TRADITION
Peyotismo
Source entries are currently shown in Spanish; English-first entries arrive with the next cataloguing pass.
El corpus lo llama culto, religión, iglesia y, alguna vez, peyotismo, y las voces que lo describen empiezan por decir qué hicieron con él sus fieles. Schultes y Hofmann: «In an attempt to protect their rights to free religious activity, American Indians organized the Peyote cult into a legally recognized religious group, the Native American Church.» «Schultes, Hofmann y Rätsch — Plants of the Gods (2001), ed. inglés 2001 · p. 152», y lo definen en una frase: «The Peyote religion is a medicoreligious cult.» «Schultes, Hofmann y Rätsch — Plants of the Gods (2001), ed. inglés 2001 · p. 154». En Botany los mismos autores dan la forma legal como presente: «The religion spread fast because of peyote's psychoactive properties and its reputation as a supernatural "medicine." Legally organized now as the Native American Church, the peyote cult is known to many Indian groups in» «Schultes y Hofmann — The Botany and Chemistry of Hallucinogens (1980) · p. 224». Furst lo llama religión panindia y la compara con la hostia: «And although after years of agitation by anthropologists and Indian people peyote as a sacrament of the Native American Church 1s no longer criminalized in twenty-two states and under federal law, there are still plenty of places where an adherent of this pan-Indian religion could be thrown in jail when he eats a little plant that for him is comparable to the Host in the Catholic Mass» «Furst (ed.) — Flesh of the Gods (1972; reimpresión de 1990), ed. inglés 1990 · p. 20». La palabra peyotismo la trae La Barre, en el mismo volumen, al citar una predicción: «Ruth Shonle (1925:53-75) predicted that peyotism would spread as far as the aboriginal vision quest in the Plains. This is precisely what subsequently happened» «Furst (ed.) — Flesh of the Gods (1972; reimpresión de 1990), ed. inglés 1990 · p. 307», y Rätsch la pone entre paréntesis al dar una genealogía ajena: «Some anthropologists have assumed that the mescal bean cult (mescalism) represents a precursor to the peyote cult (peyotism). The mescal bean cult disappeared because the effects of the peyote cactus are much more pleasant and visionary» «Rätsch — The Encyclopedia of Psychoactive Plants (2005) · p. 1472». Ott nombra una segunda iglesia al lado de la primera: «The value of the entheogens to organized religions has been amply demonstrated by the 2000-year survival of the famous Eleusinian Mystery religion of the ancient world (an annual, mass initiation employing an entheogenic potion containing ergoline alkaloids; Wasson etal. 1978; see Chapter 2) and by the modern examples of the “Native American Church” and “The Peyote Way Church of God” using péyot/ as a sacrament» «Ott — Pharmacotheon (1996), ed. inglés 1996 · p. 71», y les hace a las dos una propuesta: «I suggest the “Native American Church” and “Peyote Way Church of God” establish Trichocereus peruvianus gardens in the United States, as a means of ensuring a continued renewable supply of sacramental cactus for their rites, and of removing the pressure of extinction from remaining wild stands of the péyodl cactus in Texas.» «Ott — Pharmacotheon (1996), ed. inglés 1996 · p. 103».
Cuándo llegó al norte y cuándo se volvió iglesia, las obras no lo dicen igual, y esta ficha no las concilia. Schultes, en el volumen de Furst, da el primer registro y el arranque: «The earliest undoubted record of the use of peyote in what is now the territory of the United States dates from 1760 in Texas. The cactus was certainly known to American Indians during the Civil War, but it did not come strongly to public attention until about 1880, when the Kiowa and Comanche tribes began actively to practice and spread a new kind of peyote ceremony, quite different from the peyote rituals of the tribes of northwestern Mexico» «Furst (ed.) — Flesh of the Gods (1972; reimpresión de 1990), ed. inglés 1990 · p. 43», se abstiene sobre la ruta, «The exact route of the introduction of the peyote religion* from Mexico into the United States is not known, and there may have been several routes at different periods. Raids into the Mescalero country may have been the principal method of acquainting Plains Indians with the plant and its cult. Slow and gradual diffusion northward almost certainly took place as well. At any rate, the cult was well established among the Kiowas and Comanches between 1880 and 1885 and was being spread with missionary zeal» «Furst (ed.) — Flesh of the Gods (1972; reimpresión de 1990), ed. inglés 1990 · p. 43», y fecha la incorporación: «By the late 1920’s, the cult had been forced, by the strong hostility and outright untruthful propaganda of many organized Christian missionary groups, to incorporate itself into the Native American Church—a legally constituted religious sect due the protection and respect enjoyed by any other religious group» «Furst (ed.) — Flesh of the Gods (1972; reimpresión de 1990), ed. inglés 1990 · p. 43». Schultes y Hofmann se lo adjudican a los mismos pueblos con un adverbio de duda, «It was the Kiowa and Comanche Indians, apparently, who in visits to a native group in northern Mexico first learned of this sacred American plant.» «Schultes, Hofmann y Rätsch — Plants of the Gods (2001), ed. inglés 2001 · p. 151», y lo dan por respuesta de dirigentes indios: «Faced with this disastrous inevitability, a number of Indian leaders, especially from tribes relocated in Oklahoma, began actively to spread a new kind of Peyote cult adapted to the needs of the more advanced Indian groups of the United States.» «Schultes, Hofmann y Rätsch — Plants of the Gods (2001), ed. inglés 2001 · p. 152». Ott toma de La Barre la ruta, «The probable route of diffusion, according to La Barre’s classic study The Peyote Cult, was initially to the nomadic Mescalero Apache of the southwest, who learned of péyotl from native groups in northern México» «Ott — Pharmacotheon (1996), ed. inglés 1996 · p. 87», otra fecha para la difusión, «Sometime around 1870, as a central feature of the pan-Indian movement, use of this entheogenic eactus began to spread, diffusing to the north, and péyotl was adopted as a ritual drug by North American indigenous groups.» «Ott — Pharmacotheon (1996), ed. inglés 1996 · p. 87», y otra para la iglesia: «After a tough battle, one of the few the Indians were to win, Cheyenne, Kiowa, Ponca, Otoe and Comanche leaders succeeded in incorporating the “Native American Church” in Oklahoma in 1918, with péyotluse asa sacramental observance» «Ott — Pharmacotheon (1996), ed. inglés 1996 · p. 87». Harner lo pone en la última parte del siglo XIX: «Probably the most famous combination of hallucinogenic drug use and Christianity is the Native American Church, whose practitioners are American Indians in the United States who have largely adopted the mescaline-containing peyote since the latter part of the nineteenth century, and still use it, believing that with its aid they can both "talk" with Jesus and cure illness.» «Harner (ed.) — Hallucinogens and Shamanism (1973), ed. inglés 1973 según el © de la plana de créditos (p. 5); el ejemplar troceado es reimpresión posterior sin año propio impreso · p. 69». Las cifras tampoco casan: Schultes en Furst, «In 1920 there were some 13,300 adherents in about thirty tribes. At present, an estimated 250,000 Indians in tribes as far north as Saskatchewan, Canada, practice this religion, which advocates brotherly love, high moral principle, abstention from alcohol, and other admirable teachings» «Furst (ed.) — Flesh of the Gods (1972; reimpresión de 1990), ed. inglés 1990 · p. 43»; Schultes y Hofmann, «This religious movement, unknown in the United States before 1885, numbered 13,300 members in 1922. In 1993 there were at least 300,000 members among seventy different tribes.» «Schultes, Hofmann y Rätsch — Plants of the Gods (2001), ed. inglés 2001 · p. 152»; Ott, «Soon the Church had spread to many other states, and to Canada in 1954 (Anderson 1980), and today there are no fewer than a quarter of a million members.» «Ott — Pharmacotheon (1996), ed. inglés 1996 · p. 87»; Rätsch, «The peyote cult is quite widespread in North America; its members can be found in almost every North American tribe. Most, however, are members of the tribes of the Southwest. The number of peyotists has been estimated to be over 250,000» «Rätsch — The Encyclopedia of Psychoactive Plants (2005) · p. 1005». De la legalización, Schultes y Hofmann, «In the year 1995 the use of peyote by members of the Native American Church was made legal by Bill Clinton!» «Schultes, Hofmann y Rätsch — Plants of the Gods (2001), ed. inglés 2001 · p. 155», y Rätsch, «In the United States, the members of the Native American Church have been allowed to use peyote for religious and sacramental purposes since 1995» «Rätsch — The Encyclopedia of Psychoactive Plants (2005) · p. 1031». De la persecución, Muraresku transcribe la instrucción federal, «In an effort to banish the sacrament that was making a comeback on sovereign American Indian land throughout the United States, particularly among the Kiowa and Comanche, the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) issued an instruction to all federal agencies on July 31, 1890, that they “seize and destroy the mescal bean, or any preparation or decoction thereof, wherever found on the reservation.”» «Muraresku — The Immortality Key (2020), ed. inglés 2020 · p. 357», y la razón que dio un comisionado: «When the peyote cult continued to grow on the reservations, finding new converts, the commissioner of the BIA himself wrote to one of his deputies that the sacrament was “interfering quite seriously with the work of the missionaries.”» «Muraresku — The Immortality Key (2020), ed. inglés 2020 · p. 357».
La reunión tiene forma fija y un conductor. Schultes y Hofmann en Botany la describen: «Indians of the United States have basically a standardized ceremony (with slight variations from tribe to tribe) consisting of an all-night ritual, often in a teepee, with singing, chanting, meditation, prayer, and usually a short "sermon" by the roadman or leader, ending in the morning with a communal meal» «Schultes y Hofmann — The Botany and Chemistry of Hallucinogens (1980) · p. 224». Del conductor, Schultes y Hofmann: «Anyone who is a member of the Peyote cult may be a leader or "roadman." There are certain taboos that the roadman, and sometimes all participants, must observe.» «Schultes, Hofmann y Rätsch — Plants of the Gods (2001), ed. inglés 2001 · p. 153», y en un pie de lámina, «Above left: The roadman in the Native American Church officiates at the Peyote meeting as a representative of the Great Spirit. It is his duty to show the 'Peyote road" to the participants.» «Schultes, Hofmann y Rätsch — Plants of the Gods (2001), ed. inglés 2001 · p. 152»; Rätsch: «The leader of the ritual, who is usually known as a roadman (Brito 1989), first smokes and purifies the tepee with incense, offers prayers, may read something from the Bible, and sings songs. He distributes the fresh peyote buttons, the powder, or the tea» «Rätsch — The Encyclopedia of Psychoactive Plants (2005) · p. 1018». Rätsch describe también el espacio, «The tepee symbolizes the entire universe; in its middle burns a fire, which is surrounded by the circle of people. In front of the fire, which must be maintained throughout the night, an altar in the shape of a half-moon is built» «Rätsch — The Encyclopedia of Psychoactive Plants (2005) · p. 1018», y su centro: «A large, living peyote cactus is placed between the fire and the altar. This is addressed as Chief Peyote or Grandfather Peyote and is venerated as an incarnation of the Great Spirit» «Rätsch — The Encyclopedia of Psychoactive Plants (2005) · p. 1018». La cura cabe dentro de la reunión, según Schultes y Hofmann: «Sometimes, the roadman may be asked to treat a patient. This procedure varies in form. The curing ritual is almost always simple, consisting of praying and frequent use of the sign of the cross.» «Schultes, Hofmann y Rätsch — Plants of the Gods (2001), ed. inglés 2001 · p. 154».
Lo que dicen los de dentro llega citado, y así se consigna. Albert Hensley, en la carta de 1908 que Muraresku transcribe, empieza por el nombre de la planta, «As you are doubtless aware, the term “Mescal” is a misnomer. The correct name for the plant is “Peyote.” … We do not call it mescal,» «Muraresku — The Immortality Key (2020), ed. inglés 2020 · p. 357», y sigue: «neither do we call it peyote. Our favorite term is “Medicine,” and to us it is a portion of the body of Christ, even as the communion bread is believed to be a portion of Christ’s body by other Christian denominations. We read in the Bible where Christ spoke of a Comforter who was to come. Long ago this Comforter came to the Whites, but it never came to the Indians until it was sent by God in the form of this Holy medicine. We know whereof we speak. We have tasted of God and our eyes have been opened.» «Muraresku — The Immortality Key (2020), ed. inglés 2020 · p. 358». Schultes y Hofmann traen lo que un delaware le explicó a un antropólogo: «God told the Delawares to do good even before He sent Christ to the whites who killed Him . . .," an Indian explained to an anthropologist. "God made Peyote. It is His power. It is the power of Jesus. Jesus came afterwards on this earth, after Peyote God (through Peyote) told the Delawares the same things that Jesus told the whites.» «Schultes, Hofmann y Rätsch — Plants of the Gods (2001), ed. inglés 2001 · p. 154», y lo que dicen los fieles del peyote: «Peyote is considered sacred by Native Americans, a divine "messenger" enabling the individual to communicate with God without the medium of a priest.» «Schultes, Hofmann y Rätsch — Plants of the Gods (2001), ed. inglés 2001 · p. 154». Rätsch cita a Leonard Crow Dog, «Grandfather Peyote unites us all in love, but first he must separate us, cut us off from the outer world in order to bring us to look into ourselves» «Rätsch — The Encyclopedia of Psychoactive Plants (2005) · p. 1019», y recoge lo que dicen muchos del camino del peyote: «Many Indians who follow the peyote road say that the cactus teaches each person his or her own songs. These songs have power and function as “medicine.”» «Rätsch — The Encyclopedia of Psychoactive Plants (2005) · p. 1024». Freedman, en el volumen de Efron, trae la explicación que la iglesia da del mal viaje: «The Indians of the Native American Church emphasize sincerity, and the desire to learn, and they link bad peyote experiences with the presence of aggression and competition rather than the setting of sincerity and brotherly love and a willingness to learn.» «Efron, Holmstedt y Kline (eds.) — Ethnopharmacologic Search for Psychoactive Drugs (1967), ed. inglés 1967 · p. 118». Y Schultes, en el volumen de Furst, cita a Slotkin: «The Peyote Religion was nativistic but not militant. Culturally, it permitted the Indians to achieve a cultural organization in which they took pride. Socially, it provided a supernatural means of accommodation to the existing domination-subordination relation. . . . The Peyote Religion’s program of accommodation, as opposed to the Ghost Dance’s program of opposition, was the basic reason for the former’s success and the latter’s failure» «Furst (ed.) — Flesh of the Gods (1972; reimpresión de 1990), ed. inglés 1990 · p. 44».
Lo que el peyotismo es y por qué creció, las voces de fuera lo componen de maneras que no casan. Harner y Rätsch lo leen como mezcla con el cristianismo: «The peyote religion, which transcends individual tribes, is a syncretic form of organized spirituality that combines elements of Indian traditions and ideas from Christianity» «Rätsch — The Encyclopedia of Psychoactive Plants (2005) · p. 1015»; Schultes y Hofmann ven la mezcla en un objeto: «Aboveright: The photograph portrays the roadman's feathered staff of authority: two smoking sticks for lighting the ritual cigarettes, one of which indicates in the combination of the thunderbird and the cross the melding of Christian and Native elements» «Schultes, Hofmann y Rätsch — Plants of the Gods (2001), ed. inglés 2001 · p. 153». Harner trae el caso que no la tuvo, el de los mescaleros: «The peyote ceremonies were not accompanied by the acceptance of Christian beliefs and practices, and the Mescaleros never became involved in the Peyote Religion (see Slotkin, 1956). Instead, the use of peyote was intended to affirm the vitality of traditional religious practices at a time when the impact of reservation confinement contributed to an increased awareness of social and cultural deprivation.» «Harner (ed.) — Hallucinogens and Shamanism (1973), ed. inglés 1973 según el © de la plana de créditos (p. 5); el ejemplar troceado es reimpresión posterior sin año propio impreso · p. 76». Del peso de las visiones, Schultes en Furst dice que se venera sobre todo como medicina, «Although the visual hallucinations are important in native peyote cults, peyote, as we have said, is revered in large part because of its usefulness as a ‘‘medicine.”’ Its medicinal powers, in turn, derive from its ability, through the visions, to put a man into contact with the spirit world, from which, according to aboriginal belief, come illness and even death, and to which the medicine men turn for their diagnoses» «Furst (ed.) — Flesh of the Gods (1972; reimpresión de 1990), ed. inglés 1990 · p. 46», y a la vez que la visión ayudó a difundirlo, «The fact that it could induce visual hallucinations undoubtedly contributed to the rapid spread of peyote through the culture of the Plains region» «Furst (ed.) — Flesh of the Gods (1972; reimpresión de 1990), ed. inglés 1990 · p. 44», y deja el desacuerdo abierto: «There is still disagreement about the reasons peyote use spread so fast» «Furst (ed.) — Flesh of the Gods (1972; reimpresión de 1990), ed. inglés 1990 · p. 43». Schultes y Hofmann ponen el motor en la virtud curativa, dicho en potencial: «Its supposed curative properties are responsible probably more than any other attribute for the rapid diffusion of the Peyote cult in the United States.» «Schultes, Hofmann y Rätsch — Plants of the Gods (2001), ed. inglés 2001 · p. 154». Rätsch trae a los Tedlock, que dicen lo contrario de lo visionario: «Peyotists seldom have visions and regard them as mere distractions from what is important. It can perhaps be said that mystical experience consists in the harmony of all immediate experience with that which the individual regards as the highest good. Peyote has the remarkable ability to provide a person with a mystical experience of unlimited duration» «Rätsch — The Encyclopedia of Psychoactive Plants (2005) · p. 1029». De su origen, Schultes en Furst propone que sustituyó a otro culto, «The many parallels and similarities between the peyote ceremony among the Plains tribes and the Red Bean Dance and their obvious southern origin, in Texas and northern Mexico, suggest that the much safer hallucinogen peyote more or less took the place of the dangerously toxic mescal bean» «Furst (ed.) — Flesh of the Gods (1972; reimpresión de 1990), ed. inglés 1990 · p. 62»; Rätsch consigna la misma genealogía como propuesta de algunos, «The Kiowa and neighboring tribes often wore necklaces of mescal beans (Sophora secundiflora) at the peyote rituals (Schultes 1937a, 148), a practice that has led some researchers to suggest that the North American peyote cult may have grown out of a prehistoric psychoactive mescal bean cult» «Rätsch — The Encyclopedia of Psychoactive Plants (2005) · p. 1016»; y Ott dice que la suposición fue contestada: «Some have theorized that péyot/ use supplanted the use of a red bean, the seed of Sophora secundiflora, known as the “mescal bean” (Campbell 1958; Howard 1957; Schultes 1963; Schultes & Hofmann 1980). However, this assumption has been contested vigorously in a thorough monograph» «Ott — Pharmacotheon (1996), ed. inglés 1996 · p. 87». Del alcoholismo, Ott, «The organized religious use of péyotl by the “Native American Church” has been recognized by personnel of federal government alcoholism clinics to be of some value in treating alcoholism» «Ott — Pharmacotheon (1996), ed. inglés 1996 · p. 77», Rätsch, «The Native American Church has used peyote with success to treat alcoholism» «Rätsch — The Encyclopedia of Psychoactive Plants (2005) · p. 1025», y Strassman, «It's been shown that membership in the peyote-using Native American Church reduces the incidence of alcoholism. Similar effects on alcohol and cocaine dependence seem to occur in members of ayahuasca-using churches in Brazil.» «Strassman — DMT: The Spirit Molecule (2001), ed. inglés 2001 · p. 348», consignan un efecto de la iglesia sobre la bebida; Freedman, en Efron, le pone una condición: «It is interesting that peyote cultures also report cures of alcoholics, but the effects may not persist without sustained group support and leadership.» «Efron, Holmstedt y Kline (eds.) — Ethnopharmacologic Search for Psychoactive Drugs (1967), ed. inglés 1967 · p. 124».
El corpus usa las mismas palabras para el culto del peyote del norte de México, y las obras mismas lo separan. Schultes y Hofmann ponen a los dos en una sola frase: «Spanish chronicles described use of Peyote by the Aztec Indians. Lophophora is valued today by the Tarahumara, Huichol, and other Mexican Indians as well as by members of the Native American Church in the United States and western Canada.» «Schultes, Hofmann y Rätsch — Plants of the Gods (2001), ed. inglés 2001 · p. 74». Schultes, en el volumen de Furst, marca la diferencia de manera: «North of Mexico, it is usually the dried, discoidal top or crown of the cactus—the “mescal button’—that is chewed and swallowed during the ceremony. In Mexico, the plants are still more or less ceremonially collected where they grow. In many parts of the United States, the Indian peyotists have to purchase the buttons, which, since they are well-nigh indestructible, can be shipped long distances and stored indefinitely» «Furst (ed.) — Flesh of the Gods (1972; reimpresión de 1990), ed. inglés 1990 · p. 45». Ese otro culto, huichol, tarahumara y cora, no entra en esta ficha.
in the library: 0 ascribed works · 0 linked authors
What the works say about it
how each work defines it, with its passageEfron, Holmstedt y Kline (eds.) — Ethnopharmacologic Search for Psychoactive Drugs (1967)
Furst (ed.) — Flesh of the Gods (1972; reimpresión de 1990)
Harner (ed.) — Hallucinogens and Shamanism (1973)
Muraresku — The Immortality Key (2020)
Rätsch — The Encyclopedia of Psychoactive Plants (2005)
Schultes y Hofmann — The Botany and Chemistry of Hallucinogens (1980)
Schultes, Hofmann y Rätsch — Plants of the Gods (2001)
Strassman — DMT: The Spirit Molecule (2001)
Claims
114 entries«Spanish chronicles described use of Peyote by the Aztec Indians. Lophophora is valued today by the Tarahumara, Huichol, and other Mexican Indians as well as by members of the Native American Church in the United States and western Canada.» — fila del cuadro sobre el peyote, que enlaza la crónica española con el uso vivo de tarahumaras, huicholes y la Native American Church.
«Peyote is employed as a religious sacrament among more than forty American Indian tribes in many parts of the United States and western Canada.» — los autores cifran en más de cuarenta los pueblos que usan el peyote como sacramento al norte de la frontera.
«legislators and engendered heated and, unfortunately, often irresponsible opposition to its free use in American Indian ceremonies.» — y los autores califican de irresponsable buena parte de la oposición al uso ceremonial, lo cual es posición suya y no dato; la frase abre con *Because of its wide use, Peyote early attracted the attention of scientists and* y el OCR mete entre medias el folio 151 y un pie de lámina.
«It was the Kiowa and Comanche Indians, apparently, who in visits to a native group in northern Mexico first learned of this sacred American plant.» — los autores atribuyen con un *apparently* a kiowas y comanches la llegada del peyote a los Estados Unidos.
«Faced with this disastrous inevitability, a number of Indian leaders, especially from tribes relocated in Oklahoma, began actively to spread a new kind of Peyote cult adapted to the needs of the more advanced Indian groups of the United States.» — y presentan el culto nuevo como respuesta deliberada de dirigentes indios a esa situación.
«Today it is the Kiowa-Comanche type of Peyote ceremony that, with slight modifications, prevails north of the Mexican border.» — los autores identifican la forma de ceremonia que predomina al norte de la frontera.
«Success in spreading the new Peyote cult resulted in strong opposition to its practice from missionary and local governmental groups.» — los autores ligan el éxito del culto a la fuerza de la oposición.
«The ferocity of this opposition often led local governments to enact repressive legislation, in spite of overwhelming scientific opinion that Indians should be permitted to use Peyote in religious practices.» — y consignan el desajuste entre la legislación represiva y la opinión científica.
«In an attempt to protect their rights to free religious activity, American Indians organized the Peyote cult into a legally recognized religious group, the Native American Church.» — los autores explican la constitución de la Native American Church como recurso jurídico.
«This religious movement, unknown in the United States before 1885, numbered 13,300 members in 1922. In 1993 there were at least 300,000 members among seventy different tribes.» — los autores dan la curva de miembros del culto en tres fechas.
«Indians of the United States, living far from the natural area of Peyote, must use the dried top of the cactus, the so-called mescal button, legally acquired by either collection or purchase and distribution through the U.S. postal services.» — los autores describen el abasto por correo que impone la distancia al área natural de la planta.
«Some American Indians still send pilgrims to gather the cactus in the fields, following the custom of Mexican Indians, but most tribal groups in the United States must procure their supplies by purchase and mail.» — sigue el pasaje, con la peregrinación conservada por unos pocos y la compra por los demás.
«A member may hold a meeting in gratitude for the recovery of health, the safe return from a voyage, or the success of a Peyote pilgrimage; it may be held to celebrate the birth of a baby, to name a child, on the first four birthdays of a child, for doctoring, or even for general thanksgiving.» — los autores inventarían los motivos por los que se convoca una reunión.
«The Kickapoo hold a Peyote service for the dead, and the body of the deceased is brought into the ceremonial tepee.» — los autores registran el servicio funerario kickapoo, con el cuerpo dentro del tipi.
«The Kiowa may have five services at Easter, four at Christmas and Thanksgiving, six at the New Year.» — sigue el pasaje, con el calendario kiowa amoldado a las fiestas cristianas.
«Anyone who is a member of the Peyote cult may be a leader or "roadman." There are certain taboos that the roadman, and sometimes all participants, must observe.» — los autores describen quién puede conducir la reunión y los tabúes del oficio.
«The older men refrain from eating salt the day before and after a meeting, and they may not bathe for several days following a Peyote service.» — sigue el pasaje, con los dos tabúes de los mayores.
«There seem to be no sexual taboos, as in the Mexican tribes, and the ceremony is free of licentiousness.» — los autores marcan la diferencia con los ritos mexicanos y declaran la ceremonia libre de licencia.
«Women are admitted to meetings to eat Peyote and to pray, but they do not usually participate in the singing and drumming.» — los autores acotan la participación de las mujeres en la reunión.
«Peyote ceremonies differ from tribe to tribe. The typical Plains Indian service takes place usually in a tepee erected over a carefully made altar of earth or clay; the tepee is taken down as soon as the all-night ceremony is over.» — los autores describen la forma más común, la de las praderas, con el tipi levantado y desmontado para la ocasión.
«Some tribes hold the ceremony in a wooden round-house with a permanent altar of cement inside, and the Osage and Quapaw Indians often have electrically lighted round-houses.» — sigue el pasaje, con las variantes de sede y el detalle de la luz eléctrica.
«The Father Peyote (a large "mescal button" or dried top of the Peyote plant) is placed on a cross or rosette of sage leaves at the center of the altar.» — los autores describen la colocación del Padre Peyote en el altar.
«This crescentLshaped altar, symbol of the spirit of Peyote, is never taken from the altar during the ceremony. As soon as the Father Peyote has been put in place, all talking stops, and all eyes are directed toward the altar.» — sigue la descripción, con el altar en media luna como símbolo del espíritu del peyote; el escaneo mete una letra en la palabra.
«Indians in the United States had been restricted to reservations by the last half» — los autores ponen la reserva como trasfondo del culto nuevo; el tramo se corta en el cambio de plana.
«of the nineteenth century, and much of their cultural heritage was disintegrating and disappearing.» — continuación al otro lado del corte, con la herencia cultural desintegrándose.
«Above left: The roadman in the Native American Church officiates at the Peyote meeting as a representative of the Great Spirit. It is his duty to show the 'Peyote road" to the participants.» — pie de lámina, con el conductor de la reunión como representante del Gran Espíritu.
«The roadman in Stephen Mopope's painting holds traditional ceremonial objects associated with the religion: the fan, staff, and rattle. On his cheek is painted the crown of a Peyote plant.» — sigue el pie, con los tres objetos ceremoniales y la pintura facial.
«The next procedure involves purification of the bag of mescal buttons in cedar incense. Following this blessing, the roadman takes four mescal buttons from the bag, which is then passed around in a clockwise direction, each worshiper taking four.» — los autores describen el sahumado del zurrón y el reparto inicial de cuatro botones.
«Singing starts with the roadman, the initial song always being the same, sung or chanted in a high nasal tone. Translated, the song means: "May the gods bless me, help me, and give me power and understanding.» — los autores dan traducido el canto con que abre siempre la reunión.
«Sometimes, the roadman may be asked to treat a patient. This procedure varies in form. The curing ritual is almost always simple, consisting of praying and frequent use of the sign of the cross.» — los autores describen la cura dentro de la reunión, con la señal de la cruz como gesto frecuente.
«Peyote eaten in ceremony has assumed the role of a sacrament in part because of its biological activity: the sense of well-being that it induces and the psychological effects (the chief of which is the kaleidoscopic play of richly colored visions) often experienced by those who indulge in its use.» — los autores explican el rango sacramental del peyote en parte por su actividad biológica.
«Peyote is considered sacred by Native Americans, a divine "messenger" enabling the individual to communicate with God without the medium of a priest.» — y en parte por lo que los propios fieles le atribuyen: el trato con Dios sin sacerdote de por medio.
«God told the Delawares to do good even before He sent Christ to the whites who killed Him . . .," an Indian explained to an anthropologist. "God made Peyote. It is His power. It is the power of Jesus. Jesus came afterwards on this earth, after Peyote God (through Peyote) told the Delawares the same things that Jesus told the whites.» — testimonio de un indio delaware que el volumen reproduce: el peyote antes que Cristo, y la misma enseñanza por otra vía.
«Correlated with its use as a religious sacrament is its presumed value as a medicine. Some Indians claim that if Peyote is used correctly, all other medicines are superfluous.» — los autores ponen la virtud medicinal al lado de la sacramental y la atribuyen a lo que dicen los propios usuarios.
«Its supposed curative properties are responsible probably more than any other attribute for the rapid diffusion of the Peyote cult in the United States.» — y hacen de esa virtud atribuida el motor principal de la difusión del culto, dicho en potencial.
«Indigenous societies, in general, cannot conceive of natural death or illness but believe that they are due to supernatural interference.» — la premisa que los autores atribuyen a las sociedades indígenas: ni la muerte ni la enfermedad son naturales.
«There are two types of "medicines": those with purely physical effects (that is, to relieve toothache or digestive upsets); and the medicines, par excellence, that put the medicine man into communication, through a variety of visions, with the malevolent spirits that cause illness and death.» — la partición que los autores derivan de esa premisa, con la medicina por excelencia del lado de la visión.
«The factors responsible for the rapid growth and tenacity of the Peyote religion in the United States are many and interrelated. Among the most obvious, however, and those most often cited, are: the ease of legally obtaining supplies of the hallucinogen; lack of federal restraint; cessation of intertribal warfare; reservation life with consequent intermarriage and peaceful exchange of social and religious ideas; ease of transportation and postal communication; and the general attitude of resignation toward encroaching Western culture.» — los autores enumeran los siete factores del crecimiento del culto, del marco legal a la resignación ante la cultura occidental.
«In the year 1995 the use of peyote by members of the Native American Church was made legal by Bill Clinton!» — los autores fechan en 1995 la legalización federal y cierran con un signo de admiración que es suyo.
«Aboveright: The photograph portrays the roadman's feathered staff of authority: two smoking sticks for lighting the ritual cigarettes, one of which indicates in the combination of the thunderbird and the cross the melding of Christian and Native elements» — pie de lámina, que señala en uno de los objetos ceremoniales la mezcla de lo cristiano y lo nativo; el escaneo pega las palabras del encabezado.
«may be called for at any time during the ceremony, the amount consumed being left to personal discretion. Some peyotists eat up to thirty-six buttons a night, and some boast of having ingested upwards of fifty.» — los autores dejan la dosis al arbitrio de cada quien y dan las cifras que se manejan; la frase arranca en la plana anterior.
«The Peyote religion is a medicoreligious cult.» — la definición que los autores dan del culto del peyote en los Estados Unidos; el tramo se corta en el cambio de plana.
«bear in mind the difference between the aboriginal concept of a medicinal agent and that of our modern Western medicine.» — continuación de esa advertencia al otro lado del corte de plana.
«Indians of the United States have basically a standardized ceremony (with slight variations from tribe to tribe) consisting of an all-night ritual, often in a teepee, with singing, chanting, meditation, prayer, and usually a short "sermon" by the roadman or leader, ending in the morning with a communal meal» — la ceremonia estandarizada del peyote en los Estados Unidos que los autores describen: ritual de toda la noche en tipi, con canto, meditación, oración y un sermón breve del roadman, cerrado con comida comunal.
«Peyote was used in Texas in 1760 and was known to certain American Indians during the Civil War. Beginning about 1880, peyote began to spread amongst Indians of the United States, especially certain tribes of Plains Indians. It had been encountered on raids or visits to northern Mexico. The American Indian quickly adopted this purely Indian "sacrament" and built a new ceremony around its use, incorporating indigenous and pagan with Christian elements.» — la cronología de la difusión que los autores trazan: uso en Texas en 1760, conocimiento durante la Guerra Civil y expansión desde 1880 entre los indígenas de las praderas, que construyeron una ceremonia nueva mezclando elementos indígenas y cristianos.
«The religion spread fast because of peyote's psychoactive properties and its reputation as a supernatural "medicine." Legally organized now as the Native American Church, the peyote cult is known to many Indian groups in» — las dos razones que los autores dan para la rapidez de la difusión —las propiedades psicoactivas y la fama de medicina sobrenatural— y la organización legal como Native American Church; el tramo se corta al cruzar de plana.
«the United States and Canada and claims some 250,000 adherents» — la cifra de adeptos que los autores dan para el culto del peyote en los Estados Unidos y Canadá.
«The indestructibility and durability of the dried buttons have made it possible for the peyote cult to spread far from the native range of the cactus, as far north as Canada. Indian peyotists in the United States and Canada now normally get their supplies by post from Texas» — la razón material que los autores dan para la expansión del culto hasta Canadá: el botón seco es casi indestructible y viaja, hoy por correo desde Texas.
«Throughout the past century, there has been constant opposition to the Indian's right to religious use of peyote, but despite a few weak local attempts to prohibit the drug, present sentiment favors preservation of the right of the Indian to employ peyote sacramentally. It has, however, often taken the combined efforts of Indians and scientists to thwart repressive legislation.» — los autores registran la oposición constante al derecho indígena al uso religioso del peyote y el estado de la cuestión en su momento, con el esfuerzo conjunto de indígenas y científicos contra la legislación represiva.
«The very real, and often overlooked, difference between peyote intoxication and mescaline intoxication must constantly be borne in mind. Amongst aboriginal users, it is the dried head of the cactus, with its total alkaloid content, that is ingested; mescaline applied orally or by injection is employed only experimentally and then produces the effects of but one of the alkaloids, without the physiological interaction of the other bases present in the crude plant material.» — la distinción que los autores insisten en mantener: el peyotista ingiere la cabeza seca con todos sus alcaloides, y la mescalina sola da el efecto de uno solo, sin la interacción de las demás bases.
«Consequently, descriptions of the visual hallucinations found in reports of psychological experiments should not necessarily be too closely equated with the effects experienced by native peyotists in their ceremonies» — la consecuencia que los autores extraen: las descripciones de los experimentos psicológicos no deben equipararse sin más a lo que viven los peyotistas en ceremonia.
«While the visual hallucination is important in native peyote cults, peyote is revered in great part because of its appeal as a "stimulant" and "medicine." Its supernatural "medicinal" powers, in turn, come from its ability,» — lo que los autores dan por razón principal de la veneración del peyote en los cultos nativos: su fama de estimulante y de medicina; el tramo se corta al cruzar de plana.
«Group of Kiowa Indian peyote worshippers after all-night ceremony. The roadman or leader, in native dress, stands in the centre. Anadarko, Oklahoma. Photograph by R. E. Schultes.» — el pie de la fotografía que Schultes tomó del grupo kiowa tras la ceremonia nocturna del peyote, con el roadman al centro.
«And although after years of agitation by anthropologists and Indian people peyote as a sacrament of the Native American Church 1s no longer criminalized in twenty-two states and under federal law, there are still plenty of places where an adherent of this pan-Indian religion could be thrown in jail when he eats a little plant that for him is comparable to the Host in the Catholic Mass» — el estado legal que Furst describe para el peyote de la Iglesia Nativa Americana y la comparación que hace del cacto con la hostia.
«The earliest undoubted record of the use of peyote in what is now the territory of the United States dates from 1760 in Texas. The cactus was certainly known to American Indians during the Civil War, but it did not come strongly to public attention until about 1880, when the Kiowa and Comanche tribes began actively to practice and spread a new kind of peyote ceremony, quite different from the peyote rituals of the tribes of northwestern Mexico» — cómo fecha Schultes la entrada del peyote en los Estados Unidos y el arranque, hacia 1880, de una ceremonia kiowa y comanche distinta de la del noroeste mexicano.
«The exact route of the introduction of the peyote religion* from Mexico into the United States is not known, and there may have been several routes at different periods. Raids into the Mescalero country may have been the principal method of acquainting Plains Indians with the plant and its cult. Slow and gradual diffusion northward almost certainly took place as well. At any rate, the cult was well established among the Kiowas and Comanches between 1880 and 1885 and was being spread with missionary zeal» — la abstención de Schultes sobre la vía de entrada de la religión del peyote y lo que sí da por sentado: la implantación entre kiowas y comanches entre 1880 y 1885; la llamada de nota con asterisco se conserva tal cual la imprime el troceo.
«By the late 1920’s, the cult had been forced, by the strong hostility and outright untruthful propaganda of many organized Christian missionary groups, to incorporate itself into the Native American Church—a legally constituted religious sect due the protection and respect enjoyed by any other religious group» — cómo cuenta Schultes la constitución de la Iglesia Nativa Americana: forzada por la hostilidad y la propaganda de grupos misioneros cristianos.
«In 1920 there were some 13,300 adherents in about thirty tribes. At present, an estimated 250,000 Indians in tribes as far north as Saskatchewan, Canada, practice this religion, which advocates brotherly love, high moral principle, abstention from alcohol, and other admirable teachings» — las cifras y los principios que Schultes le adjudica a esa religión en su extensión presente. La cifra 13,300 es la que imprime el escaneo.
«There is still disagreement about the reasons peyote use spread so fast» — el desacuerdo que Schultes deja consignado sin arbitrar sobre la rapidez de la difusión del peyote; la frase sigue en la plana 44 con el cotejo frente a la Danza de los Espíritus.
«edging out other well-established Indian “nativistic’’ movements, such as the famous Ghost Dance» — la continuación en la plana siguiente: el peyote desplazó a otros movimientos nativistas ya asentados.
«The fact that it could induce visual hallucinations undoubtedly contributed to the rapid spread of peyote through the culture of the Plains region» — el factor que Schultes da por contribuyente de la difusión, sin hacerlo único.
«The Peyote Religion was nativistic but not militant. Culturally, it permitted the Indians to achieve a cultural organization in which they took pride. Socially, it provided a supernatural means of accommodation to the existing domination-subordination relation. . . . The Peyote Religion’s program of accommodation, as opposed to the Ghost Dance’s program of opposition, was the basic reason for the former’s success and the latter’s failure» — la explicación que Schultes cita de Slotkin, antropólogo y a la vez adherente de la iglesia del peyote: acomodo frente a oposición.
«The legends of its effectiveness aS a supernatural medicine have kept peyote from being used hedonistically as a narcotic and have helped to maintain its exalted role as a near-divinity—a place it holds to this day, even among highly acculturated Indian groups in the United States» — la consecuencia que Schultes le saca a esa creencia: la fama de medicina sobrenatural impidió el uso hedónico del peyote.
«In the United States, the Kiowa-Comanche peyote ceremony established during the last century is still followed today, with minor alterations. It usually consists of an all-night meeting with the worshipers sitting in a circle around a peyote altar, led in prayer, chants, and meditation by a “road man» — cómo describe Schultes la ceremonia kiowa-comanche todavía vigente: reunión de toda la noche en círculo en torno a un altar de peyote, conducida por un *road man*.
«North of Mexico, it is usually the dried, discoidal top or crown of the cactus—the “mescal button’—that is chewed and swallowed during the ceremony. In Mexico, the plants are still more or less ceremonially collected where they grow. In many parts of the United States, the Indian peyotists have to purchase the buttons, which, since they are well-nigh indestructible, can be shipped long distances and stored indefinitely» — la diferencia material que Schultes señala entre las dos áreas: al norte se masca el botón seco y se compra; en México la planta se colecta aún ceremonialmente donde crece.
«There are very real differences between peyote intoxication and mescaline intoxication. Among aboriginal users, it is the fresh or dried head of the cactus, with its total alkaloid content, that is ingested; mescaline is ingested only experimentally and then produces the effects of but one of the alkaloids, without the physiological interaction of the others that are present in the crude plant material. As a consequence, descriptions of the visual hallucinations of mescaline found in such writings as those of Aidous Huxley should not be equated too closely with the visual effects experienced by Indian peyotists» — la distinción que Schultes insiste en mantener: el indígena ingiere la cabeza entera con todos sus alcaloides, y por eso las descripciones de mescalina como las de Aldous Huxley no se equiparan sin más. El escaneo imprime *Aidous*.
«Although the visual hallucinations are important in native peyote cults, peyote, as we have said, is revered in large part because of its usefulness as a ‘‘medicine.”’ Its medicinal powers, in turn, derive from its ability, through the visions, to put a man into contact with the spirit world, from which, according to aboriginal belief, come illness and even death, and to which the medicine men turn for their diagnoses» — por qué, según Schultes, se venera el peyote sobre todo como medicina: la visión pone al hombre en contacto con el mundo de los espíritus, de donde vienen la enfermedad y la muerte.
«The many parallels and similarities between the peyote ceremony among the Plains tribes and the Red Bean Dance and their obvious southern origin, in Texas and northern Mexico, suggest that the much safer hallucinogen peyote more or less took the place of the dangerously toxic mescal bean» — la sustitución que Schultes propone como lectura de los paralelos: el peyote, más seguro, vino a ocupar el lugar del frijol tóxico.
«Even today, the ‘‘road man” or peyote leader in certain Plains tribes—Kiowa and Comanche, for example—wears as part of his ornamental dress a necklace of Sophora secundiflora beans and often has mescal beans sewn on his leggings» — el rastro que Schultes señala de esa sustitución en el atuendo del conductor de la ceremonia del peyote.
«Ruth Shonle (1925:53-75) predicted that peyotism would spread as far as the aboriginal vision quest in the Plains. This is precisely what subsequently happened» — la predicción de Ruth Shonle que La Barre cita y da por cumplida: el peyotismo se extendería hasta donde llegaba la búsqueda de visión.
«The peyote cult is quite widespread in North America; its members can be found in almost every North American tribe. Most, however, are members of the tribes of the Southwest. The number of peyotists has been estimated to be over 250,000» — la extensión que Rätsch cifra para el culto peyotero en Norteamérica: miembros en casi toda tribu, sobre todo del suroeste, y más de doscientos cincuenta mil peyoteros.
«The Blackfeet, who did not become acquainted with the peyote cactus until the twentieth century, used it to support their vision quests» — el caso tardío que registra: los pies negros conocieron el peyote hasta el siglo XX y lo usaron para sostener sus búsquedas de visión.
«The peyote religion, which transcends individual tribes, is a syncretic form of organized spirituality that combines elements of Indian traditions and ideas from Christianity» — la caracterización que Rätsch da a la religión del peyote: forma sincrética de espiritualidad organizada que trasciende las tribus y combina elementos de las tradiciones indias con ideas del cristianismo.
«The Kiowa and neighboring tribes often wore necklaces of mescal beans (Sophora secundiflora) at the peyote rituals (Schultes 1937a, 148), a practice that has led some researchers to suggest that the North American peyote cult may have grown out of a prehistoric psychoactive mescal bean cult» — la genealogía que Rätsch consigna sin hacerla suya: los kiowa y sus vecinos llevaban collares de frijol de mescal en los ritos del peyote, y de ahí algunos investigadores han propuesto que el culto peyotero norteamericano salió de un culto prehistórico del frijol de mescal.
«The tepee symbolizes the entire universe; in its middle burns a fire, which is surrounded by the circle of people. In front of the fire, which must be maintained throughout the night, an altar in the shape of a half-moon is built» — la cosmología del tipi que Rätsch describe: simboliza el universo entero, en medio arde el fuego rodeado por el círculo de gente y frente a él se levanta un altar en forma de media luna.
«The talking stick symbolizes the connection between heaven and earth, between the Great Spirit and humans; the rattle or rattles are seen as direct prayers to God; and the drum is the heart and the drumbeat the heartbeat» — y la lectura de los objetos rituales que consigna: el bastón de palabra une cielo y tierra, al Gran Espíritu con los hombres; las sonajas son oraciones directas a Dios; el tambor es el corazón y su golpe el latido.
«A large, living peyote cactus is placed between the fire and the altar. This is addressed as Chief Peyote or Grandfather Peyote and is venerated as an incarnation of the Great Spirit» — el centro del rito que describe: un peyote vivo y grande entre el fuego y el altar, al que se llama Peyote Jefe o Abuelo Peyote y se venera como encarnación del Gran Espíritu.
«The leader of the ritual, who is usually known as a roadman (Brito 1989), first smokes and purifies the tepee with incense, offers prayers, may read something from the Bible, and sings songs. He distributes the fresh peyote buttons, the powder, or the tea» — la figura del *roadman* que registra: fuma y purifica el tipi con incienso, ofrece oraciones, puede leer algo de la Biblia, canta y reparte los botones frescos, el polvo o el té.
«Grandfather Peyote unites us all in love, but first he must separate us, cut us off from the outer world in order to bring us to look into ourselves» — la voz de Leonard Crow Dog que el libro cita: el Abuelo Peyote une a todos en el amor, pero primero tiene que separarlos y cortarlos del mundo exterior para hacerlos mirar dentro de sí.
«Time and space grow and shrink in an inexplicable manner—an entire lifetime of being, learning, understanding, compressed into a few seconds of insight, or time stands still, does not move at all, a minute becomes an entire lifetime» — y lo que el mismo testimonio dice del tiempo en ese rito: espacio y tiempo crecen y se encogen inexplicablemente, una vida entera de ser, aprender y entender comprimida en unos segundos de intuición, o el tiempo quieto y un minuto vuelto una vida.
«Westerners have drawn upon the North American peyote meeting as a model for modern ritual circles in which a variety of psychoactive substances (MDMA [cf. herbal ecstasy]; Psilocybe cyanescens, Psilocybe semilanceata, LSD [cf. ergot alkaloids]) may be used» — el traspaso que Rätsch registra hacia su propio mundo: los occidentales han tomado la reunión peyotera norteamericana como modelo de círculos rituales modernos con otras sustancias psicoactivas.
«Many Indians who follow the peyote road say that the cactus teaches each person his or her own songs. These songs have power and function as “medicine.”» — la doctrina del canto peyotero que Rätsch recoge: muchos indios del camino del peyote dicen que el cacto enseña a cada quien sus propios cantos, y que esos cantos tienen poder y funcionan como medicina.
«These ritual peyote songs are not folk songs in our sense of the phrase but are individual works of art that serve to control altered states of consciousness» — y la función que les atribuye: no son canciones populares en nuestro sentido sino obras de arte individuales que sirven para gobernar estados alterados de consciencia.
«Without a doubt, peyote is the most important medicine now being used by the North American Indians. It has replaced the older, less spectacular plant medicines [e.g., Sophora secundiflora]. It is used in daily life as a home remedy. And all peyote ceremonies, whether by Mexican or by North American Indians, are definitively healing rituals in which the sick are given high dosages of the cactus» — el pasaje de Schultes que el libro reproduce: el peyote es sin duda la medicina más importante entre los indios norteamericanos, sustituyó a las plantas medicinales anteriores y toda ceremonia peyotera es un ritual de curación en el que se dan dosis altas al enfermo.
«The Native American Church has used peyote with success to treat alcoholism» — el uso terapéutico que Rätsch registra: la Native American Church ha tratado con éxito el alcoholismo con peyote.
«Navajos have reported that their dream experiences are disturbed by frequent peyote use» — el efecto adverso que Rätsch consigna por boca navaja: el uso frecuente del peyote perturba la experiencia onírica.
«Peyotists seldom have visions and regard them as mere distractions from what is important. It can perhaps be said that mystical experience consists in the harmony of all immediate experience with that which the individual regards as the highest good. Peyote has the remarkable ability to provide a person with a mystical experience of unlimited duration» — la enmienda que el libro cita de los Tedlock: los peyoteros rara vez tienen visiones y las toman por distracciones, y lo que importa es la experiencia mística, que el peyote puede dar sin límite de duración.
«In the United States, the members of the Native American Church have been allowed to use peyote for religious and sacramental purposes since 1995» — el estatuto legal que Rätsch consigna: en Estados Unidos los miembros de la Native American Church pueden usar peyote con fines religiosos y sacramentales desde 1995.
«Some anthropologists have assumed that the mescal bean cult (mescalism) represents a precursor to the peyote cult (peyotism). The mescal bean cult disappeared because the effects of the peyote cactus are much more pleasant and visionary» — la genealogía que Rätsch consigna de algunos antropólogos: el culto del frijol de mescal sería precursor del culto del peyote y habría desaparecido porque los efectos del cacto son mucho más agradables y visionarios.
«Necklaces of mescal beans are still worn at peyote ceremonies today» — la continuidad que Rätsch registra: todavía hoy se llevan collares de frijol de mescal en las ceremonias del peyote.
«The value of the entheogens to organized religions has been amply demonstrated by the 2000-year survival of the famous Eleusinian Mystery religion of the ancient world (an annual, mass initiation employing an entheogenic potion containing ergoline alkaloids; Wasson etal. 1978; see Chapter 2) and by the modern examples of the “Native American Church” and “The Peyote Way Church of God” using péyot/ as a sacrament» — los casos con que Ott sostiene el valor de los enteógenos para las religiones organizadas: la supervivencia dos veces milenaria de los misterios de Eleusis, que llama iniciación anual y masiva con una poción enteogénica de alcaloides ergolínicos, y los modernos Native American Church y Peyote Way Church of God con el peyote por sacramento.
«The organized religious use of péyotl by the “Native American Church” has been recognized by personnel of federal government alcoholism clinics to be of some value in treating alcoholism» — el caso documentado que trae: el personal de clínicas federales de alcoholismo reconoce algún valor al uso religioso organizado del peyote en la Native American Church para tratar el alcoholismo.
«Sometime around 1870, as a central feature of the pan-Indian movement, use of this entheogenic eactus began to spread, diffusing to the north, and péyotl was adopted as a ritual drug by North American indigenous groups.» — Ott data la difusión hacia el norte: hacia 1870, como rasgo central del movimiento panindio, el uso del cacto enteogénico se extendió y fue adoptado como droga ritual por grupos indígenas norteamericanos.
«The probable route of diffusion, according to La Barre’s classic study The Peyote Cult, was initially to the nomadic Mescalero Apache of the southwest, who learned of péyotl from native groups in northern México» — la ruta que Ott toma del estudio clásico de La Barre, *The Peyote Cult*: primero a los apaches mescaleros nómadas del suroeste, que supieron del peyote por grupos del norte de México.
«Some have theorized that péyot/ use supplanted the use of a red bean, the seed of Sophora secundiflora, known as the “mescal bean” (Campbell 1958; Howard 1957; Schultes 1963; Schultes & Hofmann 1980). However, this assumption has been contested vigorously in a thorough monograph» — un desacuerdo que Ott consigna sin arbitrar: se ha teorizado que el uso del peyote suplantó al de un frijol rojo, la semilla de *Sophora secundiflora* llamada *mescal bean*, y esa suposición ha sido contestada con vigor en una monografía.
«After a tough battle, one of the few the Indians were to win, Cheyenne, Kiowa, Ponca, Otoe and Comanche leaders succeeded in incorporating the “Native American Church” in Oklahoma in 1918, with péyotluse asa sacramental observance» — la fecha de la incorporación: líderes cheyenes, kiowas, poncas, otoes y comanches lograron incorporar la Native American Church en Oklahoma en 1918, con el uso del peyote como observancia sacramental; el escaneo pega *as* y *a*.
«Soon the Church had spread to many other states, and to Canada in 1954 (Anderson 1980), and today there are no fewer than a quarter of a million members.» — y su extensión: la iglesia llegó a muchos otros estados y a Canadá en 1954, y hoy no tiene menos de un cuarto de millón de miembros.
«interesting to note that péyor/ use met with some resistance among older Indians, still clinging to their cultural heritage» — el matiz que Ott añade: el uso del peyote halló alguna resistencia entre los indios viejos, aferrados todavía a su herencia cultural.
«I suggest the “Native American Church” and “Peyote Way Church of God” establish Trichocereus peruvianus gardens in the United States, as a means of ensuring a continued renewable supply of sacramental cactus for their rites, and of removing the pressure of extinction from remaining wild stands of the péyodl cactus in Texas.» — la propuesta que Ott hace a las dos iglesias: establecer huertos de *Trichocereus peruvianus* en los Estados Unidos para asegurarse un abasto renovable de cacto sacramental y quitar la presión de extinción sobre el peyote silvestre de Texas.
«Probably the most famous combination of hallucinogenic drug use and Christianity is the Native American Church, whose practitioners are American Indians in the United States who have largely adopted the mescaline-containing peyote since the latter part of the nineteenth century, and still use it, believing that with its aid they can both "talk" with Jesus and cure illness.» — el caso que Harner da por más conocido de ese sincretismo: la Native American Church, cuyos practicantes adoptaron el peyote desde fines del siglo XIX y lo siguen usando creyendo que con su ayuda pueden hablar con Jesús y curar la enfermedad.
«Since the peyote cult is relatively well known (e.g. La Barre, 1969; Slotkin, 1956), the only paper in the present volume dealing with peyote concerns the unusual case of its temporary adoption and subsequent rejection among the Apaches of the Mescalero Indian Reservation in New Mexico.» — Harner declara por qué el volumen trae un solo trabajo sobre peyote y cuál escogió: como el culto del peyote es relativamente conocido, el único de este libro trata el caso inusual de su adopción temporal y su posterior rechazo entre los apaches de la reserva mescalero de Nuevo México.
«Boyer et al. propose that the physio-psychological effects of peyote made it impossible for many individuals to repress their hostilities, with the result that peyote meetings gave rise to disruption, bloodshed, and feuds. Finally, peyote became defined as an evil substance and general use of peyote by the populace was abandoned.» — Harner resume el argumento de los Boyer y Basehart: los efectos fisiopsicológicos del peyote impedían a muchos reprimir sus hostilidades, las reuniones dieron en disturbios, sangre y venganzas, y el peyote acabó definido como sustancia maligna y abandonado por la población.
«There is a fundamental incongruity between the principles involved in ordinary Mescalero shamanistic ceremonies and the rules that applied to peyote rites.» — la tesis del capítulo, enunciada como incongruencia estructural y no como juicio sobre la droga: hay una incompatibilidad de fondo entre los principios de la ceremonia chamánica mescalero corriente y las reglas que regían los ritos de peyote.
«The peyote meetings became places in which shamanistic rivalries and witchcraft flourished. Disruption resulted, rather than cohesiveness through shared experience.» — el resultado que los autores adjudican a esa pérdida: las reuniones de peyote se volvieron sitio donde florecían las rivalidades chamánicas y la brujería, y de ahí salió disrupción en vez de cohesión por experiencia compartida.
«The peyote ceremonies were not accompanied by the acceptance of Christian beliefs and practices, and the Mescaleros never became involved in the Peyote Religion (see Slotkin, 1956). Instead, the use of peyote was intended to affirm the vitality of traditional religious practices at a time when the impact of reservation confinement contributed to an increased awareness of social and cultural deprivation.» — la distinción que los autores trazan frente al caso más conocido: las ceremonias mescalero no fueron acompañadas de creencias cristianas ni los mescaleros entraron en la Peyote Religion, y el uso buscaba afirmar la vitalidad de las prácticas religiosas tradicionales cuando el encierro en la reserva agudizaba la conciencia de privación social y cultural.
«The Indians of the Native American Church emphasize sincerity, and the desire to learn, and they link bad peyote experiences with the presence of aggression and competition rather than the setting of sincerity and brotherly love and a willingness to learn.» — la explicación que la Native American Church da del mal viaje, citada por Freedman: agresión y competencia contra sinceridad, amor fraterno y voluntad de aprender.
«In the Native American Church, the Indian utilizes all these elements—religious explanation and adherence, specific ceremonies and the group with its ideology—to integrate the experience which serves a purpose in the total fabric of his life.» — y el caso que Freedman da por integrado: en la Native American Church la explicación religiosa, la ceremonia y el grupo con su ideología cumplen juntos esa función.
«It is interesting that peyote cultures also report cures of alcoholics, but the effects may not persist without sustained group support and leadership.» — y empareja la terapia psicodélica del alcoholismo con las curas que reportan las culturas del peyote, con la misma condición de sostén grupal.
«It's been shown that membership in the peyote-using Native American Church reduces the incidence of alcoholism. Similar effects on alcohol and cocaine dependence seem to occur in members of ayahuasca-using churches in Brazil.» — lo que Strassman consigna sobre el efecto de pertenecer a la Iglesia Nativa Americana del peyote y a las iglesias brasileñas de la ayahuasca sobre el alcoholismo y la dependencia
«Taking a cue from the Vatican, the Protestant missionaries and Washington, D.C., joined forces to take the very first federal action banning the use of a drug.» — la tesis con que Muraresku data el origen de la guerra contra las drogas
«In an effort to banish the sacrament that was making a comeback on sovereign American Indian land throughout the United States, particularly among the Kiowa and Comanche, the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) issued an instruction to all federal agencies on July 31, 1890, that they “seize and destroy the mescal bean, or any preparation or decoction thereof, wherever found on the reservation.”» — la instrucción federal de 1890 contra el peyote que Muraresku transcribe
«When the peyote cult continued to grow on the reservations, finding new converts, the commissioner of the BIA himself wrote to one of his deputies that the sacrament was “interfering quite seriously with the work of the missionaries.”» — el motivo declarado que Muraresku destaca de la correspondencia de la oficina de asuntos indios
«As you are doubtless aware, the term “Mescal” is a misnomer. The correct name for the plant is “Peyote.” … We do not call it mescal,» — Muraresku transcribe la carta de Albert Hensley de 1908 al gobierno estadounidense; el tramo se corta en el cambio de plana
«neither do we call it peyote. Our favorite term is “Medicine,” and to us it is a portion of the body of Christ, even as the communion bread is believed to be a portion of Christ’s body by other Christian denominations. We read in the Bible where Christ spoke of a Comforter who was to come. Long ago this Comforter came to the Whites, but it never came to the Indians until it was sent by God in the form of this Holy medicine. We know whereof we speak. We have tasted of God and our eyes have been opened.» — la continuación de esa carta, que llama al peyote una porción del cuerpo de Cristo y da título al capítulo