Theatre to hear storyteller Barney Williams entertain them with “those legendary dreams of Old Ireland” Alternatively, they could go to the quadrille party held at Mr. Shaw’s academy at Washington Hall,!? or even to the local firemen’s bash.!3 And there was always the tavern for those who wanted a few drams or the pleasure of gawking at revelers in “fancy costume?» — la oferta de Filadelfia en los años sesenta del XIX: el cuentista Barney Williams en el New Arch Street Theatre de la señora Drew, una fiesta de cuadrillas en Washington Hall, el baile de los bomberos y la taberna

«In Philadelphia, in particular, where there was a rich tradition of masquerading in the streets on festive occasions, particularly at the New Year, Halloween must have been a colorful affair. By the turn of the century, it was said that the streets were filled with “thousands of persons intent on enjoyment that would hardly have been countenanced by the worthy Quaker founders of the city.”» — y, por la tradición de enmascararse en la calle, Halloween debió de ser vistoso allí: al cambio de siglo se decía que las calles se llenaban de miles de personas con diversiones que los fundadores cuáqueros no habrían tolerado

«Because of the peculiarities of newspaper reporting, we know less about the family side of Halloween in the nineteenth century than we do about its more public face at balls and concerts. But it is clear that Halloween was being adapted to the urban milieu of North America, in which a conspicuous minority of Irish immigrants congregated.15» — el límite de sus fuentes, que declara: por cómo informaba la prensa, se sabe menos del Halloween de familia que del público de bailes y conciertos

«Judging from the accounts in the New York Herald, “fireside games” abounded, with Scottish and Irish immigrants humorously reenacting the contests and fortune-telling of their forebears and dressing up for» — lo que expone del *New York Herald*: abundaban los *fireside games*, con inmigrantes escoceses e irlandeses rehaciendo en broma los certámenes y adivinaciones de sus mayores; la plana corta aquí y el impreso sigue *the occasion*

«“The forests and dells of the United States are too cold and tramp-infested to be thickly populated with fairies and witches? remarked the Herald with amusement in 1878, “but American ingenuity has devised an acceptable substitute, so if any one failed to see dancing fairies and witches innumerable last evening, it was because he did not make a tour of the parlours of his acquaintances?}6» — la broma del *Herald* de 1878 que trae: los bosques estadounidenses son demasiado fríos y llenos de vagabundos para criar hadas y brujas, pero el ingenio americano halló sustituto en las salas de las casas

«Predictably, Halloween was being celebrated in more commercial venues and in more commercial ways. Advertisements in the British Whig Weekly reveal that Halloween masks could be bought in local Kingston, Ontario stores as early as 1874. Within fifteen years it was quite casually remarked that “the run on masks” was “abnormal?”» — la comercialización temprana que documenta: en Kingston, Ontario, los anuncios del *British Whig Weekly* venden caretas de Halloween desde 1874, y quince años después la demanda ya se comentaba como anormal

«Grocers and wholesale merchants also cashed in on the celebration, A wide variety of nuts was advertised for the holiday: pecans, almonds, walnuts, chestnuts, flberts, and Brazil nuts. By the end of the nineteenth ‘century, this festive fare had expanded considerably. Figs, raisins, Florida oranges, and Malaga grapes were eagerly sought, in addition to the seasonal apple.» — los abarroteros y mayoristas se sumaron: nueces de todo tipo primero, y a fines del XIX higos, pasas, naranjas de Florida y uvas de Málaga junto a la manzana de temporada

«And the taste for candy of contemporary Halloween was already being cultivated. One advertisement for 1897 reads: “Special for Halloween at Carson’s—Chocolates 10¢ and 15¢ Ib; creams roc and 15¢ Ib; gumdrops roc and 15c Ib; all tafÏes 1s¢ per Ib. Oysters served in every style, Ice cream on order”!» — y el gusto por el dulce ya venía de antes: un anuncio de 1897 de Carson's ofrece chocolates, cremas, gomitas y melcochas por libra, con ostras y helado por encargo

«Perhaps the best indication that the customs of Halloween were ‘changing centered on the decline ofits divinatory rites and superstitions. “The glory of this once popular festival? remarked the New York Times, in 1876, “has departed”!» — el mejor indicio del cambio, para Rogers: la caída de los ritos de adivinación, que el *New York Times* daba por consumada en 1876 — *the glory of this once popular festival has departed*

«Its triumphs and rough jollities, festivals and strange rites are a matter of history, and live only in the immortal verse of Burns and traditional lore. The timid Amaryllis of these more prosaic times does not trust her matrimonial fate to the doubtful chance of picking out, blindfolded, the basin of dirty or clean water, or of depending for a “weel taurd” ‘man on the likelihood of “pooling” [pulling] at the stroke» — lo que expone del propio diario: aquellas glorias solo viven en el verso de Burns, y la tímida Amarilis de tiempos más prosaicos ya no fía su suerte matrimonial a la palangana de agua limpia o sucia; la plana corta aquí

«of midnight a straight-rooted “kail runt? There are still kept up in the western and rural parts of southern Scotland and Ireland some of the rough old games so peculiar to this festival, but over the world, wherever Scotchmen, Englishmen or Irishmen are domiciled, the trail of civilization is over them all.» — sigue el *New York Times*: quedan juegos rudos en el oeste y el campo de Escocia e Irlanda, pero dondequiera que vivan escoceses, ingleses o irlandeses el rastro de la civilización los alcanzó (el troceo parte *English-/men*)

«We should allow for journalistic license here, and recognize that ‘Halloween has been framed within the familiar narrative of converting every immigrant into a putative middle-class citizen. It is doubtful that the “old halloween revelries” had entirely disappeared, or that the pianoforte had replaced the tin whistle, fiddle, and uilleann pipes in che tenements of New York or in the wooden shacks of Canadian towns along Lake Ontario and the St. Lawrence.» — el reparo con que Rogers descuenta esa crónica: hay licencia periodística y un molde narrativo que vuelve a todo inmigrante un supuesto ciudadano de clase media; duda que el pianoforte hubiera sustituido al silbato, al violín y a la gaita irlandesa en los conventillos

«But it does seem that the divinatory practices of Halloween so prevalent in rural Scotland and Ireland were losing their appeal. The Montreal Gazette attributed this to the civilizing influence of North American cities, noting the decline of these “more frivolous and petty celebrations” in favor of more “literary or more rational enjoyments?2° Yet itis likely that their decline was also related to the different demographic profiles of urban life and to the changing patterns of courtship that high mobility into the city» — lo que sí concede: los ritos adivinatorios perdían atractivo; la *Montreal Gazette* lo atribuía a la influencia civilizadora de las ciudades, y él lo liga además a los perfiles demográficos urbanos y a los nuevos modos de cortejo; la plana corta aquí

«Evening parties, with a ring hid mysteriously away in some elegant work of the pastry cook's genius, have taken the place of the great “black pot” full of mashed potatoes and milk. The rough reel and jig have been replaced by the seductive waltz or pleasant quadrille, and the hilarious “hoohs” and clatter of hob nailed boots ... mingling in inharmonious numbers with the squeaking of a villainous old fiddle have been succeeded by the rustling of silks ... and the strains of the high-toned centennial prize piano forte, Like the curious marriage and funeral customs of old . .. the old halloween revelries are gone.» — y el mismo diario da el cambio por consumado: la fiesta de salón con el anillo escondido en el pastel sustituyó a la olla negra de papas con leche, el vals al *reel*, el piano premiado al violín chirriante, y las viejas juergas de Halloween se han ido

«brought with it. Young men and women did not leave home any earlier than in previous centuries; in fact, overall, teenagers likely left home rather Jater and in smaller numbers. But they increasingly entered unsupervised environments, often outside the conventional channels of domestic service and apprenticeship and with greater access to wage-labor markets. Consequently, they had greater opportunities to flaunt their sexuality and to find their own partners.?!» — la explicación demográfica que da: los jóvenes no se iban de casa antes que en siglos previos, pero entraban en ambientes sin vigilancia, fuera del servicio doméstico y del aprendizaje, con más acceso al salario y, por tanto, más ocasión de elegir pareja; el guion de *wage-labor* se restituye porque el impreso lo parte a fin de renglón

«Halloween in the big city was fun, but it was no longer part of a community-regulated courtship cycle, as it had been in the villages of Scotland and Ireland. As carly as 1831, an Upper Canadian newspaper was poking fun at the love spells that marked Halloween, reminding readers that marriage was a lottery anyway, with or without “the popping of a parched acorn??? Halloween continued to be of special significance to “love-orn swains and maidens? so the New York Herald remarked in 1872, but its divinations were games that ended in mock-marriages rather than real ones.23» — el saldo: en la gran ciudad la fiesta era divertida pero ya no parte de un ciclo de cortejo regulado por la comunidad; un diario del Alto Canadá se burlaba en 1831 de los hechizos de amor y el *New York Herald* decía en 1872 que sus adivinanzas acababan en bodas de burla (el guion de *love-orn* —así, sin la ele, en el troceo— se restituye porque cae a fin de renglón)

«The two other prints offer variations to this domestic theme. In one, a young women ponders her reflection in the mirror, hoping to catch a glimpse of her future husband, not the “aged cavalier” who gapes back at her. In the other, there are sketches of games similar to those of 1872— roasting nuts, dunking for apples—although this time time blind-man’s» — las otras dos estampas: la muchacha que busca en el espejo a su futuro marido y encuentra a un *aged cavalier*, y los mismos juegos con la gallina ciega añadida; la plana corta aquí

«bluff has been added to the repertoire. Yet the predominantly adult partygoers are more animated. Chairs are toppled, men and women ‘clamber on tables, and a fiddler rolls out a ree! for the dancers. In the ‘center, another fashion-conscious young woman hazards her future in the mirror while eating an apple. Above her, the apple-dunking barrel spills out its contents, providing an oblique reference to the pranks of the evening.» — en la tercera estampa los adultos están más animados: sillas volcadas, gente trepada a las mesas, un violinista tocando un *reel* y el barril de las manzanas derramándose, guiño oblicuo a las bromas de la noche

«None of these prints provides any clue to the outdoor activities of Halloween. In view of the conventions of respectability within middle-class households, this is predictable. It would have been improper for middle-class youngsters, particularly women, to gad about the streets in fantastical guises. This was more likely to occur among the teenagers of the working class, especially males, whose revels and everyday interactions habitually spilled out beyond their cramped living quarters.» — la lectura de clase que saca: ninguna estampa muestra la calle, porque a los jóvenes burgueses —y sobre todo a las mujeres— no les tocaba andar disfrazados fuera; eso era de la clase trabajadora

«“The old time custom of keeping up Hallowe'en was not forgotten last night by the youngsters of the city” reported the Kingston, Ontario,» — lo que expone del *Daily News* de Kingston, Ontario, en 1866: los muchachos de la ciudad no olvidaron la vieja costumbre; la plana corta aquí y sigue en la 79 con *Daily News in 1866*

«The shape and spirit of middle-class Halloween can be imagined from three prints in the Canadian Illustrated News of the 1870s and 1880s. ‘The frst, in 1872, depicts a family celebrating Halloween with relatives and friends. On the left, a fashionably dressed woman, probably the wife of the household, is either roasting chestnuts or placing two nuts together to see how they will react, closely watched by her daughters and her husband,» — las tres estampas de las *Canadian Illustrated News* con que imagina el Halloween burgués; en la de 1872 la señora de la casa asa castañas o junta dos nueces para ver cómo reaccionan

«In the background, two other ladies are entertaining ‘guests by divining her future, one with cards, the other with egg white. In the foreground, a party-groomed boy is offering a girl a chestnut, while behind group of boys and girls are dunking for apples. The engraving conveys an atmosphere of relaxed amusement, acting out time-honored customs in the respectable space of a middle-class parlor.» — y el resto de la escena: dos damas adivinando el porvenir con cartas y con clara de huevo, un niño ofreciendo una castaña y un grupo pescando manzanas, todo en el salón respetable de la clase media

«Daily News in 1866. “They had their maskings and their merry-makings, and perambulated the streets after dark in a way which no doubt was ‘mightily amusing to themselves. There was a great sacrifice of pumpkins from which to make transparent heads and face, lighted up by the unfailing two inches of tallow candle?24» — sigue el *Daily News* de Kingston: máscaras, jolgorio y paseo nocturno por las calles, con gran sacrificio de calabazas para hacer cabezas transparentes iluminadas con dos pulgadas de vela de sebo

«The making of jack-o'-lanterns was an adaptation of the old custom of commemorating souls in purgatory with candles cradled in turnips. As befitted the custom, guisers visited private houses to solicit gifts, although these now included “cakes, apples, nuts, and money?25 normally in return for a rhyme or song for their hosts.» — la filiación que traza: la calabaza iluminada adapta la vieja costumbre de recordar a las almas del purgatorio con velas en nabos, y los disfrazados pedían ahora pasteles, manzanas, nueces y dinero a cambio de una copla

«In 1893, the Orange Young Britons fife-and-drum band paraded through the streets of Kingston on Halloween, decked out in silk ties and burned-cork faces. According to the newspapers, the band “afforded much amusement for the boys” who congregated in “their ‘get-ups; singing, laughing and dancing”26» — el caso que documenta: en 1893 la banda de pífanos y tambores de los Orange Young Britons desfiló por Kingston con corbatas de seda y la cara tiznada de corcho quemado

«Revelers were usually given a “special license” to be merry on Halloween, and the public normally respected the tradition. It was expected that passers-by would donate nickels, dimes, or quarters to the masqueraders, and local stores were frequently besieged for treats.27» — la licencia consentida: se esperaba que los transeúntes soltaran monedas a los enmascarados, y las tiendas del barrio eran asediadas por golosinas

«Neighborly pranks were also very much a part of the festive raillery. It ‘was customary to root up vegetables from backyard gardens, disfigure jack-o’-lanterns on front steps or porches, unhinge gates and shutters, tip over outhouses, pull down signs and fences, and even tear up the wooden boarded sidewalks. In rural areas, farm implements and cart wheels might even be placed on roofs.» — el repertorio de bromas vecinales: arrancar hortalizas, desfigurar calabazas, desquiciar portones y postigos, volcar letrinas, arrancar letreros, cercas y hasta las aceras de tablas, y en el campo subir aperos y ruedas al tejado

«At Hartington, a small township just north of Kingston, where the “boys were out in full force” on Halloween in 1892, inhabitants discovered a freight car across the roadway the following morning “loaded with all sorts of truck?28 In the cities, delivery vans were sometimes moved to other streets and pranksters tried to unhook the poles from streetcars and temporarily immobilize them. In Kingston, revelers greased the tracks on steep inclines, forcing the transit authorities to scatter sand on them before» — los casos mayores: en Hartington amanecieron con un furgón de carga atravesado en el camino en 1892, y en las ciudades movían camionetas, descolgaban las pértigas de los tranvías y engrasaban las vías en las cuestas; la plana corta aquí

«the trolley cars could proceed. In Halifax, Nova Scotia, in 1900, a dummy was placed on the car tracks at Gottingen Street, forcing an unsuspecting driver to grind to a sharp stop.2» — y en Halifax, Nueva Escocia, en 1900 pusieron un muñeco sobre las vías de la calle Gottingen y obligaron al conductor a frenar en seco

«The more serious pranks were carried out by older boys late at night. ‘They prompted an ongoing debate about how much vandalism would be tolerated on this raucous night. The fledgling police forces of nineteenth-century cities spent a good deal of their time trying to clear the streets of rowdy and unsavory elements, especially drunks and prostitutes; and their vigilance was closely monitored by temperance and philanthropic societies that wanted to make urban spaces more decorous, orderly, and accessible to respectable citizens.» — el debate que abre: las bromas gruesas eran de los mayores y a altas horas, y las policías nacientes del XIX gastaban su tiempo en despejar borrachos y prostitutas bajo la mirada de las sociedades de templanza

«Youthfil pranks were tolerated, provided they did not inflict t00 much damage to property or endanger life. Merrymakers were reprimanded for derailing streetcars because of the potential injury it could inflict upon passengers. Bonfires were extinguished as potential fire hazards.3!» — el límite de la tolerancia: se aguantaba mientras no hubiera daño grave ni peligro de vida, y se apagaban las hogueras por riesgo de incendio

«Yet when Kingston revelers ripped up awnings and tore down fences in 1872, a newspaper simply remarked that this was “serious play ... lads will be lads”? The same tolerance could be found in the following lines from Toronto: Now the urchin hath his fun, The reign of terror’s now begun, For Hallowe'en is here.33» — el tono de la prensa: cuando en 1872 arrancaron toldos y cercas en Kingston, un diario habló de *serious play* y de que los muchachos son muchachos, y unos versos de Toronto daban por comenzado el reino del terror

«Not everybody was so light-hearted about the damage that was caused on Halloween, some of which took days, even weeks, to repair. Predictably, there were a few instances where Halloween pranks found their way into the police courts. In 1870, three Kingston youths were fined $3 each for throwing stones at the window of Mary Shippey and» — pero no todos lo tomaban a broma: algunos daños costaban semanas de reparación y unos pocos casos llegaron a los juzgados de policía — tres muchachos de Kingston multados con tres dólares en 1870 por apedrear una ventana; la plana corta aquí

«Until the end of the nineteenth century, at least, the police gave revelers a pretty wide berth, In 1898, it was reported that the Halifax police gave several street gangs “a bad scare” but declined to arrest anyone.30» — y la respuesta que documenta: hasta fin de siglo la policía dejaba correr; en 1898 la de Halifax dio *a bad scare* a varias pandillas sin detener a nadie

«striking her when she attempted to remonstrate with them. Two years earlier, a gang of street urchins plagued an unpopular neighbor in the run-up to Halloween by persistently knocking his door, bespattering his windows with mud, and even pitching dead cats into the passage beside his house. These nocturnal pranks culminated in a “perfect carnival of juvenile horrors” on Halloween itself, provoking the houscholder, one William Farr, to attack one of the gang.» — el caso que relata: unos chiquillos acosaron a un vecino mal visto llamando a su puerta, embarrando sus ventanas y echándole gatos muertos al zaguán, hasta que el hombre, William Farr, atacó a uno de ellos

«When called upon to defend his actions in police court, Farr claimed the boys had so “distracted his mind” that he impulsively took “summary justice upon the juvenile tyrants” by clubbing one of them over the head. The ‘magistrate was not impressed with this defense, and fined Farr $2 plus costs. In the interests of public order, he “administered a rebuke to the boys for being on the streets at night?35» — y el desenlace ante el juzgado: Farr alegó justicia sumaria contra los tiranos juveniles, el magistrado no le creyó y lo multó con dos dólares, aunque también reprendió a los muchachos por andar de noche en la calle

«By the cum of the nineteenth century, the tolerance for rowdiness and vandalism on Halloween was wearing thin in some quarters. In Chatham, Ontario, several boys were forced to compensate a householder for transferring his outhouse to rougher ground. In Hamilton, two lads and a girl were taken to court for pulling down a smokestack and placing a bobsleigh on the roof. One of the boys thought this quite unfair, claiming he had been told he “would not be touched as it was Halloween”» — el giro que fecha al cambio de siglo: la tolerancia se agotaba, y en Hamilton llevaron a dos muchachos y una chica al juzgado por derribar una chimenea, mientras uno alegaba que le habían dicho que no lo tocarían porque era Halloween

«In Kingston, the Halloween spree of 1902 led to an estimated $1500 worth of damage to fences and sidewalks and an assault upon a second-hand clothes dealer who had tried to protect his wagon from revelers. As a result, downtown merchants demanded police protection from this vandalism. From 1903 until 1914, the authorities obliged by swearing in special constables on Halloween, a policy that seems to have curbed “old-time rowdyism.”?7 In 1917, a Kingston newspaper remarked that “the rough element among the boys” was less evident on Halloween.38» — la respuesta institucional: la juerga de 1902 en Kingston dejó unos 1500 dólares en daños, los comerciantes pidieron protección policial y de 1903 a 1914 se juramentaron alguaciles especiales, con lo que el *old-time rowdyism* mermó

«Halloween, and their response was correspondingly mixed, In 1905, the Chicago Daily Jounal printed a cartoon that depicted barrels on steeples; clothes on telegraph wires; wagons on barns; gates, umbrellas, and milk ‘cans on rooftops; and beer advertisements defacing church porches. ‘The cartoon came with the caption, “Halloween Boisterous? Oh! Please don’t mention it. You were a youngster once on a time yourself”?» — lo que expone del *Chicago Daily Journal* de 1905: una caricatura con barriles en los campanarios, ropa en los cables y carretas en los graneros, bajo el pie de que uno también fue muchacho alguna vez (el troceo imprime *Jounal*)

«Two years later, the New York Herald produced another cartoon that portrayed Halloween in an amusing light. It showed street kids tripping up gentlemen, frightening old ladies with ghoulish pumpkins, removing store signs, boisterously dunking apples, and splattering one another with flour.» — y del *New York Herald* dos años después: chiquillos poniendo zancadillas a los caballeros, asustando a las viejas con calabazas, quitando letreros y embadurnándose de harina

«Not all people shared the Herald’s humor, however. One turn-of-the-century newspaper thought that Halloween tricks “committed under the shade of darkness” were “cowardly” and advised readers to “load their muskets or cannon with rock, salt or bird shot and when the trespasses invade your premises at unseemly hours . .. pepper them good or proper.”*®» — pero no todos reían: un diario de fin de siglo llamaba cobardes a las bromas hechas al amparo de la sombra y aconsejaba cargar mosquetes o cañones con sal en grano o perdigones

«Few public reactions were as militant as this, but many were certainly alarmed by the rough revelry and growing vandalism that accompanied Halloween. “It is to be regretted that the spirit of rowdyism has in a measure superseded the kindly old customs?» — el balance: pocas reacciones eran tan belicosas, pero muchas se alarmaban, y en 1897 William Walsh lamentaba que el espíritu de bronca hubiera desplazado a las viejas costumbres amables

«In New York City, kids sometimes substituted black stockings filled with ashes for flour-bags. In the novel.A Tree Grows in Brooklyn, one of the characters blackened his face with soot on Halloween, and with “cap» — en Nueva York cambiaban la bolsa de harina por una media negra llena de ceniza, y en la novela *A Tree Grows in Brooklyn* un personaje se tizna la cara de hollín; la plana corta aquí

«Tn towns and villages gangs of hoodlums throng the streets, ringing the doorbells and wrenching the handles from their sockets and taking gates off their hinges. In Washington boys carry flour in a bag. Care is taken to have the web of the bag so that a slight blow will release a generous supply of white powder... . These the boys use upon one another» — sigue lo que expone de Walsh: pandillas tocando timbres, arrancando manijas y portones, y en Washington muchachos con bolsas de harina de tejido ralo para que al menor golpe suelten su polvo blanco; el troceo parte aquí el chunk y el impreso sigue *as well as upon non-belligerent passers-by*

«The same rite was exercised in Chicago, where young men and boys routinely made “soot bag attacks” on passers-by, forcing young women to seek refuge in drug stores and dwellings.*8 Similar antics were practiced in Philadelphia, where “companies of youths” marched in the garbs of all nations armed with bean shooters, inflated bags, stuffed stockings, horns and other equipment for the fun-making”4» — el rito de la harina y el hollín en otras ciudades: en Chicago los muchachos atacaban a los transeúntes con bolsas de hollín y en Filadelfia marchaban *companies of youths* con trajes de todas las naciones y cerbatanas de frijol

«These strect encounters were deplored by law-abiding citizens, who fele that harassing young women, in particular, was mean-spirited and unmanly. Consequently, there were attempts to curb the practice through police and court action. Special details of police were ordered to contain the festive exuberance of merrymakers on Halloween, and focal courts routinely dealt with youthful offenders after a night of fun and hilarity.» — la reacción respetable: acosar a las muchachas se tenía por mezquino y poco viril, y se destacaron policías especiales y los juzgados despacharon a los jóvenes tras la noche de fiesta

«In 1907, some 200 people found themselves before the Chicago courts after a night's raucous merrymaking.*® Yet overstretched police forces were not always able to contain the night’s activity. In 1904, for example, the New York Herald reported a spree of flour-bag bashing upon unwary pedestrians on East 13th Street. Those inside their houses had the discomfort of sceing their iron gates unhinged and» — la cifra que da: unas doscientas personas ante los juzgados de Chicago en 1907, y aun así la policía no daba abasto — el *Herald* contó en 1904 una tanda de bolsas de harina en la calle 13 Este; la plana corta aquí

«placed elsewhere. One manager of a leather goods company was angry enough about these antics to remonstrate with the revelers and have one twelve-year-old arrested by the police. He must have regretted his response. For two hours, an angry mob of 300 boys besieged the police station where he was giving his testimony, and the crowd was dispersed only when reinforcements arrived from another precinct.46» — el episodio que cierra el tramo: un gerente hizo detener a un chico de doce años y trescientos muchachos sitiaron dos horas la comisaría donde declaraba

«As the Montreal Gazette observed in 1910, “the new Hallowe'en of American cities” was developing a reputation for being “quite unhallowed."47» — el juicio de la *Montreal Gazette* de 1910 que trae: el nuevo Halloween de las ciudades americanas se ganaba fama de *quite unhallowed*, es decir, de todo menos santo

«If urban youths were revitalizing Halloween as a night of hilarious pranks and disorder, the holiday was also being coopted by university students in the form of rags or rushes. In Toronto, and to a lesser extent ‘at Queen’s (Kingston) and McGill (Montreal), university students took to the streets on Halloween, chanting in packs, moving signs, and uprooting railings, and sometimes even immobilizing street cars.» — el segundo frente que abre: la fiesta también la tomaron los universitarios en forma de *rags* o *rushes*, y en Toronto, Queen's y McGill salían a la calle coreando, moviendo letreros y parando tranvías

«Some US. colleges and universities celebrated Halloween as raucously. Northwestern students, for example, went on painting sprees of campus property and downtown stores. In 1907, thirty-one of them were arrested for hosing down divinity students in their dormitory.‘ Chicago students turned Halloween into a territorial battle for class flags, scaling the 135-foot smokestack of the heating plant to fly their own colors and assert their supremacy. Medical students at Ann Arbor even spirited away cadavers from the anatomy laboratory. In 1900 they propped up the corpse of a headless woman against the folding doors of University Hall?» — los casos estadounidenses: pintarrajeos en Northwestern y treinta y un arrestados en 1907 por mojar con manguera a los seminaristas, la batalla por las banderas de generación en Chicago, y estudiantes de medicina de Ann Arbor que en 1900 apoyaron el cadáver de una mujer decapitada contra las puertas de University Hall

«Most U.S. students appear to have celebrated Halloween in a more orderly fashion. In Michigan, Olivet College held a Halloween barbecue at which the sophomores dressed up in ghostly costumes and danced, like Shakespeare’s witches in Macbeth, around a “boiling cauldron.”5° At the Detroit College of Medicine, students marched through the streets in a “shirt-tail parade? many of them “rigged up grotesquely?!» — el contrapeso que pone: la mayoría lo celebraba con más orden — barbacoa en Olivet College con estudiantes disfrazados de fantasmas bailando en torno a un caldero como las brujas de *Macbeth*, y desfile en camisón en el Detroit College of Medicine

«At Wellesley and Barnard College, female students appropriated the occasion to foreground their marginal status as voters and citizens. In 1912, they conducted a mock debate between the five presidential» — y el uso político que documenta: en Wellesley y Barnard las estudiantes aprovecharon la fecha para poner por delante su condición marginal de votantes y ciudadanas, con un debate de burla en 1912; la plana corta aquí

«The students of New York University, in contrast, observed Halloween as a hazing rite for freshmen. These novices were forced to join a parade in their nightgowns to the houses of the president, the dean, and other members of the faculty. They were then “exhibited” before the assembled student body and obliged to disclose their name, age, and politics, sing the school song, and give the school yell. Finally, they were ducked or “baptized” in the Hall of Fame fountain.5?» — el rito de novatada de la Universidad de Nueva York: desfile en camisón hasta las casas del rector y del decano, exhibición ante el alumnado, nombre, edad y filiación política declarados, canción y grito de la escuela, y un remojón bautismal en la fuente del Hall of Fame

«The president of NYU thought this hazing rite a pretty harmless affair, more conducive to the esprit de corps of the college than to Halloween rowdyism. His Canadian counterparts must have viewed the rituals of their students more ambivalently. In the 1870s and early 1880s, students celebrated Halloween by blocking up lecture halls, catcalling faculty, and generally enjoying themselves with seasonal hilarity,» — según Rogers, el rector de NYU tenía la novatada por inofensiva y buena para el espíritu de cuerpo, mientras los canadienses miraban con más ambivalencia a sus estudiantes, que tapiaban aulas y abucheaban al profesorado

«From the mid-1880s onward, however, beginning in Toronto, students marched to the local theaters or opera house and made a nuisance of themselves from the upper gallery or the boxes, catcalling, hooting, and generally making their presence felt. From the pit they appeared as “a blur of black and white” one newspaper reported, a “many-headed monster [which] surged and heaved and raised unceasing bedlam, never desisting from pawing the floor and hammering with bludgeons”53» — la forma que tomó desde mediados de los años ochenta: los estudiantes iban al teatro o a la ópera a hacerse notar desde el gallinero, y desde el patio se veían como *a blur of black and white*, un monstruo de muchas cabezas que no paraba de patear y golpear

«Much of the bustle was good-natured cnough. Students normally congregated under their collegial colors, which they draped over the balcony. Sometimes they added humorous signs or artifacts. The School of Science embellished their box in 1902 with boards reading “Rogues Gallery” and “Wild Animals I have Known? Trinity students dangled a skeleton over their portion of the rail on one occasion, and those in Practical Science once dangled a live chicken. In keeping with the season, actresses were greeted with mixed messages. One leading lady was presented with a huge floral skull and crossbones. In Montreal, “Old McGill” unloaded a “small sized flower shop” on the lady performers,» — el detalle del jolgorio: colores de la facultad en el balcón, letreros de burla —*Rogues Gallery*, *Wild Animals I have Known*—, un esqueleto colgado por los de Trinity, un pollo vivo por los de Practical Science, y a las actrices una calavera floral o una florería entera; la plana corta aquí

«All this was a prelude to the real intent of the evening, which was to turn the performance into an uproarious vaudeville, to appropriate it for the students. Villains and cads were hissed; lovers applauded. Pathetic scenes were greeted with catealls or ‘moans. And if the disruption to the artists was formidable enough, the city burghers in the stalls had their pates peppered with peas, while young women were pestered with paper darts or falling bunting.» — el propósito real de la velada, según Rogers: volver la función un vodevil a su medida, con silbidos a los villanos, aplausos a los amantes, chícharos a las calvas de los burgueses del patio y dardos de papel a las muchachas

«The fashionably dressed audiences were not unduly bothered by the uproarious humor of the students. Some of them likely recognized their own sons and brothers in the gallery, or those of their professional neighbors. This was, after all, a collegial coming-out party, a ritual celebrating student exuberance at the expense of those who had already established themselves in professional or business life. Students were part of the show and were allowed to express their own marginality as society’s next, but as yet unestablished, leaders in good-humored banter and mockery.» — y cómo lo lee: era una puesta de largo colegial, rito de exuberancia estudiantil a costa de quienes ya tenían su lugar, en el que los estudiantes decían su propia marginalidad de líderes aún sin lugar

«Tempers did flare, however, when theater managers attempted to restrict the number of students in the galleries. ScufÒes were reported between the Queen's students and the police when they were refused admittance to the Grand Opera House in 1919. The following year, students used a battering ram to try to break in, a precedent that cost them a stiff fine of $26 for disorderly conduct 55» — el choque cuando los empresarios quisieron limitar el número de estudiantes en el gallinero: reyertas con la policía en la Grand Opera House en 1919 y, al año siguiente, un ariete y una multa de veintiséis dólares

«The most dramatic confrontations with authority took place on the marches to the theaters, or during the revels afterward. Students marched aggressively to the theaters waving their colors and canes and hooting at passers-by. In what was a symbolic invasion of the town by the gown, trouble inevitably ensued as police sought to control the antics and prevent damage to gas lanterns and windows. These antics resumed after the performances. In Toronto, students normally proceeded uptown to serenade the young women who lived in the residences of various elite girls’ schools. Some then dispersed to various parties, while others went on to visit faculty or prominent citizens. On» — los choques mayores ocurrían en la marcha al teatro, invasión simbólica de la ciudad por la universidad, y en la juerga posterior, cuando en Toronto iban a dar serenata a las internas de los colegios de niñas de élite; la plana corta aquí

«the way, the usual Halloween vandalism was inflicted upon signs, windows, gas lamps, and fences. When the damage to property was wanton, the police usually moved in.» — el saldo de aquellas marchas: letreros, ventanas, faroles de gas y cercas destrozados, y la policía entrando cuando el daño era gratuito

«The police found themselves in a somewhat difÏcult position in dealing with students, many of whom were well connected and made this patently clear to the constables on duty. As the Kingston Daily Standard noted, students often felt they owned the city and were “privileged persons who are superior to the law?56» — la posición incómoda de la policía frente a estudiantes bien relacionados: según el *Kingston Daily Standard*, se sentían dueños de la ciudad y personas privilegiadas por encima de la ley

«genial magistrates. They chafed at the way in which students were able to avoid the law when vandalism or rowdiness occurred on university property, on the grounds that the proper disciplinary authority on these occasions were the colleges themselves.» — y el motivo de su fastidio: los estudiantes escapaban a la ley cuando el destrozo ocurría en predio universitario, porque la autoridad disciplinaria era el propio colegio

«Very occasionally, the police overreacted in their dealings with students. In 1902, five mounted policemen clubbed medical students leaving a faculty reception in ‘Toronto, apparently without provocation.5” But usually the police dealt with the students in an even-handed manner, especially given the taunts and provocations they had to endure from people whom they regarded as trouble-making snobs on their way up in the world.» — la excepción y el balance: en 1902 cinco policías montados apalearon sin provocación a estudiantes de medicina en Toronto, pero en general, dice, la policía actuó con mesura pese a las pullas de quienes tenía por snobs en ascenso

«In fact, there is no evidence that college students felt any special bond of sympathy with lower-class revelers in defying authority and ragging unpopular professors. Indeed, when students did move beyond the familiar rites of campus inversion, they sometimes ran into trouble. In 1903, for example, eighty McGill students ventured into Longueuil on Halloween for some prankish fun but were driven into the St. Lawrence River by the locals. Fifty of them. were reportedly injured.5?» — y niega la solidaridad de clase: no hay indicio de que los universitarios se sintieran hermanados con los juerguistas de clase baja; cuando ochenta estudiantes de McGill salieron a Longueuil en 1903, los del pueblo los echaron al San Lorenzo y hubo cincuenta heridos

«By the 1920s, student rags on Halloween were disappearing. University administrations discouraged downtown rushes in the light of increasing civic displeasure. Yet the decline of Halloween student revels was also related to changes in the school calendar. As long as students returned to the university in October, the appropriation of Halloween» — el final de la costumbre: en los años veinte las administraciones desalentaron las marchas al centro, pero Rogers lo ata además al calendario escolar; la plana corta aquí

«The years 1884-1920 were those when college students appropriated Halloween for their own purposes. They used Halloween’s rites of inversion and revelry to haze freshmen, as at NYU, or to frame the initiation rituals of freshettes, as at Queen’s University in Kingston.s8» — la periodización que propone: de 1884 a 1920 los universitarios se apropiaron de Halloween, usando sus ritos de inversión para novatar a los de primer año en NYU o para enmarcar la iniciación de las *freshettes* en Queen's

«In the case of Toronto, Halloween revels were used to consolidate collegial identities after hazing. Marches or “rushes” to the theaters were occasions when students marked their presence in town life, razed their superiors, and thumbed their noses at authority generally. It was a moment of inversion for a privileged population moving from adolescence to young adulthood and perhaps anxious about their future place or chances of success in society.» — y en Toronto servían para consolidar identidades colegiales y marcar presencia en la vida de la ciudad: momento de inversión de una población privilegiada que pasa de la adolescencia a la adultez y teme por su lugar futuro

«asa liminal moment in the school year made sense. When students began to return to campus earlier in the year, as they did in the 1920s, Halloween’s significance as a student rite de passage declined.» — el remate del argumento: mientras los estudiantes volvían a la universidad en octubre, tomar Halloween como momento liminal del año escolar tenía sentido; al adelantarse el regreso en los años veinte, decayó como rito de paso

«The raucous observance of Halloween by students at the turn of the century nonetheless points to a more general phenomenon: the emergence of the holiday as a fixture in the North American calendar. In the mid-nineteenth century, Halloween had been regarded as a preeminently Irish or Scottish festival, as one observed by immigrants or first-generation Americans of Irish or Scottish descent. This notion persisted into the 1890s, when journalists still pondered whether the holiday would become anything more than an ethnic-identified festival.» — el fenómeno mayor que ese ruido señala: la fiesta se volvía parte fija del calendario norteamericano, y no ya cosa de irlandeses y escoceses como se la tuvo a mediados del XIX

«Yet as early as 1875, one newspaper noted that many Americans besides “our Irish adopted citizens” were celebrating Halloween.61 The adoption of Halloween by students was one measure that it was becoming more generally observed; 50, too, was its adoption by town socialites. In Toronto, Halloween opened the winter's season of private dinner parties and public entertainments.6? From 1886 onward, Manhattan debutantes held an annual Halloween ball at Tuxedo Park.» — las señales del cambio: ya en 1875 un diario notaba que la celebraban muchos americanos además de los *Irish adopted citizens*, y desde 1886 las debutantes de Manhattan daban baile anual en Tuxedo Park

«Elite sponsorship undoubtedly helped consolidate Halloween’s place in both the Canadian and U.S. calendar. Yet its popularity was also growing among the population at large. Detroit newspapers made no mention of Halloween in the 1870s, but by 1904, cartoons portrayed Germans playing Halloween pranks. Indeed, because the rituals of Halloween were not that different from those of Martinmass (11 November), German and Dutch immigrants had little difÏculty in taking to the holiday, with societies such as the German American» — el otro carril: el patrocinio de la élite consolidó la fecha, pero la popularidad crecía también abajo, y como sus ritos no distaban de los de San Martín, alemanes y holandeses la adoptaron sin dificultad; la plana corta aquí

«Charity balls and parties soon followed. In 1895, for example, the Red. Cross held a Halloween party at the Brooklyn Art Gallery, at which 350 ‘guests wore Highland costume and danced the Gay Gordons.» — y siguieron los bailes de caridad: la Cruz Roja dio fiesta de Halloween en la Brooklyn Art Gallery en 1895, con 350 invitados de traje highlander bailando el *Gay Gordons*

«century, country clubs in Lenox, Massachusetts, Lexington, Kentucky, and Hot Springs, Virginia, routinely held Halloween parties and roasts. By 1910, Halloween was fully integrated into the social calendar of the Washington elite.» — en la primera década del siglo XX los clubes de campo de Lenox, Lexington y Hot Springs daban fiestas de Halloween, y hacia 1910 la fecha estaba integrada al calendario social de la élite de Washington; el tramo cruza el corte de chunk

«Benevolent Association holding Halloween dinners and dances. African-Americans were celebrating Halloween, as well. In 1903 in Chicago, their revels resulted in an unfortunate stabbing of a policeman and a near lynching of the blacks involved. In fact, so general was the observance of the holiday that the town of Albany, New York, organized a two-day Halloween carnival in 190s that was attended by an estimated 50,000 visitors from across the state. As a nonethnic holiday, Halloween had clearly arrived.» — la extensión social que documenta: también los afroamericanos la celebraban —en Chicago en 1903 la juerga acabó en un policía apuñalado y un casi linchamiento— y Albany organizó en 1905 un carnaval de dos días con unos cincuenta mil visitantes

«Yet Halloween also drew its appeal from the fact that it continued 10 bea night of social inversion and youthful exuberance in an era when other holidays became increasingly home-centered, respectable, and institutionalized.» — la segunda razón que da: Halloween seguía siendo noche de inversión social y exuberancia juvenil cuando las demás fiestas se volvían caseras, respetables e institucionalizadas (el troceo imprime *10 bea* por *to be a*)

«Once these huge fires had died away, older boys might resort to playing pranks, such as setting old boats alight. Recalling his adventures in the late 19508, one resident of Flower’s Cove remarked: “We would then hide in the grass or behind something, and wait for the owner to turn up. After he arrived he would go in a rage and chase after us. If anyone was caught he was given a beating?7?» — y el testimonio de un vecino de Flower's Cove sobre los años cincuenta: prendían botes viejos, se escondían a esperar al dueño y al que atrapaban le daban una paliza

«Even without Bonfire Night, Halloween faced wintry competitors from other holidays in nineteenth-century North America. In New England, there were “Negro Election” days during which blacks celebrated their new “Governor” with dancing, fiddling, and drinking.7!» — los competidores invernales que enumera: en Nueva Inglaterra los días de *Negro Election*, en que los negros festejaban a su nuevo *Governor* con baile, violín y bebida

«If Halloween was clearly broadening its social constituency in towns of the East and Midwest, it was also moving westward. In 1908, Halloween “roysterers” at Belton, Texas, burned freight cars, houses, and 1000 bales of cotton in a night of fire that cost as much as $250,000.66» — la extensión hacia el oeste: en 1908 los juerguistas de Belton, Texas, quemaron furgones, casas y mil pacas de algodón en una noche de fuego que costó hasta 250 000 dólares

«Two years later, the San Francisco Chronicle reported a Halloween entertainment and dance sponsored by a Ladies Aid Society in West Oakland, and the Los Angeles Times featured a cartoon entitled “The Halloween Game? in which four lawyers vied for the job of district attorney in Los Angeles county. At the same time, large stores such as Jevne’s of Broadway and Spring Street claimed that it was “incomparably the best place to supply all the Jast-minute needs and finishing touches for the Hallowe'en festivities.”6” The holiday had artived on the West Coast.» — y para 1910 la fiesta estaba en la costa: baile en West Oakland, caricatura del *Los Angeles Times* con cuatro abogados disputándose la fiscalía del condado y tiendas como Jevne's anunciando lo necesario para el último minuto

«How can we explain Halloween’s promotion to national status? Part of the answer lies in the fact Halloween happened to coincide roughly with the resumption of parliamentary or congressional business in state, provincial, and federal capitals; with U.S. federal elections; and with the beginning of the social season. As a holiday observed by leading immigrant groups, it was no doubt diplomatic to incorporate it into the political and social calendar. Because it was pan-Celtic and not» — la explicación que ofrece del ascenso a fiesta nacional: coincidía con la reanudación de los trabajos parlamentarios, con las elecciones federales y con el arranque de la temporada social, y era diplomático incorporar una fiesta de los grupos inmigrantes principales; la plana corta aquí y el impreso sigue *identified with any one interest*

«In Newfoundland, which was settled by Irish Catholics and by English Protestants from the Atlantic ports, Halloween and Bonfire Night coexisted in a raucous season that ran from late October to mid-November. Whereas Halloween was until quite recently celebrated with torch-burning parades, pranks, and forms of “mummery? the Fifth of November was devoted to building huge bonfires, at least in the predominantly Protestant communities.» — el caso de Terranova: Halloween y la Noche de las Hogueras convivían en una temporada bronca de fines de octubre a mediados de noviembre, con desfiles de antorchas y mascarada la primera y hogueras enormes la segunda

«From early October, adolescent boys would collect and sometimes steal wood, blubber barrels, and tires for bonfires that were fifteen fect high and twenty to thirty feet in diameter. Several inhabitants from Barr‘ Islands and Joe Batt’s Arm remembered one that consisted of seventy-five barrels and twenty tires, not to mention the thousands of boughs that ‘were cut from the local woods.‘» — y el tamaño de aquellas hogueras: quince pies de alto y de veinte a treinta de diámetro, hechas con leña, barriles de grasa y llantas juntados —y a veces robados— por los muchachos desde principios de octubre

«In Philadelphia and rural Pennsylvania, revelrous Santas called Belsnickles (a variant of the German phrase Pele-nickle, or St. Nicholas in fur) roamed the streets at Christmastide, dressed in cast off clothing with monstrous or blackened faces. The same tradition existed in the German-based community of Lunenburg in Nova Scotia”?» — los *Belsnickles* de Filadelfia y la Pensilvania rural —santacloses de juerga, del alemán *Pelz-nickel*— que rondaban en Navidad con ropa de desecho y la cara tiznada, costumbre que también estaba en Lunenburg, Nueva Escocia (grafías tal cual el troceo)

«Like Halloween tricksters and Christmas mummers, these revelers demanded treats from shopkeepers and citizens and were not above vandalizing property or seizing the streets from rival gangs. In Pottstown, Pennsylvania, in 1826, Belsnickles demolished a back strect house belonging toa poor woman and blockaded the main road with barrels, grocery boxes, harrows, and plows.73» — y su parecido con los de Halloween: exigían regalos a comerciantes y vecinos y no se abstenían de destrozar; en Pottstown, en 1826, derribaron la casa de una mujer pobre y bloquearon la calle principal con barriles, cajas, rastras y arados

«In New York, too, Christmastide was a time of open-house boozing and revelry, especially on New Year’s Eve, when pranksters perambulated the streets with their discordant music. In 1828, the celebrations turned into an ugly riot that the local watch proved powerless to control, prompting calls for a more professional police force to handle the unruly merriment that the season brought with it.» — y en Nueva York la Navidad era de parranda abierta, sobre todo en Año Nuevo, hasta que el motín de 1828 dejó impotente a la ronda vecinal y se pidió una policía profesional

«Even so, as late as 1851 the New York Tribune complained of the “Saturnalia of discord, by Callithumpian and Cowbellian bands, by musketry and fire-crackers, by bacchanal songs and noisy revels, which for two hours after midnight made sleep not a thing to be dreamed of”74» — aun así, el *New York Tribune* se quejaba en 1851 de la saturnal de discordia de las bandas *Callithumpian* y *Cowbellian*, con mosquetes, cohetes y coplas báquicas que dos horas después de medianoche quitaban el sueño

«During the second half of the nineteenth century, these rougher Yuletide customs were finally brought under firmer civic control. Over time, they became increasingly marginal to the celebration of the Christmas season, which had traditionally lasted twelve nights. This was because Christmas was increasingly being cast in a middle-class idiom. From 1850 onward, it became a more decorous, family-centered affair, featuring Santa Claus, Christmas trees, home-visiting, church-going, and new patterns of consumption that both incorporated and displaced the holiday's discordant elements.» — el contraste que traza con la Navidad: en la segunda mitad del XIX esas costumbres bronces quedaron bajo control cívico y la fiesta se vertió en molde burgués —Santa Claus, árbol, visitas, iglesia y consumo— desde 1850

«One can track this transformation in the changing image of Santa himself, who began the nineteenth century asa mischievous, lecherous street peddler and ended it as the convivial, paunchy, hearty gift-giver, the amiable grandfather figure whom we all» — y la transformación se ve en el propio Santa, que empieza el siglo como buhonero callejero travieso y lascivo y lo termina como abuelo cordial y barrigón; la plana corta aquí

«While Yuletide was being recast in a middle-class idiom, Orange lodges and Hibernian societies celebrated their holidays more decorously, or at least actively discouraged any rowdyism that might tarnish their new-won social and political reputation. The triumph of respectability was predictably a protracted affair, whose temporalities could differ from town to town.» — el mismo movimiento en las sociedades étnicas: logias orangistas e hibernianas celebraban con más decoro o desalentaban la bronca que pudiera manchar su reputación recién ganada, aunque el triunfo de la respetabilidad fue lento y desigual

«In Toronto, Irish ethnic festivals were more or less tamed by the 1880s. In Worcester, Massachusetts, Irish temperance societies battled with revelers over the celebration of St Patrick’s Day well into the 1890s. The same was true of the Fourth of July celebrations, which were often conducted in an uproarious fashion, with fireworks, fireballs, and “a pandemonium of drums, bells, and every variety of noise?””» — los ritmos que compara: en Toronto las fiestas étnicas irlandesas estaban domadas para los años ochenta, mientras en Worcester las sociedades de templanza peleaban con los juerguistas por San Patricio hasta los noventa, y el 4 de julio era un pandemonio de tambores, campanas y ruido

«But from the 1880s onward, citizens were advised to set up committees to make the celebrations more focused and orderly, and to coordinate local societies for the annual street procession.” Within twenty years, picnics, parades, sports, and games were prevailing over bonfires, firecrackers, and drunken vandalism in the celebration of America’s independence.» — y cómo se ordenó: desde los años ochenta se aconsejó formar comités y coordinar sociedades para la procesión anual, y en veinte años los días de campo, desfiles y juegos ganaron a las hogueras, los cohetes y el vandalismo de borrachos

«There were inevitably some exceptions to this civilizing process. In New York and other East Coast cities, the American celebration of Thanksgiving, which was first celebrated on a national scale in 1863 thanks to the efforts of matriarchs like Mrs. Sarah Hale, remained a buoyant street festival for “ragamufÏns” as much as a sedate, family» — las excepciones a ese proceso civilizador: el Día de Acción de Gracias, nacional desde 1863 por empeño de matriarcas como la señora Sarah Hale, siguió siendo fiesta callejera de *ragamuffins*; la plana corta aquí

«know. One can also trace it in the displacement of Christmas mummery and tomfoolery into the Santa Claus parades of the early twentieth century, sponsored in most cities by large department stores such as Gimbef’s in Philadelphia (1920), Hudson's in Detroit (1923), and Macy’s in New York (1924).75» — y también en el traslado de la mascarada navideña a los desfiles de Santa Claus que patrocinaban los grandes almacenes: Gimbel's en Filadelfia en 1920, Hudson's en Detroit en 1923, Macy's en Nueva York en 1924 (el troceo imprime *Gimbef's*; los años entre paréntesis están en el impreso, releídos en el crudo)

«centered dinner. George William Douglas noted that “children in the different neighborhoods dressed themselves in clothes of their elders, covered their faces with masks and paraded the streets blowing tin horns”80 Thus attired, they went from house to house asking for fruit and vegetables to celebrate the day. As late as 1928 it was remarked that the New York streets were “full of ‘RagamutfÏns’—kids dressed in ridiculous Hallowe'en costumes, begging for pennies?!» — lo que expone de George William Douglas sobre el Día de Acción de Gracias: los niños se vestían con ropa de sus mayores, se enmascaraban y recorrían las calles tocando cornetas de hojalata pidiendo fruta y verdura, y todavía en 1928 se hablaba de *Ragamuffins* con disfraces de Halloween pidiendo centavos

«In the 18908, Los Angeles developed a raucous spring fiesta that for a decade or so featured mock mayors and elements of social inversion. In New Orleans, Mardi Gras blossomed into a baroque festival that ‘encompassed elite Southerners, marginal blacks and mulattoes, and many thousands of spectators who reveled the night away. This festival of disreputable pleasure, with its street parades and masked balls, some of which took place in high-class brothels, grew out of the complex confluence of cultures and political takeovers of the New World world. Outside the mainstream of American conviviality, it was celebrated only in New Orleans and the neighboring city of Mobile.8?» — las otras fiestas de inversión que enumera: la fiesta de primavera de Los Ángeles con alcaldes de burla, y el Mardi Gras de Nueva Orleans, festival barroco de placer poco respetable con bailes de máscaras hasta en burdeles de alto vuelo

«By 1900, there were few festivals in North America that had not sifted out their revelrous antics or contained them within institutionalized parades. Halloween was something of an exception. As a Celtic festival never clearly identified with one ethnic minority, it became relatively easy to detach it from its ethnic moorings and revel in its mischief» — la tesis del capítulo: para 1900 casi ninguna fiesta norteamericana conservaba su parte de jolgorio fuera de los desfiles institucionales, y Halloween fue la excepción porque, siendo céltica y de ninguna minoría en particular, era fácil desprenderla de su amarre étnico; la cita se parte en el guion de fin de renglón, y el impreso sigue *mischief-making potential*

«Indeed, Halloween appears to have appropriated some of the rituals associated with its rivals; or at the very least, reinvigorated older traditions of masquerading by contact with them. Masking and cross-dressing become more pronounced. And the callithumpian custom of flour-bashing, very visible in the New York riot of 1828 and also observed at Mardi Gras, received a resounding revival.» — y el préstamo en sentido inverso: Halloween se apropió de ritos de sus rivales o reavivó por contacto viejas tradiciones de mascarada, con la máscara y el travestismo más marcados y el *flour-bashing* callithumpiano de vuelta

«“All the ‘vagrom’ boys were out in all sort of cheap harlequin and clown disguises, with bags of flour, whitening cach other? remarked the New Orleans Daily Crescent in 1859 of its Mardi Gras celebrations.83 Ie was a description that could have been made of Halloween in New York City or Chicago some forty years later.» — la prueba que trae: lo que el *New Orleans Daily Crescent* decía del Mardi Gras de 1859 —muchachos de arlequín y payaso enharinándose unos a otros— podría haberse dicho del Halloween de Nueva York o Chicago cuarenta años después

«Beginning as an immigrant Celtic festival, Halloween attracted a growing audience across Canada and the United States, to a point that by the first decade of the twentieth century, it was celebrated coast to coast by a wide variety of groups: native and immigrant, rich and poor, black and white, Protestant and Catholic.» — la cuenta que hace: de fiesta céltica de inmigrantes a celebración de costa a costa en la primera década del siglo XX, de nativos e inmigrantes, ricos y pobres, negros y blancos, protestantes y católicos

«Halloween had become part of the patrician social season; it was important to the rites de passage of college students. As an apple-bobbing night that symbolically inaugurated the wintry season, it was merrily celebrated in North American parlors. And as a night of transgression, that “night of nights for every species of witchcraft and devilry’ it spilled out onto the street, giving even the street urchin his moment of mischief,» — y los registros que enumera: temporada social patricia, rito de paso de universitarios, noche de manzanas en el salón burgués y, como noche de transgresión, la calle, donde hasta el chiquillo tiene su momento de travesura

«Halloween in North America underwent many of the changes that wwe have already detected in Britain. It became a more secular festival ‘whose supernatural divinations were turned into games such as apple-dunking and nut-cracking. In fact, America’s Halloween was arguably celebrated in a more consumerist fashion than its British counterpart by 1900. It had emerged as a commercial red-letter day, with a variety of greeting cards, games, and novelties offered for sale.86» — el paralelo con Gran Bretaña y la diferencia: la fiesta se secularizó igual, con las adivinaciones vueltas juego, pero para 1900 la americana era más consumista, con tarjetas, juegos y novedades a la venta

«The holiday’s association with All Saints’ and All Souls’ had also virtually disappeared. Even in a place like New Orleans, where it was customary for people to decorate graves on All Souls’ Day, there was a sharp contrast between the revelrous practices of Halloween and the reverential practices that followed, one that emulated the way in which the festive license of Mardi Gras gave way to the solemn duties of Lent.*7» — y el corte con la liturgia: el lazo con Todos los Santos y Difuntos casi había desaparecido, y aun en Nueva Orleans, donde se adornaban tumbas el 2 de noviembre, el contraste era el mismo que hay entre la licencia del Mardi Gras y los deberes de la Cuaresma

«“no American festival, absolutely consecrated and universally acknowledged, that “hallows the calendar to the imagination of our people” In the author’s view, the only potential holiday that had any claim to be national, the Fourth of July, was more of a “noisy carnival” than a “genuuine patriotic jubilee Fifty years later, the Fourth of July had become the centerpiece of the American commemorative canon, and a holiday more decorously observed; but quite against the grain of the author's reasoning, there was one holiday that had achieved national, even North American, status without federal sanction, and that was Halloween.» — el remate del capítulo: en 1857 la *North American Review* lamentaba que no hubiera fiesta americana consagrada, y el 4 de julio le parecía carnaval ruidoso más que júbilo patriótico; cincuenta años después, dice Rogers, había una de alcance nacional sin sanción federal, y era Halloween (el troceo parte *ack-/nowledged* y *gen-/uine*, y el tramo abre en la plana anterior con *In 1857, the North American Review mourned the fact that there was*)

«In the transatlantic crossing there were also changes in Halloween’s relationship to the community. When Halloween was celebrated in early nineteenth-century Ireland and Scotland, it was still a community-centered festival that had important ramifications for the agricultural cycle, the courtship of eligible couples, good neighborliness, and the informal exercise of local justice. Transplanted to North America, where Irish and Scottish immigrants often found themselves in more diverse communities engaged in different kinds of work, these aspects of the holiday necessarily waned.» — el cambio que la travesía trajo: en Irlanda y Escocia la fiesta era cosa de comunidad —ciclo agrícola, cortejo, buena vecindad, justicia local—, y trasplantada a comunidades más diversas y con otros oficios esos aspectos mermaron; el guion de *community-centered* se restituye porque el impreso lo parte a fin de renglón

«The links between these two dimensions of the holiday likely became more attenuated over time, but they continued to be gendered, the familial domain being very much identified with fe space, and the bonfires, masking, and mischief with the masculine, most notably with male bonding.» — y la división de espacios que señala: lo familiar quedó del lado femenino y las hogueras, la máscara y la travesura del masculino, sobre todo de la camaradería entre hombres (el troceo pierde la palabra en *identified with fe space*)

«As Walter Pritchard Eaton noted, when reminiscing of his mid-nineteenth-century childhood, “apple bobbing and trips down the cellar with a lighted candle and a mirror to see your future spouse were all very well for girls and ‘dress up’ parties. But they weren't the essence of Halloween?’ atleast for boys. That essence was “robbery, destruction, arson288» — lo que expone del recuerdo de Walter Pritchard Eaton sobre su infancia a mediados del XIX: pescar manzanas y bajar al sótano con vela y espejo estaba bien para las niñas, pero la esencia de Halloween era otra — *robbery, destruction, arson*

«Over the course of the nineteenth century, the festive spaces of Halloween continued to be gendered in this way. The Chicago Record saw Halloween in these terms in 1894, ascribing the courtship games and marriage divinations to the young women and the street pranks to the males.'» — y el *Chicago Record* de 1894, que veía lo mismo: los juegos de cortejo y las adivinaciones de boda para las muchachas, las bromas callejeras para los muchachos

«But, increasingly, Halloween also became a peer-group holiday, celebrated in different ways by different generations. It was not without its familial dimension, to be sure, but this was no longer as central as it had been. By the early twentieth century, church groups, high schools, and rotary clubs were taking over some of the domestic rituals of Halloween, sponsoring parties and dances in which many of the games previously reserved for the home were played. And whereas private individuals had relied upon oral tradition for much of their indoor celebrations of the holiday, they increasingly looked to books» — el desplazamiento que enuncia: la fiesta se volvió de grupo de pares, celebrada distinto por cada generación, con grupos parroquiales, preparatorias y clubes rotarios tomando los ritos domésticos; la plana corta aquí

«for tips on how to run a successful Halloween party, whether for children, young adults, or even for young marrieds. One Ohio production recommended that married party-gocrs identify cach other from baby photos and from short anonymous statements of “why Iam a model wife/husband.” In another game, one clearly related to the Halloween convention of fortune telling, the guide also suggested that young women count off rice kernels to the following rhyme: Rich girl, poor gic, suffragette Waitress, milliner, farmerette ‘School ma'am, actress, stenographer ‘Musician, train’d nurse, dressmaker; ‘Book-keeper, house-maid, author, clerk, Telephone girl, and a lazy smirk.» — los manuales de fiesta que documenta: una guía de Ohio proponía que los casados se reconocieran por fotos de bebé y por declaraciones anónimas de *why I am a model wife/husband*, y que las muchachas contaran granos de arroz con una copla de oficios — de *suffragette* a *Telephone girl*

«Because harvest thanksgivings were scheduled on different days in ‘Canada and the United States, the importance of Halloween as a familial harvest supper diminished, even though some of the harvest symbolism surrounding Halloween survived: nuts, apples, and pumpkins, for example,» — y el efecto del calendario: como las acciones de gracias de cosecha caían en días distintos en Canadá y Estados Unidos, la cena familiar de Halloween perdió peso, aunque quedaran sus símbolos de cosecha — nueces, manzanas, calabazas

«In fact, the night itself was increasingly carved up in ‘generational ways. In 1911, a Kingston newspaper reported that it was normal for the smaller children to go street guising between 6 and 7 1a, visiting shops and neighbors where their rhymes and songs would be rewarded with nuts and candies. Thereafter, the night was reserved for the pranksters, or for the young men and women who dressed up and went off to private dances or parties.%*» — el reparto por edades que trae de un diario de Kingston de 1911: los niños pequeños salían disfrazados entre las seis y las siete a cambiar coplas por nueces y dulces, y el resto de la noche quedaba para los bromistas y para los jóvenes que iban a bailes privados

«If Halloween was increasingly fashioned as a peer-group festival at the turn of the twentieth century, its symbols and artifacts had become more commercial and standardized. Halloween motifs were regularly displayed in shops, restaurants, and workplaces. These now included the bats and cats, animals not associated with Halloween in the early» — y la estandarización comercial de sus símbolos, ya expuestos en tiendas, restaurantes y lugares de trabajo, incluidos los murciélagos y los gatos; la plana corta aquí

«modern cra, despite the well-established links between cats, magic, witchcraft, and devil worship.%? They seem to have found their way into Halloween lore through nineteenth-century Gothic fiction, most notably, Varney the Vampire (1847) and Edgar Allan Poe's The Black Cat (1843), stories that were easily adapted for the stage, radio, and silver screen.» — la filiación de esos símbolos: gatos y murciélagos llegan al folclore de Halloween por la ficción gótica del XIX, señaladamente *Varney the Vampire* (1847) y *The Black Cat* (1843) de Edgar Allan Poe, fáciles de llevar al teatro, la radio y el cine

«By the 1920s, bats and cats were as familar to Halloween as witches and goblins, all of which were set in an orange and black or sometimes yellow and black decor. As one instructional booklet from Boston observed, “Decorations for Hallowe'en may vary greatly, but black cats, bats, Jack’o’Lanterns, ghosts and witches predominate. Autumn leaves, corn-stalks, fruits and vegetables carry the idea of a harvest celebration. Orange and black crepe paper ate indispensable in decorating?%3» — y para los años veinte ya eran tan de la fiesta como brujas y duendes, en decorado naranja y negro; un folleto de Boston daba por indispensable el papel crepé naranja y negro

«By the 1920s, there were many ways to celebrate Halloween and many places where that happened outside the home: town halls, church halls, hospitals, schools. For the elite, there were country clubs and mansions, art galleries and hotels, including the Orangery at the Hotel Astor.» — los lugares fuera de casa que enumera para los años veinte: ayuntamientos, salones parroquiales, hospitales, escuelas, y para la élite clubes de campo, mansiones, galerías y hoteles como la Orangery del Hotel Astor

«In 1920, the Kingston Grand Opera House imported the New York production of Jack O’Lantern, a musical extravaganza featuring Doyle and Dixon, “America’s greatest dancers and comedians? Some 300 Queen’s students and some “local youths” attempted a rush on the doors, but they were repulsed by the police. Four of the ringleaders were arrested, fined, and lectured by Magistrate Farrell on what were the bounds of “legitimate fun” on Halloween.95» — el episodio con que cierra: en 1920 la Grand Opera House de Kingston trajo *Jack O'Lantern* de Nueva York, trescientos estudiantes de Queen's intentaron forzar las puertas y el magistrado Farrell sermoneó a cuatro cabecillas sobre los límites de la *legitimate fun*

«f the 1920s saw the emergence of Halloween as a genuinely ‘North American holiday and one that was becoming something of a boon for shopkeepers and manufacturers, there remained the nagging problem of just how wild it would be. The concerns voiced by the Montreal Gazette in 1910 about the “unhallowed” character of Halloween were not ones that simply disappeared. In fact, the conventions of rascality that invigorated turn-of-the-century Halloween took a long time to die.» — el arranque del capítulo *Razor in the Apple*: en los años veinte Halloween ya era fiesta norteamericana y negocio para comerciantes y fabricantes, pero quedaba el problema de cuán salvaje sería, y las convenciones de picardía tardaron en morir (la capitular se come la *I*)

«While youngsters would dress up in fancy costumes and masquerade in the streets, visiting houses for various treats, their older brothers would indulge in a different kind of devilry. [As the Star quite casually reported of one small town east of Toronto: “Hallowe'en spirit held full sway in Whitby last night. Many a citizen found his veranda furniture hanging from spikes on telephone poles, while a number of gates were removed and steps taken away”!» — el reparto por edades que documenta: los niños salían disfrazados a pedir y sus hermanos mayores a otra cosa — el *Star* contó de Whitby que los vecinos hallaron sus muebles de porche colgados de los postes de teléfono

«On a typical Halloween spree in interwar North America, fences were destroyed, signs and gates removed, roads barricaded, trolley cars immobilized, street lighting smashed, and outhouses tipped over. One eminent historian of Canada assured me that in his more youthful days in the 1930s he turned over as many as fourteen outhouses in one night of Halloween pranks.» — el repertorio de entreguerras: cercas destrozadas, letreros y portones quitados, caminos barricados, tranvías inmovilizados, alumbrado roto y letrinas volcadas — un historiador eminente de Canadá le aseguró haber volcado catorce en una noche de los años treinta

«In some places, manhole covers were removed from the streets and fake detour signs put up to harass motorists. Occasionally, trafÏc signals were tampered with to promote general confusion. Predictably, the new symbol of prosperity, the automobile, became the object of destruction. Revelers soaped windows, deflated tires, and at busy intersections unceremoniously “bounced” cars, or rocked them from the back, to the discomfort of the passengers.» — y lo que tocó al automóvil, nuevo símbolo de prosperidad: tapas de alcantarilla quitadas, señales falsas de desvío, semáforos manipulados, ventanillas enjabonadas, llantas desinfladas y coches mecidos por atrás en los cruces

«In downtown areas, the police were on red alert on Halloween. Sometimes, special reinforcements were brought in to ensure that the jollty of the evening did not degenerate into widespread vandalism. In Winnipeg during the Depression, “mobs of unruly youths and juvenile gangs” habitually gave the cops a “busy night?? In 1933, it was reported that there “was a merry game of give and take, the milling mobs retreating and advancing as the pressure of police control surged and receded”?» — la policía en alerta roja en los centros: en Winnipeg, durante la Depresión, las pandillas juveniles daban noche ocupada a los agentes, y en 1933 se habló de un tira y afloja de turbas que avanzaban y retrocedían

«The confrontations between the police and youthful revelers were generally good-natured. There were usually few arrests for damage to property. In 1932, the Vancouver Sun reported that the “humor of police ofÏcers was frayed by almost two hours’ continuous disturbances . and yet some of the pranks were so irresistibly funny that even they had difÏculty in keeping a serious face As this quote suggests, the tone ‘of the interwar press was seldom one of outright outrage. The Winnipeg Free Press talked of “jollity and hooliganism” or “jollity and horse play” when describing the antics of Halloween, and did not attribute to them any undergirding sense of urban malaise.» — el tono que mide en la prensa de entreguerras: los choques eran de buen talante y con pocas detenciones, y el *Winnipeg Free Press* hablaba de *jollity and hooliganism* sin atribuirle malestar urbano de fondo

«When the police did get tough with revelers, there were sometimes protests from the public. In 1936, the jailing of seven small boys who splattered tomatoes over a newly painted veranda in Richmond Hill, just outside of Toronto, led to howls of protests from local residents, who believed that the police had overreacted to what was nothing more than a customary prank.S Two years earlier, the citizens of Kerrisdale, Vancouver, were up in arms over what they termed the “buckomate”® tactics of the police, who used a mounted force to disperse a Halloween crowd.» — y cuando la policía apretaba, el público protestaba: en Richmond Hill, en 1936, el encierro de siete niños que embadurnaron de jitomate un porche recién pintado levantó protestas, y en Kerrisdale, Vancouver, los vecinos se indignaron por la carga montada contra la multitud

«to the damage caused the previous year, when “a crazy gang of youths” looted stores and dragged automobiles around the block. In fact, residents, including the principal of the local school, had demanded greater vigilance. But this did not stop Clarence Campbell, a thirty-year-old garage man, from suing the police for using excessive force in the dispersal of a customary revel. He had been trampled down in the affray and bore the “souvenirs of blows from a policeman's whip?”» — el desenlace de Kerrisdale: la policía alegó el saqueo del año anterior, pero Clarence Campbell, mecánico de treinta años pisoteado en la refriega, demandó a la policía por uso excesivo de fuerza

«As this Vancouver incident suggests, citizens disagreed about how much tolerance should be given to the annual Halloween revel. Some clearly demanded better police protection from Halloween pranksters, for the calls to the stations in cities like Toronto and Vancouver ran into double, even triple figures every year. In rural areas, in particular, where the mayhem on Halloween might seemed especially threatening, a few householders even took the law into their own hands.» — el desacuerdo que consigna, sin armonizarlo: los vecinos no coincidían en cuánta tolerancia merecía la juerga anual, y en el campo algunos se tomaron la justicia por su mano

«Shootings on Halloween made good news copy. So, too, did the tales of fatal accidents and fires that accompanied the pranks of the night. While these stories undoubtedly exaggerated the mayhem of the holiday, they probably reinforced the idea that Halloween had to be tamed and modernized, at least among security-sensitive citizens. This could not be accomplished by the traditional forms of crowd control,» — el efecto que les atribuye: los tiroteos, accidentes e incendios daban buena copia, y aunque exageraran el desmadre, afirmaron la idea de que Halloween debía domarse y modernizarse; la plana corta aquí

«In 1933, for example, a farmer from Uxbridge, Ontario, fired at pranksters who threw stones on the roof of his house, wounding one of them. In the same year, another farmer from the same district, besieged by a gang of revelers who peppered his farmstead with stones, opened fire repeatedly, wounding five young men aged fifteen to twenty-five years.» — los tiroteos que documenta: en 1933 un granjero de Uxbridge, Ontario, disparó a los bromistas que le apedreaban el tejado e hirió a uno, y otro del mismo distrito abrió fuego repetidamente e hirió a cinco muchachos de quince a veinticinco años

«In Welland, too, where a gang of youths bombarded a home in Cook’s Mills with apples as a climax to its Halloween pranks, two men were injured by gunshots in the ensuing affray.* Four years later, in Southey, Saskatchewan, a seventy-one-year-old man shot dead one of the pranksters who was pestering him, having repeatedly warned them to leave his property.? In isolated rural districts, where rowdies cruised farms in trucks and where farmers had firearms handy, confrontations could be tragically bloody.» — y los casos mayores: dos heridos de bala en Cook's Mills, un hombre de setenta y un años que en Southey, Saskatchewan, mató a tiros a un bromista tras avisarle que se fuera, y su conclusión de que en los distritos rurales aislados el choque podía ser trágicamente sangriento

«for police forces were always stretched to capacity on this annual mischief night. It had to be effected by community groups who strove to channel youthful energies into more respectable, law-abiding activities. All manner of clubs and societies went out of their way to provide alternative events for Halloween. Lions, Rotarians, Kiwanis, religious groups, high schools, boys’ and girls’ clubs, women’s institutes, the Imperial Order of the Daughters of the Empire, and even the Sons of the American Revolution all rose to meet the challenge of rendering Halloween safe and sane during the interwar years.» — quién tuvo que domar la noche, según Rogers: no la policía, siempre desbordada, sino los grupos comunitarios — Leones, Rotarios, Kiwanis, grupos religiosos, preparatorias, clubes de muchachos y muchachas, institutos de mujeres, la Imperial Order of the Daughters of the Empire y hasta los Sons of the American Revolution

«Canadian towns quickly followed suit. In Winnipeg, the United Scottish Association staged an annual carnival at the Minto armories and subsequently a the Winnipeg Auditorium, drawing thousands of merry-makers. In 1938, more than sooo people were said to have jammed the auditorium, at which there was a six-act vaudeville followed by a fancy-dress contest in which over 200 participated." In Whitby, Ontario, the War Veterans and Citizens’ Band organized a Halloween fairin 1928, complete with a masquerade parade, booths, and dancing in local halls and on the street.!? Other Ontarian towns soon followed, including Shelburne, where the local Rotary Club organized a torchlight parade and a big scramble that was designed to deter children from holding shopkeepers ransom for all manner of goods.1¥» — y los pueblos canadienses tras ellos: el carnaval anual de la United Scottish Association en Winnipeg, con cinco mil personas en el auditorio en 1938, la feria de Whitby de 1928 y el desfile de antorchas del Rotary de Shelburne, pensado para que los niños no tuvieran de rehén a los comerciantes

«For the younger set, there were fancy-dress competitions and games. For the adolescents, there were organized dances, usually capped with prizes for the most imaginative costumes. Smaller communities even staged Halloween camivals or street fairs to deter youths from vandalism.» — las alternativas que ofrecieron: concursos de disfraces y juegos para los niños, bailes con premios al disfraz más ingenioso para los adolescentes y, en las comunidades chicas, carnavales y ferias de calle para apartar a los muchachos del destrozo

«At Independence, Kansas, residents organized a “Neewollah” celebration that featured a parade, musical comedy, and the crowning of an annual Queen. In Anoka, Minnesota, the local Commercial Club and Kiwanis. also put on an annual festival and parade on Halloween, beginning in 1920. A few years later, Los Angeles organized a series of carnivals in an effort “to transform the annual celebration from a night of vandalism to one of fun for all”!» — los ejemplos: el *Neewollah* de Independence, Kansas, con desfile, comedia musical y coronación de reina; el festival anual de Anoka, Minnesota, desde 1920; y los carnavales de Los Ángeles para volver la noche de vandalismo en diversión para todos

«These community-sponsored events were likely quite successful in curbing Halloween revelry in smaller towns and townships; at the very» — el saldo que les pone: en pueblos y municipios chicos esos actos patrocinados por la comunidad frenaron la juerga; la plana corta aquí y el impreso sigue *least, they established acceptable limits of festive license*

«least, they established acceptable limits of festive license. In the larger cities, they simply made the task of policing Halloween a little easier by weaning the more respectable classes from the rougher forms of Halloween hilarity.» — y en las ciudades grandes, dice, solo facilitaron el trabajo policial al apartar a las clases respetables de las formas más rudas del jolgorio

«In some cities Halloween gave full vent to troublesome racial tensions. In 1931 in Nashville, North Carolina, Halloween masqueraders barred the downtown business district from “colored folk.” savagely beating one black in a minor race riot. Three years later in New York, 400 revelers armed with stones and stockings rioted in Harlem, black against white, until the police intervened.}*» — las tensiones raciales que documenta: en 1931, en Nashville, los enmascarados vedaron el centro comercial a la gente de color y golpearon salvajemente a un negro, y tres años después cuatrocientos juerguistas se amotinaron en Harlem, negros contra blancos

«In downtown Vancouver, too, Halloween revels were seldom free from racial tension during the interwar years, for pranksters habitually swarmed Chinatown for a “little fun” at the Asians’ expense. In 1935, youth gangs looted a large number of Japanese stores in the central section of the city. Four years later, 200 youths marched through Chinatown and the “Japanese colony? shooting off firecrackers and smashing windows. A similar raid was prevented the following year only by stationing ofÏcers at every corner of the district. 18,» — y en Vancouver los bromistas se echaban sobre el barrio chino: en 1935 saquearon tiendas japonesas y en 1939 doscientos muchachos marcharon por Chinatown tirando cohetes y rompiendo ventanas

«During the Depression years, the Halloween custom of holding storekeepers ransom for candies, nuts, and apples became something of an economic imperative among the unemployed and their dependents. There was always the possibility that the holiday would become raucously aggressive.» — lo que la Depresión hizo con la costumbre: tener de rehén al tendero por dulces, nueces y manzanas se volvió imperativo económico entre los desempleados y los suyos, con riesgo de tornarse agresivo

«When the Chicago World’s Fair of 1934 ended on 31 October, the authorities should have predicted trouble. At midnight, some 300,000 revelers, some of them masked as witches, took complete control of 32 miles of streets and concessions, “drank everything in sight except Lake Michigan? and rifled everything “moveable as souvenirs” At the horticultural building, for example, “thrifty housewives” were reported taking home $200 plants as admission souvenirs. Hundreds of police reserves were brought in to clear the crowds from the fairground, but crowds were still pouring in as late as 3 A.M. Some ritual pillaging of the concessions was to be» — el caso de la Feria Mundial de Chicago, que cerró un 31 de octubre de 1934: a medianoche unos trescientos mil juerguistas tomaron cincuenta kilómetros de calles y concesiones y se llevaron todo lo movible de recuerdo; la plana corta aquí

«expected on the last day of the fair; ending it on Halloween undoubtedly invited a general plunder.» — el juicio de Rogers sobre aquello: algún pillaje ritual era de esperarse el último día de la feria, pero cerrarla en Halloween invitaba al saqueo general

«In the late 1930s, the police found themselves perennially battling pranksters in the West End of the city, particularly those who dropped firecrackers into mailboxes, opened water hydrants, and dragged parked cars into the middle of the street. In 1940, the police department reminded Torontonians that Halloween was for children and that they would crack down on any horseplay by adolescents.!?» — Toronto a fines de los treinta: cohetes en los buzones, hidrantes abiertos y coches arrastrados al medio de la calle, hasta que en 1940 la policía recordó que Halloween era para niños y anunció mano dura con los adolescentes

«The cartoon proved ill timed. In various parts of Toronto and neighboring townships, Halloween was celebrated with unusual exuberance in 1945. In North York, gangs of youths roamed the streets, burning “almost everything they could set afire.” In Weston, two men and five juveniles were arrested for maliciously damaging property and placing stumps of trees on the railway tracks.19» — el aviso pareció surtir efecto, pero, dice, la caricatura salió a destiempo: en 1945 North York ardió por partes y en Weston detuvieron a dos hombres y cinco menores por poner tocones en las vías

«The most spectacular disturbance occurred in Toronto’s East End, in the vicinity of Kew Beach, Here high-school kids ignored an invitation to attend the Halloween celebrations organized by a local service club and erected several bonfires on Queen Street East. They fueled these fires with tom-down fences and building materials, adding to the general inferno by spilling gasoline on the streetcar tracks. When the mounted police arrived, the crowd was ordered to disperse. The order was defied. The police were pelted with rocks, and revelers used blocks of concrete from. a ncarby excavation site to barricade the street from the fire trucks. Thirteen were arrested in the ensuing affray, in which five firemen and two police ofÏcers suffered injuries.» — el disturbio mayor, en Kew Beach: los preparatorianos desoyeron la invitación del club de servicio, levantaron hogueras en Queen Street East con cercas arrancadas —el impreso dice *tom-down*, con la *r* de *torn* perdida por el OCR, y el guion se restituye porque cae a fin de renglón— y gasolina en las vías del tranvía, apedrearon a la policía montada y barricaron la calle contra los bomberos — trece detenidos, cinco bomberos y dos policías heridos

«Yet the riot did not end there. Led by owo sailors, an estimated crowd of 7000 “youths and young girls” descended upon the police station on Main Street to rescue the young, men who had been detained, turning on fire hydrants along the way. fails to» — y el motín siguió: encabezados por dos marineros, unos siete mil jóvenes fueron a la comisaría de Main Street a rescatar a los detenidos, abriendo hidrantes por el camino; la plana corta aquí

«In the stand-off, police reserves and cruiser cars carrying tear gas rushed to the station, and the “howling mob” was finally dispersed only by water cannon from the fire trucks.20 The Kew Beach riot was reckoned to be the worst Halloween disturbance in Toronto’s history. Bail for the ringleaders, two of whom were servicemen but most of whom were teenagers, was set at the inordinately high sum of $1000, so most were kept in jail for three weeks before their trials. The majority were given stiff fines.» — el final del motín de Kew Beach, que tiene por el peor de la historia de Toronto: gases lacrimógenos y cañones de agua para dispersar a la multitud, fianzas de mil dólares y tres semanas de cárcel antes del juicio

«Halloween hhas always been a children’s night’ remarked the Globe. “But when the night of innocent fun turns into wild rioting by young men in their late teens and early twenties, then the law must take its course. There is no room for rowdyness—in any community which prides itself on its stability and respect for the property of others?2!» — lo que expone del *Globe*: Halloween siempre ha sido noche de niños, dice el diario, y cuando se vuelve motín de veinteañeros la ley debe seguir su curso

«There is nothing in the z1st of October which makes it an open day for wanton destruction and personal violence,’ added the Telegram. “Nor is there any custom which extends to adolescents and adults the indulgence which winks at childish and harmless pranks on that date or which excuses the lawless behavior of hoodlums and morons?22» — y del *Telegram*: nada en la fecha la vuelve día franco para la destrucción, ni hay costumbre que extienda a adolescentes y adultos la indulgencia con que se guiñan las travesuras infantiles (el troceo imprime *z1st* por 31st)

«In framing their indictment of the Kew Beach rioters the Toronto newspapers were, in effect, rewriting the past. Halloween had never been exclusively or even primarily a children’s holiday. As befitted a liminal festival, it belonged more properly to those between childhood and adulthood. This was how Robert Burns saw it in his oft cited poem Hallowe'en, recognizing its importance to early-modern courtship customs and to social, principally masculine, license.» — y aquí Rogers objeta a esos diarios: al acusar así reescribían el pasado, porque Halloween nunca fue fiesta exclusiva ni principalmente de niños, sino de los que están entre la niñez y la adultez, como lo vio Burns en su poema

«The holiday's appeal in North America stemmed precisely from the temporary freedom that it gave to young people to defy social convention and to seize the streets. Pranks were an important feature of this season of misrule. While they were often aimlessly directed at passers-by, they were also, for better or worse, collective retributions directed against those elements in society who were thought to be alien, snobbish, or antisocial.» — la tesis que opone: el atractivo norteamericano venía de la libertad temporal que daba a los jóvenes para desafiar la convención y tomar la calle, con bromas que eran también represalias colectivas contra los tenidos por ajenos, snobs o antisociales

«Although Halloween was occasionally called “Kiddies? Night” in the interwar years, it was very clear that it involved not only the pre-teens but also adolescents.25 All age groups, in fact, had opportunities to dress up on Halloween and attend dances ot parties. Even the festive begging associated with the night was never the exclusive province of children. In 1932, a journalist reported that “a pack of teenage boys” swept into a confectioner’s store “in mass formation” and demanded treats to “yells of ‘Shell out?” Teenage boys and girls besieged ‘Vancouver homes in a similar fashion the following year24» — la prueba de que no era solo de niños: todos los grupos de edad se disfrazaban e iban a bailes, y en 1932 un periodista contó cómo una pandilla de adolescentes entró en formación a una dulcería a exigir golosinas al grito de *Shell out*

«The authorities’ answer to these youthful high spirits on Halloween was varied. In July 1950, the Judiciary Committee of the U.S. Senate recommended to President Harry Truman that Halloween should be transformed into a “Youth Honor Day.” The resolution was intended “to give national recognition to the efforts of organizations throughout the country which have attempted to direct the activities of young people into less-destructive channels on Halloween day of each year?25 According to the plan, youngsters would receive pledge cards at school urging them not to destroy property on the holidays. Once this pledge ‘was given, they would receive a ticket to a Halloween dance or party.» — la respuesta oficial: en julio de 1950 el Comité Judicial del Senado recomendó a Truman volver Halloween un *Youth Honor Day*, con tarjetas de promesa en las escuelas a cambio de entrada a un baile

«The plan had been promoted in 1950 by the sheriff of Davenport, Towa, who hoped it would be adopted by 2000 towns across the United States.26 Pledging was one of several ideas for diverting youthful energies in more respectable directions. The National Recreational Association, for example, tried to wean youths from smashing windows and puncturing tires by organizing window painting competitions, costume parties, and visits to other children in hospitals. Here the strategy was to make youngsters “partners in play rather than conspirators in mischief?”» — quién lo empujaba y con qué alternativas: el sheriff de Davenport, Iowa, que lo quería en dos mil pueblos, y la National Recreational Association, con concursos de pintar escaparates y visitas a niños hospitalizados para hacer de los muchachos socios de juego y no cómplices de travesura

«This sort of approach had also been recommended by the Toronto authorities in the aftermath of the Kew Beach riot of 194s. “There is much that can be done in the way of community enterprises which will provide a worthy outlet for the exuberance of youth? opined the Globe.» — y la misma receta tras el motín de Kew Beach: según el *Globe*, mucho podía hacerse con empresas comunitarias que dieran salida digna a la exuberancia juvenil

«It was in the city’s best interests that Halloween became more ofa dating ritual than an occasion for street rowdiness. Insofar as rascality could be tolerated at all, it was better that it be rendered child-like. The logic of this argument led inexorably to the trick-or-treat.» — la lógica que Rogers le lee a esa política: convenía a la ciudad que Halloween fuera rito de noviazgo antes que bronca callejera y, si había picardía, que fuera infantil — y de ahí, inexorablemente, al *trick-or-treat*

«Originally introduced into North America around 1939 and gaining momentum in the 1950s, trick-or-treating radically altered the dynamics of festive license without eliminating its masking or playful features.» — la fecha que le pone: el *trick-or-treat* entra en Norteamérica hacia 1939, toma fuerza en los años cincuenta y cambia de raíz la dinámica de la licencia festiva sin quitarle máscara ni juego

«Earlier conventions of festive doles always carried with them. aheavy weight of social obligation and the threat of recriminatory action if such expectations were not satisfied. Patrons were expected to deliver or, in the imperative of the interwar years, to “shell out” One correspondent to the Vancouver Sun remarked that Halloween begging was tantamount to “paying tribute ... to potential pirate bands by giving largesse at the door”?®» — lo que había antes: las viejas dádivas festivas traían obligación social y amenaza de represalia, y un lector del *Vancouver Sun* comparaba la pedida con pagar tributo a bandas de piratas en potencia

«If gifts were not forthcoming, property might be vandalized, although much depended upon local practices. In the Philadelphia area, for example, the threshold treating was sometimes a ritualized reconciliation between householder and youngster in the wake of a week’s petty vandalism.%9 Elsewhere property might be vandalized without the ritual of trick-or-treat, for male adolescents often dispensed with such rites in their eagerness to harass an unpopular neighbor.» — con sus variantes locales: en Filadelfia el dulce en el umbral era a veces reconciliación ritual tras una semana de destrozos, y en otras partes se destrozaba sin rito alguno

«On Halloween, recalled Ray Rheinhart of his boyhood days in Hoboken, New Jersey, just across the Hudson from midtown Manhattan, “there was only mischief. The adult world could not buy us off with candy or shiny pennies. They didn’t even try?3! Instead, he remembered, they braced themselves for the vandalism of “hyper male adolescents who could hardly wait for the sun to go down?» — y el testimonio de Ray Rheinhart sobre su niñez en Hoboken: allí solo había travesura, el mundo adulto no compraba a los muchachos con dulces ni monedas, ni lo intentaba (nombre tal cual el troceo)

«Once it was dark, any metal garbage pail left unsecured was unceremoniously tossed down the stone steps that led to the basements of the city’s brick and brownstone row houses. The clatter of metal against concrete usually continued right up to midnight. Ifthere was a cast-iron fence around a property, the gates were likely to be stolen. Of course, clean car windows were targets for the milky scrawls of soap bars.» — el repertorio nocturno de Hoboken: botes de basura rodando por las escaleras de piedra hasta medianoche, portones de hierro robados y ventanillas de coche garabateadas con jabón

«Gregory Stone remembered detaching the eave troughs from the house of the neighborhood “crab” in the mid-1930s and hurling them “with a terrifying clatter” upon his front porch. He and his friends, he noted, “had no conception of being treated by our victims to anything except silence ... irate words, a chase (if we were lucky), of, most exciting of all, an investigation of the scene by the police whom we managed to clude”?» — lo que expone del recuerdo de Gregory Stone, de mediados de los treinta: arrancar las canaletas de la casa del vecino gruñón y arrojarlas al porche, sin esperar de las víctimas más que silencio, regaños o una persecución

«Ironically, some commentators naively thought that if older boys could be induced to visit neighbors’ houses for a treat, vandalism would be significantly reduced.33» — la ironía que señala: hubo comentaristas que creyeron ingenuamente que si a los muchachos mayores se les inducía a pedir dulces bajaría el vandalismo

«Within this context, trick-or-treating sought to marginalize adolescent pranking and to defuse the antagonism inherent in the festive tribute, transforming the exchange into a rite of consumption.» — la función que le atribuye al *trick-or-treat*: marginar la travesura adolescente y desactivar el antagonismo del tributo festivo, volviendo el intercambio rito de consumo; la cita se parte en el guion de fin de renglón, y el impreso dice *adolescent pranking*

«In this new convention of festive doleing, children dressed up and unreflexively requested candies from local neighbors with little sense of what “tricking” might mean. As one observer noted, postwar Halloween, like other national observances, effectively prepared children for mass consumption, for the dominant ethic of the day. In his words, “it was a rehearsal for consumership without a rationale”» — y lo que ese rito enseñaba, según un observador que cita: el Halloween de posguerra preparaba a los niños para el consumo de masas, ensayo de consumidor sin razón declarada

«or closet and simply blackened their faces with burnt cork or soot, children in the more afÒuent 1950s and 1960s were more likely to buy Halloween masks and perhaps other articles of their costume from retail stores. By making Halloween consumer-oriented and infantile, civic and industrial promoters hoped to eliminate its anarchic features. By making it neighborly and familial, they strove to reappropriate public space from the unorthodox and rufÏan and restore social order to the night of 31 October.» — el propósito que les adjudica a los promotores cívicos e industriales: volviendo la fiesta consumista e infantil esperaban quitarle lo anárquico, y volviéndola vecinal y familiar, recobrar el espacio público del rufián y devolver el orden a la noche del 31 de octubre

«In practice, the consumerist ethos of the trick-or-treat was often mitigated by its charitable functions. During World War IT, Canadian children solicited money for their British counterparts whose homes had been destroyed by the Blitz, under the auspices of the British War Victims’ Fund or the Red Cross.3» — el matiz caritativo: durante la Segunda Guerra los niños canadienses juntaban dinero para los niños británicos bombardeados, bajo el British War Victims' Fund o la Cruz Roja

«In 1952, the American Friends (Quakers) Service Committee suggested that Halloween be transformed into a “Friendly Beggars’ Night? when trick-or-treaters could collect usable items for poorer children overseas, such as food, clothing, shoes, books, games, or toys.37 In the wealthy suburb of Grosse Pointe, Michigan, the threshold call of the rosos was not “Shell out” or “Trick or treat” but “Help the poor?38» — y después de la guerra: los cuáqueros propusieron en 1952 una *Friendly Beggars' Night* para juntar ropa, zapatos, libros y juguetes, y en Grosse Pointe, Michigan, el grito en el umbral no era *Trick or treat* sino *Help the poor*

«The idea of linking Halloween to charity caught on. With presidential approval, it was taken up by the newly formed United Nations, which encouraged trick-or-treaters to collect money for their Children’s Fund. In 1954, a8 many as 1500 U.S. communities participated in this “new style Halloween? one that was approvingly reported to have signif cantly reduced the vandalism of the holiday.39» — el giro de UNICEF: con aval presidencial, las recién creadas Naciones Unidas animaron a juntar dinero para su fondo infantil, y en 1954 participaban mil quinientas comunidades en ese *new style Halloween*, del que se informó que había bajado el vandalismo

«Within a few years, the trickster with the UNICEF (United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund) armband and collection jar ‘was a familiar sight on the doorsteps of North America. In 1956, children from 7500 communities in the United States collected $792,000 for the fund. In the following year, the collection topped $1 million in the United States and $125,000 in Canada. There were a few objectors. In suburban Milwaukee, two Catholic priests banned youngsters in» — las cifras que da: en 1956 niños de siete mil quinientas comunidades juntaron 792 000 dólares, y al año siguiente la colecta pasó del millón en Estados Unidos y de 125 000 en Canadá, con algunas objeciones; la plana corta aquí

«their parish from collecting for UNICEF on the grounds that the organization was riddled with Communism.4! This accusation was vigorously denied by the American branch of UNICEF, and in the end ‘McCarthyism was not allowed to taint a practice that might civilize Halloween. As the New York Times observed, the UNICEF program had “converted a day that was often a nuisance into an opportunity for citizenship education through cooperative community-wide effort”?» — el episodio de Milwaukee: dos curas católicos prohibieron a los niños de su parroquia juntar para UNICEF por tenerla por comunista, la rama americana lo negó y, dice Rogers, no se dejó que el macartismo manchara una práctica que podía civilizar Halloween; el *New York Times* la celebró como educación cívica

«The 1950s saw the taming of Halloween. “Shell out, shell out? remarked the Toronto Star quite light-heartedly, “for this is the week of treats or tricks. So light up the pumpkins and be prepared for everything from ghosts to colonial ladies, live bunnies, blackface comediennes and his satanic majesty#3» — la frase con que fecha la doma: los años cincuenta domaron Halloween, y el *Toronto Star* pedía alegremente encender las calabazas y prepararse para todo, de fantasmas a damas coloniales y su satánica majestad

«children could find them in a Walt Disney cartoon in which Donald Duck plays tricks on his unsuspecting nephews, who seek revenge with the help of Hazel the witch. The cartoonist Carl Bucks translated this story to the comic books, reconciling the well-known bully with his little nephews in a happy denouement to Halloween. This spirit of amity was replicated publicly, for by 1960, much of the mischief formerly associated with the holiday had ebbed. One police sergeant in Los Angeles publicly wondered what had happened to all the juvenile delinquents after a tranquil Halloween in 1959.48» — la escena domesticada de 1960: el Pato Donald gastando bromas a sus sobrinos con la bruja Hazel en un dibujo de Disney, y un sargento de Los Ángeles preguntándose públicamente adónde se habían ido los delincuentes juveniles tras el tranquilo Halloween de 1959 (el troceo nombra al dibujante *Carl Bucks*, sin cotejo con el facsímil)

«Of course, it was possible to find some communities where the old traditions of mayhem coexisted with trick-or-treating. In some of the small Irish-Canadian townships south of Ottawa, for example, kids would graduate from the neighborly rounds of the trick-or-treat to the not-so-neighborly pranks of removing the movable, soaping-up windows, and tearing down signs. In Chesterville, every Halloween become a trial of strength between local youths and the police, in which a night in the lock-up became the ultimate adolescent cachet.46 In some of the older East Coast cities, t00, such as Camden, New Jersey, Halloween retained its rougher edge.» — las excepciones que consigna: en pueblos irlandeses-canadienses al sur de Ottawa los niños pasaban del *trick-or-treat* a lo otro, y en Chesterville la noche era pulso con la policía, donde una noche en el calabozo daba prestigio adolescente

«But in suburban North America, a combination of community-sponsored events, recreational programs, collection for UNICEF, and trick-or-treating, not to mention the rising afÒuence of the era, went a long way toward taming Halloween.» — y el balance suburbano: actos comunitarios, programas recreativos, la colecta de UNICEF, el *trick-or-treat* y la bonanza de la época domaron la fiesta; la cita se parte en el guion de fin de renglón y el impreso dice *community-sponsored events*

«Within little more than a decade, however, widespread rumors of tampered treats and razors in apples unsettled the equanimity that characterized the holiday. The first tale of tainted candies that hie the news involved a dentist from Centerville, near Fresno, California, who was charged with giving laxatives to sixteen trick-or-treaters.47» — el vuelco que fecha: en poco más de una década los rumores de dulces manipulados y hojas de afeitar en las manzanas rompieron la calma, y el primer caso que llegó a la prensa fue el de un dentista de Centerville, California, acusado de dar laxantes a dieciséis niños

«Similar tales of contamination cropped up in the 1960s, peaking in 1970 when the first death attributed to Halloween treats was reported. This involved a five-year-old named Kevin Toston, who died after supposedly cating a heroin-laced candy, although Toston may have picked up the drug from his uncle’s house.*8 From then on, stories of candies spiked by “Halloween sadists” began to circulate more widely, sensationalized» — la primera muerte atribuida a las golosinas, en 1970: Kevin Toston, de cinco años, muerto tras comer supuestamente un dulce con heroína, aunque —apunta Rogers— pudo haber tomado la droga en casa de su tío; la plana corta aquí

«by news of a second death in 1974. This concerned eight-year-old ‘Timothy O'Bryan, who ate a cyanide-contaminated Pixie Stiv. ‘Texas prosecutors alleged that Timothy’s father, Ronald Clark O'Bryan, had planted the candy in his son’s bag of goodies in order to claim the life insurance from his death. When O’Bryan was tried and convicted of ‘capital murder in May 1975, his story made headline news.» — la segunda muerte, en 1974: Timothy O'Bryan, de ocho años, muerto por un *Pixie Stix* con cianuro que, según la fiscalía de Texas, le puso su propio padre, Ronald Clark O'Bryan, para cobrar el seguro (nombres tal cual el troceo, que imprime *Pixie Stiv*)

«Although this Halloween fatality was clearly home-based, fears of contaminated candies being handed out to innocent children billowed in the press. In the run-up to Halloween in 197s, Newsweek warned Americans to be wary of allowing their children to accept apples or candies, especially if unwrapped or perforated, from strangers. “If this year's Halloween follows form,” the weekly asserted, “a few children will return home with something more than just an upset tummy: in recent years, several children have died and hundreds have narrowly escaped injury from razor blades, sewing needles and shards of glass purposefully put into their goodies by adults"?» — y lo que la prensa hizo con ello, pese a que el caso era doméstico: *Newsweek* advirtió en 1975 que no se aceptaran manzanas ni dulces de extraños, sobre todo sin envoltura o perforados, y habló de hojas de afeitar, agujas y vidrios puestos aposta por adultos

«The spectacle of a very sick Halloween was taking shape and was deeply troubling to many people. One observer from Niagara Falls reminisced about safer times: “Trick or treat. That’ all that was heard on Hallowe'en. Every ‘nwo seconds the door bell would ring and there would stand various kinds of little creatures, bunny rabbits, Frankensteins, hobos, the whole bit. You name it. They were at the door collecting their candy. One little boy came to the door. For a moment there I thought it was a girl. He had on a beautiful wig and make-up on his face. He also had on a Jong granny gown with ovo big balloons filling in the top. ‘What struck me funny was that after I had given him the candy his balloons started to pop. Two seconds later he was as flat as a pancake. There were so many other cute little costumes I just could not begin to describe them all. This part of Hallowe'en is the fun part, but just to think that» — el testimonio de nostalgia que trae de Niagara Falls: el timbre sonando cada dos segundos, conejitos, Frankensteins y vagabundos en la puerta, y un niño de peluca y camisón con dos globos que se le reventaron; la plana corta aquí

«some sadistic person would try to harm these helpless little children. Just think how great it would be to have Hallowe'en without finding needles, pins, razor blades, dope ete. in their candy bags.5°» — el cierre de ese testimonio: el deseo de un Halloween sin agujas, alfileres, hojas de afeitar ni droga en las bolsas de dulces

«A second major Halloween scare came seven years later, in the wake of the seven deaths from cyanide-laced Tylenol pills in September 1982, and the scheduled execution of Ronald O’Bryan on Halloween for the murder of his son. This time the panic reached crisis proportions.» — el segundo pánico, en 1982: las siete muertes por Tylenol con cianuro de septiembre y la ejecución de Ronald O'Bryan fijada para Halloween llevaron el susto a proporciones de crisis

«The Associated Press reported 175 alleged incidents of candy tampering on Halloween in 1982, in as many as 100 cities. The U.S. Food and Drug Administration listed over 270 such incidents from the time that the ‘Tylenol scandal broke. Of these, only thirty-six revealed “hardcore, true tampering” in the department’ estimation, but the rumors of Halloween sadists on the loose was enough to sap public confidence in the holiday.» — las cifras que contrapone: la Associated Press informó de 175 supuestos casos de manipulación en cien ciudades, y la FDA listó más de 270 desde el escándalo Tylenol, de los que solo treinta y seis eran manipulación real — y aun así el rumor bastó para minar la confianza

«Canadians, too, were caught up in the panic over tainted candies. The ‘Tylenol poisonings had been widely covered on television, with the result that parents were especially vigilant in inspecting candies when Halloween came around. In most cities across the country, trick-or-treating declined dramatically, by as much as s0 percent in some suburbs in the Vancouver area.S? Several incidents of contaminated treats were reported, over and above the stories of razors in apples that the police routinely received. These included lye-dusted chewing gum and poisoned ‘candies in Ortawa and pins and small nails in candies in Halifax.53 No serious casualties were reported, and no municipalities within Canada appear to have insisted upon banning Halloween or establishing curfews. All the same, as a note given to a child in Montreal declared, “As you are most likely aware, Halloween is not the same anymore?54» — y en Canadá lo mismo: caídas de hasta cincuenta por ciento en algunos suburbios de Vancouver, chicles con sosa y dulces envenenados en Ottawa, alfileres y clavitos en Halifax, sin víctimas graves ni prohibiciones municipales — y una nota dada a un niño en Montreal que decía que Halloween ya no es el mismo

«Candy manufacturers spent $400,000 that year in an attempt to dispel public anxiety, joining the campaign for a safe and sane Halloween and encouraging hospitals to provide radiology units to X-ray treats. Despite these efforts, public participation in trick-or-treating declined dramatically. Many U.S. towns banned the practice altogether, while others» — la respuesta de la industria y su resultado: 400 000 dólares en campaña, hospitales invitados a radiografiar las golosinas, y aun así la participación cayó en picada y muchos pueblos prohibieron la costumbre; la plana corta aquí y el impreso sigue *imposed strict curfews. Candy sales dropped by 20 percent or more*

«Virtually everywhere, the search began for alternative modes of celcbrating the holiday. These included school and church-sponsored parties, shopping mall crawls in which celebrants could redeem their Halloween coupons at specified stores, group visits to spook houses, and simulated horror shows at museums, zoos, and community centers. In 1984, as many as 108 recreational centers in Washington, D.C., scheduled Halloween festivities as an alternative to trick-or-treating,$5» — las alternativas que se buscaron en todas partes: fiestas de escuela y parroquia, recorridos por centros comerciales con cupones, visitas de grupo a casas embrujadas y sustos simulados en museos y zoológicos — en Washington, 108 centros recreativos programaron festejos en 1984

«The practice of trick-or-treating at neighbors’ houses, did revive after 1982, but on a diminished scale. A 198s poll reported that only 60 percent of all parents with children under fifteen were planning to take them trick-or-treating, even on a restricted round to friends and close neighbors.56 ‘The days of the ubiquitous trick-or-treat appeared to be over.» — el saldo: la pedida de puerta en puerta revivió tras 1982, pero a escala menor — una encuesta de 1985 daba solo un sesenta por ciento de padres dispuestos a llevar a sus hijos, y aun a casa de amigos y vecinos cercanos

«Since only two deaths and relatively few injuries have been reported from the tampering with Halloween treats, it might be tempting to suggest that the new era of Halloween sadism was simply a product of media hype. Certainly, the media played an important role in disseminating the news of the O'Bryan murder and noting its conjunction with the Tylenol scare eight years later. It also helped to shape the discourse of Halloween “sadism, even though it was sometimes done playfully, if not ironically, as was the case with Sydney Schanberg’s short article in the New York Times entitled “Era of the New Sadism2s7» — el reparo que hace contra la explicación fácil: con solo dos muertes, sería tentador decir que el sadismo de Halloween fue puro bombo mediático, y en efecto los medios difundieron el caso O'Bryan y su coincidencia con el Tylenol y moldearon el discurso, a veces en broma, como Sydney Schanberg en el *New York Times*

«Yer the media did not fabricate the panic so much as fan it. The role of the press, in particular, was opportunistic and contradictory, relaying unconfirmed reports of candy tampering while discounting their wide incidence. Given the often open-ended and summary manner in which this reportage was cast, the press likely fed rumors of candy tampering that were already circulating through informal channels. These rumors often centerd on the razor-in-the-apple syndrome rather than upon more life-threatening chemical pollutants, at least after 1966, when the concern for safe trick-or-treating began to attract wide public attention 58» — pero enuncia la distinción: los medios no fabricaron el pánico, lo avivaron, con una prensa oportunista y contradictoria que repetía denuncias no comprobadas mientras negaba su extensión, alimentando rumores que ya corrían por canales informales

«Sociologists and folklorists have described the belief in Halloween sadism as an “urban legend.”5? As with other urban legends, this one had some factual basis, but the fears it generated were disproportionate» — el nombre que los sociólogos y folcloristas le dan, y que él recoge: leyenda urbana, con alguna base de hecho pero con miedos desproporcionados; la plana corta aquí

«to the confirmed cases of candy contamination. The National Confectioners Association, for example, reported that of the 90 reported ‘cases of tampered treats that came to its notice in 1974, the year of the O'Bryan homicide, 27 were proven hoaxes, 22 were likely ones, and a further 40 simply evaporated after the original complaint.» — la cuenta de la National Confectioners Association que trae: de noventa casos denunciados en 1974, veintisiete resultaron engaños probados, veintidós probables y otros cuarenta se esfumaron tras la queja inicial

«Without doubt, the association had its own reasons to discount the rumors, but in 1982, when the Tylenol poisonings deluged the news networks, public fears of tainted treats generated what one Food and Drug Administration ofÏcial termed a bout of “psychosomatic mass hysteria”!» — y él mismo descuenta a esa fuente —tenía sus razones para restar—, pero en 1982 un funcionario de la FDA habló de un brote de histeria colectiva psicosomática

«Halloween sadism, in fact, spoke more compellingly to the urban anxieties of the era than to anything else, at least in the United States. In this respect itis important to understand the changing urban context that allowed stories of Halloween sadism to flourish.» — la tesis del capítulo: el sadismo de Halloween hablaba antes que nada de las ansiedades urbanas de la época, y por eso importa entender el contexto que las dejó florecer

«Tales of Halloween sadism, I have suggested, were measured against the vision ofa stable, congenial decade of trick-or-treating in the 1950s. This was a decade of Cold War politics and Red scares. Yet beyond the zone of leftist agitation, it was also a decade of relative social peace, of a continuing baby boom, of consumer afÒuence and suburban development.» — el contraste que arma: esos relatos se medían contra la imagen de una década estable y cordial de *trick-or-treat* en los cincuenta — Guerra Fría y cacerías rojas, sí, pero también paz social, *baby boom*, bonanza y suburbio

«The 19608 and 1970s, however, posed new challenges to the social and political fabric of the United States. This was the era of civil rights agitation, of urban ghetto riots, of student and antiwar protest, of youth countercultures, of feminism and gay liberation, of Watergate.» — y lo que vino después: derechos civiles, motines en los guetos, protesta estudiantil y contra la guerra, contraculturas juveniles, feminismo, liberación gay, Watergate

«In an address at the University of Michigan in 1964, Johnson declared that “our society will never be great until our cities are great”? Yet ten years on, many cities seemed like smoldering cauldrons of despair and» — y la cita de Johnson con que cierra el tramo —ninguna sociedad será grande mientras sus ciudades no lo sean—, contra la que pone las ciudades de diez años después; la plana corta aquí

«violence. Homicide rates soared, reaching an all-time high of 10.7 per 100,000 in 1980.6 Youth crime, much of it drug- or gang-related, rose dramatically. With this came a deepening perception that American cities were no longer safe places in which to live.» — los datos con que lo sostiene: la tasa de homicidios llegó a su máximo histórico de 10.7 por cada cien mil en 1980, subió el delito juvenil ligado a la droga y a las pandillas, y cundió la idea de que las ciudades americanas ya no eran seguras

«A 1974 opinion poll in New York State revealed that inhabitants saw crime, drugs, and law and order as among the three most important problems facing the country. Some $5 percent of those interviewed said that “they worried a lot about walking alone in the streets after dark” In New York City, the figure ‘was as high as 71 percent, but even in leafy Westchester and further upstate, figures of 45 and 43 percent were recorded.» — la encuesta de 1974 en el estado de Nueva York: crimen, drogas y orden público entre los tres problemas mayores, con un 71 por ciento de neoyorquinos preocupados por caminar solos de noche

«At the same time, there was a growing mistrust of strangers among urban dwellers, a loss of neighborhood solidarity, and a fear that children were increasingly vulnerable to child abuse and molestation.» — y con ello la desconfianza del desconocido, la pérdida de solidaridad de barrio y el miedo a que los niños quedaran expuestos al abuso

«This fear was often associated with the fact that an increasing number ‘of mothers were in the workforce outside of home. In the United States in 1970, the proportion of married mothers with children under eighteen who worked full time was 16 percent; the proportion who worked part-time was as high as s1 percent.66 Combined with the ‘growing number of single-parent families, there was a billowing concern about the safety of unsupervised, latch-key kids.» — el dato demográfico que lo acompaña: en 1970, dieciséis por ciento de las madres casadas con hijos menores trabajaba de tiempo completo y cincuenta y uno por ciento a medio tiempo, lo que con las familias monoparentales alimentó la inquietud por los niños con llave al cuello

«These anxieties predictably dovetailed with those associated with Halloween. The first major holiday of the school year, and one in which children were conventionally on the streets after dark, it was a prime ‘opportunity for child abuse.» — y el empalme con la fiesta: primera fecha grande del año escolar y con los niños en la calle después del anochecer, era ocasión propicia para el abuso infantil

«In many cities now? Benjamin Stein asserted in the Washington Pest, children are given apples with needles in them, candy bars with razor blades inside, chewing gum with LSD. Children go out treating and never come home. Instead of warnings about eating too much, children get warnings to taste nothing until they get home, to speak to no one, to accept» — lo que expone de Benjamin Stein en el *Washington Post*: manzanas con agujas, barras de dulce con hojas de afeitar, chicles con LSD, niños que salen a pedir y no vuelven; la plana corta aquí (el troceo imprime *Washington Pest*)

«no rides from anyone, and, above all in this year of awareness of child sexual abuse, to let no adult touch them.65 Fright night could take ominous turns, even in the seemingly safe suburbs. It only took only a few stories about candy-tampering to vitiate the tradition of trick-or-treating.» — sigue Stein en el *Washington Post*: que no acepten aventón y, en ese año de conciencia del abuso sexual infantil, que ningún adulto los toque — y Rogers apunta que bastaron unas cuantas historias para viciar la costumbre

«As Catherine Ainsworth’s respondents in Niagara Falls testified, such stories were rife. “I’m sad to report that I handed candy out to only seventy-five children this year? reported Julie Lucas in 1972. Last year we had the pleasure of three hundred of the little ones out for fun. The reason for the decline is probably due to a few warped minds who killed or badly hurt them last year with razor blades and drugs. The tykes remained on their own blocks this year and more mothers came with them to protect them. I feel it is a shame that these tiny people have to miss out on one of the great joys of childhood, that most of us loved so much.6?» — el testimonio que recoge de las encuestas de Catherine Ainsworth en Niagara Falls: Julie Lucas contó en 1972 que solo pasaron setenta y cinco niños frente a los trescientos del año anterior, y culpaba a unas cuantas mentes torcidas

«While Niagara Falls residents were bemoaning the decline of the trick-or-treat, Halloween was taking a more ominous turn in downtown Detroit. In the late 1970s and 1980s, Detroit was the scene of widespread conflagrations on Halloween and the subject of considerable publicity in the American and international press. In fact, Detroit’s Halloween season became so unruly, so full of arson, that civil reputations were staked on trying to control it. Why this happened requires a brief detour into Detroit's industrial and racial history.» — el giro al caso de Detroit: mientras allá se lamentaba la merma, en el centro de Detroit la temporada se llenó de incendios provocados y en ella se jugaron reputaciones públicas, lo que obliga a un rodeo por la historia industrial y racial de la ciudad

«As one of the leading centers of the automobile industry, Detroit wwas for many years an American success story. In the early decades of the twentieth century, thousands of European and Canadian immigrants flocked to the city, found jobs, and integrated themselves into what was a workable urban mosaic dominated by an Anglo-American elite. ‘When blacks ventured north from the Mississippi Delta, however, they faced severe discrimination over housing and jobs. Rioting broke out» — el arranque de ese rodeo: Detroit fue por años caso de éxito americano, con miles de inmigrantes europeos y canadienses integrados a un mosaico urbano dominado por una élite angloamericana, pero los negros que subieron del delta del Misisipi toparon con discriminación grave en vivienda y empleo; la plana corta aquí

«over housing allocations in the 1920s and again in 1942, when white picketers attempted to prevent blacks from moving into the federally funded Sojourner Truth project. In the following year, white and black gangs squared off against one another at the Belle Island amusement park. This confrontation escalated into a full-scale invasion of black neighborhoods and further violence, which in turn led to police and military intervention and a death toll of thirty-four. Twenty-six of the victims were African-Americans.6» — los motines que enumera: por reparto de vivienda en los años veinte y en 1942 contra el proyecto Sojourner Truth, y en 1943 la pelea de pandillas en Belle Island que acabó en invasión de barrios negros con treinta y cuatro muertos, veintiséis de ellos afroamericanos

«Racial tensions eased during the 1950s but resumed their former intensity in the following decade. Detroit experienced a further spate of rioting, the most serious incident occurring in 1967, when a police raid on an after-hours club in the black section of town led to rumors of police brutality. Crowds gathered and smashed stores, and in the bloody conflict that ensued, forty-three people were killed, most of them from gunshots by the police and the national guard. Confrontations such as this one led whites to abandon the inner city in increasing numbers. In fact, for the majority of whites, the 1967 riots» — y el motín mayor, el de 1967: una redada policial en un club clandestino del barrio negro corrió como rumor de brutalidad, y en el choque murieron cuarenta y tres personas, la mayoría por disparos de la policía y la guardia nacional; la plana corta aquí

«signaled that Detroit was “beyond the point of no return? The cit downtown population declined during the 1960s, while that of the surrounding suburbs rose by 32 percent. By 1970, Detroit had a population of 1.4 million, compared with 2 million in 1950, at the peak of its power and influence. As commerce joined whites in fleeing the city,7! Detroit was on its way to becoming a predominantly black city with high levels of unemployment: 26 percent in 1970 and even higher levels among adolescent blacks aged sixteen to nineteen (31 percent). According to the 1970 census, nearly 19 percent of all families were below the poverty line, while 15 percent were on public assistance.» — las cifras de la huida blanca: de dos millones de habitantes en 1950 a 1.4 en 1970, con los suburbios creciendo un 32 por ciento, y una ciudad mayoritariamente negra con 26 por ciento de desempleo, 31 entre los adolescentes negros, y casi 19 por ciento de familias bajo la línea de pobreza

«Two things happened to make Detroit's situation quite desperate. First, the auto industry went into serious decline in the face of foreign competition, corporate reorganization, and plant cutbacks. Between 1978 and 1986, Detroit lost virtually a third of its jobs in the auto industry. Second, the tax base of the city plummeted to dangerously Jow levels, This made it very difÏcult for the urban authorities to sustain the levels of public housing that the inner-city population required. In fact, because the state of Michigan banned deficit budgets, it made it impossible to mount massive public works programs to bring hope and jobs co the unemployed. Deindustrialization and neoconservative ‘economics was turning Detroit into an urban nightmare.» — las dos cosas que, según Rogers, volvieron desesperada la situación: entre 1978 y 1986 la ciudad perdió casi un tercio de sus empleos en la industria automotriz, y la base fiscal se desplomó, mientras Michigan prohibía los presupuestos deficitarios

«The nightmare was visibly evident every Devil’s Night. The night before Halloween, Devil’s Night is when the seasonal mischief began in what was often a three-night spree in industrial Michigan. That spree did not give rise to the usual repertoire of pranks that characterized Halloween. Like other urban wastelands and areas of industrial decline—Flint, Michigan; Camden, New Jersey; Bell County, Kentucky, to mention but three—Detroit specialized in fires. Fires in trash cans, dumpsters, and in abandoned buildings. And in Detroit, there were houses to spare as families simply packed up and left. In the fiscal year 1989-90 alone, the city tore down nearly 5000 abandoned homes as a prelude to a rebuilding program.73» — qué era la Devil's Night: la víspera de Halloween abría una juerga de tres noches que en Detroit, como en otras tierras de declive industrial, se especializó en incendios — basureros, contenedores y casas abandonadas, de las que en 1989-90 se demolieron casi cinco mil

«Fires on the three nights around Halloween started to reach alarmingly high levels in the early 1980s, but in 1983 they skyrocketed. In that year, if one includes the 150 fires that purportedly went unreported, the number reached 1000. In 1984, it fell only slightly, to 840. City ordinances imposing curfews between 10 na. and 6 am. for youths under eighteen attempted to curb the arson during Halloween, but it was claimed that the police seldom enforced them.’¢» — las cifras del fuego: en 1983 los incendios de las tres noches llegaron a mil contando los ciento cincuenta no reportados, en 1984 bajaron apenas a 840, y los toques de queda municipales para menores casi no se aplicaban

«In 1986, the mayor of Detroit, Coleman Young adopted a tougher strategy. He passed an emergency curfew from dawn to dusk and threatened to bring all violators to juvenile court. At the same time, he mobilized a city watch of 5600 city employees and an equivalent number of volunteers to supplement the 11,000 strong police force. A huge number of flyers were distributed to encourage adolescents to stay off the streets and refrain from raising hell. “Devil’s Night is no joke? ran one couplet, “When your house and your ride go up in smoke275» — la estrategia del alcalde Coleman Young en 1986: toque de queda de emergencia, amenaza de tribunal juvenil, una guardia ciudadana de 5600 empleados municipales y otros tantos voluntarios sobre once mil policías, y volantes con el pareado *Devil's Night is no joke*

«About 750 minors, of whom over 9o percent were male, were arrested during the Halloween season in 1986. The final toll of fires dropped to 360, down from 479 the previous year. In subsequent years, with a larger posse of volunteers and an Adopt-a-House program, Young managed to reduce the number of fires to below 300 for the three nights of Detroit's Halloween.» — y su resultado: unos setecientos cincuenta menores detenidos en 1986, más del noventa por ciento varones, con los incendios a la baja —de 479 a 360— y luego por debajo de trescientos gracias al programa *Adopt-a-House*

«Even so, these efforts were insufÏcient to dispel Devil’s Night’ reputation as an evening of fire. Fire buffs flocked from far afield to watch the flames. Cameramen even flew in from Japan to televise the event, And an Israeli author named Ze’ev Chafets, who had been present at Devil’s Night in 1987 and knew the area from his youth, described Detroit as a drug-ridden, arson-happy American Beirut in a best-selling exposé of Mo'town.76» — pero la fama quedó: los aficionados al fuego viajaban a verlo, llegaron camarógrafos de Japón y el autor israelí Ze'ev Chafets describió Detroit como un Beirut americano lleno de droga e incendios en un libro de éxito

«This depiction drew howls of protest from local leaders, who felt that Chafets’s negative portrayal of the city’s black administration would only fuel racist arguments that African-Americans could not manage the complexities of urban government. Yet Chafers did colorfully capture many of the symptoms of Detroit's social and economic disintegration and the struggle ofits black churches to confront the chaos with some dignity, even if he ultimately failed to analyze the causes of the city’s decline.» — el desacuerdo que consigna sin armonizarlo: los dirigentes locales protestaron porque ese retrato alimentaba el argumento racista de que los afroamericanos no pueden gobernar una ciudad, y Rogers concede que Chafets captó los síntomas pero no analizó las causas

«vandalism commonplace, and a shocking two slayings a day in the mid-1970s tured the “Motor City” into the “Murder City?”» — el saldo que enuncia: vandalismo corriente y dos asesinatos diarios a mediados de los setenta, que volvieron la *Motor City* en *Murder City* (el tramo abre en el impreso con *Racism was rife*, que el troceo parte en un corte de segmento y span() no cruza)

«Those underlying causes were summarized by Kirk Cheyfitz in his review of Chafets’s book in the Detroit Free Press. “Detroit is in a mess. No argument, he admitted.7” Bur the problem here is not uniquely Detroit’. The problem is the rapid deindustrialization of America—a lack of jobs, a lack of hope and the surfeit of drugs. The problem is one of national policy involving the international flight of American jobs and capital, the growing gap between rich and poor, and the resurgence of racism in a time of economic hardship. The problem is manifest is every major city in the country. It may make Ze’ev Chafets, the New York Times and many others feel better to turn Detroit into the hobgoblin of urban America, but, even at Halloween, that myth won't wash.» — lo que expone de Kirk Cheyfitz en su reseña del libro de Chafets para el *Detroit Free Press*: el problema no es solo de Detroit sino de la desindustrialización de América, la fuga de empleos y capital, la brecha entre ricos y pobres y el rebrote del racismo, y volver Detroit el duende de la América urbana no cuela ni en Halloween

«This review appeared on Devil’s Night, 1990, and the fires were lit before the ink was proverbially dry. In fact, the downward trend in arson was reversed that year, with 281 fires reported in the three-day period, as opposed to 223 in 1989.» — y la ironía de la fecha: la reseña salió en la Devil's Night de 1990 y esa noche la tendencia a la baja se revirtió, con 281 incendios en tres días frente a 223 en 1989

«Detroit’s Halloween continued to register the alienation and anomie of its inner-city youth. Not citizen mobilizations, nor mass policing, nor the continuing demolition of potential Halloween targets climinated the devilry. They simply mitigated a situation that had threatened to engulf whole sections of Detroit in flames. And Detroit was not the only city under siege on Halloween: Flint chalked up more than 140 fires in 1989; Camden, 168, two years later.» — el saldo que le pone: ni la movilización ciudadana ni la policía masiva ni la demolición de blancos posibles acabaron con el fuego, solo lo atenuaron, y Detroit no era la única ciudad sitiada — Flint, con más de 140 incendios en 1989, y Camden, con 168 dos años después

«What the 1980s did, metaphorically, was to take the Norman Rockwell out of Halloween. The vision ofa safe and satisfying holiday, in which children could trick-or treat in their own neighborhoods without fear or danger and with minimal supervision, had gone for good. Razors in apples and inner-city devilry revealed a darker, troublesome side of Halloween in the decades after 1970. Trick-or-treating would survive, but in more regulated forms and under a different set of expectations.» — la metáfora con que cierra el capítulo: los años ochenta le quitaron a Halloween el Norman Rockwell; la fiesta segura de barrio con supervisión mínima se acabó, y el *trick-or-treat* sobreviviría más regulado y con otras expectativas

«In the 1970s, then, Halloween became a parable of urban anxiety in North America. Its so-called malaise was predicated upon a stable and predictable performance of Halloween whose central motif was the “trick or treat” and whose central actor was the child of perhaps 6-12 years old; that is, a pre-teenager. This was the critical referent from which Halloween’s “degeneracy” was assessed, just as Halloween’ “cowdyism” in the nineteenth century was measured against Burn’s bucolic, pastoral vision of the holiday and its rich repertoire of superstitions and pastimes.» — la tesis del capítulo: en los setenta Halloween se volvió parábola de la ansiedad urbana, y su supuesto malestar se medía contra una versión estable —el *trick or treat* y el niño de seis a doce años—, igual que en el XIX la bronca se medía contra la visión bucólica de Burns

«It is important to recognize this, because both referents were viewed quite reverentially, with more than a little nostalgia. Indeed, like many other social problems of the 1970s and 1980s, Halloween was viewed against the backdrop of an idyllically constructed 19508, with low divorce rates, stable heterosexual unions, stay-at-home moms, low ethnic and racial tensions, and safe suburbias.» — y por qué importa reconocerlo: los dos referentes se miraban con reverencia y nostalgia, contra un fondo de años cincuenta idealizados — pocos divorcios, uniones heterosexuales estables, madres en casa, poca tensión racial y suburbios seguros

«Halloween in the 1950s was probably never as safe or comforting as its later critics presumed. In the Winnipeg Free Press of 1950, for example, there is certainly a yearning for the safe and familiar rituals of Halloween. One photograph depicts a boy wistfully peering into a lighted jack-o"-lantern, “Who knows what he secs in old pumpkin face?” the caption asks. Something a bit scary, maybe—hints of black cats and the swoosh of witches careening through the air. Something exciting, too—the prospect of going out with the gang for Hallowe'en apples, of fooling the neighbours with a costume and mask, of being allowed out after dark for once. Spooks and hobgoblins, gypsies and pirates, ghosts in second-best sheets—they'll be young and not very frightening, but the world is theirs tonight.”8» — y objeta ese fondo: los cincuenta probablemente nunca fueron tan seguros como supusieron sus críticos, aunque el *Winnipeg Free Press* de 1950 ya añorara los ritos familiares, con su niño mirando la calabaza encendida

«Well, not quite. On the following day, in a review of the evening's, antics, the Free Press depicted a group of “Gallopin’ Ghosts” who had paraded through town on horseback. And while the newspaper chirpily» — el desmentido en el propio diario: al día siguiente el *Free Press* reseñaba a los *Gallopin' Ghosts*, que habían desfilado por el pueblo a caballo; la plana corta aquí

«reported that “smashed windows, ripped-up sidewalks, overturned garbage cans and outhouses were at a minimum? it took for granted that “no Hallowe’en would be complete without soaped windows and bonfires in the street”? Not to mention the swell of water from the seventy-five hydrants that Halloween jokesters had turned on in a routine night of mayhem.» — lo que el propio diario daba por descontado: ningún Halloween estaría completo sin ventanas enjabonadas y hogueras en la calle, más los setenta y cinco hidrantes abiertos esa noche

«Halloween had always had its rougher side, and one which city authorities, schools, and church associations had sought desperately to contain in the interwar years. In the 1950s and 1960s these rougher pastimes were brought under some semblance of control, although they were never entirely eliminated from urban street culture. They were part and parcel of the peer-driven Halloween of youthful males who were too old for the rituals of treat-or-treat and uninterested in the seasonal dance or costume party.» — el balance que hace: la fiesta siempre tuvo su lado rudo, contenido a medias en los años cincuenta y sesenta, propio de los muchachos demasiado grandes para el *trick-or-treat* y sin interés en el baile o la fiesta de disfraces

«If the Halloween of the 1950s still had its rougher edges, it was nonetheless based on tangible social reciprocities within neighborhoods, whether those involved threshold hospitalities or pranks. In the late 19608 and 19708, as cities came to be seen as unsafe, inhospitable places of unresolved racial and social tensions, the character of Halloween changed, for children and their parents, and also for young adults. It no longer became possible to think of Halloween as having astable set of rituals and festive expectations.» — y lo que cambió: aun con sus asperezas, el Halloween de los cincuenta descansaba en reciprocidades tangibles de barrio; cuando la ciudad pasó por inhóspita, dejó de poder pensarse como juego de ritos estable

«Halloween after 1970 increasingly registered the pulse and identity polities of different Americas: suburban against inner-city, mainstream against ethnic, evangelical against permissive, heterosexual against gay. But before we examine these developments, we must address how Halloween was handled in. America’s major growth industry, the motion picture. What did the horror film, in particular, have to offer Halloween? How did it affect its meaning and cultural configurations?» — y el programa de lo que sigue: después de 1970 la fiesta registra la política de identidades de varias Américas —suburbio contra centro, corriente contra étnico, evangélico contra permisivo, heterosexual contra gay—, pero antes toca ver qué hizo con ella el cine

«1991, the Grand Rapids Jaycees organized a Halloween party in a refurbished Grand Trunk locomotive on seven miles of railroad between Coppersville and Marne in Michigan. On what was called the “Terror Train? visitors were subjected to scary, live thrills from “horrific actors” during the hour-long trip. The photos in the Detroit Free Press depicted a gruesome young man wielding a chainsaw and a waitress offering guests a pizza topped with a rat, bat, and spiders.!» — la escena con que abre el capítulo *Halloween Goes to Hollywood*: el *Terror Train* de los Jaycees de Grand Rapids en 1991, con actores de espanto, un joven con motosierra y una mesera sirviendo pizza con rata, murciélago y arañas (la capitular sale como *L* en la capa de texto)

«What is noteworthy about these scenarios is that they were all derived from Hollywood movies. In the gruesome young man, the frightened teenagers might have recognized Leatherface from the Texas Chain Saw ‘Massacre (1974); in the rat-topped pizza, an adaptation of a scene from Whatever Happened to Baby Jane? (1962), vintage horror movie starring Bette Davis and Joan Crawford. Even the name of the train itself had a Hollywood referent: Terror Train (1979), one of a slew of undistinguished splatter films in which women are preyed upon by psychopathic murderers.» — lo que le parece notable: todos esos cuadros venían de películas — Leatherface de *The Texas Chain Saw Massacre*, la pizza de *Whatever Happened to Baby Jane?*, y el nombre mismo del tren de *Terror Train* (1979)

«No one thought the Jaycees were doing the public a disservice in putting on this grisly performance, save conceivably the followers of the Christian fundamentalist Right, who deplore the mobilization of motifs that encourage Satanism and the glorification of evil.» — y quién objetaba: nadie tenía aquello por un daño al público, salvo acaso la derecha cristiana fundamentalista, que deplora los motivos que animan el satanismo y la glorificación del mal

«And for those of the older set who prefer to savor their Halloween camp in boozier surroundings, there are countless bars and restaurants ready to cater to their taste. At Gretsky’s, one of Toronto’s thriving downtown sports bars, patrons could watch the Rocky Horror Picture Show on Halloween in 1994 while their ears were blasted by music from the “Count”—not Count Basie, one suspects, but, rather, a Dracula-clad band thar hopefully drew applause rather than blood.» — y para los mayores, los bares: en Gretsky's, de Toronto, se veía el *Rocky Horror Picture Show* en 1994 con una banda vestida de Drácula

«Quite ironically, the quest for the scary thrill intensified in the wake of the Tylenol scares and the rumors of Halloween sadism. Boo zoos and haunted houses, for instance, were initially promoted by charity {groups as an alternative to trick-or-treating or, in Detroit and Camden, to the escalating incidence of arson.» — la ironía que señala: la busca del susto se intensificó justo tras el pánico del Tylenol, porque las casas embrujadas se promovieron como alternativa al *trick-or-treat* y, en Detroit y Camden, a los incendios

«Once they're seven or eight, most children truly enjoy the ‘safe scare’—fake blood, vampires, Dracula teeth, shrieks and clanks, Frankenstein, bats in the belfry, and monsters in the basement? remarked one child development specialist, who believed that by that age they could differentiate “what's real” from “what’s fantasy?3» — lo que expone de una especialista en desarrollo infantil: desde los siete u ocho años los niños disfrutan del *safe scare* —sangre falsa, vampiros, dientes de Drácula, chillidos— porque ya distinguen lo real de lo fantástico

«on a horror show has become a constituent part of modern Halloween. ‘As the small-town sheriff remarked in the first Halloween movie (1978), “Everyone's entitled to one good scare” on a holiday known as Fright ‘Night. Boo 00s and haunted houses provided this service for children. Heavy metal bands in the Alice Cooper tradition did so for teenagers and young adults. Indeed, Cooper himself, in his staged comeback at Detroit on Halloween, 1987, after six years off the touring circuit, promised more “gore” and “buckets of blood” than ever before.» — la tesis del capítulo: montar un espectáculo de horror es ya parte constitutiva del Halloween moderno — *Everyone's entitled to one good scare*, dice el sheriff en la primera película de 1978—, con casas embrujadas para niños y bandas de metal a la Alice Cooper para los jóvenes (el año entre paréntesis está en el impreso, releído en el crudo)

«By the 1980s, community centers across North America were converting their premises into temporary haunted houses, where children could wander through a chamber of fears and a tunnel of no return and encounter eerie ghouls or the more familiar monsters of the movie picture industry. Alternatively, people could savor the spooky sanctuaries of city parks, where they would be thrilled by the sudden appearances of ghosts, witches, and Dracula himself. In the advertise» — la escala que alcanzó: en los ochenta los centros comunitarios se volvían casas embrujadas temporales con cámara de miedos y túnel sin retorno; la cita se parte en el guion de fin de renglón, porque el impreso sigue *In the advertisements for children's Halloween events in the Washington, D.C., area for 1984, at least a third mentioned haunted houses*

«gambols” The popularity of these ventures was such that entrepreneurs quickly cashed in, recognizing the market for both children and teenagers. Firms such as Nightscape Productions, Haunted Hayrides Incorporated, and Elm Street Hauntrepreneurs embarked on a“scare-for-profit” enterprise that rivaled that of the community centers and charitable societies by 1991. In that year there were an estimated 1000 t0 2000 haunted houses on offer for Halloween.5 Normally open for ‘two to three weeks, these commercial ventures could each attract as many as 40,000 visitors during the witching season.®» — el negocio que nació de ahí: Nightscape Productions, Haunted Hayrides Incorporated y Elm Street Hauntrepreneurs montaron una empresa de *scare-for-profit* —el guion se restituye porque el impreso lo parte a fin de renglón— que para 1991 rivalizaba con los centros comunitarios, con entre mil y dos mil casas embrujadas y hasta cuarenta mil visitantes cada una

«Haunted houses are not the only sites of simulated terror that now characterize Halloween. Before their appearance came the movie theater. Precisely when the cinema became a venue for ghostly or grisly Halloweens is unclear. Despite the growing popularity of the horror genre in the 19308, there is no evidence that it was closely linked to» — y el otro sitio del terror simulado, anterior: la sala de cine, aunque no está claro cuándo se volvió lugar de Halloween, porque el auge del género de horror en los treinta no aparece ligado a la fecha; la plana corta aquí

«Halloween in the manner it is today. In the days of homemade costumes, revelers did not draw upon the stock characters from the early horror genre, whether Dracula, Frankenstein’s monster, the Mummy, or King Kong. They were more likely to emulate Charlie Chaplin or ‘Mae West than Universal Pictures’ monsters.» — lo que no ocurría todavía: en los días del disfraz casero nadie se vestía de Drácula, del monstruo de Frankenstein, de la Momia o de King Kong — antes se remedaba a Charlie Chaplin o a Mae West que a los monstruos de Universal

«Nor was there any disposition to synchronize the opening of horror films with the witching season. Tod Browning's Dracula (1931), starring Bela Lugosi as the blood-sucking Count, came out on Valentine’s Day. It was advertised as “The Strangest Love Story of All? probably because of the story’s subversive play on sexual pleasure.” It was not rerun on Halloween, despite the fact that Bram Stoker's novel had a calendrical sense of foreboding, with Jonathan Harker first meeting the predatory Count ‘ona day when “all the evil things in the world will have full sway?8» — ni se sincronizaban los estrenos con la fecha: el *Dracula* de Tod Browning, con Bela Lugosi, salió el día de San Valentín de 1931 anunciado como la más extraña historia de amor, y no se reponía en Halloween

«Nor were any of the other horror classics rereleased at the end of October. Halloween parties in the 1930s might occasionally feature tales from the high Victorian Gothic, but the accent of most of them was on Halloween hilarity, not horror.» — y tampoco se reestrenaban los demás clásicos a fines de octubre: las fiestas de los treinta podían traer cuentos del gótico victoriano, pero el acento estaba en la alegría, no en el horror

«There were signs of a change in the late 1930s. Orson Welles’s radio production of H. G, Wells's The War of the Worlds was broadcast on the night before Halloween in 1938. Transferring the locale of the 1808 novel from Britain to the United States, and presenting the story as a series of news bulletins interrupting a musical program, Welles generated frissons of fear throughout North America and a mass panic in New Jersey.? From then on, the commercial possibilities of promoting the scary and the macabre on Halloween became more likely.» — la señal del cambio que fecha: la radionovela de *The War of the Worlds* de Orson Welles, emitida la víspera de Halloween de 1938, trasladada a Estados Unidos y presentada como boletines de noticias, cundió el susto y provocó pánico en Nueva Jersey

«Anthony Boucher’s short story on Halloween in 1945, which blended the spooky scenario of Halloween with the literary convention of noir, referred to a “Halloween horror bill” at the Campus theater in Berkeley, California. Shock comics rendered Halloween horrific in 1950, with the skinflint master of an orphan’s asylum getting his comeuppance as a hollowed-out pumpkin. EC comics followed suit with further scenarios of grisly dismemberments.10» — los pasos siguientes que enumera: el cuento de Anthony Boucher de 1945, que mezcla Halloween con el *noir* y menciona un *Halloween horror bill* en Berkeley, y los cómics de *Shock* de 1950, seguidos por EC con más desmembramientos

«But the advent of the Comic Code Authority in 1954 ended these ventures, with sci-fi and fantasy replacing» — y el corte: la Comic Code Authority acabó en 1954 con esas aventuras, y la ciencia ficción y la fantasía desplazaron a los cuentos de la cripta; la plana corta aquí

«tales from the crypt. The result was that Halloween was not indelibly associated with horror in the 1950s, and certainly not with the Gothic mode of horror that engaged anxieties associated with cultural loathing or the repressed.» — el saldo de los cincuenta: Halloween no quedó asociado de manera indeleble al horror, y menos al gótico que toca las ansiedades del asco cultural o de lo reprimido

«In the Toronto area in 1958, the best that the television could offer was Whispering Ghosts with Milton Berle and Footlight Serenade with Betty Grable and Victor Mature. As for the cinema, viewers could watch adaptations of Tennessee Williams and Ernest Hemingway, but not of Mary Shelley, Edgar Allan Poe, or Bram Stoker.!!» — la prueba que aporta: en Toronto en 1958 la televisión ofrecía *Whispering Ghosts* y *Footlight Serenade*, y el cine, adaptaciones de Tennessee Williams y Hemingway, no de Mary Shelley, Poe o Bram Stoker

«A decade later, horror movies were definitely part of the seasonal fare, but not emphatically so. Television channels scheduled Frankenstein with Boris Karloff, and Vincent Price in The House on the Haunted Hill. But the biggest scare at the cinema was Wait Until Dark,» — y una década después el horror ya era parte de la programación, aunque sin énfasis: *Frankenstein* con Boris Karloff y *The House on the Haunted Hill* con Vincent Price en televisión; la plana corta aquí

«starring Audrey Hepburn. Rosemary's Baby, the film that brought the devil right back in the family, actually opened in Toronto on 1 ‘November 1968, close enough to Halloween perhaps, but not in the run-up to fright night itself.» — otro caso de desfase que aporta: *Rosemary's Baby*, la película que devolvió el diablo a la familia, se estrenó en Toronto el 1 de noviembre de 1968, cerca de la fecha pero no en la víspera

«It was in the 1970s and beyond that horror really became the dominant cinematic genre at Halloween. By then, movie-viewers not ‘only could venture to the cinema for “horrorathons? they could watch a fair variety of horror classics and new productions on their TV sets. In the run-up to Halloween in 1986, for example, one journalist noted that at least sixteen horror movies had been aired over the networks in the Washington area, while the “concentration of film nightmares” in other cities was “even more intense?!» — la década en que el horror se vuelve género dominante de la fecha: en los setenta y después, con *horrorathons* en el cine y en la tele — en 1986 un periodista contó al menos dieciséis películas de horror en las cadenas del área de Washington

«Prominent among them was George Romero's Night of the Living Dead (1969), horror classic about flesh-eating ghouls that was now in the public domain and could be shown without anybody paying for it. Around Washington it was shown on Baltimore’s channel 54, Washington’s channel s, public TV channels 22 and 56, and via WOR from New York.» — y el caso que destaca: *Night of the Living Dead* de George Romero, ya en dominio público y por eso emitida sin pagar por varios canales a la vez

«One journalist deplored the fact that it was aired in what had previously been known as the “family hour” and with color added, so that the rivers of blood ran red. “Adults may find the film preposterous camp} Tom Shales opined, “but to children, its explicit scenes of cannibals on a rampage can be highly unsettling” Because the Federal Communications Commission had all but relinquished its control of broadcasting to the marketplace, he complained, the living dead were able to “march through prime time in the name of making a buck?» — lo que expone de Tom Shales: la película se pasaba en lo que había sido la *family hour* y con color añadido, y como la FCC había cedido el control al mercado, los muertos vivientes desfilaban en horario estelar por hacer dinero

«Shales’s focus upon Night of the Living Dead was not accidental, even allowing for its availability in the public domain, for Romero's film is, widely regarded as a turning point in the horror genre. Whereas the horror classics were either set in the past or featured monsters that tended to originate from outside America, such as King Kong or Godzilla, the post-1968 films tended to be rooted in contemporary everyday life.!* And whereas the early horror movies frequently witnessed the defeat of the menace at the hands of efÏcacious male» — por qué esa película: la de Romero se tiene por punto de giro del género — los clásicos ponían el monstruo en el pasado o fuera de América, como King Kong o Godzilla, y los filmes de después de 1968 lo enraízan en la vida diaria; la plana corta aquí

«experts, post-1968 monsters were often defeated only temporarily, if at all. Indeed, these monsters maraud their victims in an implacable fashion. and often slash their bodies both mercilessly aad graphically. In Hitchcock's famous stabbing-in-the-shower scene in Psycho (1960), the horror of the action comes from the surprise, from the looming menace of the assailant, and from Janet Leigh's desperate attempts to fend off the killer. Only one fleeting shot shows the body actually being stabbed.» — el contraste técnico que traza: los monstruos posteriores a 1968 solo se vencen a medias y despedazan a sus víctimas con crudeza, mientras en la ducha de *Psycho* el horror venía de la sorpresa y solo un plano fugaz muestra el cuerpo apuñalado

«In the post-1968 movies, the violence is far more graphic and visceral, heightened by more sophisticated special effects. As film critic Isabel Pinedo has remarked: “Gore—the explicit depiction of dismemberment, evisceration, putrefaction, and myriad other forms of boundary violations with copious amounts of blood —takes center stage?!» — y lo que expone de la crítica de cine Isabel Pinedo: el *gore* —desmembramiento, evisceración, putrefacción y demás violaciones de los límites del cuerpo, con sangre a raudales— pasa al centro de la escena

«That much of the violence is directed against women, whose abject faces of terror are dwelt on in some detail, only heightens the controversy surrounding this new genre of horror. ‘These slasher films, as they have sometimes been called, have been almost universally condemned in the mainstream press for their glorification of violence, their misogyny, and their sadistic voyeurism. Their popularity has given rise to a good deal of apprehension about their influence on the younger generation, particularly male adolescents, who constitute a large part of their audience.16» — la controversia que consigna: que buena parte de esa violencia vaya contra mujeres, con sus rostros de terror mostrados en detalle, alimenta la condena casi unánime de la prensa a los *slasher films* por misoginia y voyerismo sádico

«The only critics who have attempted to redeem this disreputable genre, or at the very least to reassess its cultural significance, have been academics. They have noted, in what is the crux of their analyses, that while the horror genre is principally aimed at the arousal of bodily sensation—the scary thrill, shiver, chill, or shudder—it is also related to the problem of fear and loathing. If we are invited to identify with the victims of the horror drama, knowing the predicament they face or are about to confront, we also have to come to terms with the monster. This antagonist is not simply physically fearsome (sometimes he/it is not), itis in some measure abnormal or disgusting. Monsters inspire revulsion, They are cognitively threatening because they breach the norms of ontological or cultural propriety.1”» — y quiénes lo han intentado leer de otro modo: los académicos, que ven en el género no solo la busca de la sensación corporal sino el problema del miedo y el asco, con monstruos que amenazan por romper las normas de la propiedad ontológica o cultural

«Other; in Freudian or neo-Freudian terms, they are the repressed Other, our collective nightmares. If we move beyond the visceral physicality of the horror movie with its rivulets of blood to contemplate the Other, wwe can begin to frame an analysis around the dread of difference, to echo the title of a recent book on the genre. Horror movies, despite their low reputation among mainstream critics, can illuminate the raging, contradictions within our society, or so the argument runs.18 Horror isa coded language that enables authors and invites their audiences to explore their fears, hidden desires, and anxieties.» — el argumento académico que resume: el monstruo es el Otro reprimido, la pesadilla colectiva, y el horror, lenguaje cifrado que permite explorar miedos, deseos ocultos y ansiedades — el *dread of difference*, según el título de un libro reciente del género

«These comments are of some pertinence to the horror movies that focus upon Halloween. Halloween is not simply the principal occasion in the year for broadcasting horror movies; it has also been the subject of horror movies or, at the very least, their narrative’s setting, Indeed, while film directors have often situated their horrors in other festive settings such as Valentine’s Day, April Fool's Day, Mother’s Day, Christmas, or ‘Thanksgiving, Halloween has been the most popular holiday for horror plots. At least cen horror films have revolved around the holiday since 1978, of which the Halloween cycle itself has been the most significant.» — y su pertinencia para el caso: Halloween no solo es la ocasión de transmitir horror sino su asunto o su escenario, y desde 1978 al menos diez películas de horror giran en torno a la fiesta, con el ciclo de *Halloween* a la cabeza

«Halloween 2 (1981) refers to the bloody rites of Samhain, to the sacrifices of the first-born that are part of Irish lore, but only as incidental grafÏti. Halloween 6 (1995) develops this theme a little further, in that Jaimie Lloyd's baby is cast as the potential victim of an ancient sacrifice to the Lord of the Dead. Marked with the sign of the thorn, she becomes a quarry for both the satanic members of the hospital in which her mother» — y cómo aparece Samhain: *Halloween 2* menciona sus ritos sangrientos y el sacrificio del primogénito solo como grafiti incidental, y *Halloween 6* hace de la hija de Jaimie Lloyd víctima posible de un sacrificio antiguo al Señor de los Muertos, marcada con el signo de la espina; la plana corta aquí

«was housed and also for her psychotic relative, Michael Myers. This certainly complicates the chase and allows Myers the opportunity of ‘exacting revenge upon those members of the psychiatric community who had incarcerated him in the previous Halloween movies. Yet the “Druidic curse” that periodically settles upon characters in the Halloween ‘cycle remains little more than an embellishment to a contemporary serial killer’s stalking of his prey.» — el juicio que le pone al ciclo: la *Druidic curse* que cae de cuando en cuando sobre los personajes no pasa de adorno del acecho de un asesino serial contemporáneo

«The single exception is Halloween 3 (1982), the only film in the cycle that explores the sacrificial aspects of Halloween in a sustained manner. ‘The plot revolves around a crazed Irish entrepreneur named Conal Cochran, who establishes the Silver Shamrock toy factory in a rural Northeastern community specializing in Halloween jokes and masks. In this “season of the witch? to parody the subtitle of the film, Cochran concocts a diabolical plan to eliminate children by placing life-threatening chips from Stonchenge’s Blue Stone into Halloween masks that were programmed to explode at 9 P.M. on Halloween. Cochran's decision to inflict mass infanticide upon unsuspecting Halloween children is inspired by a mission to reenact Samhain’s ancient rite of “controlling the environment” in order to promote a more robotic future for commerce and manufacture.» — la excepción que señala: *Halloween 3* es la única que explora lo sacrificial de manera sostenida, con Conal Cochran y su fábrica Silver Shamrock poniendo en las máscaras esquirlas de la Piedra Azul de Stonehenge programadas para estallar a las nueve, en remedo del antiguo rito de Samhain de controlar el entorno

«Halloween 3 was commercially the least successful of the cycle. Alongside its historical hocus-pocus and incoherence, it lacked the innovative camera work of John Carpenter and his emulators. What made the first Halloween such a resounding success was Carpenter’s frequent use of the unmounted first-person camera to represent the killer’s point of view.?°» — lo que le faltó, según Rogers: fue la menos exitosa del ciclo, y además del batiburrillo histórico le faltó la cámara innovadora de John Carpenter, cuyo acierto fue la cámara subjetiva en mano para el punto de vista del asesino

«In this film and its sequels, viewers were often invited to adopt the murderer's assaultive gaze and to hear his heavy breathing and plodding footsteps as he stalked his prey. These I-camera shots were sometimes replaced by one in which the camera is situated» — el efecto de esa cámara: se invita al espectador a adoptar la mirada agresora del asesino y a oír su respiración pesada y sus pasos mientras acecha; la plana corta aquí

«The association of Halloween with the supernatural, with darkness, decay, and death, is alluded to in these movies. It is often historically inaccurate and hackneyed. Night of the Demons (1987) portrays Halloween as a night of supernatural possession, precipitating the elimination of horny young men at the hands of their demonic girlfriends in what is little more than a clichéd romp around a haunted house. Its sequel (1994) isas predictable, with sexually precocious teenagers mixing their seasonal shenanigans with a touch of black magic and falling captive to predatory demons from the haunted Hull House up the road.» — qué hacen esas películas con el material: aluden a lo sobrenatural, la oscuridad y la muerte de manera a menudo inexacta y manida — *Night of the Demons* y su secuela son poco más que correrías por casas embrujadas con toque de magia negra (los años entre paréntesis están en el impreso, releídos en el crudo)

«more ambiguously, located slightly behind or to the side of the victimizer, so that part of the killer occupied the foreground of the frame while the potential victim, unaware of any threat, occupied the background. Sometimes this perspective is reversed. The potential victim occupies the foreground, unaware of the killer's lurking presence elsewhere, which is leetingly disclosed in a mirror, a window, or behind a bush. The sequence of shots is unsettling, heightening the imminence of the threat.» — la variante de encuadre que describe: la cámara ligeramente detrás o al lado del victimario, con la víctima al fondo sin saberse amenazada, o al revés, con el asesino apenas revelado en un espejo o una ventana

«Halloween (1978) was the first of the slasher films in which victims were very consciously and deliberately stalked and in which the subjective camera implicates the viewer in the murderous enterprise. It was also the first to bring stalking closer to home. To a greater degree than either Night of the Living Dead or the Texas Chain Saw Massacre, both set in the wastelands of rural America, Halloween was situated in a familiar setting: a typical, small Midwest town called Haddonfield, Illinois.» — lo que le adjudica a la primera *Halloween*: fue el primer *slasher* con acecho deliberado y cámara subjetiva que implica al espectador, y el primero en traer el acecho a un pueblo típico del medio oeste, Haddonfield, Illinois

«The opening scene is Halloween, 1963, when all small boys and girls should be out trick-or-treating. The exception to this rule is eight-year-old Michael Myers, who, dressed in a clown’s costume, has been neglected by his sister, in whose care he has been consigned. She is ‘making out with her boyfriend upstairs, a sexual encounter that Michael! confronts by taking her life once the boyfriend has departed.» — la escena inicial: en Halloween de 1963, Michael Myers, de ocho años y vestido de payaso, queda al cuidado de su hermana, que está con su novio arriba, y él la mata cuando el muchacho se va

«The scene then shifts to 1978, when Michael escapes from a psychiatric institution to return to Haddonfield with the intention of killing his younger sister (Laurie Strode) and, as it happens, her sexually active friends. The sequels more or less repeat the narrative formula. Myers returns on Halloween to reenact the trauma of 1963, seeking to eliminate the surviving members of his immediate family and their friends, and those who happen to frustrate his quest.» — y la fórmula que repiten las secuelas: Myers vuelve cada Halloween a repetir el trauma de 1963, buscando eliminar a los que quedan de su familia inmediata, a sus amigos y a quien se le atraviese

«Halloween was initially conceived as a film about a homicidal maniac who kills babysitters. It had little relation to the actual holiday beyond a desire to cash in on spooky effects and to capitalize upon the relative paucity of films between summer and Christmas, outside the film festival market.2! Yer the use of the holiday as the site for Myers’s homicidal» — el origen que le atribuye: la película se concibió sobre un maniaco que mata niñeras, con poca relación con la fiesta más allá de aprovechar los efectos lúgubres y el hueco de cartelera entre el verano y la Navidad; la plana corta aquí

«rage is not simply opportunistic. It has some relevance to the narratives of the Halloween cycle. Quite apart from the link to the 1963 tragedy, Halloween facilitates Myers’s clusiveness and the vulnerability of his victims by vircue of the fact that it is a night for masks and pranks. Although Myers briefly emulates a ghost in the first Halloween, when he accosts and kills Laurie’s friend Annie Brackett, he normally appears wearing a white mask stolen from a store and the working clothes of a ‘garage mechanic. This is a familiar enough disguise to allow Myers to elude detection.» — por qué la fiesta no es adorno en la trama: la noche de máscaras y bromas facilita la escurridiza presencia de Myers y la vulnerabilidad de sus víctimas, con su careta blanca robada y su ropa de mecánico como disfraz corriente

«In fact, in two sequels other people wearing the same costume are mistakenly taken for him. This confusion is amplified by the general activities of the night. False alarms and hoaxes stretch the resources of the police to the limit and blur the distinction between scary thrills and genuine calls for help. Parents drift off to their own parties, leaving their children at the potential mercy of Myers’s ‘murderous schemes. Teenagers are largely let to their own devices, and sometimes resent the responsibilities of taking their younger siblings» — y cómo la noche amplifica la confusión: falsas alarmas que agotan a la policía y borran el linde entre el susto y la llamada de auxilio, padres que se van a sus fiestas y adolescentes dejados a su aire; la plana corta aquí

«Halloween thus creates a critical space for Myers’s sanguinary ventures. But it also exploits the bogeymen myth of Halloween lore. Although Myers’s own character is never adequately developed in Halloween and its sequels, two explanations for his murderous rage come into play. The first is psycholos Myers as the victim turned victimizer. Critics have sometimes described him as “a child in an adult's body who exerts a repressed rage . .. against sexually promiscuous females (representing his own sister)”» — la doble función que le adjudica a la fiesta en el ciclo: espacio para las correrías sangrientas de Myers y explotación del mito del coco; la primera explicación de su furia es psicológica, la de la víctima vuelta victimario, un niño en cuerpo de adulto con furia reprimida contra mujeres sexualmente promiscuas

«This interpretation trades on the popular fascination with the personification of evil touted by the evangelical Right and deepened by a skepticism of rehabilitative treatment in corrective or psychiatric institutions.» — y de qué vive esa lectura, según Rogers: de la fascinación popular con la personificación del mal que pregona la derecha evangélica, y del escepticismo sobre la rehabilitación en instituciones correctivas o psiquiátricas

«Indeed, more often than not, Myers is depicted as a mythic, elusive bogeyman, one of superhuman strength who cannot be killed by bullets, stab wounds, or fire. Inthe first Halloween, Myers endures two stab wounds, and a round of bullets that propel him over a balcony, only to vanish into nowhere. In Halloween 4, he survives a car collision, a hail of bullets from the state troopers, and a headlong fall into a deep well. And he somehow ‘manages to transmit the “evil” within him to his niece Jaimie Strode,» — el coco sobrehumano en que acaba: sobrevive puñaladas, balas y una caída en un pozo, y de algún modo transmite el mal que lleva dentro a su sobrina; la plana corta aquí

«on to go trick-or-treating. In Halloween 4 (1988), Rachel is given charge of her stepsister, Jaimie (Myers’s niece), wrecking her own plans for the night with her boyfriend Brady. As a result of their contretemps, Jaimie is left at large, wandering the streets in a clown costume identical to that worn by Michael Myers in the original Halloween prologue, with ‘Myers himself predictably in pursuit.» — el ejemplo de *Halloween 4*: Rachel queda a cargo de su hermanastra Jaimie, sobrina de Myers, y por su disgusto la niña acaba suelta en la calle con un disfraz de payaso idéntico al del prólogo, con Myers detrás (los años entre paréntesis están en el impreso, releídos en el crudo)

«Myers’s own doctor, Sam Loomis (played by Donald Pleasance), very occasionally offers this kind of explanation, attempting in Halloween 5 (1989) to reason with Myers about the psychotic rage that drives him to seek vengeance upon his family. Yet Loomis consistently repudiates his own professional discourse by describing Myers as the very embodiment of evil, implacably impervious to therapeutic treatment.» — el papel del doctor Sam Loomis, con Donald Pleasance: en *Halloween 5* intenta razonar con Myers sobre la furia psicótica, pero desdice su propio discurso profesional al describirlo como la encarnación del mal, impermeable a todo tratamiento (los años entre paréntesis están en el impreso, releídos en el crudo)

«who at the finale of the film, kills her own stepmother with a knife in a scene that reenacts Myers’s murder of his own sister when he was eight years old. Only in Halloween 20 (1998) is this seemingly invincible bogeyman finally dispatched by his intrepid sister, Laurie, who has sought to escape the family curse by taking up residence in California, She decapitates Michael with an axe.» — el desenlace del ciclo: solo en *Halloween 20* la hermana, Laurie, acaba con el coco aparentemente invencible y lo decapita con un hacha

«One of the first reviews of Halloween in the Village Voice veered in this direction, applauding the director, John Carpenter, for his clever intertextual play ‘on other movies in the genre, particularly Hitchcock's Psycho and Romero's Night of the Living Dead. “Carpenter's duplicitous hype is the most honest way to make a good schlock film?’ remarked Tom Halen, making it “the trickiest thriller of the year?28» — lo que expone de la primera reseña en el *Village Voice*: Tom Halen aplaudía el juego intertextual de Carpenter con *Psycho* y *Night of the Living Dead*, y llamaba a su publicidad tramposa la manera más honesta de hacer buen cine de serie B

«But not every critic has viewed the film so light-heartedly, especially in che light of its popularity. Modestly budgeted and promoted, Halloween carned $18.5 million in the domestic market alone and became something of a cult movie with the video fans. It also spawned a subgenre of stalker movies that many noted was disturbingly sadistic and misogynist in its voyeurism.» — y la otra reacción, ligada a su éxito: con poco presupuesto ganó 18.5 millones en el mercado doméstico, se volvió de culto en video y engendró un subgénero de películas de acecho que muchos tacharon de sádico y misógino

«Critics Mick Martin and Marsha Porter, for instance, took great exception to the first-person camera shots of both Halloween and Friday the 13th (1980), films that encouraged an identification with the killer and sometimes depicted the graphic dismemberment of victims, especially females. They deplored the way in which “the camera moves in on the screaming, pleading victim, ‘looks down’ at the knife, and then plunges it into chest, car, or eyeball. Now that’s sick”25» — lo que expone de los críticos Mick Martin y Marsha Porter: objetaban la cámara en primera persona de *Halloween* y *Friday the 13th* por invitar a identificarse con el asesino mientras la cámara baja al cuchillo y lo hunde en el pecho, el oído o el ojo

«How misogynist these films really are has generated a good deal of heated debate, particularly among feminist film critics. While some have seen the slasher movies since Halloween as debasing women in as decisive» — el debate que consigna sin resolverlo: cuánto de misóginas tienen esas películas se discute con calor, sobre todo entre críticas feministas de cine; la plana corta aquí

«a manner as hard-core pornography, others have read the genre in a more positive light. While most have admitted that the camera lingers primarily on female victims, they have resisted the inclination to describe the films as unequivocally misogynistic.» — el otro lado del debate: hay quien lee el género con mejores ojos y, admitiendo que la cámara se demora en las víctimas mujeres, se resiste a llamarlo misógino sin más

«Moreover, the misogynist thrust of slasher movies is undermined by the fact that the “final girl” ultimately triumphs. This is in marked contrast t0 earlier horror films, where the menace was usually terminated by professionally motivated men. If women are the principal subjects of abject terror, rendered helpless before the killer’s gaze, they also lay that gaze to rest. Whether this is a typical trait of post-1968 horror, however, is hotly contested, as is the gendered depiction of the victor, whose female persona might simply be a cover for masculine or more androgynous traits» — y el otro argumento del debate: el empuje misógino queda en entredicho porque la *final girl* triunfa al final, a diferencia del horror anterior, donde la amenaza la remataba un hombre con oficio — aunque se discute si su persona femenina no encubre rasgos masculinos o andróginos

«So, too, are the professionals. In the first Halloween (1978), the psychiatrist Dr. Loomis puts Laurie and her friends at risk by misreading Myers’s intentions and recommending that no general alarm be raised about the escape of the killer from the hospital. Only in the final scene does Loomis come to Laurie’s aid in her desperate struggle with Myers. In the sequel, Loomis is more concerned about Laurie’s safety and even helps her dispatch Myers by fire, scarring himself in the process. But thereafter Loomis’s obsession» — y lo mismo los profesionales: en la primera *Halloween* el doctor Loomis pone en riesgo a Laurie y a sus amigas al leer mal las intenciones de Myers y recomendar que no se dé la alarma; la plana corta aquí

«How these issues are played out in the Halloween movies is worth considering. Although the police rescue the “final girl” from the grips of the psychotic killer in Hollomgate (1988), in half of the Halloween movies the finale does depart from the older formula of a male protector putting the threat co rest. In the Halloween cycle, the police are generally portrayed as incompetent, as vulnerable as many of the besieged teenagers to the avenger’s knife.» — cómo se juega eso en el ciclo: aunque en *Hollowgate* la policía rescata a la *final girl*, en la mitad de las películas el final se aparta de la fórmula del protector varón, y la policía aparece incompetente y tan vulnerable como los adolescentes sitiados (el año entre paréntesis está en el impreso, releído en el crudo; el troceo imprime *Hollomgate*)

«with tracking the killer becomes progressively ineffectual and even ruthlessly self-interested. By Halloween 5, he is holding Myers’s niece, Jaimie, as live bait. “You want her?” he screams to Myers. “Here she is. Come and get her. Come and get your little girl”» — el deterioro de Loomis: para *Halloween 5* usa a Jaimie, sobrina de Myers, como carnada viva y le grita al asesino que venga por su niña

«The only male who effectually comes to the rescue of members of Myers’s family is their friend Tommy Doyle. In Halloween 6, he saves Jaimie’s baby from the hands of the satanic Dr. Wynn and the implacable Michael Myers. Elsewhere itis the women who elude and even take on the zombie-like Myers. In Halloween 4, this is left to Jaimic’s stepsister, Rachel, who, having witnessed the death of her boyfriend at the hands of Myers, helps Jaimie escape over the roof to comparative safety and, in their flight out of town, mows down Myers with a pick-up truck.» — quién rescata en el ciclo: el único varón eficaz es el amigo Tommy Doyle en *Halloween 6*, y por lo demás son las mujeres quienes esquivan y enfrentan a Myers — Rachel lo atropella con una camioneta en *Halloween 4*

«Whether there is enough in allthis to vindicate the feminist reading of the “final gir!” is debatable. In Halloween H20, Laurie’s final victory ‘over Myers could simply be read as a cinematic play on the Leigh family’s contribution to horror over the years, juxtaposing Janet Leigh, the abject victim of Psycho, against her real-life daughter, Jamie Lee Curtis, the intrepid Laurie who eludes and finally kills Myers. Moreover, it has been argued that the independence and resolution of “final girls” such as Laurie is less emphatic or consistent than feminist critics assume. Some of them, like the sole survivor in Hollongate, are rendered catatonic by the experience. In any case, it has been argued, their triumphs permit only a highly individualistic response to the perceived threat, not collective solutions.» — el reparo que pone a la lectura feminista de la *final girl*: la victoria de Laurie puede leerse como juego cinematográfico con la saga Leigh —Janet Leigh víctima en *Psycho* frente a su hija Jamie Lee Curtis—, y los triunfos de esas muchachas solo permiten una respuesta individualista, no colectiva

«This interpretation is intriguing. Whether we find the neo-Freudian analysis compelling or not, ithas the great merit of setting the Halloween cycle within the larger contemporary debate about the future of the American family, one that in the 1970s was preoccupied with high divorce rates, the rise of double-income households, gender polities, and same-sex coupling.» — el mérito que le reconoce a esa lectura: pone el ciclo dentro del debate contemporáneo sobre el futuro de la familia estadounidense, con sus divorcios, sus hogares de doble ingreso, su política de género y las parejas del mismo sexo

«This debate, with its anxieties about working mothers, single-parent families, and unsupervised children, provided the social space in which Myers’s sanguinary escapades could strike admonitory chords. For it could be argued that Myers’s murderous interventions are facilitated by the collapse of Halloween as an inclusive family holiday and its transformation into a set of generational consumer rites in which family mutualities are neglected. While parents are partying (or working), teenagers raise mayhem or make out and neglect the youngsters in their care. In this allegory of familial dispersal and decay, where Halloween is viewed nostalgically as a potentially unifying and satisfying family rite, killers more easily prowl.» — y el argumento que de ahí saca: las incursiones asesinas de Myers se facilitan por el desplome de Halloween como fiesta familiar inclusiva y su conversión en ritos de consumo por generaciones, en una alegoría de dispersión y decadencia de la familia

«Yet the contemporary controversies surrounding the holiday itself would also scem to be relevant to the narrative of fear these movies seek to construct, at least as immediate referents. The Halloween films opened in the wake of the billowing stories about Halloween sadism and clearly traded on the uncertainties surrounding trick-or-treating and the general safety of the festival. In Halloween 2, a child is taken to» — y el otro referente inmediato: las películas se estrenaron en plena ola de historias sobre el sadismo de Halloween y comerciaron con la incertidumbre en torno al *trick-or-treat*; la plana corta aquí

«Halloween she stabs Michael in the eye and the body before Loomis comes to the rescue. In the sequel she sinks into an abject terror that virtually paralyzes her. Only as a mature woman in the final film of the cycle does she take on Myers single-handedly. Overcoming her own nightmares about Michael's devastating rage, she ultimately stalks and slays her brother with an axe.» — y solo la hermana, Laurie, llega a vérselas con el monstruo de la familia: lo apuñala en el ojo en la primera, queda paralizada de terror en la secuela y, ya mujer madura, lo acecha y lo mata con un hacha

«the hospital after a razor has been found in his apple. In Night of the Demons, an angry householder threatens to taint the apples of a group of gallivanting teenagers and, in the final scene, falls victim to his own artifice. Here the urban legends about Halloween sadism are little more than embellishments to the main narrative, but in Halloween 3, the threat to children is central to the story. Conal Cochran is the ultimate Halloween sadist, the malevolent predator on the lives of innocent children, transforming their masks into deadly weapons of destruction.» — cómo entran las leyendas urbanas en la trama: en *Halloween 2* un niño va al hospital por una hoja de afeitar en su manzana, y en *Halloween 3* la amenaza a los niños es el centro, con Conal Cochran como el sádico definitivo que vuelve arma mortal las máscaras

«Concurrent with the growing fear that Halloween was becoming a macabre festival of sadistic acts was the public fascination with serial killers. The term “serial killer” did not enter public discourse until the early 19808, when the subject was widely aired on TV programs such as Chris Wilder’s Easy Prey and the miniseries about Ted Bundy entitled ‘The Deliberate Stranger. In fact, the Tylenol scare of 1982 was quickly followed by a public panic about serial killers, prompted by the fact that the U.S. Department of Justice had speculated that the phenomenon ‘was on the rise.» — lo que corría a la par: la fascinación pública con los asesinos seriales, término que no entra al discurso público hasta principios de los ochenta, con el susto del Tylenol de 1982 seguido de un pánico alimentado por las conjeturas del Departamento de Justicia

«If the Halloween cycle traded on contemporary panics, it also depicted and helped to reinforce the hyperreality that increasingly distinguishes the holiday. “Hyperreality” is a term coined by Jean Baudrillard to depict a universe of signs in which the distinction between the real and imaginary is not simply blurred but eliminated. What is created is an order of simulations without external referents, a world of reality effects.» — y el concepto con que cierra: el ciclo reforzó la hiperrealidad de la fiesta — término de Jean Baudrillard para un universo de signos donde el linde entre lo real y lo imaginario no se difumina, se elimina

«Without doubt, the supersession of the classic horror film monsters by omnipotent serial killers was not coincidental. Although neither Jason of the Friday the 13th series nor Michael Myers of the Halloween cycle conformed exactly to the prototypes of serial killers—people who often relished the power they had over their victims—their grisly escapades were intended to strike more than a frisson of fear in a public troubled by the potential terror of everyday life and the growing number of unresolved homicides.» — el relevo que no tiene por casual: los monstruos clásicos ceden ante asesinos seriales omnipotentes, y aunque ni Jason ni Myers calcen con el prototipo, sus correrías buscaban algo más que un escalofrío en un público inquieto por el terror de lo cotidiano; la cita corta antes de la línea siguiente, donde la capa de texto mete un guillemet de apertura delante de *critic*

«critic Jonathan Crane observed, the new horror genre offered “a visual approximation of what it is like to live in an inordinately dangerous world of random violence?28» — y lo que expone del crítico cultural Jonathan Crane: el nuevo horror ofrecía una aproximación visual a lo que es vivir en un mundo desmedidamente peligroso de violencia azarosa

«The current practice of Halloween, with its spook houses, terror trains, films, and videos consistently flirts with and teeters on the brink of this universe. Is Jason real or the product of cinematic representation? What does one make of his appearance on the Arsenio Hall show where he was treated like any other celebrity and asked what he had been doing lately229 (As Jonathan Crane has remarked, Jason makes no career moves, he just slashes people.) At what point, amid the holographic effects and screams in stereo, does the safe spook of the haunted house become a macabre act of violence?» — las preguntas con que mide esa hiperrealidad: si Jason es real o representación, qué hacer de su aparición en el programa de Arsenio Hall tratado como cualquier celebridad, y en qué punto el susto seguro de la casa embrujada se vuelve acto macabro de violencia

«Halloween horror could be the real thing. At Greenfield, Massachusetts, in 1988, a fan of Jason was rumored to have carried outa copycat murder on Fright Night.29 Although psychologists believe that even children of cight or nine can distinguish the real from the phoney, the effects of the blurring can be seen not only in the persistent legend of the Halloween sadist tainting children’s candies and inserting razors into apples but in the haunting slayings of the slasher movies. In 1991, rumors of an impending massacre on Halloween, foretold by a psychic on the Oprah Winfrey show, generated anxieties throughout the sororities of Northeast campuses that university authorities found difÏcult to dispel.3!» — los efectos de ese borramiento: el rumor de un crimen imitativo en Greenfield en 1988, la leyenda persistente del sádico de las golosinas, y en 1991 el pánico en las hermandades del noreste por una masacre anunciada por una vidente en el programa de Oprah Winfrey

«Halloween has become captive to ‘horror vacui, in Umberto Eco’s words, to an imagination that “demands the real thing and, to attain it, must fabricate the absolute fake.”32» — y la fórmula que toma de Umberto Eco: la fiesta quedó cautiva del *horror vacui*, de una imaginación que exige lo auténtico y, para lograrlo, fabrica la falsificación absoluta

«The fascination with the fake and the marketability of fear at Halloween is underlined in the following story. In 1976, a teenager named Bill Schuck, who called himself the “Devil's Advocate? opened a spook house in Miramar, Florida. With its dismembered bodies, rain, thunder, and lightning, its life-like figures of Frankenstein's monster and Regan from the Exorcist (1973), it attracted hundreds of visitors. ‘The Halloween spectacle was so successful it attracted the attention of the California Institute of the Arts, founded by Walt Disney, who asked for a portfolio of the enterprise.23 The links were instructive, because in the 1970s Halloween increasingly drew on the horror genre for its scary thrills, Like Disneyland itself, it was becoming a “perfect model of all the entangled orders of simulation?» — la historia con que lo ilustra: en 1976 un adolescente que se hacía llamar *Devil's Advocate* abrió en Miramar, Florida, una casa de sustos tan lograda que el California Institute of the Arts, fundado por Walt Disney, le pidió un portafolio — como Disneylandia, dice, la fiesta se volvía modelo perfecto de los órdenes enredados de la simulación

«The melding of Hollywood with Halloween and the critical importance of hyperrealism to modern mass culture can also be seen in ventures such as Spooky World, a horror theme park near Foxboro, Massachusetts. Here, for $23.50, visitors can enjoy not only haunted hayrides but also a ghoul school run by ‘Tom Savani, the “godfather” of special effects for films such as Night of the Living Dead, Friday the 13th, and Creepshow. Among the other celebrities featured in the 2000 season were Doug Bradley, the “Pinhead” in Hellraiser; and Richard Kiel, the “Jaws” of two James Bond movies. The ghoulish rock star Alice Cooper also joined this grisly crew, as did several WWE wrestlers and Brinke Stevens of Swamp Thing (1982), profiled on the Internet in S&M_ leather gear. However you take your Halloween, whatever fantasies you wrap around it, Spooky World is likely to have them in its seasonal simulations.» — el ejemplo con que cierra el capítulo: Spooky World, parque temático de horror cerca de Foxboro, con paseos en carreta embrujada y una escuela de monstruos a cargo de *Tom Savani* —así el troceo, sin cotejo con el facsímil—, padrino de los efectos especiales, y celebridades del género en la temporada 2000

«1983, a Washington journalist described the Halloween street parade at Georgetown, albeit in a campy style and with a profusion of mixed metaphors. “At Wisconsin and M? he wrote, in the belly of the blast, it was like an Easter parade of freaks ... to say nothing of the flashers who offered outrageous peaks. As Washington staked its claim as San Francisco East, glitter and gloss were everywhere and the roar of the grease-paint and the swell of the crowd engulfed Georgetown, magically transpoofing it into an androgynous and anthropomorphic street fair. Men dressed as women; women dressed as men; ... men and women dressed as things that could heal the sick, raise the dead and make litte gitls talk out of their heads. Acting out their most sublimated fantasies, strutting their stuff, whirring and purring like figurines on an elaborate cuckoo clock. As Butch said to Sundance, “Who are those guys?”!» — la crónica con que abre el capítulo *Stepping Out*: el desfile de Georgetown de 1983, con hombres vestidos de mujer y mujeres de hombre, donde Washington reclamaba su lugar como San Francisco del este (la capitular se come el *In*)

«from New York City to Los Angeles, revelers congregated in downtown cores to commemorate All Hallow's Eve in tens and sometimes hundreds of thousands. Halloween went big-time in the 1970s and 1980s, eclipsing the child-centered rituals of trick-or-treating with what another journalist described as “escapist extravaganzas” that “more resembled Mardi Gras than the candy-and-apple surfeits of yesteryear”» — el vuelco que fecha: en los setenta y ochenta la fiesta se hizo grande, con decenas y a veces cientos de miles de personas en los centros, eclipsando el *trick-or-treat* infantil con extravagancias escapistas más parecidas al Mardi Gras

«In San Francisco, alongside huge gay promenades at Castro and Polk Streets, the Trocadero Transfer Club ran a three-day bash on the theme of the Australian cult movie, The Road Warrior.3 At Salem, Massachusetts, witchery generated forty events for some 50,000 visitors. Even in Salt Lake City, where the Mormons frowned on public profanity and excess, private clubs promoted Halloween parties with gusto. One observer remembered pregnant nuns and lewd priests cavorting on the dance floor, and three gold-painted angels mimicking the figure atop the city’s Mormon temple. Amid the voyeurism and exhibitionism, the carnivalesque seemed irrepressible.» — el inventario de 1983: los grandes paseos gay de Castro y Polk, los cuarenta actos de brujería de Salem con cincuenta mil visitantes, y hasta en Salt Lake City clubes privados con monjas embarazadas y curas lascivos en la pista

«Street parades and dances were, of course, hardly new to Halloween. In mid-nineteenth-century Philadelphia, where festive mummery had strong roots, young men would dress in fancy costumes and congregate at bars and taverns.$ In Montreal, young guisers often marched up and down rue St. Denis before turning off to visit friends and neighbors. By the 1920s, the Montreal West municipality had taken charge of these festivities by organizing a formal parade for the young children, one which gave way to more adult activities as the night wore on, including street dancing, masquerading, cabarets, and drinking.» — la advertencia contra la novedad: los desfiles no eran nuevos —los mozos de Filadelfia a mediados del XIX, los enmascarados de la rue St. Denis en Montreal—, y para los años veinte el municipio de Montreal West ya organizaba un desfile formal para niños que de noche daba paso a lo adulto

«So there was nothing particularly novel about stepping out on Halloween, least of all for adults. Halloween parades, dances, and cabarets were all part of the festive fun in the 1920s, although their tone and temper would vary from place to place, depending upon the» — de modo que salir a la calle en Halloween no tenía nada de nuevo, menos para los adultos, aunque el tono variara de lugar en lugar; la plana corta aquí

«Yet the new-style Halloween also represented a public demand for cathartic release. As one journalist remarked of the Georgetown promenade in Washington: “In a city where work is the chief narcotic, fun is the prescribed antidote” Or as a librarian at the Folger put it: “You have to follow nules in everyday [life], but on Halloween you can dress up according to your fantasy8 Those fantasies were still drawn from the modern motifs of Halloween, with witches, werewolves, ghosts, and vampires in abundance. But they were increasingly derived» — y la otra cara: el Halloween nuevo respondía a una demanda de descarga catártica — en una ciudad donde el trabajo es el narcótico principal, la diversión es el antídoto recetado, y una bibliotecaria del Folger decía que en Halloween uno puede vestirse según su fantasía; la plana corta aquí

«visibility of church organizations and both ofÏcial and public attitudes toward temperance. What was noteworthy was the efÒorescence of the street promenade in the more permissive climate of the 1970s, after years of decline. In this decade Halloween reached beyond the traditional church hall and community fair to encompass the bar, night club, disco, and street.» — lo que sí era nuevo: el florecimiento del paseo callejero en el clima más permisivo de los setenta, cuando la fiesta rebasó el salón parroquial y la feria comunitaria hacia el bar, el club nocturno, la disco y la calle

«from television and Hollywood, with ugly beasts from Return of the Jedi and Jason look-a-likes cutting through the crowds with chainless chainsaws? If much of the dressing-up on Halloween was simply exhibitionist or the sublimation of some personal fantasy, it also evoked social comment.» — de dónde venían los disfraces: cada vez más de la televisión y de Hollywood, con bestias del *Return of the Jedi* y dobles de Jason con motosierras sin cadena, y aun así el disfraz decía algo social

«The early Greenwich Village parades, for example, featured mythic old women or “hags” on stilts, who symbolically reclaimed the streets from the automobile on behalf of local communities. Many of the participants in the parade also celebrated the grotesque, parodying the sleck, photogenic models of the fashion magazines with ungainly, protuberant bodies redolent of early modern European carnivals, where the grotesque was often contrasted to the statuesque.}0» — los primeros desfiles de Greenwich Village: viejas míticas en zancos que reclamaban la calle al automóvil, y una celebración de lo grotesco que parodiaba a las modelos de revista con cuerpos protuberantes, como en los carnavales europeos modernos tempranos

«Not all costumes were so sanguinary. Sometimes they parodied mass culture & la Andy Warhol: a gasoline pump, a vending machine, a trash can, a tube of Crest toothpaste, a tube of lipstick, a piece of masticared chewing-gum, a corn flake, a six-pack of beer, a hot dog, a couch potato.!? In New York in the early 1990s, two gay men dressed as cocktails, a pun on their sexuality as well as parody of consumer culture. In Toronto in 1998, one woman dressed as a carton of McDonald’s fries, with McDyke as the logo, a play on the straight, all-American orientation of the infamous fast-food chain.}3 Other masqueraders echoed the sick jokes of Lenny Bruce: replicating Tylenol bottles at the height of the contamination scare in 1982, for example; or dressing as herpes lesions while dancing to the tune of “Strangers in the Night?"* Still others took Halloween as an ‘occasion to parody the consumer ethic by handing out fake money to passers-by. “Here’s $10,000)” declared one Georgetown money-tree, “that ought to hold you till romorrow”!» — el repertorio de disfraces que enumera: parodias de la cultura de masas a la Warhol —bomba de gasolina, máquina expendedora, tubo de pasta, hojuela de maíz—, dos hombres gay vestidos de cócteles, una mujer de papas fritas McDonald's con el logo *McDyke*, botellas de Tylenol en pleno pánico de 1982 y árboles de dinero falso contra la ética del consumo

«become a satire on the vacuity and banality of consumer society, on the production of false needs, even if the holiday itself was saturated with consumerism.» — la paradoja que enuncia: Halloween podía volverse sátira de la vacuidad del consumo y de la producción de necesidades falsas, aunque la fiesta misma estuviera saturada de consumismo

«Masquerading also gives revelers the chance to spoof celebrities or politicians. In 1994, for example, the public's fascination with the O. J. ‘Simpson trial prompted the appearance of a number of O. J. costumes on Halloween, complete with Afro wig, football jersey, and bloody glove; “a fashionable ghoulishness? remarked the Christian Science Monitor, “with a touch of racism thrown in.” Because Halloween also. happens to coincide with the U.S. presidential campaign every four years, the candidates inevitably capture the limelight. In 1988, one Washington bar invited revelers to turn out as their favorite, George Bush look-a-likes outnumbering those of Michael Dukakis by 108 to 86.16 Ten years later, Bill Clinton’s sexual peccadilloes were mocked in the shape of Monica Lewinskys.» — la burla de celebridades y políticos: disfraces de O. J. Simpson en 1994 con peluca afro y guante ensangrentado, y como la fecha cae en campaña presidencial, dobles de Bush y de Dukakis en 1988 y Monicas Lewinsky diez años después

«Parodying the Pope, of course, is always fair game. The Washington street parade of 1980 featured one Pope John Paul II cavorting with a Playboy bunny. It also had Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan look-a-likes kissing one another in a like-minded embrace. “Nuke Iran, nuke welfare, nuke the babies!” cried the latter.» — y la burla del Papa y de los presidentes: en el desfile de Washington de 1980 un Juan Pablo II retozaba con una conejita de Playboy y dobles de Nixon y Reagan se besaban

«Parodying American presidents has become something of a tradition ‘on Halloween, but Canadian politicians have seldom escaped a roasting, cither. In 1987, a Brian Mulroney look-a-like entertained spectators in Halifax only days after the Prime Minister had been hissed and booed by unemployed steelworkers from his former riding of Central Nova Scotia.1”» — tampoco escapan los políticos canadienses: en 1987 un doble de Brian Mulroney divirtió al público en Halifax días después de que al primer ministro lo abuchearan los acereros desempleados de su antiguo distrito

«In the wake of the terrorist attack on the World Trade Center in ‘September 2001, there was a genuine desire in the Unitied States to show the flag on Halloween. Costume firms were quick to notice this and promote it. One firm urged consumers to “show your patriotism” by purchasing outfits of Miss Liberty, astronauts, commandos, policemen, firefighters, construction workers, Texan cowboys, and, of» — y el giro de 2001: tras el atentado hubo deseo de mostrar la bandera, y las casas de disfraces lo notaron y lo promovieron, invitando a comprar trajes de Miss Libertad, astronautas, comandos, policías, bomberos y vaqueros; la plana corta aquí

«Since the 1970s the political causes promoted at Halloween have been diverse. In the past, revelers have masqueraded as the “Red Menace? with a hammer and sickle painted on their faces, or joined a swarm of phantom cyclists to take back the streets from the omnipresent automobile, as happened recently in Toronto. In 1975, a group of masked protesters, calling themselves the Phantom tax squad, campaigned outside the ofÏces of Duquesne Light on Sixth Avenue in Pittsburgh, claiming that the public utility company had misappropriated the federal taxes that it had collected from the public.» — las causas políticas que enumera desde los setenta: disfraces del *Red Menace* con hoz y martillo pintados en la cara, ciclistas fantasma reclamando la calle al automóvil en Toronto, y en 1975 el *Phantom tax squad* frente a las oficinas de Duquesne Light en Pittsburgh

«More flamboyantly, Greenwich Village parade artists have satirized the inconveniences of modern urban living by creating huge models of giant roach motels and ‘malfunctioning subway cars. In 1987, the year of the Wall Street mi crash, one guiser portrayed Death as a Chicago future. Another, more ecologically conscious, depicted the fate of Californian grape-growers laboring under hazardous pesticides in the shape of the Grim Reaper.2° A few years later, three drag queens dressed as Brazilian caricaza—mock-females with exaggerated buttocks and bosoms—parodied the Desert Storm campaign, embellishing their outfits with plastic tanks, rifles, knives, binoculars, hand-grenade earrings, and green helmets with Storm veterans’ patches on the front.2?» — y las sátiras de Greenwich Village: modelos gigantes de moteles de cucarachas y vagones de metro averiados, la Muerte como un futuro de Chicago en el crack de 1987, la Parca de los viñadores californianos bajo pesticidas, y tres *drag queens* parodiando la Tormenta del Desierto; el guion de *mock-females* se restituye porque el impreso lo parte a fin de renglón

«The political dimensions of Halloween are important in one other respect, one that bears directly on the identity politics of postmodern culture. Feminists have from time to time tailored Halloween to their needs. In 1968, when feminists were disrupting beauty pageants and bridal fairs, the Women’s International Terrorist Conspiracy from Hell (WITCH) descended upon Wall Street, demanding an end to the “death-dealing sexual, economic and spiritual repression of the Imperialist Phallic Society” and advocating full equality for men and women within a “truly cooperative” world.2?» — y la dimensión que le importa más: la política de identidades — en 1968 la Women's International Terrorist Conspiracy from Hell (WITCH) cayó sobre Wall Street a exigir el fin de la represión sexual, económica y espiritual de la sociedad fálica imperialista

«Two years later, “sister witches” in Ann Arbor paraded through the streets banging pots and pans, “haunting and hexing” nine symbols of male dominance, including» — y dos años después las *sister witches* de Ann Arbor desfilaron golpeando ollas y sartenes para hechizar nueve símbolos del dominio masculino; la plana corta aquí

«the residence of the university president and a pornography store. Along the way they chanted “male chauvinists better start shaking, today’s pig is tomorrow's bacon?23 The following year, a group of a women calling themselves the “No More Tricks or Treats Committee” marched on the soth Street Playboy Club in New York City to protest the absence of, male bunnies and the “uncomfortable restrictive bunny suits” of the females.2# More recently, feminists have appropriated the witch motif of Halloween to emphasize women’s inner wisdom and spirituality in a bellicose, macho society.25» — las acciones feministas que enumera: el hechizo a la casa del rector y a una tienda porno, la marcha del *No More Tricks or Treats Committee* al Playboy Club de Nueva York en protesta por la ausencia de conejos varones, y la apropiación reciente del motivo de la bruja para hablar de la sabiduría interior de las mujeres

«Yet it has been the gay community that has most flamboyantly exploited Halloween’s potential as a transgressive festival, as one that operates outside or on the margins of orthodox time, space, and hierarchy.26 Indeed, it is the gay community that has been arguably most responsible for Halloween’s adult rejuvenation.» — la tesis del capítulo: es la comunidad gay la que más ha explotado el potencial transgresor de Halloween, fiesta que opera fuera o al margen del tiempo, el espacio y la jerarquía ortodoxos, y a la que cabe atribuir su rejuvenecimiento adulto

«Transvestism has long been part of Halloween, albeit as a temporary transference of ‘gender identity. “Hallowe'en is the one evening of the year when Jacques ‘can masquerade as Jacqueline and Jacqueline as Jacques” remarked the Montreal Gazette in 1931.27 Not everyone responded to cross-dressing with such equanimity. In Toronto at the turn of the twentieth century, a sixteen-year-old lad named William Lee “thought to honour the ‘occasion by arraying himself in a girl’s skirt and bodice?” a “metamorphosis? the Mail remarked, that drew comments “more pointed than polite?28» — el travestismo, transferencia temporal de identidad de género: la *Montreal Gazette* decía en 1931 que es la noche en que Jacques puede hacerse pasar por Jacqueline, y en Toronto un muchacho de dieciséis años llamado William Lee se vistió de falda y corpiño y recibió comentarios más punzantes que corteses

«Even so, cross-dressing remained a constituent feature of Halloween, harking back to the boy-choristers of early modern Hallowmass. Philadelphia appears to have been one of the first American cities to stage drag parades on Halloween. Transvestism had conventionally been part of the Mummers’ Parade in the city, and it was not surprising that itspilled over to Halloween,” In the 19408 and 1950s, hundreds of drag ‘queens paraded along Locust Street, moving in and out of the local bars, and within a few years African-American gays began to stage their own parade on South Street, moving in and out of Peps, Nick’s, and ‘Showboat.» — y su continuidad: el travestismo siguió siendo parte de la fiesta, con raíz en los coristas del Hallowmass moderno temprano, y Filadelfia fue de las primeras ciudades con desfiles *drag* — cientos por Locust Street en los cuarenta y cincuenta, y luego los gays afroamericanos por South Street

«thousands traveled to Philadelphia to cheer, yell, and gawk at the gays, usually in a nonconfrontational way. One cross-dresser recalled that he “didn’t see anything but good nature, unless they were tourists who ‘were just there with their mouths open to their shoes and not saying anything, just in total disbelief” One black drag queen, however, remembered having her clothes ripped off on the Broad Street promenade. Indeed, by 1962, the homophobic violence had reached such proportions that the police decided to shut down the parades.» — lo que pasó en Filadelfia: miles viajaban a mirar, casi siempre sin agresión, aunque una *drag queen* negra recordaba que le arrancaron la ropa en Broad Street, y para 1962 la violencia homófoba llevó a la policía a cerrar los desfiles

«This did not inhibit cross-dressing. According to one Philadelphian, gay Halloween continued to be “a real event, every bit as exciting as Halloween is in West Hollywood or in New Orleans. . .. People would dress up or not, do outrageous impromptu parades in cars and» — pero eso no cortó el travestismo: según un filadelfiano, el Halloween gay siguió siendo un acontecimiento tan emocionante como en West Hollywood o Nueva Orleans; la plana corta aquí

«As gay parades disappeared from Philadelphia, so they began to spring up elsewhere, wherever the gay community felt confident enough +0 celebrate their sexuality and afÏrm their right to public space.» — el desplazamiento que traza: al desaparecer los desfiles de Filadelfia surgieron en otras ciudades, dondequiera que la comunidad gay se sintiera bastante segura para celebrar su sexualidad y afirmar su derecho al espacio público

«In 1971, for example, gays in San Francisco traveled around the city on buses on Halloween, the famous and glamorous queen leading her entourage from bar to bar, showing off her following and the creations she inspired for them. Bus after bus pulled up to the bars and the Sixth Street auditorium of the Society for Individual Rights [a gay organization}. There were, at SIR, a panel of judges rating the drag queens on the dresses they wore, their poise, and how well they carried off the intended illusion.» — el caso de San Francisco en 1971: autobuses de bar en bar con la reina famosa al frente de su séquito, y en el auditorio de la Society for Individual Rights un jurado calificando a las *drag queens* por vestido, porte y logro de la ilusión

«In the same year in New York City, a Broadway drag rock show from San Francisco, starring the Cockettes—“a spangled chaos of flesh, a seething mass of hock-shop costumes, doing their thing for freedom”— staged an impromptu Halloween parade on East oth Street.83» — y el de Nueva York el mismo año: los Cockettes, caos de lentejuelas y disfraces de casa de empeño haciendo lo suyo por la libertad, montaron un desfile improvisado

«Within a few years, gay promenades had become a constituent feature of the Greenwich Village Halloween celebrations. Beginning in 1974 as a countercultural event for the Village arts community, this annual parade, with its puppets, floats, and revelers, has become a fixture in Gotham’s calendar, By the mid-1980s, it was attracting thousands of participants as well as hundreds of thousands of spectators. As an unofÏcial adjunct to the main procession, New York gays staged their own drag parade, strutting their stuff on Christopher Strect.3#» — y el arraigo del desfile de Greenwich Village: nacido en 1974 como acto contracultural de la comunidad artística, con títeres y carros alegóricos, para mediados de los ochenta atraía miles de participantes y cientos de miles de espectadores, con un desfile *drag* propio en Christopher Street

«Gay parades in cities like New York and San Francisco featured all manner of sexual parodies. In 1979, the Castro Street parade in San Francisco featured several super-macho hard hats, a Miss Piggy, an cighteenth-century courtesan, a bevy of moustached, muscular cheerleaders of the Oakland Raiders, and a number of Jackie Kennedys in» — las parodias sexuales que describe: en el desfile de Castro Street de 1979, obreros supermachos, una Miss Piggy, una cortesana dieciochesca, porristas bigotudas de los Oakland Raiders y varias Jackie Kennedy; la plana corta aquí

«Amid the exhibitionism itis worth stressing that drag was always she motif of the gay parade. Embodying the negative stereotype of the homosexual male in mainstream culture, drag was redefined by gays as something positive and desirable and as a satire on hetero-stereotypes of “real? sexually desirable women.#» — lo que insiste en subrayar: el *drag* era el motivo del desfile gay, y al encarnar el estereotipo negativo del varón homosexual lo redefinía como algo positivo y deseable y como sátira de los estereotipos heterosexuales de mujer deseable

«The double entendres made for some heady body politics, both within and outside the gay community. Some gays saw Halloween as “a small but significant skirmish in the wars of sexual liberation.” Others feared that this annual “drag night” would irreparably ghettoize and stigmatize the homosexual and generate an orgy of gay bashing.’7 In fact, in Toronto, where gay parades on Halloween had been held since the early 1970s, political pressure had to be put on the police to assist gay volunteers in controlling the hostile crowds who gathered to jeer the drag parade at Wellesley and Yonge Streets.%8 Public space for gays, whether in Toronto or elsewhere, was not lightly won.» — el desacuerdo dentro de la propia comunidad, que consigna sin armonizar: unos veían la fecha como escaramuza de la liberación sexual y otros temían que la *drag night* anual guetizara al homosexual y desatara una golpiza; en Toronto hubo que presionar a la policía para que ayudara a contener a la multitud hostil

«In the wake of the gay street promenades, more and more heterosexuals took to the street. In Washington’s Georgetown, the number ‘of promenaders at Wisconsin and M swelled to 150,000 at its prime; Hollywood’s annual Halloween blast reached similar numbers. In Halifax, Nova Scotia, where local businessmen first promoted a Halloween masquerade in a downtown tavern in 1981, the event became so popular that the city decided to cordon off an area around Argyle Street to accommodate the crowds. By the end of the decade, as many aS 40 to 0,000 people congregated to watch this “Mardi Gras,” as it was called. Even in Toronto, where the police allowed automobiles to.» — y el efecto de arrastre: tras los paseos gay salieron a la calle más heterosexuales — 150 000 en Georgetown, cifras parecidas en Hollywood, y en Halifax un *Mardi Gras* que llegó a juntar entre cuarenta y cincuenta mil personas; la cita se parte en el guion de fin de renglón y el impreso dice *heterosexuals*

«venture down Yonge Street, crowds of s0,000 blocked the sidewalks to gawk at the revelers, drop into the bars, and generally to enjoy the hilarity of the night. Big-city street parties sometimes have a limited time span. Washington’s revel at Wisconsin and M was crippled by the prohibitive cost of policing the event, some $284,000 in extra pay in 1990, and also by fears of physical danger, especially in the wake of a fatal stabbing in a Georgetown bar in 1989. From a peak of 150,000 celebrants in 1987, the Georgetown revel had declined to 30,000 by 1990, and was so quiet that year that one resident thought the Halloween gathering had been canceled.» — y la caducidad de esas fiestas: la de Washington se hundió por el costo policial —284 000 dólares extra en 1990— y por el miedo tras un apuñalamiento mortal en 1989, cayendo de 150 000 celebrantes en 1987 a 30 000 en 1990

«As this evidence suggests, Halloween can certainly have its degenerative side. The promoters of Canada’s East Coast revel forgot that Mardi Gras required some sort of infrastructure beyond organizing an indoor costume competition. New Orleans has always had its krewes and Rio de Janeiro its samba clubs. New York’s Greenwich Village parade has always had a committee that raises funds and works with the Village’s artistic community in promoting particular themes each Halloween, Although anyone can join the parade, these advance preparations ensure a modicum of continuity from year to year. Without this organizational structure, the success of Halloween parades and promenades is left largely to chance.» — el diagnóstico que da: la fiesta puede degenerar, y los promotores de Halifax olvidaron que un Mardi Gras pide infraestructura — Nueva Orleans sus *krewes*, Río sus escuelas de samba, Greenwich Village su comité que junta fondos y fija temas

«In Halifax, the civic authorities were reluctant to intervene in the celebrations on the grounds that this would ruin their spontaneity. But ultimately they found themselves allying with the police to prevent the Mardi Gras from becoming little more than a hellish bender, by banning alcohol, for instance, on the streets in 1990.» — el dilema de Halifax: las autoridades no querían intervenir para no arruinar la espontaneidad, pero acabaron aliadas con la policía prohibiendo el alcohol en la calle en 1990 para que el Mardi Gras no fuera una borrachera infernal

«Yet walking the wild side on Halloween will likely persist. As journalist Ellen Creager noted in 1990, Halloween is “free-form, homemade, the most rebellious of holidays and the one with the fewest expectations, It’s the only holiday that refuses to take itself seriously”!» — y lo que expone de la periodista Ellen Creager en 1990: Halloween es libre, casera, la más rebelde de las fiestas y la que menos expectativas carga, la única que se niega a tomarse en serio

«bloodstained pink dresses. In this way they poked fun at mainstream definitions of “male” and “female? including the female icon of Camelot, America’s most charismatic first lady. Vulgar feminist perceptions of gender politics were also mocked.» — y a qué apuntaban esas parodias: a las definiciones corrientes de varón y mujer, incluida la Jackie Kennedy de Camelot, y también a las lecturas vulgares de la política de género

«For students, yuppies, and for young people in general, that is part of its appeal. It has an infectious, playful quality that is difÏcult to dispel. Halloween isa mind-bender. Itis an opportunity to act out one’s desires or fantasies without social or—within limits— ofÏcial recrimination.» — por qué gusta a estudiantes y jóvenes: tiene una cualidad juguetona contagiosa y es ocasión de actuar los deseos y fantasías sin reproche social ni —dentro de ciertos límites— oficial

«People act out on Halloween in ways that they do not normally do. Halloween is unquestionably a night of inversion. But ist subversive rather than simply transgressive? Does it challenge preconceived notions of how society operates in a determined or sustained way? Ata profound level, probably not.» — la pregunta que se hace y cómo la responde: la fiesta es sin duda noche de inversión, pero ¿es subversiva o solo transgresora? ¿desafía de modo sostenido la idea de cómo opera la sociedad? En el fondo, dice, probablemente no

«At its best, Halloween functions as a transient form of social commentary or “deep play.” From time to time it has been an important site of identity politics. It has been used to promote certain causes and to broaden social consciousness, particularly at the Greenwich Village parade. Here the public liminality of the night, the holiday's capacity to transcend everyday social constraints, to think of possibilities rather than actualities, intersects with the artistic avant» — lo que sí concede: en su mejor forma funciona como comentario social pasajero o *deep play*, y a veces ha sido sitio importante de política de identidades, sobre todo en el desfile de Greenwich Village; la cita se parte en el guion de fin de renglón, y el impreso dice *avant-garde*

«As even the National Review admitted, the political temper of the parades, in the early years at least, tended to be left of center, a counterpoint to the New York of the stockbroker and international financier.#4» — y hasta la *National Review* admitía que el temple político de esos desfiles, al menos en los primeros años, tiraba a la izquierda, como contrapunto de la Nueva York del corredor de bolsa y del financiero internacional

«Yet much of the social criticism expressed on Halloween tends to be transitory and ephemeral. Halloween has never been a time of sustained social and political debate, as was the Fourth of July in the early years of the American republic.4S Its signifying practices tend to be decentered, dispersed, and centripetal, forever moving outward. Humor and play, the dominant tropes of Halloween, can best parody power rather than subvert it.» — y el límite que le fija: la crítica social de Halloween es pasajera y efímera, nunca hubo en ella debate político sostenido como en el 4 de julio de los primeros años de la república, y sus tropos dominantes —el humor y el juego— parodian el poder antes que subvertirlo

«The cultural inversion of Halloween, the temporary slackening or reversal of norms, can in fact move in deadly, antisocial directions. In the last decade, adolescent anti-Semitism on Halloween led to the desecration of a local synagogue in Clifton, New Jersey, and attacks upon the homes and businesses of leading members of the Jewish community.46» — el reverso antisocial que consigna: en la última década el antisemitismo adolescente en Halloween profanó una sinagoga en Clifton, Nueva Jersey, y atacó casas y negocios de miembros prominentes de la comunidad judía

«There have also been a series of “wilding” sprees on Halloween in which women have been raped and stabbed and the homeless bludgeoned. In 1990, a Boston gang called the Pistons raped and brutally murdered a twenty-six-year-old single mother on a Halloween “wilding spree?” The poor woman was found naked in Franklin Field with over 130 stab wounds to her body.» — y las correrías de *wilding*: en 1990 una pandilla de Boston violó y asesinó a una madre soltera de veintiséis años, hallada desnuda en Franklin Field con más de ciento treinta puñaladas

«The same year, a gang of youths from the East River projects in Manhattan, some sporting Halloween masks, descended upon the homeless of Ward’s Island with bats, pipes, cleavers, and knives; taunted them with cries of “trick or treat”; wounded several; and left one for dead among the garbage-strewn weeds. According to press reports, the rampage was the culmination of a series of attacks against the homeless, whose drug abuse and pilfering had angered local residents and provided a pretext for recriminatory violence. “It happens a lot here, every Halloween? scoffed one youth, who seemed to resent the media attention the incident had received. “I don’t see what the big deal is?48» — y el ataque a los desamparados de Ward's Island por muchachos con máscaras de Halloween, que los llamaban al grito de *trick or treat* mientras los golpeaban con bates, tubos y cuchillas, y uno de ellos se extrañaba de la atención mediática

«The attack upon the homeless of New York’s East Side in 1990 followed a time-honored script, with masked redressers taking advantage of the festive license customarily accorded youth on Halloween +0 eliminate elements that they perceived as harmful to their community. “The incident forcibly reminds us, in the words of Le Roy Ladurie, that “popular festivities and social change do not always go hand in hand" If Halloween can provide a space for cultural diversity and pluralism, it can also prompt community intolerance of the marginal. Like carnivals, Halloween “can constitute a symbolic rebellion by the weak ora festive scapegoating of the weak, or both at the same time?50» — cómo lo lee: el ataque siguió un guion antiguo, con enmascarados aprovechando la licencia festiva para eliminar lo que tenían por dañino, y con Le Roy Ladurie recuerda que las fiestas populares y el cambio social no siempre van de la mano; como los carnavales, Halloween puede ser rebelión simbólica de los débiles o escarmiento festivo de los débiles, o ambas a la vez

«I suggested in the preceding chapter, Halloween was revitalized in the 1970s as a holiday of youthful license and difference. It continued to retain some of the spirit of premodern festivals, whose topsy-turvy rituals and liminal spaces afforded some opportunity to parody mainstream culture, to blow off steam, and to express alternative sexualities and ways of seeing the world.» — el arranque del capítulo *Border Crossings*: la fiesta se revitalizó en los setenta como día de licencia juvenil y de diferencia, conservando algo del espíritu de las fiestas premodernas, con espacios liminales para parodiar la cultura dominante y expresar sexualidades alternativas

«Yet since the 1920s, Halloween has also been scen as a homogenizing force or, at the very least, a marker of the cultural mainstream. French-Canadians living in Quebec City did not celebrate Halloween until the 1960.1 Only those living Montreal, or on the borders of Ontario, would have come into contact with and arguably participated in what must have seemed an “Anglo” holiday. And if French-Canadians found Halloween too Anglo a holiday, Jews found its Christian overtones off: putting.» — y la otra cara: desde los años veinte la fiesta se ve también como fuerza homogeneizadora o marca de lo dominante — los franco-canadienses de la ciudad de Quebec no la celebraron hasta los sesenta, y a los judíos les incomodaban sus resonancias cristianas

«As my Jewish dentist confided in me, he celebrated Halloween in the 19508 in spite of his parents, raiding the corer store with kids from the neighborhood and inflicting pranks on storekeepers who had covered their apples with hot pepper.» — el testimonio en primera persona que trae: su dentista judío celebraba Halloween en los cincuenta a pesar de sus padres, asaltando la tienda de la esquina con los niños del barrio

«For many immigrants to North America, moreover, Halloween must seem uniquely American or Canadian, an integral part of North American mass culture, Because shops are full of Halloween motifs from» — y lo que la fiesta parece a los inmigrantes: algo propiamente americano o canadiense, parte integral de la cultura de masas norteamericana; la plana corta aquí y el impreso sigue *mid-September onward*

«mid-September onward, because Halloween costume parties have become integral to school calendars, families with children cannor easily avoid the holiday. Consequently, immigrant families from places where Halloween is unknown are necessarily confronted with the problem of whether or when they should introduce their children to the rituals of trick-or-treat and seasonal masking, and on what terms. One of my associates at York University, who hails from Guyana, cautiously introduced her three-year-old son to the festival by buying candies for the local children who would come knocking at her door. She thought it important that her son should have some knowledge of the holiday before he entered school.» — el dilema que eso plantea a las familias venidas de donde la fiesta no existe —cuándo y en qué términos meter a los hijos en el *trick-or-treat*—, ilustrado con una colega guyanesa que compró dulces para los niños del barrio antes de que su hijo entrara a la escuela

«The question of how people from diverse cultural backgrounds might handle Halloween is dramatically posed in the American Southwest, where two different ways of celebrating 31 October and the days that follow confront one another, namely, Halloween and its Mexican counterpart, the Day of the Dead. BI Dia de los Muertos, to use but one of the Spanish terms for the holiday, is a significant festival among Mexicans. It is a time for commemorating the dead and for consolidating familial memories about those who have passed on.» — dónde se plantea el problema con más dramatismo, según él: en el suroeste estadounidense, donde se encuentran dos maneras de celebrar el 31 de octubre y los días que siguen, Halloween y el Día de los Muertos

«Its juxtaposition to Halloween is important because Mexicans are the largest group of immigrants entering the United States at the current time. They constitute a significant proportion of the Hispanic population that has doubled in the last twenty years or so, from 4.6 percent of the U.S. population in 1970 to 9.2 percent in 1990.2 Densely clustered in specific states and cities, with birth rates higher than those of Anglos or blacks, they are an important presence in America’s new cultural mosaic. Demographic projections suggest they will make the United States the third largest Spanish-speaking nation in the world within twenty years.» — por qué le importa esa yuxtaposición: los mexicanos son el mayor grupo de inmigrantes que entra a Estados Unidos, y la población hispana pasó del 4.6 por ciento en 1970 al 9.2 en 1990, con proyecciones que hacen del país la tercera nación hispanohablante del mundo

«In Texan cities such as San Antonio, there has been an exuberant revival of the Day of the Dead as a symbol of Chicano cultural pride? ‘Alongside the actual recuperation of the holiday, which according to some contemporary observers was in danger of being lost in the melting» — y el caso de San Antonio: un renacimiento exuberante del Día de Muertos como símbolo de orgullo chicano, cuando algunos observadores lo veían en peligro de perderse; la plana corta aquí

«The conjunction and potential fusion of the two holidays south of the Rio Grande, has been controversial, however, especially since the signing of the North American Free ‘Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and the increasing penetration of American culture into Mexico. While many children in Mexico City have taken to the American holiday, stomping through the streets with their calaveras shouting “Dame Halloween? others have viewed Halloween as a corrosively commercial and culturally alien festival, disrupting the time-honored celebration of the Day of the Dead.» — y la disputa al sur del río Bravo, sobre todo tras el TLC: mientras muchos niños de la Ciudad de México gritan *Dame Halloween*, otros ven en la fiesta algo comercialmente corrosivo y culturalmente ajeno

«Dr. Gonzalez-Crussi, for example, a professor of pathology and contributor to the New Yorker, found the emulation of Halloween in Mexico City to be disquieting. “Have we come this far? he asked his fellow Mexicans, “to see an imitation in third-world gear, of the North American Halloween?” One nursery teacher from Pucbla regarded Halloween as nothing less than an “invasion, as something that doesn’t belong to us. Halloween is truly frightening for children, because it focuses on witches and witchcraft, sorcerers and devils. It deforms the imagination and threatens our indigenous traditions? To the local artists and confectioners who help make the Day of the Dead colorful but respectful holiday in the Mexican calendar, the intrusion of Halloween motifs is distasteful and threatening. Novelist Homero Aridjis has even described Halloween as a form of “cultural pollution."6» — las voces mexicanas que expone: Gonzalez-Crussi preguntando a sus paisanos si han llegado a esto para ver una imitación tercermundista del Halloween norteamericano, una maestra de Puebla llamándolo invasión que deforma la imaginación, y el novelista Homero Aridjis, que habla de contaminación cultural

«Similar sentiments have been expressed in San Luis Potosi, where public schools have launched a “Say no to Halloween” campaign, deriding the holiday as “an assault similar to other depravities we've received from the North, like drug use?” These reactions refer principally to the more commercial variants of Halloween that penetrate the shops of Mexico's major cities, although behind the protests lie larger anxieties about how Mexico might modernize under NAFTA while retaining its ‘own identity. In the case of Halloween, a festival that coincides with an ofÏcially sponsored national fiesta such as Dias de Muertos [31 October-2 November], the cultural exchanges are necessarily highly charged. And they are doubtless reinforced by the fact that many Halloween products are made by Hallmark, an American company that contracts some of its work to the maguiladoras along Mexico's border.8» — y la campaña de San Luis Potosí, *Say no to Halloween*, que compara la fiesta con otras depravaciones venidas del norte; detrás, dice Rogers, hay ansiedades mayores sobre cómo modernizarse bajo el TLC sin perder la identidad, y no ayuda que muchos productos los haga Hallmark con trabajo maquilado en la frontera

«Yet however compelling and distasteful these Halloween signifiers ‘are to Mexicans, they ignore the cultural politics that surround the event within North America and the manner in which Halloween has been ‘creatively refashioned from the fragments, the bricolage of mass culture. Indeed, they invite us to compare the origins of Halloween and the Day of the Dead and the manner in which they have developed in very different cultural contexts.» — y la objeción que hace a esas voces: ignoran la política cultural que rodea la fiesta dentro de Norteamérica y el modo en que se rehízo con los fragmentos, el *bricolage* de la cultura de masas

«Halloween and the Day of the Dead share a common origin in the Christian commemoration of the dead on Alll Saints’ and All Souls’ Day. But both are thought to embody strong pre-Christian beliefs. In the case of Halloween, the Celtic celebration of Samhain is critical to its pagan legacy, a claim that has been foregrounded in recent years by both new-age enthusiasts and the evangelical Right. In the case of the Day of the Dead, commentators routinely emphasize its pre-Columbian origins in the cults of the dead that abounded among the Nahuatl-speaking peoples of central Mexico.» — el origen común que traza: ambas fiestas vienen de la conmemoración cristiana de los difuntos, y a las dos se les atribuye un fondo precristiano — Samhain en un caso, los cultos de los muertos nahuas en el otro

«pot of Americanization, there has been an active fusion of Halloween and the Day of the Dead among Anglo and Mexicano artists, and a blending of the wo traditions at a more popular level. Pumpkins sometimes adorn the gravesites and ofrendas (family altars) in the San Fernando cemetery of San Antonio. Papier-maché witches sit beside the skeletons and calaveras (skulls) that typify the Day of the Dead celebrations. And Halloween treats now form part of the festive fare alongside the pan de muertos, the “bread of the dead” that is integral to the Mexican holiday.+» — la fusión que documenta en Texas: calabazas en las tumbas y en las ofrendas del cementerio de San Fernando en San Antonio, brujas de papel maché junto a las calaveras, y dulces de Halloween junto al pan de muerto

«The anthropologist Hugo Nutini has identified seven annual occasions during which Mesoamericans worshipped, celebrated, or made sacrifices to the dead, underscoring the importance of the dead» — lo que expone del antropólogo Hugo Nutini: siete ocasiones anuales en que los mesoamericanos adoraban, celebraban o sacrificaban a los muertos, con lo que subraya su papel de intermediarios; la plana corta aquí

«as intermediaries between humans and the gods. He has also noted those occasions, such as during the festivities of Tepeilluital, when images of the dead were placed on family altars and food was offered to them, ‘much in the manner of the ofrendas so central to the Day of the Dead?» — y la fiesta de Tepeilhuitl que Nutini destaca, donde las imágenes de los muertos se ponían en altares familiares con comida ofrecida, como en las ofrendas (el troceo imprime *Tepeilluital*)

«Other authors have stressed the peculiarly culinary aspects of the Aztec mortuary ritual in which wooden images of the god Huitzilopochtli, the solar deity who emerged every morning from the earth goddess Coatlicue, were covered with a dough made of amaranth seed that was subsequently eaten by the celebrants. Early Spanish observers, in particular, remarked on the fabrication of idols from edible grains and their distribution as talismans or articles of communion.10» — lo que otros autores destacan del rito mortuorio azteca: imágenes de madera de Huitzilopochtli cubiertas de masa de amaranto que luego comían los celebrantes, y la extrañeza de los primeros observadores españoles ante ídolos comestibles repartidos como comunión

«They also noted the skulls of sacrificial victims that were publicly exhibited in rows (tzompantli) at the Toltec capital of Tula and at the Aztec capital of Tenochtitlan.!!» — y los *tzompantli*, hileras de cráneos de las víctimas sacrificiales exhibidas en Tula y en Tenochtitlan

«The Mexicans being so very exact in all Religious Observances beyond all others in that new World remarked the seventeenth-century Spanish historian Antonio de Herrera, either to shew the Multitude of Sacrifices they offer’d to their Gods, or to keep in their Minds the Remembrance of Death, to which all Men are subject, they had a Charnel of the Skulls of Men taken in War, and sacrific’d, which was without the Temple, and opposite to the great Gate... in Shape like a Theatre, longer than it was broad, strong, and built with Lime and Stone, with Steps, on which the Heads were set between the Stones, the Teeth outwards. At the Head and Foot of the Theatre were two Towers, made only of Lime and Skulls, and having no Stone or other Material, at least not to be seen; they were very strange to behold, being dreadful, and at the same Time a good Memorial, Death appearing which Way soever a Man turn’d his Eyes.12» — la descripción del historiador español del siglo XVII Antonio de Herrera que trae entera: un osario de cráneos de hombres tomados en guerra, en forma de teatro, con los dientes hacia fuera y dos torres de cal y calaveras, memorial terrible de la muerte

«annexed to the festival of All Souls’; sometimes with the connivance of Franciscan friars who wished to encourage the rapid conversion of the indigenous population to Christianity and to soften the coercive character of their mission.» — cómo se lee esa evidencia: que las prácticas precolombinas se anexaron a la fiesta de los Difuntos, a veces con la anuencia de frailes franciscanos que buscaban acelerar la conversión y suavizar el carácter coactivo de su misión

«Writing in 1580, Father Diego de Duran was troubled by the way in which indigenous cults of the dead were transposed to All Saints’ and Alll Souls’. He was particularly concerned that All Saints’ had become a festival devoted to little children who had died, thereby emulating the pre-Christian feast of Miccailhuitontli and Hueymiccaylhuitl, which had traditionally taken place two months eatlier.!3» — lo que expone de fray Diego de Durán, que en 1580 se inquietaba por la transposición de los cultos indígenas de los muertos a Todos Santos, sobre todo porque la fiesta se había vuelto de los niños muertos, a imitación de dos fiestas precristianas de dos meses antes

«Mexican scholars disagree over the influence of these ancient festivals upon the popular practice of Todos Santos (All Saints’ and All Souls? Day), as the Day of the Dead is sometimes called. But an overemphasis ‘on the continuities with the pre-Columbian past can easily elide the fact that there are also striking similarities between the rituals of the Day of the Dead and the early modern observance of All Souls’ in Europe. Yellow flowers of mourning were common to both sixteenth-century Spain and Mexico. Ossuaries of skulls were part of the medieval rites of the dead, as were the animated skeletons of the danses macabres that graphically represented the ubiquity and inevitability of death.» — el desacuerdo que consigna sin resolver, y su propio reparo: los estudiosos mexicanos discuten cuánto pesan esas fiestas antiguas, y cargar la mano en la continuidad precolombina hace perder de vista los parecidos con el Día de Difuntos europeo moderno temprano — flores amarillas de luto, osarios, esqueletos animados de las danzas macabras

«In the old Castilian province of Zamora, moreover, ofrendas and banquets were a customary aspect of funeral rites. In Barcelona, food stands routinely sold seasonal sweets called panellets dels morts on All Saints’ Day. A variety of other cakes and sweets also formed part of the festive fare in Catalonia, Sardinia, Portugal, the Azores, and Haute-Sa6ne in France, just as soul cakes were widely distributed in pre-Reformation Britain.» — y los paralelos de comida: ofrendas y banquetes funerarios en Zamora, *panellets dels morts* en Barcelona, dulces de temporada en Cataluña, Cerdeña, Portugal, las Azores y el Alto Sena, como los panes de ánimas de la Gran Bretaña anterior a la Reforma

«What seems unique to the Mexican Todos Santos, and in fact to other parts of Spanish America such as Bolivia, was the widespread consumption of anthropomorphic foods, or foods in the shape of humans. These included the sugared skulls and figurines that now attract international attention, and the pan de muertos, “bread figures in the style of angels and human beings? which took on “a ritual character which is very important for all villagers?!4 These kinds of foods—breads» — y lo que sí tiene por propio del Todos Santos mexicano —y de otras partes de la América española, como Bolivia—: el consumo extendido de comidas antropomorfas, calaveras de azúcar y pan de muerto con figuras de ángeles y seres humanos; la plana corta aquí

«There are grounds, then, for suggesting that the Mexican Day of the Dead was a complex mix of Mesoamerican and European influences, rather than a holiday onto which Christian observances were superficially superimposed. In this respect, the Day of the Dead was not so very different from Halloween, Both shared a common European legacy as well asa dynamic fusion of pre-Christian and Christian belief:» — la conclusión del cotejo: el Día de Muertos fue mezcla compleja de influencias mesoamericanas y europeas, no una fiesta con cristianismo superpuesto por encima, y en eso no difiere tanto de Halloween

«By the time Halloween was transposed to North America, its links to the Catholic festival of All Souls’ were attenuated, seriously fractured by the Protestant Reformation. In some parts of Catholic Ireland, as wwe have seen, Halloween continued to be associated with All Souls’ and the commemoration of the recently departed. Indeed, in some nineteenth-century Irish villages people still put out food for the returning spirits, in much the same way as did Mexicans, albeit without the elaborate ofrendas that graced their households. But this practice of putting out food for dead kin was a minority tradition that did not survive the transatlantic crossing.» — y dónde sí difieren: al pasar Halloween a Norteamérica su lazo con el Día de Difuntos estaba roto por la Reforma, y la comida puesta para los muertos, viva aún en aldeas irlandesas del XIX, no cruzó el Atlántico

«Halloween in North America was a superstitious but increasingly secular holiday. It was largely divorced from the church services and graveside vigils of the faithful on All Souls. These were customarily celebrated only by Catholics, and then as a holiday quite distinct from the Halloween revel. High birth rates and a growing expectation of life ‘made the early American Halloween largely a matter of fireside hopes for good marriages than reflections on death, or the return of the dead.» — lo que quedó: una fiesta supersticiosa pero cada vez más secular, divorciada de los oficios y las vigilias junto a la tumba, donde las altas natalidades y la esperanza de vida creciente la volvieron cosa de esperanzas de boda junto al fuego más que de muerte

«A mid-nineteenth-century New York edition of Burns’s poems understood this quite clearly. The illustration accompanying the poem on Halloween portrayed a young man playfully grabbing a woman.16» — la prueba gráfica que trae: una edición neoyorquina de los poemas de Burns de mediados del XIX ilustra el de Halloween con un joven que agarra juguetonamente a una muchacha

«Halloween customs of divining the future. In Newbell Puckett’s Ohio collection of popular beliefs and superstitions, for example, Halloween divinations are principally associated with marriage, love, and the chances of becoming wealthy.!”» — lo que expone de la colección de creencias populares de Newbell Puckett en Ohio: las adivinaciones de Halloween se ligan sobre todo al matrimonio, al amor y a la posibilidad de hacerse rico

«In only a few instances does the subject of death intrude upon the holiday, and then in rather Gothic contexts. One informant, for example, an African-American woman from Cleveland, believed that one should avoid cemeteries on Halloween because of the dangers of encountering life-destructive spirits. Another, an American female of Polish-Jewish extraction, thought that the disappearance of a stone from an outdoor fireplace on Halloween presaged one’s death before the end of the year.» — las pocas excepciones: una mujer afroamericana de Cleveland que evitaba los cementerios esa noche por los espíritus destructores, y una mujer de ascendencia polaco-judía para quien la desaparición de una piedra del hogar anunciaba la propia muerte

«Predictably, the popular beliefs recorded in Puckett’s collection betrayed a lingering sense of Halloween as a time of supernatural intensity. Ghosts emerged from the graves on Halloween, and souls or banshees roamed around to haunt wrong-doers. Replicating the rituals of All Souls a few informants thought it important to leave food for the dead on tombstones or, in the Irish tradition, to put out boxey or boxty (fried colcannon) to appease the wandering souls who might be troublesome.» — y el fondo sobrenatural que esas creencias conservan: fantasmas saliendo de las tumbas, banshees rondando a los malhechores, comida dejada en las lápidas y *boxty* puesto fuera, a la irlandesa, para aplacar a las almas errantes

«Those troublesome souls also formed part of the folklore of Virginia and Maryland, and more generally the East Coast. Jack-o’- lanterns could lead children astray, spook farmers, and ensnare people “in the worst briers and brambles they could find” They were “little people?’ claimed one old woman in New York City, “misshapen and brown-skinned who carried small lanterns with them at night while hunting” The only way to thware them was to lie down or turn one’s coat inside our.)» — y el folclore de la costa este sobre los *jack-o'-lanterns*: extraviaban a los niños y espantaban a los granjeros, y una anciana de Nueva York los describía como gente pequeña, contrahecha y morena con farolillos, a la que solo se burlaba tumbándose o volviéndose el abrigo del revés

«the dead on Halloween was very much 2 minority tradition. When death did return to Halloween, it was largely in the shape of Dracula, Frankenstein's monster, and later the lumbering figure of the serial killer Michael Myers. In other words, it was largely a product of the silver screen, often a reworking of the Gothic fascination with violence, ‘eroticism, and the poltergeists of the imagination, themes that were the staple fare of nineteenth-century writers such as Robert Louis Stevenson and Edgar Allan Poe. Death as part of the cycle of life was not something that Halloween chose to commemorate. It confronted it only as a by-product of the uncanny and the repressed.» — cómo volvió la muerte a Halloween: en figura de Drácula, del monstruo de Frankenstein y del asesino serial Michael Myers, es decir, por la pantalla, como reelaboración de la fascinación gótica con la violencia y el erotismo — la muerte como parte del ciclo de la vida no es lo que la fiesta eligió conmemorar; el guion de *by-product* se restituye porque el impreso lo parte a fin de renglón

«In Mexico, by contrast, the remembrance of the dead remained absolutely critical to Todos Santos. It was sustained by demographic catastrophe and the searing memory of colonial conquest. The coming of Hernando Cortez. and his conquistadors brought military atrocity, harsh tributes, and epidemiological disaster to Mexico. Between 1519 and 1605, the population of central Mexico plummeted from 25 million people to just over a million.» — el contraste mexicano: allí el recuerdo de los muertos siguió siendo central, sostenido por la catástrofe demográfica y la memoria de la conquista — entre 1519 y 1605 la población del centro de México cayó de veinticinco millones a poco más de uno

«This astounding calamity was remembered in a ritualistically elaborate Day of the Dead that crystallized around 1610 in its early modern form. It was one that quickly assumed a central place in the Mexican calendar, rivaling Holy Week and the Day of the Virgin of Guadaloupe (12 December).» — y esa calamidad quedó recordada en un Día de Muertos que cristaliza hacia 1610 en su forma moderna temprana y que pronto rivaliza con la Semana Santa y con la Virgen de Guadalupe en el calendario mexicano

«Such memories of demographic devastation were reinforced by periodic crises of subsistence—ten in the years 1720-1810, one of which took over 300,000 lives*°—and by high levels of infant mortality that persisted well into the twentieth century. As late as 1979, infant mortality stood at 62 per 1000 live births and at 90 per 1000 live births in poorer rural areas. Two decades earlier, ithad been even worse. Although accurate figures are hard to come by, it has been claimed that in rural Tlaxcala, for example, half of all children died before the age of five, a rate of mortality that resembled seventeenth-century France, where, as Pierre Goubert has remarked, it took two children to make one adult.?!» — reforzada por crisis de subsistencia —diez entre 1720 y 1810, una de ellas con más de trescientos mil muertos— y por una mortalidad infantil que en 1979 seguía en 62 por mil, y 90 en el campo pobre; en la Tlaxcala rural la mitad de los niños moría antes de los cinco años, como en la Francia del XVII de la que Pierre Goubert dijo que hacían falta dos niños para hacer un adulto

«observed film-maker Sergei Eisenstein, “the paths of life and death intersect in a visual way, as they do nowhere else; this meeting is, inherent both in the tragic image of death trampling on life, and with the sumptuous image of life triumphing over death?2?» — lo que expone del cineasta Sergei Eisenstein: en México los caminos de la vida y de la muerte se cruzan de un modo visual que no se da en otra parte, en la muerte que pisotea la vida y en la vida que la vence

«At their core are the commemorations at which families remember their own kin who have departed this world, from the preparation of ofrendas, where food and drink are left for the returning souls, to the vigils at the gravesides, which are cleaned up and decorated with flowers, candles, refurbished crosses, and sometimes photographs of the dead.» — el núcleo de la fiesta mexicana: las ofrendas con comida y bebida para las almas que vuelven, y las velaciones junto a tumbas limpiadas y adornadas con flores, velas, cruces renovadas y a veces fotos de los muertos

«These celebrations take place over several days, normally beginning on the afternoon of 31 October, when the souls of infants and children are thought to return, This day, Halloween in North America, is devoted to los angelitos (little angels), for whom there is a night vigil and a blessing the following morning. After this ceremony, All Saints’ Day is, dedicated to the deceased adults. Their ofendas are more elaborate, with spicier foods, the personal clothes, and favorite cigarettes of the deceased, and even alcoholic beverages. On 2 November, All Souls’ Day, there is often a mass to honor all the dead and a household trek to the ‘cemetery to pray for the dead. That afternoon and evening, households often hold their most ceremonial meal, at which presents are exchanged and family solidarities are renewed.» — el calendario de esos días: el 31 de octubre para *los angelitos*, con velación y bendición; el 1 de noviembre para los adultos difuntos, con ofrendas más elaboradas —comida más picante, ropa, cigarros y hasta alcohol—, y el 2 con misa, ida al panteón y la comida más ceremoniosa de la casa

«At the end of the dinner, at east in more traditional households, there is a farewell ritual (La Despedida) of prayers and rosaries for the departing souls.» — y el cierre: en las casas más tradicionales, un rito de despedida —La Despedida— con rezos y rosarios para las almas que se van

«These are the most formal, intimate, and respectful aspects of Dias, de Muertos. Bue the more public manifestations of the fiesta are more raucous, lighthearted, and humorous. As Rosalind Beimler explains, “The Days of the Dead are celebrated with a mixture of reverence for the departed, revelry to make them happy upon their return, and mockery to defy the fear of death itself”23» — el contraste que marca entre lo íntimo y lo público, con Rosalind Beimler: los Días de Muertos se celebran con reverencia por los idos, jolgorio para alegrarlos a su vuelta y burla para desafiar el miedo a la muerte

«Mexicans “obstinately refuse to take death seriously? remarks Gonzalez-Crussi. On the Day of the Dead, the European danse macabre becomes literally and metaphorically a “frenzied zapateado, with all in attendance clapping, hooting, and» — y de nuevo Gonzalez-Crussi: los mexicanos se niegan obstinadamente a tomar en serio la muerte, y la danza macabra europea se vuelve un zapateado frenético; la plana corta aquí

«joining the dance? The “skeleton leads the way and nobody seems to be surprised? for the Mexican way of death is characterized by “merry-making and fatalistic impassiveness”24» — el remate de Gonzalez-Crussi: el esqueleto va al frente y nadie parece sorprenderse, porque la manera mexicana de morir se caracteriza por el jolgorio y la impasibilidad fatalista

«This exuberance for life in the face of death was remarked upon by Eisenstein in the 1930s: Food and drink are consumed, fireworks are lit (in broad daylight!) alternating with that traditional expression of joy—pistol shooting, carousels whirl around, stalls and puppet shows do a roaring trade, and on top of the {gravestones in the cemetery, amid the burn stubs of candles and crepe-festooned portraits of the deceased brought from home, men and women strive to ensure that the human race shall not die oue.25» — y de nuevo Eisenstein en los años treinta: comida, bebida, cohetes a plena luz, pistoletazos de alegría, carruseles y puestos, y sobre las lápidas hombres y mujeres empeñados en que la especie no se acabe

«Pictorially, this zest for life is best captured in the woodcuts and engravings of José Luis Guadalupe Posada. Building on the comical epitaphs that sometimes characterized the European All Souls, and upon ited street culture that sometimes transformed the Day of the Dead into a “vulgar show” of “Gothic and Vandal theater? Posada created a buoyant urban vernacular art form that satirized Mexican society of the late nineteenth and early nventieth century. In his mock epitaphs, or calaveras, as they were called, with their grinning skulls and puppet-like skeletons, Posada spared neither rich nor poor, banker nor bandit with the “penetrating edge of his chisel”27» — quién lo dibujó: José Luis Guadalupe Posada, que sobre los epitafios cómicos del Día de Difuntos europeo creó un arte vernáculo urbano que satiriza la sociedad mexicana de fin del XIX y principios del XX, sin perdonar a rico ni a pobre, banquero ni bandido (nombre tal cual el troceo); el guion de *puppet-like* se restituye porque el impreso lo parte a fin de renglón

«On the Day of the Dead, Posada portrayed “vivid and lively skeletons and skulls with grinning teeth, dancing, cycling, playing the guitar, plying their trades, drinking, ‘masquerading? or, like the rakish maguero (cowboy) in his broad-rimmed hat and modish pants, picking up a young woman in the strect.28» — y qué dibujó: esqueletos vivaces bailando, en bicicleta, tocando la guitarra, ejerciendo sus oficios, bebiendo y enmascarados, o el catrín que liga con una muchacha en la calle

«Whereas the traditional danse macabre warned and instructed people that worldly distinctions were superficial and transitory because death was always round the corner, Posada’s woodcuts portrayed the ‘exuberance of life in the face of death. Whereas the medieval convention» — la diferencia que traza con la danza macabra: aquella enseñaba que las distinciones mundanas son pasajeras porque la muerte acecha, y los grabados de Posada pintan la exuberancia de la vida frente a la muerte; la plana corta aquí

«tended to be pompously preachy, Posada’s was defiant and parodic. As Diego Rivera put it, death in Posada’s work was “personified as a skeleton that gets drunk, picks fights, sheds tears and dances for joy”? Death itself was mocked, not simply the pretensions of the living.» — y el remate: frente a lo sermoneador de la convención medieval, Posada es desafiante y paródico — como dijo Diego Rivera, su muerte es un esqueleto que se emborracha, busca pleito, llora y baila de gozo, con lo que se burla la muerte misma y no solo las pretensiones de los vivos

«Whether Posada’s vision of E! Dia de los Muertos has promoted an existential attitude toward death that displaced older Christian and pre-Christian notions of mortality is an issue on which commentators cannot agree. The issue was dramatically posed by Octavio Paz in his well-known book The Labyrinth of Solitude. He argued that the popular Day of the Dead images afÏrmed “the nothingness and insignificance of human existence.” In his view, the modern Mexican joked about death, “caresses it, sleeps with it, celebrates it” and “looks at it, face to face, with impatience, disdain or irony?3° In the light of these ‘observations, anthropologists have reexamined the religious meanings» — el desacuerdo que consigna sin resolver: si esa visión desplazó nociones cristianas y precristianas de la mortalidad es cosa en que los comentaristas no coinciden, y Octavio Paz lo planteó en *El laberinto de la soledad* diciendo que esas imágenes afirman la nada y la insignificancia de la existencia humana, y que el mexicano la acaricia, duerme con ella y la mira de frente; la plana corta aquí

«Perhaps both notions cocxist in a country of “multiple historical levels? to quote the novelist and critic Carlos Fuentes, where secular linear time and the dream of modernity itself has been only partially achieved—historically, at the expense of the communitarian culture of peasant and indigenous peoples.3#» — y la salida que propone, con Carlos Fuentes: quizá ambas nociones conviven en un país de múltiples niveles históricos, donde el tiempo lineal y el sueño de la modernidad solo se lograron a medias, a costa de la cultura comunitaria de campesinos e indígenas

«Whether this observation is pertinent or not to the seeming plurality of attitudes toward death that prevail in contemporary Mexico, it is clear that Posada’s celebration of the fiesta has had a profound influence on its modern manifestations. In Mexican shops and stalls, sugar skulls beam at consumers, skeletons advertise panes de muerto, and skeletal marionettes and papier maché calaveras confront death by parodying life. In the spirit of Posada, calaveras or ‘alacas, small figurines sold in markets as gifts or decorations, mock the pretensions of modern, especially bourgeois life, the fragility of modern technology, and the ups-and-downs of marriage. In newspapers, mock-epitaphs depict the heads of politicians in skull and crossbones, with verses satirizing their activities and false promises.3*» — lo que sí da por claro: la influencia de Posada en la fiesta moderna — calaveras de azúcar en las tiendas, esqueletos anunciando pan de muerto, *calacas* que se burlan de las pretensiones burguesas, y epitafios de burla con las cabezas de los políticos en calavera y tibias cruzadas; el guion de *mock-epitaphs* se restituye porque el impreso lo parte a fin de renglón

«The Day of the Dead, then, is not simply a reverential holiday, It is a holiday that retains reverential moments or ritual spaces for families who can connect with past memories and reafÏrm and reconfigure th ‘own personal histories. But, like many festivals, it is also a site of social and political commentary, with an irreverent side. As historian William Beezley has noted, the Day of the Dead has conventionally offered ordinary people the opportunity to express their dissatisfactions with political leaders and to voice their grievances.35» — la doble cara con que cierra el tramo: la fiesta guarda momentos de reverencia para las familias, pero también es sitio de comentario social y político, y el historiador William Beezley señala que ha dado a la gente común ocasión de expresar su descontento con los dirigentes

«In this respect it is not unlike Halloween, although there are some obvious differences. The Day of the Dead is definitely a more family-centered holiday, embracing all ages and generations. It is a festival devoted to preserving familial oral memories. In North America, this is more likely to happen, if it happens at all, at Christmas, Passover, Easter, or Thanksgiving than at Halloween. In its modern version, Halloween is only family-centered at one particular moment in the family life-cycle: when small children are costumed and accompanied on their trick-or-treating rituals by family members. Even this familial ritual, T have suggested, is on the decline in the wake of Halloween sadist scares.» — el cotejo de las dos fiestas: el Día de Muertos es más familiar y abarca todas las edades, mientras el Halloween moderno solo es familiar en un momento del ciclo, cuando los niños chicos salen acompañados a pedir

«Yet modern-day Halloween does bear some concordance with the more public side of the Day of the Dead. Halloween allows festive space for social criticism and parody, as does the Day of the Dead, although it lacks the institutional form of the mock epitaphs, which provide the Mexican holiday with a more permanent forum of dissent. Children “beg” on Halloween in much the same way as do urban Mexican children on the Day of the Dead. Whereas North American children trick-or-treat, Mexican children, following older All Souls’ rituals, parade the streets with candies in cardboard boxes, asking passers-by for money for their calaveras.» — y las concordancias: las dos dan espacio a la crítica y la parodia, aunque Halloween carezca de la forma institucional del epitafio de burla, y los niños piden en ambas — allá con cajas de cartón, pidiendo para sus calaveras

«Halloween is arguably more of a street masquerade than the Day of the Dead, with an abundance of costumes depicting a ‘wide variety of themes. And yet on the Day of the Dead, masked revelers congregate at bars and discos in Mexican City and other large urban centers. In some rural villages such as Zapotitla in Hidalgo, men even dress as women in a masked dance of death that moves from house to hhouse in a manner analogous to earlier forms of Halloween mummery.56» — y la diferencia de máscara: Halloween es más mascarada de calle, pero en el Día de Muertos también hay enmascarados en bares y discos, y en pueblos como Zapotitla, Hidalgo, los hombres se visten de mujer en una danza de la muerte que va de casa en casa

«Not surprisingly in this era of NAFTA, there has been some crossover between the two festivals. Witches and pumpkins adorn Mexican window displays, and orange balloons and jack-o-lanterns decorate urban gravestones and afrendas. Children in Mexico City demand their “jaloguin” (Halloween treats) from door to door, perhaps scrawling “codos” (“skinglints”) on the walls of those who refuse to shell out. The» — y el cruce en la era del TLC: brujas y calabazas en los aparadores mexicanos, globos naranjas y calabazas en tumbas y ofrendas, y niños de la Ciudad de México pidiendo su *jaloguin* de puerta en puerta y escribiendo *codos* en la pared de quien no da; la plana corta aquí

«wealthy urbanites of Mexico even take their children to Halloween costume parties, symbolically identifying, no doubt, with ambitious, successful Americans. Across the border, Day of the Dead motifs saturate the Celebration of Life festival at the Heard Museum in Phoenix; panes de muertos become the rage in San Antonio; and street processions in» — y el cruce en sentido inverso: los ricos de ciudad llevan a sus hijos a fiestas de disfraces, mientras al norte los motivos del Día de Muertos saturan el festival del Heard Museum en Phoenix y el pan de muerto hace furor en San Antonio; la plana corta aquí

«on All Saints’ or All Souls’ Day. In Texas and South Carolina, even some mainstream Protestant denominations have adopted this liturgical calendar to commemorate and pray for the dead.’ In a North American ‘culture that all t00 often tries to hide and sanitize death, the conventions of the Day of the Dead seem a healthy antidote. One correspondent writing in the New York Times in the immediate aftermath of the terrorist attack upon the World Trade Center urged readers to transform the upcoming Halloween into a day of remembrance similar to that of the Day of the Dead. Halloween “need not be a day of satire and horror? she observed, “bur can instead be a chance to linger with those we miss while the veil berween the worlds is so thin”» — el uso norteamericano que documenta: en Texas y Carolina del Sur hasta algunas denominaciones protestantes adoptaron ese calendario para rezar por los muertos, y tras el atentado de las Torres Gemelas una lectora del *New York Times* pedía volver Halloween día de recuerdo, mientras el velo entre los mundos está tan delgado

«In the American Southwest, this exchange has been heralded as cultural tolerance or as a virtuous expression of multiculturalism. In Mexico, itis more often seen as a disturbing capitulation to American culture, sometimes insidiously sponsored by the Mexican elite. “It’s interesting that the clases populares are not borrowing directly from the USS. but from the wealthier, urban classes?’ remarked George Rabasa. “So in a sense it’ a case of imitating the customs of their ‘betters; adding a level of worldliness and stylishness to the altars and panteon decorations.”#» — el desacuerdo que consigna sin armonizar: en el suroeste ese intercambio se celebra como tolerancia cultural, y en México se ve como capitulación ante la cultura americana auspiciada por la élite — George Rabasa observa que las clases populares no copian de Estados Unidos sino de las clases urbanas acomodadas

«Whether this is the case or not, it is clear that the incorporation of Halloween motifs into Day of the Dead celebrations is part of a larger debate about the benefits of NAFTA for Mexicans, and the complicity of the country’s dominant classes in the modernizing project. In this respect, the significance of mock epitaphs that conventionally satirize the pretensions of the rich takes on new political overtones. Since Dias de Muertos is commonly regarded as integral to Mexico's national and cultural identity, its bourgeoisie can be seen as sell-outs.4"» — y el marco político en que lo pone: la incorporación de motivos de Halloween es parte del debate mayor sobre el TLC y la complicidad de las clases dominantes en el proyecto modernizador, y como los Días de Muertos se tienen por parte de la identidad nacional, la burguesía puede pasar por vendida

«Day of the Dead are now tourist attractions, particularly on the island of Janitzio on Lake Patzcuaro and in the nearby town of Tzintzuntuan, This is also the case in the valley of Oaxaca; tour companies offer four-night packages to Monte Alban and Mitla.#? Since the 1980s, states such as Tlaxcala have also sponsored competitions for the most artistic ofvendas, again to attract visitors to the event.» — la comercialización del propio Día de Muertos: la isla de Janitzio en el lago de Pátzcuaro y Tzintzuntzan son ya atracción turística, hay paquetes de cuatro noches al valle de Oaxaca y desde los ochenta estados como Tlaxcala premian la ofrenda más artística para atraer visitantes; el guion de *four-night* se restituye porque el impreso lo parte a fin de renglón

«These promotional efforts have gone hand in hand with an abridgement and decline of the traditional rituals of the Day ofthe Dead. In rural Tlaxcala, for example, only 3s percent of all households observe all the traditional rituals surrounding the holiday. Most spend less time decorating their oftendas and observing their vigils than did their ancestors a generation before. Clearly, Mexican anxieties about Halloween are in part a reflection of the commercial and secularizing forces influencing Mexico’s own holiday.» — y su precio: en la Tlaxcala rural solo el 35 por ciento de los hogares cumple todos los ritos, y se dedica menos tiempo a las ofrendas y a las velaciones que una generación antes — de modo que las inquietudes mexicanas sobre Halloween reflejan en parte las fuerzas que secularizan su propia fiesta

«In the current political context, these anxieties are understandable, although they ignore the extent to which the Day of the Dead is itself an “invented tradition,’ one that has been modified over the centuries, not least at the hands of Jose Luis Guadalupe Posada. There is room, ‘one might argue, for the accommodation of Halloween into this rich, syneretic festival, as there has been for other symbols of American popular culture such as Superman, the latter giving rise to a real-life character called Superbarrio.*8» — la objeción que hace: esas inquietudes son comprensibles pero ignoran cuánto tiene el Día de Muertos de tradición inventada, modificada a lo largo de los siglos, no menos por Posada, y hay sitio para acomodar a Halloween como lo hubo para Superman, que dio pie a Superbarrio

«One recent Mexico City window display by Carlos Oznaya, entitled “Merienda exquisita” (Delicious Supper), portayed a male and female calavera salivating at the huge pan de muerto on the table. Amid the salacious talk of licking this “deliciousness” and “getting it up? the scantily clad, well-endowed female sits on two jack-o’-lanterns, both of whom want a piece of the bread (or the action).*#» — el aparador con que cierra el capítulo: en *Merienda exquisita*, de Carlos Oznaya, dos calaveras se relamen ante el pan de muerto mientras la figura femenina se sienta sobre dos calabazas que también quieren su parte; la cita corta antes del renglón siguiente, donde la capa de texto mete un guillemet de cierre dentro de la frase

«The positioning of the pumpkins is significant. ‘They are voyeurs to the feast, not part of it. Like the marzipan pumpkins upon which smiling skeletons sit in the window of Mexico City’s leading candy store, Halloween plays a subordinate role in the Day of the Dead’s reconfiguration; how harmonious a role remains to be seen.» — y lo que lee en esa colocación: las calabazas son mirones del festín, no comensales — señal de que Halloween juega un papel subordinado en la reconfiguración del Día de Muertos, y está por verse cuán armónico

«at THE MiLLtennivm Hie: at the millennium is a contested and in many respects a controversial holiday. There is little consensus as to what it means or to how it should be observed.» — el arranque del capítulo final: al milenio, Halloween es fiesta disputada, sin consenso sobre lo que significa ni sobre cómo debe observarse (el encabezado sale muy corrompido en la capa de texto)

«To be sure, Halloween still retains some vestigial links to the harvest. Its pumpkins and apples are part of the festive fare of harvest suppers and thanksgiving dinners. ‘Newspapers and magazines routinely provide tips around Halloween as to how these seasonal fruits and vegetables might be enjoyed. Martha Stewart Living magazine produced a Halloween edition in 2000 in which che festive fare was scary yet upscale, with garlic soup, devil’s salsa, and pretzels in the shape of severed fingers with ladylike red almond “nails? Bue it also featured mulled apple cider and reminded readers of the close association of Halloween with the end of the harvest in ninereenth-century America."» — lo que queda del lazo con la cosecha: calabazas y manzanas en las cenas de temporada, y una edición de Halloween de *Martha Stewart Living* en 2000 con sopa de ajo, salsa del diablo y pretzels en forma de dedos cortados, junto a sidra caliente

«In some places, of course, this seasonal association is still critical. In the rural areas of the American Northeast, for example, Halloween continues to be a marker of the hunting season, a time when farmers open their land to hunters, hikers, and snowmobilers.?» — y dónde ese lazo sigue vivo: en el campo del noreste estadounidense la fecha marca la temporada de caza, cuando los granjeros abren sus tierras a cazadores, caminantes y motonieves

«Yer beyond this, there is not much agreement. Despite the razor-in-the-apple scares and the rumors of contaminated candies, many people ling to a vision of Halloween as a preeminently children’s festival. They» — y más allá de eso, dice, no hay mucho acuerdo: pese a los sustos de la hoja de afeitar y de los dulces envenenados, muchos se aferran a la idea de Halloween como fiesta de niños; la plana corta aquí

«would no doubt be relieved to hear that in 1996, fourteen years after the Tylenol scare, the proportion of U.S. households distributing treats had risen to a respectable 78 percent. Whether this will revitalize trick-or-treating or whether it will continue to falter in the light of the current anthrax scares remains to be seen.» — el dato con que los tranquiliza a medias: en 1996, catorce años después del susto del Tylenol, el 78 por ciento de los hogares estadounidenses repartía golosinas, aunque con los sustos del ántrax está por verse si el *trick-or-treat* revive

«The ritual is still seen in some quarters san important expression of neighborhood solidarity, even as inner-city neighborhoods gentrify or crumble and upscale residential districts are walled off from intruders. Many people continue to believe that Halloween costuming allows children the opportunity to be fanciful, to indulge their imaginations in a familiar setting, and perhaps to come to terms with the sinister in warm and secure surroundings.» — lo que la costumbre significa para algunos: expresión de solidaridad de barrio, aun mientras los centros se aburguesan o se derrumban y los fraccionamientos se amurallan, y ocasión para que los niños fantaseen y se midan con lo siniestro en un entorno seguro

«As Michele Slung and Roland Hartman have suggested, Halloween can be viewed asa “chance to put just a touch of mystery, alittle ‘safe’ danger, into the humdrum fabric of our lives” In their view, Halloween has become 2 “national moment dedicated to the weird.”» — y lo que expone de Michele Slung y Roland Hartman: la fiesta pone un toque de misterio y un poco de peligro seguro en el tejido monótono de la vida, y se ha vuelto un momento nacional dedicado a lo raro

«In some households, Halloween has been integrated into an annual ritual of familial gatherings, whether they be midnight hayrides, pumpkin-carving parties, Halloween breakfasts before dawn, or decorating the house for haunted nights.5 Even so, one of the main forces promoting Halloween as a children’s festival is inevitably the school. Halloween parties and parades at school are an important fixture of the fall term, one of the first large festivals that children might experience outside their home environment.» — quién sostiene hoy la fiesta infantil: los hogares que la vuelven rito familiar anual y, sobre todo, la escuela, donde el desfile y la fiesta de Halloween son de las primeras celebraciones grandes que el niño vive fuera de casa

«It is no accident that candy ‘manufacturers begin to publicize their wares alongside “back-to-school” promotions. It is a seasonal opportunity too good to be missed: ‘Halloween-related products generated sales of $950 million in 1998 and $2 billion by 2000. “Every year? remarked a spokesman for the U. National Retail Federation, “there are more market tie-ins from cookies to breakfast cereals to Taco Bell.» — y la cifra del negocio: los productos ligados a Halloween vendieron 950 millones de dólares en 1998 y dos mil millones en 2000, con cada año más enganches de mercado, según un vocero de la National Retail Federation

«Whether it is Nabisco’s Ghastly Gummies, black and orange Jell-O, or boxes of chocolate cookies embossed with pictures of Frankenstein, Dracula, and the Wolfman, Halloween is big business in the snack and candy industry. Candies not only help consolidate Halloween’s current status as a children’s festival, but they also prepare children for festive consumption from an carly age. As Leigh Schmidt, a professor of religion at Princeton has recently emphasized, the shopping bag has become the archetypal trick-or-treat symbol, signifying “little shoppers in the making?”» — y lo que la golosina enseña: además de afirmar la fiesta como cosa de niños, los prepara para el consumo festivo desde temprano — y Leigh Schmidt, profesor de religión en Princeton, señala que la bolsa de compras es ya el símbolo arquetípico del *trick-or-treat*, con sus compradorcitos en formación

«Food manufacturers may savor the monster marketing opportunities opened by Halloween, but celebrating the holiday at school has become a controversial business. In recent years, Right-to-Lifers have objected to UNICEE collections in schools on the grounds that it supports groups that advocate abortion. Christian fundamentalists have also taken exception to Halloween school parties on the grounds that they insidiously promote pagan, if not satanic, beliefs. There have been attempts to ban the annual party outright, or at the very least to prevent masquerading as devils and witches. In Peachtree City, Georgia, children are not allowed to dress up in any costume that might evoke satanic imagery; rather, they are urged to celebrate “Book-Character» — y la objeción religiosa: los antiabortistas objetan las colectas de UNICEF en las escuelas y los fundamentalistas cristianos las fiestas escolares por promover creencias paganas o satánicas, con intentos de prohibirlas — en Peachtree City, Georgia, no se admite disfraz con imaginería satánica; la plana corta aquí

«Dress-Up Day? Mickey Mouse might be okay, but sympathy with the devil is not. The religious Right has generally not made much headway on this score, largely because, in the United States especially, censorship of this kind flouts cherished freedoms of expression. As a correspondent to the Atlanta Constitution admitted, Halloween may have begun as a pagan festival, but in the United States it was now a “festival of fun, feasts, fancy frocks, and frivolous fright. Ours is not just a Christian nation? the writer explained, “but a nation born from the search for religious freedom, Let the kids have some fun.” In the light of this attitude, which commands widespread support, efforts to ban Halloween in schools have failed in the face of community protests.10» — por qué la derecha religiosa no ha avanzado mucho: la censura choca con libertades caras a Estados Unidos, y un lector de la *Atlanta Constitution* concedía que la fiesta empezó pagana pero hoy es de diversión, y que la suya no es solo una nación cristiana sino nacida de la busca de libertad religiosa

«Asa result, religious sects have thought of ways of appropriating the holiday in their own idioms. Some churchgoers dress their children in “happy” attire for the annual trick-or-treat, rather than in the ghoulish ‘garb that conventionally marks the ritual. One mother from Colesville Baptist Church in the Washington area had her six children pass out religious tracts as they received candies. “Halloween has its dark side? she remarked, “but we turn it around to beat the Devil?!» — cómo se la apropian entonces: hay feligreses que visten a sus hijos de modo alegre para pedir dulces, y una madre de la Colesville Baptist Church hacía que sus seis hijos repartieran folletos religiosos al recibir golosinas, para darle la vuelta y vencer al Diablo

«Other evangelicals have sponsored Hallelujah Nights or Harvest Festivals as a counterpoint to Halloween. The Southpointe Baptist Fellowship in Leesburg, Florida, staged a Christian alternative to Halloween in 2001 that featured Bible-based games, a cookout, a cake walk, and face painting."? A few years ago, the Ebenezer AME Church in Fort Washington organized a “Hlolyween? in which revelers were asked to dress as characters from the Bible or the civil rights movement and to explain their character's contribution to history.» — y las alternativas evangélicas: *Hallelujah Nights*, festivales de cosecha, juegos bíblicos en Leesburg, Florida, y un *Holyween* en Fort Washington donde había que vestirse de personaje bíblico o del movimiento de derechos civiles y explicar su aporte a la historia

«If Biblical narratives and characters have sometimes been substituted for the traditional Halloween motifs, haunted houses have been renovated to highlight the dangers of a permissive society. Since 1990,» — y el otro camino: casas embrujadas renovadas para señalar los peligros de una sociedad permisiva; la plana corta aquí

«the Trinity Christian School in Cedar Hill, Texas, has organized a Hell House to give local teenagers a “reality check” to the dangers of today’s mainstream culture. These dangers are defined as drug-ridden raves, sex before marriage, homosexuality, family violence, and school shootings such as the one at Columbine. In the hyperbolic dramas that Trinity members enact for their largely petrified or bewildered audiences, to judge from the recent documentary film on the Hell House, these Pentecostal Christians mobilize fear of damnation to scare teenagers into the paths of righteousness. According to the film, of the 75,000 who have visited the Hell House since it opened, 15,000 have joined the church.» — la *Hell House* de la Trinity Christian School de Cedar Hill, Texas, desde 1990: peligros definidos como raves con droga, sexo antes del matrimonio, homosexualidad, violencia familiar y tiroteos escolares, con el miedo a la condenación movilizado para meter en vereda a los adolescentes — de 75 000 visitantes, 15 000 se unieron a la iglesia

«In 1996, a church in Arvada, Colorado, sponsored a Hell House to drive home to its visitors the evils of alternative life-styles and drink, much in the style of the Cedar Hill enterprise. In the first room, a man dies of AIDS; in the second, a woman writhes from an abortion; in the third, a young woman dies from a toxic cocktail of drugs and alcohol; in the fourth, a drunk driver has killed his family. Finally, having passed through a hell reeking of Limburger cheese, visitors are blessed by Jesus and saved. Such exhibitions are strenuously defended as a “death-defyin, Satan-be-cryin’ .. cutting-edge evangelism t001 of the 90s?5» — y la de Arvada, Colorado, en 1996, con un cuarto por mal: un hombre que muere de sida, una mujer que se retuerce por un aborto, una joven muerta por droga y alcohol, un ebrio que mató a su familia, y al final la bendición de Jesús — defendida como herramienta evangelizadora de punta

«The evangelical denunciation of Halloween asa conduit of permissive values has inevitably brought it into conflict with other groups. While Wiccans have protested that Halloween can be a spiritual day of renewal and remembrance, gay activists have resented the attempt to restrict their exhibitionism on the holiday. In San Francisco, in particular, there have been angry confrontations with the Christian Right over the drag promenades on Castro and Polk Streets. Thus far, the champions of alternative sexualities have won the day. Not only are gay organizations politically powerful in many metropolitan cities; the street parades in which they participate have become tourist fixtures.» — el choque que eso produce, consignado sin armonizar: los wiccanos objetan que la fecha puede ser día espiritual de renovación y recuerdo, y los activistas gay resienten los intentos de recortar su exhibicionismo, con enfrentamientos con la derecha cristiana en San Francisco que hasta ahora han ganado los segundos

«Village Halloween parade now attracts over a million spectators every year, many of them visitors, and infuses an estimated $60 million into the local economy.}¢» — la cifra del desfile de Greenwich Village: más de un millón de espectadores al año y unos sesenta millones de dólares inyectados a la economía local

«Confronted with this sort of commercial bonanza, many civic leaders are prepared to wink at the carnivalesque excesses of Halloween night, even if they are troubled by its significations. Halloween is a $700 million enterprise in Canada, and in the United States, where an average family spends $45 on Halloween and twenty-year-olds a good deal more, it now grosses $6.8 billion, having more than doubled its revenue from candy, costumes, cards, and party supplies in the last five years. This figure does not include commercial tie-ins offered by fast-food chains or automobile salesmen.}7» — y lo que esa bonanza compra: dirigentes cívicos dispuestos a hacerse de la vista gorda con los excesos carnavalescos — 700 millones de dólares en Canadá y 6 800 millones en Estados Unidos, con 45 dólares de gasto familiar promedio; el guion de *twenty-year* se restituye porque el impreso lo parte a fin de renglón

«Halloween is currently the second most important party night in North America. In terms of its retail potential, it is second only to Christmas. This commercialism fortifies its significance as a time of public license, a custom-designated opportunity to have a blast. As one Washington journalist has remarked, it is “a conduit for all of us to let off little steam??8» — el lugar que ocupa: segunda noche de fiesta de Norteamérica y, en potencial minorista, solo detrás de la Navidad, con un comercialismo que refuerza su condición de tiempo de licencia pública — un conducto para que todos soltemos un poco de vapor

«Clearly, some people are unhappy about this, ‘especially the temperance and religious groups who decry the heavy advertising of the beer companies on Halloween and the celebration of same-sex coupling that accompanies many of the large urban parades and celebrations.!9 In the voracious appropriation of space that this festival encourages, there is plenty of room for the play of difference and the parody of the orthodox, practices that are deeply troubling to more traditional folk.» — y quién objeta: los grupos de templanza y religiosos, que reprueban la publicidad cervecera y la celebración de las parejas del mismo sexo en los grandes desfiles urbanos, donde hay sitio de sobra para el juego de la diferencia y la parodia de lo ortodoxo

«Yet Halloween can also be seen as a homogenizing force, as the epitome of North American mass culture. It is now overa hundred years since Halloween could be described as an ethnic festival, and while it never became part of the fabric of state-sponsored holidays, it is sufÏciently part of the mainstream to represent American-ness. Since the second decade of the twentieth century, Halloween was among the commercial red-letter days of the American calendar, with advertise- ‘ments publicizing its cards and accessories. It is not surprising that in today’s global economy, Halloween should be exported abroad, to South» — y la otra lectura: la fiesta como fuerza homogeneizadora y epítome de la cultura de masas norteamericana — hace más de cien años que dejó de ser étnica y, sin ser fiesta de Estado, representa lo americano lo bastante como para exportarse; la plana corta aquí

«America, Europe, and even the Far East. Halloween has made a very visible comeback in Britain, even in places where it is no longer part of popular memory. In corner shops across this country, Halloween masks and candies are now for sale in late October, alongside the fireworks for Bonfire Night. In many parts of England, trick-or-treating has taken hold, and Halloween pranks are becoming commonplace. In 2001, there were press reports of teenagers throwing eggs and flour at passing automobiles and obstructing roads with fallen trees.29 The pranks might be regarded in England as part of an indigenous tradition of youthful reveling, now no longer confined to Bonfire Night, but the trick-or-treating, candies, and costumes are more obviously American imports.» — la exportación que documenta: el regreso visible de Halloween a Gran Bretaña, con caretas y dulces junto a los cohetes de la Noche de las Hogueras, y bromas de huevos y harina contra los coches en 2001 — la travesura puede pasar por tradición inglesa, pero el pedir dulces y los disfraces son importación americana

«The same is true of the attempt to introduce Halloween to Japan under the auspices of the Japanese Biscuit Association.2! In this respect, Halloween International is not unlike McDonald’s and Coca-Cola.» — y el intento de meterla en Japón bajo el auspicio de la Asociación Japonesa de Galletas: en eso, dice, el Halloween internacional no se distingue de McDonald's y Coca-Cola

«Halloween is not a particularly contentious holiday among immigrants in North America, although its flagrant commercialism and exhibitionism might offend some on religious or cultural grounds. It is only in the Southwest and Mexico that Halloween poses a major problem of national and ethnic identity, in the border zone where the two different festivals meet, In this zone, Halloween is regarded as a marker of Anglo identity. In Mexico, especially, it is seen as one manifestation of an American capitalism that is corroding indigenous Mexican traditions. As I have argued, this view overlooks both the commercial promotion of the Day of the Dead and the fiesta’s capacity to absorb new elements within it.» — dónde sí es problema: solo en el suroeste y en México, zona de frontera donde las dos fiestas se encuentran y donde Halloween pasa por marca de identidad anglo y por manifestación de un capitalismo que corroe lo indígena — vista que, insiste, pasa por alto la promoción comercial del propio Día de Muertos y su capacidad de absorber

«Even so, itis clear that Halloween is quite distinct from the Day of the Dead, in both its secularism and its symbolism. Halloween is quite shamelessly secular, without any explicit Christian referent to the souls in purgatory with which it was first associated. Jack-o'-lanterns may commemorate, at some vestigial level, the wandering souls of purgatory, but hardly anyone acknowledges or understands this historical referent. More often than not, carved pumpkins and Halloween masks celebrate the grotesque and macabre, the weird and the scary. Halloween is interested in the afterlife only as,» — y la diferencia que sí sostiene: Halloween es descaradamente secular, sin referente cristiano explícito a las almas del purgatorio, y aunque la calabaza iluminada lo conmemore de manera vestigial, casi nadie reconoce ese referente; la plana corta aquí

«a mode of transgression or repression, as a means of probing and coming to terms with modem-day fears and anxieties. Its modern or postmodern trajectory has been toward the Gothic rather than the Christian notion of death.» — cómo le interesa el más allá: solo como modo de transgresión o de represión, manera de sondear los miedos de hoy, con una trayectoria moderna o posmoderna que va hacia la noción gótica de la muerte y no hacia la cristiana

«How one celebrates Halloween, then, is very much an individual choice, and one that has given rise to considerable controversy about the limits of permissiveness, the boundaries of transgression, the propagation of sexual difference, the role Halloween plays in propagating the “American way of life? and the adult appropriation of what many still conceive as a children’s festival of fantasy.» — y el saldo: cómo se celebra es cosa de elección individual, y de ahí la controversia sobre los límites de la permisividad, las fronteras de la transgresión, la propagación de la diferencia sexual, el papel de la fiesta en difundir el modo de vida americano y la apropiación adulta de lo que muchos siguen teniendo por fiesta de niños

«Normally, the battle over what Halloween should be has taken place in local contexts, at least within North America. But in 2001, in the wake of the terrorist attacks ‘on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, the discussion became more self-consciously national in scope (at least in the United States). Just how gory and frivolously unwholesome should Halloween be in the face of Ground Zero? Should children be allowed to trick-or-treat amid anthrax scares and fears of further terrorist attacks? Or should Halloween’s history be reappropriated as a festival of mourning and» — y el momento en que la disputa se volvió nacional: en 2001, tras los atentados, se preguntó cuán sangrienta y frívola podía ser la fiesta frente a la Zona Cero, si los niños debían salir a pedir entre sustos de ántrax, o si convenía reapropiar su historia como fiesta de duelo; la plana corta aquí

«loss? Could North Americans learn something from the Dia de los Muertos south of the Rio Grande? These were some of the questions haunting Halloween in its first test of the millennium. For a few commentators, the events of 1 September were an opportunity to change the character of Halloween, to recover its roots as a feast honoring the dead,*? For others, it was an opportunity to blend the Anglo-American festival with the Mexican.» — las preguntas que rondaban la fiesta en su primera prueba del milenio: si cabía recuperar sus raíces de fiesta en honor de los muertos, o si cabía mezclarla con la mexicana

«Louisa Rocha- ‘McCarthy, a translator from Portland, Maine, who had experienced both holidays since her youth, believed that the Mexican holiday had much to offer asa way of coping with loss and urged readers to consider its relevance in the current conjuncture.» — la voz de Louisa Rocha-McCarthy, traductora de Portland, Maine, que conocía las dos fiestas desde niña y creía que la mexicana tenía mucho que ofrecer como manera de sobrellevar la pérdida

«In a letter to the New York Times, written one month after the World Trade Center disaster, she reported that she had toric experienced the Day of the Dead in Mexico several times, and was deeply moved at the heartfelt and, yes, sometimes joyous altars and ceremonies there. Halloween and All Souls? Day are experienced there as an opportunity to spend time with those who are gone. My altar in my home this year will again include pictures of my father and sister, whom I lost years ago, as well as images of the twin towers and whatever other pictures, flowers and candles I need to honor those who died in our tragedy. We have been horrified and terrified enough, and perhaps can use this holiday as a chance to continue our individual and collective healing.?» — y la carta de Martha Klein al *New York Times*, un mes después del desastre: pondría en su altar las fotos de su padre y su hermana junto a imágenes de las torres, porque ya hubo bastante horror y la fecha puede servir para seguir sanando

«This multiculeural perspective was echoed in parts of the Southwest. In Laredo, Texas, where the Mexican Day of the Dead is robustly celebrated alongside Halloween, a memorial to the victims of the terrorist attack was erected at the local Center for the Arts. In San Antonio, too, artists honored the victims at a public ofrenda.24 Yet ‘elsewhere in the United States, Halloween was distanced from the Day of the Dead in what at best could be a recognition of cultural diversity.» — y su eco en el suroeste: un memorial a las víctimas en el Center for the Arts de Laredo y una ofrenda pública de artistas en San Antonio, mientras en el resto del país Halloween se apartaba del Día de Muertos

«For the majority, the real issue was whether Halloween should be celebrated in conventional ways, or how it might be accented in the aftermath of 11 September, when panic and despondency were rife. The mood of the country was affected by premonitions of further terrorist attacks. One of the rumors that surfaced on the Internet concerned an Afghani or Arab who disappeared before 11 September but warned his girlfriend not to fly on that fated day or to frequent a mall on Halloween. The FBI investigated and publicly discounted the story, but the purported communicator of it, one Laura Katsis of Volt Information Services in California, was bombarded with calls and e-mail queries. In fact, the tale quickly assumed the status of an urban legend in cyberspace and prompted mall operators as far afield as Maine to abandon their traditional Halloween activities or at the very least to step up local security.?5» — el rumor que corrió por internet: un afgano o árabe desaparecido antes del 11 de septiembre habría advertido a su novia que no volara ese día ni fuera a un centro comercial en Halloween; el FBI lo desestimó, pero la historia se volvió leyenda urbana y hubo centros comerciales que cancelaron sus actividades

«What heightened the anxiety were the reports of anthrax contamination, a matter that inevitably raised the specter of another crazed Halloween similar to those of the carly 1980s, when cyanide-tainted candies loomed large in the public imagination, Some arcas of the United States became so jumpy that even straightforward pro- ‘motional activities were misinterpreted. When the Littleton-based Village “Homes mailed pumpkin seeds to over 1,000 Arvada, Colorado, residents fora pumpkin-patch event in aid of the New York firefighters, a number of recipients contacted the police, worried that the lump in their orange-colored envelopes might be a biohazard. As the marketing director of Village Homes admitted, “the timing couldn't have been worse?» — lo que subió la ansiedad: los informes de ántrax, que evocaban los Halloween enloquecidos de principios de los ochenta, al punto de que unos vecinos de Arvada llamaron a la policía por un bulto en un sobre naranja que resultó ser semillas de calabaza; el guion de *cyanide-tainted*, *orange-colored* se restituye porque el impreso lo parte a fin de renglón

«not the conventions of mindless consumerism. “Take the dough you'd spend on Halloween candy,’ remarked Kevin Horrigan in the St. Lowis Post-Dispatch, “and send it to the Red Cross. ‘The president wants kids to cach send $1 to the Red Cross. How "bout $1.9 jon instead?”27» — la propuesta de Kevin Horrigan en el *St. Louis Post-Dispatch*: que el dinero de los dulces se mande a la Cruz Roja

«The response to these objections ran as follows. In the current eco nomic context in which terrorism has harmed the economy, consumerism is patriotism. The show must go on, not only because Halloween is a $6 billion retail extravaganza that could boost economic confidence, but because “business as usual” is the real psychological antidote to terrorism. Halloween is an American tradition that should be honored. Banning or severely restricting Halloween was wimpy, unpatriotic, and ideologically un-American.?8» — y la respuesta que se le dio: en una economía dañada por el terrorismo el consumo es patriotismo, la función debe seguir porque *business as usual* es el antídoto psicológico real, y prohibir o recortar Halloween era cobarde, antipatriótico y poco americano

«Although at least one state governor advised cit izens to tone down their celebrations in the interests of national safety and the capabilities of the security services, others were more defiant. ‘Angus King, the governor of Maine, remarked that bioterrorists could “mess up the postal service, but they had better stay away from trick: or-treating”*®» — y el desacuerdo entre autoridades, consignado sin armonizar: un gobernador pidió bajar el tono por seguridad, y Angus King, de Maine, dijo que los bioterroristas podían descomponer el correo pero más les valía no meterse con el *trick-or-treat*

«Celebrating Halloween in the “traditional way” could be a confidence booster, it was argued, a significant scenario in a return to normalcy. “Halloween is an important holiday in our country remarked ‘Timothy Chanaud of Paramount's Scream Factory, “and enjoying Halloween is part of the return to normal life. Halloween is supposed to be scary. Its about fantasy. People look for that kind of escape from the real world! Whether one bought this line or not, many parents certainly fel that Halloween would provide their children with a whol some continuity in troubled times. “Rituals for kids shouldn't change? remarked one Californian; “Halloween is part of our culture.” Or as ‘one mother of seven from Utah put it, whose own mother was killed in the World Trade Center attack: “The kids need something to be afraid of that they can control. The kids can control Halloween-scary; it's not real, like the other.”82» — y el argumento de la vuelta a la normalidad: celebrarla al modo tradicional daría confianza, y varios padres sintieron que daría a sus hijos continuidad sana — una madre de Utah, cuya propia madre murió en el atentado, decía que los niños necesitan algo que temer y que puedan controlar

«Predictably, these tales brought out Halloween’s detractors. The holiday should have been banned. It promoted phoney scares that encouraged national paranoia, if not paralysis—exactly what terrorists wanted. It was a ghoulish extravagance that was totally inappropriate to the current circumstances, when Americans needed to come to terms with the real horrors of terrorism, not with fake body parts and gore. In the call for a revivified nation in the wake of the attacks, Halloween seemed to some to be little more than a baby-boomer bonanza, at once insular, self-indulgent, and decadent.» — y los detractores que eso sacó: había que prohibir la fiesta, que fomentaba sustos falsos y paranoia nacional —justo lo que querían los terroristas— y era extravagancia macabra impropia cuando había horrores reales que encarar, poco más que una bonanza de *baby boomers*

«Ifthe dominant mood in the United States was to stand firm for the familiar, some things did change in the celebration of Halloween in 2001. Trick-or-treating declined amid anthrax scares, by as much as 30 percent in some areas. Shopping malls did close. In the Chicago area, General Growth Properties banned trick-or-treating and other Halloween events in its 145 shopping centers.%8 Where such centers remained open, security was increased and toy guns and masks were prohibited.» — lo que sí cambió en 2001: el *trick-or-treat* cayó hasta un treinta por ciento en algunas zonas, cerraron centros comerciales —General Growth Properties lo prohibió en sus 145 plazas— y donde abrieron se reforzó la seguridad y se vedaron pistolas de juguete y máscaras

«According to the National Retail Federation, total expenditures on Halloween in 2001 declined by 17 percent. They were noticeably higher only among some costume shops and distributors and among some craft suppliers, a fact that suggests that some Americans decided to celebrate Halloween this year in a more domestic setting and avoid the potential hazards of mall crawls or trick-or-treating.» — y el gasto total bajó un diecisiete por ciento, salvo en tiendas de disfraces y proveedores de manualidades, señal de que se celebró más en casa

«In keeping with this spirit, what was worn or exhibited also changed. Alice Cooper may have toted the mock severed head of Britney Spears after her brief appearance on his Halloween tour,35 but the old °708 rocker was bucking the trend. Generally speaking, gore ‘was out in 2001. There were fewer dismembered body parts on display, fewer fountains of blood. And off-color jokes about being “gored” or “bushwhacked” were discouraged. “A nation that recently suffered the worst terrorist attack in history and is now scared by the sight of sherbet powder? remarked one newspaper, “has little appetite for imitation horror”s7» — y lo que se exhibía cambió también: fuera el *gore*, menos miembros cercenados y menos fuentes de sangre, y un diario decía que una nación que sufrió el peor atentado de la historia y se asusta con polvo de sorbete tiene poco apetito de horror de imitación

«Bloodbath Underground at Universal Studios, Florida, was renamed the Ooze Zone Fright Club, Paramount's Scream Factory toned down its blood and guts, Schools asked parents to refrain from providing their children with masks that were excessively gory or with costumes that featured dismembered bodies. They were particularly anxious to ban the push-button rubber masks that spurted blood.» — los cambios de tono: el *Bloodbath Underground* pasó a *Ooze Zone Fright Club*, la Scream Factory bajó la sangre y las escuelas pidieron que los niños no llevaran máscaras de hule que escupieran sangre; la cita corta antes de la llamada de nota, que la capa de texto rinde como dos asteriscos

«Lest the “reality effects” be too easily associated with the tragedy at Ground Zero, Six Flags Marine World in Sacramento changed the name of its Terror Train to Ghost ‘Train, “terror” having become an overly emotive signifier. Similarly, the owner of a Fright» — y los cambios de nombre: para no asociar los efectos de realidad con la Zona Cero, el *Terror Train* de Six Flags en Sacramento se volvió *Ghost Train*, porque *terror* se había vuelto significante demasiado cargado; la plana corta aquí

«House in Washington canceled the “Escape from the Pentagon” section for “ethical and moral reasons.”3? USS. citizens abandoned gore for more patriotic motifs in 2001. The best-selling costumes for adults were Uncle Sam and the Statue of Liberty, sometimes fashionably cut to expose the midriff. George Washington, Abe Lincoln, and Civil War soldiers were also popular. Among children, firefighter, pilot, police, and soldier costumes sold well, as did Superman, Batman, the conventional Disney characters, and the topical Harry Potter. Overall, people were looking for a “kinder and gentler Halloween” and were quite prepared to mix the seasonal black and orange with the national red, white, and blue.» — el giro patriótico de 2001: fuera el *gore* y dentro el Tío Sam y la Estatua de la Libertad como disfraces más vendidos, con Washington, Lincoln y soldados de la Guerra Civil, y bomberos, pilotos y policías entre los niños — un Halloween más amable, con el negro y naranja mezclado al rojo, blanco y azul

«Some places went out of their way to exploit Halloween as a promoter of patriotism. In Richmond, Virginia, a “Show Your Spirit” fancy-dress contest was organized with a top prize of $100.4! Red, white, and blue was de rigueur. A similar spirit swept through the schools. At Allenwood Elementary School in ‘Temple Hills, Maryland, for example, children ‘were encouraged to wear red, white, and blue outfits and to wrap flags around their heads. In the actual festivities, they recited the pledge of allegiance and sang “God Bless America” before releasing red, white, and blue balloons into the sky.4?» — y cómo se explotó: concurso de disfraces patrióticos en Richmond con premio de cien dólares, y en una escuela de Temple Hills, Maryland, niños de rojo, blanco y azul recitando el juramento a la bandera y cantando *God Bless America* antes de soltar globos

«Similarly, the thirty-third annual children’s Halloween parade of the Venice Lions Club featured youngsters waving the Stars and Stripes. In Wyoming, one school organized a “Hero-ween” celebration to honor the New York police and fire departments, believing. that kids wanted to “be part of the healing process as well? For those ‘with a more international perspective, “God bless America” celebrations ‘were sometimes accompanied by contributions to Afghani children.#» — más ejemplos: el desfile del Venice Lions Club con niños agitando la bandera, un *Hero-ween* en Wyoming en honor de la policía y los bomberos de Nueva York, y celebraciones de *God bless America* acompañadas de donativos para los niños afganos

«Even adult parades contained their fair share of patriotic boosterism. Although a few outrageous costumes were noted in Hollywood, where one reveler offered a parody of “Miss Afghanistan” in a skimpy two-piece camouflage outfit that exposed the midriff, the fancy-dress promenades were generally less gory, less provocative, and more patriotic.*$ In New York, the Greenwich Village Parade, hitherto known for its radical nonconformity, centered on the theme of rebirth, the Phoenix rising from the ashes.» — y hasta los desfiles adultos: menos sangrientos, menos provocadores y más patrióticos, con el de Greenwich Village —conocido por su disidencia radical— girando en torno al renacimiento, el Fénix que sale de las cenizas; el guion de *two-piece* se restituye porque el impreso lo parte a fin de renglón

«and blue wings mingled with firefighters, Marines, and Uncle Sam on stilts. Although a few people in Arabian garb were reported, Middle Eastern costumes were in short supply. Some retailers refused to sell them, fearing they would incite violence. Osama bin Laden masks, popular in Mexico City and Rio de Janeiro, were virtually impossible to buy in the United States. Many distributors refused to stock them. Even so, Lady Liberty could be found parading bin Laden’s head in Pittsburgh, and at che Haunted Railway in Salt Lake City, it was possible to fling coins at his dummy.*” In Cuyahoga Falls, Ohio, bin Laden was found in a cofÏn, displacing Dracula as the monster of the season.48» — lo que no se vendía y lo que sí: los disfraces de Medio Oriente escaseaban porque los comerciantes temían incitar violencia, las máscaras de Osama bin Laden eran casi imposibles de conseguir en Estados Unidos —aunque populares en la Ciudad de México y Río—, y en Cuyahoga Falls bin Laden apareció en un ataúd, desplazando a Drácula como monstruo de la temporada

«In contrast, the most popular masks in the United States were those of George Bush, the President who demanded bin Laden “dead or alive” and urged citizens to continue “business as usual? and Rudy Giuliani, the mayor who soothed nerves, handled disaster with dignity, and pledged the reconstruction of America’s most devastated city.» — y las máscaras más vendidas: la de George Bush, el presidente que pidió a bin Laden vivo o muerto y llamó a seguir con los negocios, y la de Rudy Giuliani, el alcalde que calmó los nervios y prometió reconstruir la ciudad

«The year 2001 was arguably the first time that Halloween was self consciously appropriated for patriotic purposes in America. ‘This is of some significance, since Halloween has conventionally been seen as a populist counterfestival, a holiday that conventionally presumed no abiding pledges of solidarity nor reverential lineages. This legacy explained its popularity in the nineteenth and twentieth century. Halloween grew outside the canon of state-sanctioned commemorative stitutional holidays. It was a rite without a patron, eluding or corporate appropriation, a holiday of transgression whose subversive laughter struck against the orthodoxies of the day and potentially, at least, challenged its social hierarchies, if only in a youthful, anarchic way.» — la tesis del capítulo final: 2001 fue quizá la primera vez que Halloween se apropió conscientemente para fines patrióticos, y eso pesa porque la fiesta se ha tenido por contrafiesta populista, rito sin patrón, crecido fuera del canon de las fiestas sancionadas por el Estado

«Did 2001 mark the development of a different Halloween, one that might take its place alongside the Fourth of July as a preeminently patriotic festival? It is clearly too early to say, but I would suggest that itis highly unlikely. Over time, Halloween has been a fixed festival that can be accented in different ways, and following the tragedy of 2001, it was given a definite patriotic twist in the United States, although not in Canada. But it does not follow that this signals a new departure in the character of the holiday.» — y la pregunta que se hace, con su respuesta: ¿marcó 2001 un Halloween distinto, patriótico como el 4 de julio? Es pronto para decirlo, dice, pero lo tiene por muy improbable — la fiesta admite acentos distintos y el patriótico se le dio en Estados Unidos, no en Canadá

«festivals devoted to the nation-state have increasingly given way to a proliferation of commemorative practices devoted to all manner of causes.#9 As a rite without a patron, a festival without definitive referents, Halloween is well placed to survive in this postmodern context.» — por qué lo tiene por improbable: Halloween pertenece a una época en que las fiestas del Estado nación ceden ante prácticas conmemorativas de toda causa, y como rito sin patrón y fiesta sin referentes definitivos está bien puesta para sobrevivir en ese contexto posmoderno

«But if the year 2001 tells us anything, it is that Halloween is now fundamentally part of the leisure industry. In the end, what mattered most about Halloween was whether it would fulfill its commercial potential in the threat of an economic recession, not whether Halloween would boost national morale or fund destitute Afghani children. ‘Ultimately, then, Halloween's significance in mainstream debate in 2001 resided in its retail potential, not in its potential for social transgression.» — y lo que 2001 sí enseña, según él: que la fiesta es hoy parte fundamental de la industria del ocio, y que lo que importó fue su potencial minorista, no el de transgresión social

«The question is worth pondering, because in the past Halloween has sometimes proved to be a useful site for promoting different ways of seeing the world. As a borderline, liminal festival, Halloween has sponsored social inversion and subversive laughter, At its most critical it has approximated what the French philosopher Michel Foucault would call a heterotopia, a countersite from which the extravagancies and pretensions of modern-day life, the rules regulating sexuality, could be parodied and openly questioned.59» — y por qué vale preguntárselo: la fiesta ha servido de sitio para ver el mundo de otro modo, y en su momento más crítico se acerca a lo que Michel Foucault llamaría una heterotopía, contralugar desde el cual parodiar y cuestionar las reglas que ordenan la sexualidad

«Admittedly, Halloween time, like festive time in general, is flecting, transitory, and precarious, generating spaces that are themselves decentered and highly individualized. And admittedly, the dominant tropes of Halloween, humor and play, tend to parody power and mock its pretensions rather than subvert it in any fundamental way. But will Halloween lose even this social edge as it increasingly becomes big business? Will it be so deeply enmeshed in consumer culture that its counterhegemonic energies will be easily accommodated, appropriated, or dissipated? Perhaps itis too early to tell. twill depend on how inventive people can be in bending this carnivalesque consumer rite to express their own desires, dissatisfactions, and fantasies» — y las últimas líneas del cuerpo, con sus concesiones: el tiempo festivo es fugaz y precario, sus tropos parodian el poder más que subvertirlo, y queda por ver si el negocio disolverá ese filo — dependerá de cuán inventiva sea la gente al doblar este rito de consumo carnavalesco a sus propios deseos

«I would also like to thank the Head of the Department of Irish Folklore, University College, Dublin, for permission to quote extracts from the archives of the Irish Folklore Commission of 1941~42; and Patricia Fulton, the archivist of the Folklore and Language Archive at the ‘Memorial University of Newfoundland, for permission to use materials pertaining to Halloween in its collection.» — Rogers declara los dos archivos folclóricos de los que cita: la Comisión de Folclore Irlandés de 1941-42 (University College, Dublin) y el archivo de la Memorial University of Newfoundland

«Every effort was made to contact the owners of the copyright on the Halloween film stills, Galaxy International Releasing Company, but no reply was forthcoming.» — el aviso de derechos de las fotos de cine queda sin resolver y se consigna como tal

«This book was initially written in the summer of 1999 in Toronto and at Sangster Lake, just north of Kingston. It was then read by Bryan Palmer, Nicole Tellier, and David A. Wilson. Iam very grateful to them for taking the time to do this and for their criticisms and encouragement, Although I did not always heed their comments, they prompted me to think of ways of refining the argument and of expanding the scope of the book to inchide a chapter on the Day of the Dead.» — la redacción se fecha en el verano de 1999 y el capítulo sobre el Día de Muertos se añadió a instancias de sus tres lectores

«Finally, I would like to dedicate this book to my children. Although I do not think that Halloween has ever been simply a children’s night, the fun of watching them dress up and trick-or-treat still resonates in my memory.» — la dedicatoria lleva dentro la tesis del libro: Halloween nunca fue solo cosa de niños

«The idea for this book grew out of a York University conference that I organized in April 1995 with my colleague, Adrian Shubert, on the subject of Spectacle, Monument, and Memory. I would like to thank all the people who commented on my paper at that meeting and subsequently at the Celtic Studies conference at St. Michael's College, Toronto, in October 1995, and at the School for American Research in Santa Fe, New Mexico, in March 1996. Their suggestions helped me develop the arguments in the book and expand its horizons.» — los agradecimientos datan el origen del libro en un congreso de York University de abril de 1995 sobre espectáculo, monumento y memoria, organizado con Adrian Shubert, y en dos reuniones posteriores de 1995 y 1996

«In getting this book to press I also incurred other debts. John Dawson of the Instructional Technology Centre at York managed to clean up my prints, some of which were taken from old microfilm, And the staff of Oxford University Press, especially Susan Ferber and Joellyn Ausanka, helped me translate my typescript into what I hope will be a readerly book.» — nombra a John Dawson por la limpieza de las reproducciones tomadas de microfilme viejo y a Susan Ferber y Joellyn Ausanka, de Oxford University Press, por el paso del mecanoscrito al libro

«Copyright © 2002 by Oxfoed University Pres, Ins Dublished by Oxford University Pres, Inc. 198 Madison Avenue, New York, New York 10016» — la página de derechos, con la capa de texto muy corrompida: *Oxfoed University Pres, Ins* por Oxford University Press, Inc. y *Dublished* por Published; se consigna tal cual y no se enmienda

«Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Rogers, Nichols, 1944-Helloween: fom pagan ritual to pary night / Nicholas Rogers, P. Tncludes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-19-514691-3» — la ficha de la Library of Congress imprime el apellido y el título con erratas de escaneo — *Rogers, Nichols, 1944-* y *Helloween: fom pagan ritual to pary night* — junto al ISBN, que sale limpio

«HALLOWEEN From Ragan Ritual to Rarty night NICHOLAS ROGERS» — la anteportada, con la capa de texto corrompida: *Ragan* por Pagan y *Rarty* por Party; se consigna la grafía tal cual y la lectura va aquí, no dentro de las comillas

«HALLOWEEN © From Pagan Ritual to Party Night Nicholas Rogers OXFORD 2002» — la portada, donde el título sí sale limpio, con el sello y el año

«For Daniel, Kate, and Vanessa» — la dedicatoria nombra a los tres hijos a quienes los agradecimientos dedican el libro

«CONTENTS intRopuction ix ACKOWLEDGMENTS 3 1 SAMHAIN ou and the Celtic Origins of Halloween 2, Festive Rites 22 Halloween in the British Isles 3. Coming OVER 49 Halloween in North America + RazorimTHE APPLE 78 ‘The Struggle for a Safe and Sane Halloween, c. 1920-1990 s. HALLOWEEN GoEs TO HOLLYWOOD 103 6. STEPPING OuT ns 7 BORDER CRossincs 39 8. HALLOWEEN AT THE MiLLennium 138 NOTES 173 inDEX 195» — el índice del volumen, con los ocho capítulos, las notas y el índice onomástico; las cifras salen con ruido de escaneo (*ou* por 11, *ns* por 125, *39* por 139)

«‘The Wicker Man, from Aylett Sammes, Britannia Antiqua Illustrata (1676).» — el pie de la lámina del Wicker Man remite al grabado de Aylett Sammes, *Britannia Antiqua Illustrata* (1676) — es aparato del volumen, no voz de Rogers

«‘An cighteenth-century skimmington or charivari, by William Hogarth, for ‘Samuel Butler's Hudibras series, 1726.» — el pie de la lámina da un skimmington dieciochesco de William Hogarth para la serie *Hudibras* de Samuel Butler, 1726 — aparato del volumen (el troceo imprime *cighteenth*)

«‘The rite itself was known as “Teanlay” a word likely derived from the Old English tendan, meaning to kindle, and may well have fused the customs of Hallowmass with older fire rituals of protection and purification noted by Sir James Frazer and others.» — aquí nombra a Sir James Frazer: el rito del *Teanlay*, que deriva del inglés antiguo *tendan* —encender—, habría fundido las costumbres de Hallowmass con ritos de fuego de protección y purificación de los que Frazer y otros dieron cuenta

«Seeing spirits in the air, woodeut by Joseph Glanville, 1700.» — el pie de la lámina atribuye el grabado a Joseph Glanville, 1700 — aparato del volumen, con *woodcut* corrompido en *woodeut* (nombre tal cual el troceo, sin cotejo)

«Divining the farure on Halloween from thrce bowls or “luggies” From an 1811 Edinburgh edition of Robert Burns, Poems» — el pie de la lámina remite a una edición de Edimburgo de 1811 de los *Poems* de Robert Burns: la adivinación con tres escudillas o *luggies* (el troceo imprime *farure* por future y *thrce* por three)

«Earading the guy on Bonfie Night ninctonth- century burlesque fom Robert Chambers, The Book of Day (1888).» — el pie de la lámina remite a un burlesco decimonónico del *Book of Days* de Robert Chambers, con la capa de texto muy corrompida (*Earading* por Parading, *Bonfie*, *ninctonth-*, *The Book of Day*)

«PROCESSION OF A GUY.» — la plana es solo el rótulo grabado de la lámina, *PROCESSION OF A GUY* — aparato del volumen

«Courting on Halloween, from a London and New York edition of Robert Burns, Poetical Works, 1856.» — el pie de la lámina del cortejo en Halloween remite a una edición londinense y neoyorquina de 1856 de las *Poetical Works* de Robert Burns — aparato del volumen

«Halloween in the middle-class parlor, from Canadian Ilustrated News, 1872.» — el pie de la lámina da la fuente del grabado del salón burgués, las *Canadian Illustrated News* de 1872 — aparato del volumen (el troceo imprime *Ilustrated*)

«Halloween pranks, New York City, from the New York Herald, 1907.» — el pie de la lámina da la fuente de la caricatura de las bromas neoyorquinas, el *New York Herald* de 1907 — aparato del volumen

«The police curbing student revels in Toronto, from the Toronto Evening News, 1908.» — el pie de la lámina da la fuente de la caricatura de la policía conteniendo a los estudiantes, las *Toronto Evening News* de 1908 — aparato del volumen

«SHTOP IT NOW: BYES!» — la plana es solo el rótulo dibujado dentro de la caricatura, *SHTOP IT NOW: BYES!*, con el acento irlandés remedado en la grafía — aparato del volumen

«Democratic candidate William Jennings Bryan, divining his fate on Halloween before the 1900 presidential election, from the Chicago Daily ‘Tribune, 1900.» — el pie de la lámina remite a la caricatura del *Chicago Daily Tribune* de 1900: el candidato demócrata William Jennings Bryan adivinando su suerte en Halloween antes de la elección presidencial — aparato del volumen

«As Susan Davis has noted, this meant that “the noisy strains of youth culture receded from the festival’s core?76» — aquí nombra a Susan Davis: el *belsnickling* de Filadelfia, puesto bajo supervisión cívica y vuelto Mummer's Parade de clubes, hizo que las cuerdas ruidosas de la cultura juvenil se retiraran del núcleo de la fiesta

«The wicked witch and bunny trick-or-treat and collect for UNICER. Photo by Kate Greenslade,» — el pie de la lámina nombra a la fotógrafa, Kate Greenslade, y la escena de la brujita y el conejito juntando para UNICEF — aparato del volumen (el troceo imprime *UNICER*)

«Scorching the town, a cartoon on Detroit's Devil’s Night, 1991. Reprinted with permision of the Detcoit Free Press.» — el pie de la lámina da la caricatura de la Devil's Night de Detroit de 1991 y el permiso del *Detroit Free Press* — aparato del volumen (el troceo imprime *permision* y *Detcoit*)

«Young Dracula, Montreal, 1998. Pboto by Kate Greenslade,» — el pie de la lámina del Drácula niño en Montreal, 1998, con la misma fotógrafa, Kate Greenslade — aparato del volumen (el troceo imprime *Pboto*)

«Halloween horror, from Shock comics, 1952.» — el pie de la lámina da la fuente de la viñeta, los cómics *Shock* de 1952 — aparato del volumen

«FOR... SHEER, STARK HORROR, READ TTHIS § TERRIFYING TALE. GUARANTEED TO JAR YOU ou OF YOUR SEAT» — la plana es solo el rótulo impreso dentro de la viñeta de *Shock*, con la capa de texto corrompida (*TTHIS*, *ou* por out) — aparato del volumen

«One of Michael Myers’s early victims, from Halloween» — el pie de la lámina remite a un fotograma de *Halloween* con una de las primeras víctimas de Michael Myers — aparato del volumen

«ichael Myers. of Michael 5: The Revenge Halloween m4» — la plana solo trae los restos de dos pies de lámina de *Halloween 5: The Revenge of Michael Myers*, con la capa de texto desordenada y el folio pegado (*m4*) — aparato del volumen

«Michael lives. ANDTHIS TIME THEY’RE READY!» — la plana es solo el eslogan del cartel reproducido, *Michael lives. AND THIS TIME THEY'RE READY!*, con las palabras pegadas por la capa de texto — aparato del volumen

«Writing from a postmodern perspective, film critic Carol Clover has noted that the subjective camera does not consistently adhere to the male assaultive gaze. The jerky visions of the camera do not simply signify the deranged passion of the killer, she argues, but hint also at the killer’s eventual demise. Through the eye of the camera, the killer’s gaze is unstable, destructive, and destructible26» — aquí nombra a la crítica de cine Carol Clover: desde una perspectiva posmoderna, sostiene que la cámara subjetiva no se pega siempre a la mirada agresora masculina, y que sus sacudidas anuncian también la caída del asesino — su mirada es inestable, destructiva y destructible

«Jaimie cowering in fear of Michael Myers, ftom Hallowen 5.» — el pie de la lámina remite a un fotograma de *Halloween 5* con Jaimie encogida de miedo — aparato del volumen (el troceo imprime *ftom Hallowen*)

«In the opinion of critic Tony Williams, the films of the 1980s spoke revealingly to the conservative family values of Reaganite America, with patriarchal avatars such as ‘Myers punishing both sexual permissiveness and dysfunctional families, particularly families without strong fathers.27 Although the depiction (of Myers as vietim turned victimizer might have invited a social critique of the problems besetting the American family, his demonization inhibited it. Far from representing the return of the repressed, Myers became a scapegoat for familial disorder.» — aquí nombra al crítico Tony Williams: las películas de los ochenta hablaban de los valores familiares conservadores de la América de Reagan, con avatares patriarcales como Myers castigando la permisividad sexual y las familias sin padre fuerte, de modo que su demonización impidió la crítica social y lo volvió chivo expiatorio del desorden familiar

«Dressed for the party, Toronto, 1995. Photo by Nick Rogers.» — el pie de la lámina, con foto del propio autor — aparato del volumen

«Tinsel Man, Toronto, 1999. Photo by Nick Ragers.» — otro pie de lámina con foto del autor, cuyo apellido la capa de texto rinde como *Ragers* — aparato del volumen

«Dancing to the beat, Halloween as adult party. Photo by Nick Rogers.» — el pie de la lámina de la fiesta adulta, también con foto del autor — aparato del volumen

«Drag queens, Toronto, 1998. Photo by Nick Rogers.» — el pie de la lámina de las *drag queens* de Toronto, con foto del autor — aparato del volumen

«In this respect, Halloween is not unlike Mardi Gras, the festival that celebrates the exuberance of life and the pleasures of the body and parodies, while anticipating, the constraints and discipline of the coming Lent. Like Mardi Gras, Halloween emphasizes appetite, desire, and feeling rather than duty, obligation, or formal allegiance. It does so as a form of “framed play? to use a concept of Victor Turner,*? within sites and times that are bordered or bounded.» — aquí toma un concepto de Victor Turner: como el Mardi Gras, Halloween pone el apetito, el deseo y el sentir por delante del deber y la obligación, y lo hace como *framed play*, juego enmarcado en sitios y tiempos acotados

«Time’s Up. Death as the jester brings the final summons in a medieval danse macabre, Som Hans Holbins Dance of Death 38.» — el pie de la lámina remite a la *Dance of Death* de Hans Holbein, con la Muerte como bufón trayendo la última citación — aparato del volumen (el troceo imprime *Som Hans Holbins*)

«Calaveras living it up, by José Luis Guadalupe Posada, early twentieth century.» — el pie de la lámina remite a las calaveras de José Luis Guadalupe Posada, de principios del siglo XX — aparato del volumen (nombre tal cual el troceo)

«of the Day of the Dead with a new curiosity. Following Paz, Stanley Brandes has recently argued that “the iconography of death holds virtually no sacred meaning either for its producers or its consumers?" By contrast, Juanita Garciagodoy believes that behind the mocking tone of the calaveras there is a fatalism about death that rests on a bedrock of Christian and Mesoamerican belief about the afterlife. She observes that contemporary Mexicans continue to believe that the spirits can effectively intercede with the saints on behalf of living friends and relatives.32» — aquí nombra a dos antropólogos que discrepan: Stanley Brandes sostiene que la iconografía de la muerte casi no tiene ya sentido sagrado ni para quien la hace ni para quien la compra, y Juanita Garciagodoy ve tras la burla de las calaveras un fatalismo asentado en creencias cristianas y mesoamericanas sobre el más allá

«Death visits the Halloween Masquer Aid, Toronto, 1998. Photo by Nick Rogers» — el pie de la lámina de la Muerte en el Masquer Aid de Toronto de 1998, con foto del autor — aparato del volumen

«“Thinking of You” A contemporary Day ofthe Dead greeting card, New Mexico.» — el pie de la lámina de una tarjeta contemporánea del Día de Muertos de Nuevo México — aparato del volumen (el troceo pega *of the* en *ofthe*)

«Halloween and the harvest: he scarecrow and pumpkin onthe pen» — el pie de la lámina del espantapájaros y la calabaza, con la capa de texto rota al final (*onthe pen*) — aparato del volumen

«Jack-o'-lantern beaming in the night. Photo by Nick Rogers.» — el pie de la lámina de la calabaza encendida, con foto del autor — aparato del volumen

«Ronald Hutton, The Stations of the Sun (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), 382-83; Charles Kightly, The Customs and Ceremonies of Britain (New York: ‘Thames and Hudson, 1986), 191. 4. Cf. Jack Kugelmass, Masked Culture: The Greenwich Village Halloween Parade (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994), 165,» — las notas de la Introducción declaran dos de los apoyos del libro: *The Stations of the Sun* de Ronald Hutton (Oxford, 1996) y *Masked Culture: The Greenwich Village Halloween Parade* de Jack Kugelmass (Columbia, 1994)

«Cited in Hutton, Stations of the Sun, 361. 2.).A. MacCulloch, The Religion of the Ancient Celts (Edinburgh: : and, Clark, 1911), 263. 3. Hutton, Seavions of the Sun, 361.» — y el capítulo sobre Samhain se abre apoyado en Hutton y en *The Religion of the Ancient Celts* de J. A. MacCulloch (1911), con el título de Hutton corrompido en *Seavions* la segunda vez

«Julius Caesar, The Gallic War, ed. HJ. Edward (London: Loeb, 1986), 341. For Strabo’s account, see Geography, 2: 249. 12, Piggot, Druids, 111;» — las notas del capítulo 1 dan las ediciones de las fuentes clásicas que cita —*The Gallic War* de César en la Loeb— y remiten a *The Druids* de Stuart Piggot

«R. Chambers, The Book of Days: A Miscellany of Popular Antiguitcs, 2 vols. (London: W. and R. Chambers, 1864), 2: 538; Georgina F. Jackson, Shropebire Foll-Lore» — las notas del capítulo 2 se apoyan en el *Book of Days* de R. Chambers (1864) y en el *Shropshire Folk-Lore* de Georgina F. Jackson, con los títulos muy corrompidos por la capa de texto

«David Cressy, Birth, Marriage, and Death: Ritual, Religion, and the Life-Cycle in Tador and Stuart England (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 386. 20. Jackson, Shropshire Foll-Lore, 382.» — y en *Birth, Marriage, and Death* de David Cressy (Oxford, 1997), sobre el ciclo vital en la Inglaterra Tudor y Estuardo

«sistence of Popular Festivities in Early Modern Scotland Journal of British Studies 39 (April 2000}: 123-56, See also Callum G. Brown, Up-hellyraa: Custom, Culture» — las notas del capítulo 2 siguen con la pervivencia de las fiestas populares en la Escocia moderna temprana y con *Up-helly-aa* de Callum G. Brown sobre las Shetland (el troceo parte el título del artículo y rinde *Up-hellyraa*)

«Jack Santino, The Hallowed Eve (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky), 82. 6. The Hallow Fai (Stiling: W. Moore, 1826). 67. On this theme, see ibid. and Hallow Fai, or the Scho for Lases (1784, n.p) in Larpent Plays Collection, no. 653, Huntington Library, San Marino, California,» — las notas del capítulo 2 remiten a *The Hallowed Eve* de Jack Santino y a las obras de la *Hallow Fair* conservadas en la Larpent Plays Collection de la Huntington Library

«Thanks to Adele Perry of the University ‘of Manitoba, Winnipeg, for this reference.» — las notas también agradecen a colegas por referencias sueltas, como a Adele Perry de la Universidad de Manitoba

«Stephen Nissenbaum, The Battle for Christmas (New York: A. Knopf, 1996), 101. 74, Ibid., 98.» — y aquí declara su fuente sobre el aburguesamiento de la Navidad: *The Battle for Christmas* de Stephen Nissenbaum, en la edición de A. Knopf de 1996

«On cats, see Robert Darnton, The Great Cat Massacre and Other Episodes in French Cultural History (New York: Vintage, 1985), 92-96.» — y sobre los gatos remite a *The Great Cat Massacre* de Robert Darnton

«I thank Jeet Heer of York University for obtaining a copy of this report for me. 26. Pledging was not new. It had been proposed in the Chicago school system aseacly s 1925, See Tad Tulkja, “Ttick or Treat: Pre‘Texts and Contexts? in Santino, ed, Halloween, 88.» — las notas del capítulo 4 agradecen a Jeet Heer la copia del informe del Senado y aclaran que la práctica de las promesas venía desde el sistema escolar de Chicago de 1925

«Bill Elis, “Safe? Spooks: New Halloween Traditions in Response to Sadism Legends” in Santino, ed, Hallowcen, 24-44; Washington Post, 31 Oct. 1984.» — y remiten al ensayo de Bill Ellis sobre los sustos seguros como respuesta a las leyendas del sadismo, en el volumen editado por Santino (el troceo imprime *Bill Elis*)

«On the sexual allure of the city, see Christine Stansell, City of Women: Sex» — y las del capítulo 3 se apoyan en *City of Women* de Christine Stansell para el atractivo sexual de la ciudad; la plana corta aquí el subtítulo, que sigue *and Class in New York, 1789-1860*

«Ze'ev Chatets, Devil's Night and Other True Tale of Detroit (New York: Random House, 1990).» — las notas del capítulo 4 dan la referencia del libro discutido sobre Detroit, *Devil's Night and Other True Tales of Detroit* de Ze'ev Chafets (el troceo imprime *Chatets* y *True Tale*)

«Isabel Cristina Pinedo, Recreational Teror: Women and the Pleasures of Horror Film Viewing (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1997), 18,» — las notas del capítulo 5 dan la referencia de la crítica citada en el cuerpo: *Recreational Terror: Women and the Pleasures of Horror Film Viewing*, de Isabel Cristina Pinedo

«Jonathan Lake Crane, Terror and Everyday Life (Thousand Oaks, Calif: Sage, 1994), 5. 29. Ibid., 157. 30. Boston Globe, 1 Nov. 1988. 31, New York Times, 30 Oct. 1991. 32. Umberto Eco, Thaves in Hyperreality, trans. William Weaver (London: Picador, 1987), 8,» — y las de *Terror and Everyday Life* de Jonathan Lake Crane y de *Travels in Hyperreality* de Umberto Eco, con los títulos corrompidos por la capa de texto

«Jack Kugelmass, “Designing the Greenwich Village Parade? in Santino, ed., Halloween, 191, 207. 21, Kugelmass, Masked Culture, 96-97.» — las notas del capítulo 6 se apoyan de nuevo en Kugelmass, en su ensayo sobre el diseño del desfile de Greenwich Village y en *Masked Culture*

«D. Keith Mayo, “The New York Halloween Parade} National Review 4 (24 Nov. 1989): 57. See also Kugelmass, “Imagining Culture” 141-88, and Masked Culture 45. Scan Wilentz, Chants Democratic: New York City and the Rise ofthe American Working Class 1788-1850 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984); Len Travers, Celebrating the Fourth: Independence Day and the Rites of Nationalism in the Early Republic» — y en el ensayo de D. Keith Mayo en la *National Review*, además de Wilentz y de *Celebrating the Fourth* de Len Travers para el contraste con el 4 de julio

«Octavio Paz, The Labyrinth of Solitude, trans. Lysander Kemp, Yara Milos, and Rachel Phillips Belash (New York: Grove Press, 1985), 7-59,» — y la edición de *The Labyrinth of Solitude* de Octavio Paz que usa: la traducción de Kemp, Milos y Phillips Belash, Grove Press, 1985

«See the film Hell House (Cantina Pictures/Mixed Greens, 2001), directed by George Ratclift 15. New York Times, 27 Oct. 196, pp. El, 3. Thanks to Bryan Palmer for this ceference.» — las notas del capítulo 8 declaran el documental *Hell House* de George Ratliff como fuente de lo que describe, y agradecen a Bryan Palmer una referencia

«San Diego Union-Tribune, 20 Oct. 2001, p. B2. 48, Las Angeles Times, 1 Nov. 2001, p. B3. 46, For sales in Mexico City, sce Houston Chronile, 19 Oct. 2001. 47, Pitsburgh Post-Gazette, § Nox. 2001, p. D2; Austin American Statesman, 1 Nov. 2001, p. Bl; Wall Soret Journal, 19 Oct. 2001. 48, Plain Dealer, 21 Oct. 2001.» — y el último tramo de notas se apoya casi por entero en prensa de octubre y noviembre de 2001, de San Diego a Cleveland, para reconstruir el Halloween posterior al atentado

«Stanley Brandes, “Sugar, Colonialism, and Death: On the Origins of ‘Mexico's Day of the Dead? Comparative Studies in Society and History 39 (1997):» — las notas del capítulo 7 dan la referencia del artículo de Stanley Brandes sobre azúcar, colonialismo y muerte en el origen del Día de Muertos; la plana corta las páginas

«This page intentionally left blank» — la plana es una hoja en blanco del volumen, que el impreso rotula como tal — aparato del volumen

«inpex Aiton, William, 43 All Saints’ Day, 11, 22-25, 27-28, 142 Al Souls’ Day, 11, 22-25, 27-28, 40-41, 74, 142 Ann Arbor, Michigan, 62, 131-32 “Aubrey, John, 28 Bamford, Samuel, 31 Baudrillard, Jean, 122 Beezley, William, 152 Bonfire Night, 8, 34-35.» — el índice onomástico del volumen arranca con las voces que el libro trata por su nombre: William Aiton, Todos los Santos, Todos los Difuntos, John Aubrey, Samuel Bamford, Jean Baudrillard y William Beezley (el rótulo *INDEX* sale como *inpex*)

«Frazer, Sir James, 19, 28 Friday the 134k, 120, 122-23 Galt, John, 38 Garciagodoy, Juanita, 152 Geneva, 25 Gonzalez-Crossi, Frank, 141, 149 Goubert, Pierre, 148 Greenwich Village Parade, 129, 131,» — y sigue con los estudiosos con los que discute: Frazer, Garciagodoy, Gonzalez-Crussi y Goubert, además de John Galt y Robert Fergusson

«Guildford, Surrey, 36-37 and Ireland, 40-48, 78.» — la entrada *Halloween* del índice se despliega en decenas de subentradas —de fiesta adulta a leyenda urbana— que resumen el arco del libro

«and hyperceality, 122-24, 168-70 Herrera, Antonio de, 143,» — entre esas subentradas están la hiperrealidad, el ciclo de películas y el historiador Antonio de Herrera

«Hinton Se. George (English village), 8 Horeor films, 105-23, 148 as family parable, 112, 121-22 and misogyny, 117-20» — el índice consigna también las películas de horror como parábola de familia y la cuestión de la misoginia, dos de los debates que el capítulo 5 recorre

«Strathcona and Mount Royal, Donald Vancouver, 79-80, 82, 92, 125 ‘A. Smith, Baron, $1 ‘Walsh, William, 60 ‘Tacicus, Caius Cornelius, 15 Washington, 125, 128, 136 ‘Texas Chain Saw Massacre, 103,112. Wells, H. G., 106 Todos Santos, 23, 144. Sce alto Day of — Wicker Man, 15-16 the Dead William of Orange, 39, 50 Toronto, 3-5, 64-66, 78, 135-36 Williams, Tony, 121 and 1945 riot, 83-85 Winfrey, Oprah, 123 ‘Toston, Kevin, 90 Winnipeg, 79, 101-2 A Tee Grows in Broki, 60-61 Turner, Victor, 137, 174 9,27 Youth Honor Day, 85» — y el índice cierra con lord Strathcona, Tácito, la *Texas Chain Saw Massacre*, Todos Santos, Toronto, Turner, Vancouver, Walsh, el Wicker Man, Guillermo de Orange, Tony Williams, Oprah Winfrey, Winnipeg y el *Youth Honor Day*

«HALLOWEEN om Ragan Aitual tO Parry Night NICHOLAS ROGERS» — una segunda portadilla del troceo repite el título con otra corrupción de la capa de texto —*om Ragan Aitual tO Parry Night*— junto al nombre del autor; se consigna la grafía tal cual y no se enmienda

«Michael Myers electrocures a utility worker, from Halloween 4.» — el pie de la lámina remite a un fotograma de *Halloween 4* — aparato del volumen (el troceo imprime *electrocures*)

«€ HALLOWEEN ©» — una de las portadillas menores del volumen, que la capa de texto reduce a un rótulo con dos signos sueltos; el troceo la imprime idéntica dos veces (planas 3 y 12) y `pagina()` solo puede fechar la primera

Crítica de fuentes (criterios de inclusión y descarte) — Rogers declara los límites de su evidencia una y otra vez: las sagas irlandesas son tradición oral puesta por escrito siglos después y «probably in corrupted and abbreviated form», de modo que las lee como pistas del arte de narrar y no como prueba de práctica social; para el *souling* depende de los folcloristas del XIX y tiene que hacer «a retrospective reading of the rite»; advierte que esos rituales pueden no ser «authentic» ni «timeless»; dice que por cómo informaba la prensa se sabe menos del Halloween de familia que del público; y descuenta la licencia periodística de las crónicas que anuncian el fin de la fiesta.