Carnival and Culture: Sex, Symbol, and Status in Spain

«Tú eres el Carnaval, lo que tú quiere que seas, el Carnaval será.» — lema oficial de la temporada de carnaval de 1995 en Fuentes de Andalucía, que el volumen imprime como epígrafe en el andaluz del pueblo (regla 10: tal cual lo imprime el troceo); Gilmore lo traduce en la misma plana *(You are carnival: whatever you want to be, carnival will be)*.

«Ten years ago I wrote a book about the role of aggression in Spanish culture. I apologized then to my friends and colleagues in Spain as well as to my readers for concentrating on things that made people sad or uncomfortable, for emphasizing the culture's negative aspects: annoyances like gossip and slander, malicious nicknaming, backbiting, and scapegoating. By way of exculpation, I said that someday I would make up for it by writing a book about the things that made people happy. This is that book.» — Gilmore sitúa el libro como contrapartida de su obra anterior sobre la agresión en la cultura española, en el prefacio.

«I am mainly familiar with the following towns in western Andalusia and their respective festivals: Fuentes de Andalucía, La Campana, Ecija, Estepa, Osuna, and Marchena, all in Seville Province, and Montilla, Aguilar, and Montemayor in Cordoba Province.» — el prefacio acota el terreno: nueve pueblos de las provincias de Sevilla y Córdoba, que son los que nombran después las coplas.

«The carnival poets, or "maestros33 ("Meistersinger" is a possible gloss), are often illiterate, but their words are sometimes taken down by scribes or by literate friends and printed on broadsides (folletos) for sale during carnival.» — Gilmore describe quiénes componen las coplas y cómo llegan al papel; el troceo imprime *maestros33* por el entrecomillado de *maestros*, y el paréntesis sobre el *Meistersinger* es glosa suya.

«I collected some of the lyrics in this way, by buying them on location, or making recordings made during performances, still others through recompiling them from listeners' memory. Many carnival poets, especially Juanillo "El Gato" and his son Manolo Benítez, did me the honor of sitting down with me and reciting their otherwise irrecoverable lyrics over glasses of sherry.» — el método de recolección, dicho en primera persona, con los dos poetas que nombra —Juanillo El Gato y su hijo Manolo Benítez— como fuente directa de letras que de otro modo no quedarían.

«None of the songs, printed or otherwise, are copyrighted. I thank all the poets for their patience and their help and for sharing their work with me.» — Gilmore consigna que las coplas no están registradas como propiedad y agradece a sus autores.

«Finally, let me make a note on the "ethnographic present." There is no "present" here, ethnographic or otherwise. I collected the lyrics between 1972 and 199 5, but the songs themselves date from various times between 1900 and 1995, so this is a generalized work of twentieth-century texts.» — la advertencia sobre el presente etnográfico: el libro no describe un momento sino un siglo de textos.

«I have added a chapter on the evolution of carnival, which describes changes in the festival between 1982, when free elections in Spain assured the restoration of full democracy, and 1995, the time of my last experience with the carnivalesque.» — el capítulo 13 se añade para medir el cambio entre las primeras elecciones libres y 1995.

«The revelatory ceremonies themselves are diverse and of varying orders of magnitude. They include rituals of the February carnaval: not only the masquerading, burlesques, and song lyrics that are our main focus here but also more mundane events involving table manners, bar etiquette, olive picking, buying a drink, building a house, having sex, baiting one's mother-in-law, and the quotidian household routines we have come to expect in books by cultural anthropologists.» — apertura de la Introducción: Gilmore enumera lo que cuenta como ceremonia revelatoria y mete en la lista lo cotidiano —la mesa, la barra, la aceituna, la suegra— junto al disfraz y la copla.

«The first of these themes is that of sex and gender, a category that I broadly define to include all the ways in which men and women relate to each other in and out of bed. By "gender" I mean the ways in which men and women interact in the social encounters of everyday life, and by "sex" I mean the erotic and reproductive side of life. I therefore differentiate sex and gender semantically, as do most feminists (see Ortner and Whitehead i98ib), using the former term to mean anatomical/biological differences» — Gilmore define sus términos en la Introducción y declara de quién toma la distinción; el troceo imprime *i98ib* por la referencia bibliográfica.

«Our second theme is that of status — again, broadly defined. By "status" I mean not only ideas about the inequities that separate people in general, but also the invidious distinctions that separate men from women. In these two obviously linked domains, sex/gender and status, we are dealing with notions of difference and separation in human relations. Status includes not just differences in wealth or prestige but also feelings and attitudes about them, the ways in which people frame the injustices of social class, and their moral tenets about human hierarchy and democracy in a general sense» — el segundo eje del libro, definido con amplitud deliberada: no solo la desigualdad sino lo que la gente siente sobre ella.

«Why are sex and status so often debated and fought over in ceremonies? Why is ceremony so often a matter of sex and status? Why do people celebrate so furiously?» — las tres preguntas con que Gilmore abre la Introducción y que el libro se propone contestar.

«While I do not pretend to propound a new theory of carnival or to shed a new light on folk ritual or oral artistry in any general sense, I do suggest that previous views of the Latin carnival have been too one-sided and need ampli» — Gilmore acota su propia pretensión: no una teoría nueva del carnaval sino una ampliación de las vistas anteriores, que llama unilaterales —la palabra queda partida a fin de renglón, *amplification*.

«Most prior students of European carnival have seen the festival in the light of Marxist and, specifically, Gramscian models of political conflict, cultural hegemony, and proletarian resistance in which carnival rather narrowly reflects a radical oppositional consciousness.» — Gilmore describe el estado de la cuestión que va a objetar: la lectura marxista y gramsciana del carnaval como conciencia opositora.

«This political view is valid for Spain, as we shall see, but it is only a partial truth, and like all half-truths conceals much. In the Spanish case, the February madness is morally inversive and politically subversive, to be sure, challenging the high and mighty, indicting capitalism and elitism, ridiculing authority and extolling a utopia of human equality as a political alternative;» — Gilmore concede la mitad política de la lectura corriente y la llama media verdad; la frase sigue en la misma plana con el reverso.

«but paradoxically, Spanish carnival is also reversive and restorative. Although its verbal genres subvert the status quo, they also subvert their own status and sexual subversions, negate their own negative. Thus carnival rehabilitates the traditional order. In Spain, carnival capsizes the noncarnival world, but it also restores the upside-downed hierarchies to their former place, upholding and even glorifying them. Spanish carnival is both revolutionary and reactionary, subversive and conservative at the same time.» — la otra mitad de esa misma frase, que es la tesis doble del libro: el carnaval español subvierte y a la vez restaura el orden que subvierte.

«In my opinion, only the Russian semiotician Mikhail Bakhtin (1984) has fully grasped and appreciated this defining paradox of "praise-abuse" (1984: 416) in carnival lyricism toward the constituted authorities.» — Gilmore declara su deuda: entre los teóricos, solo Bakhtin habría captado la paradoja del elogio-vituperio; la frase abre con *In my opinion*.

«Those who see the carnival spirit as pure negation, as one-sided dissent and undiluted revolutionism, and who have invoked Bakhtin's work to support this view, are mistaken; they have badly misread both carnival and Bakhtin.» — Gilmore objeta a quienes invocan a Bakhtin para leer el carnaval como pura negación.

«Carnival is of course lower class (except in places like Rio and Venice, where the rich participate), but even when it is fully a working-class event, as in rural Andalusia, it is above all ambivalent.» — Gilmore concede el carácter de clase del carnaval y le antepone la ambivalencia; las excepciones que nombra son Río y Venecia.

«The first of these is the familiar ludic form: satiric, comic, and nihilistic. Such verses are sung by bands called chirigotas, jokesters or comedians. Very different are the estudiantil minstrels (students or scholars). Incongruously solemn and dignified, they sing of tragic, sentimental, and other serious themes. In Andalusian carnival, there are no symbolic markers between the two groups; they perform simultaneously, some bands even switching identity during the festivities. In tandem, the two genres obviously symbolize and personify the human condition, like a twin Greek chorus, both condemning and praising.» — Gilmore describe los dos géneros que conviven en el carnaval andaluz —chirigotas y estudiantiles— y sostiene que no llevan marca simbólica que los separe.

«Although I make no claims to any kind of historical continuity, or to relevance outside Spain, I argue that Bakhtin's analysis hits on timeless truths about the carnivalesque in contemporary Spanish culture and about Latin carnival in a more general sense.» — Gilmore acota hasta dónde lleva su uso de Bakhtin: sin continuidad histórica y sin validez fuera de España.

«In the Andalusian festivity, as others have noted (Mintz 1997), the impulse to degrade the high and mighty exists alongside a paradoxical reverence for tradition and hierarchy, as it did in early modern French celebrations; denigration of womanhood coexists with a powerful veneration derived from Marian worship and a matrilateral family structure. Fierce anticlerical feelings commingle with a deep, though heterodox, Catholic spirituality; and a political revolutionism of a particularly violent and nihilistic kind alternates with a strident conservatism.» — la lista de coexistencias que Gilmore consigna sin armonizar: degradación y reverencia, anticlericalismo y espiritualidad católica, revolucionismo y conservadurismo.

«Marked by stark opposites, such a balance of ambivalent but unambiguous forces is inherently unstable and produces a dynamic subsurface movement that, as Sigmund Freud (1905) argued with regard to wit and humor generally, finds expression in such outlets as festival ribaldry, ritual, and art.» — Gilmore describe ese equilibrio como inestable y productivo, y remite a Freud sobre el chiste para explicar por dónde sale.

«A dynamic ambivalence about key issues in life such as sex and status is by no means unique to Andalusia or Spain; affective ambivalence appears in virtually all cultures, as well as within all individuals as an integral part of normal mental functioning.» — Gilmore niega que la ambivalencia sea peculiar de Andalucía; lo peculiar, dirá enseguida, es la tolerancia a la disonancia.

«The two-sidedness of affect in this culture, this emotive ambi- or bivalence, appears with little modulation or blending. Rather, like the two carnival genres—the comedie and the scholarly—and like praise and abuse, symbolic oppositions in culture appear simultaneously, in juxtaposition, but remain in discrete and vivid contrast.» — Gilmore sostiene que en esta cultura los opuestos no se mezclan ni se modulan: se yuxtaponen y se quedan en contraste.

«This ongoing dialectic created in this way ("counterpoint" might be a better word since we are basically speaking of musical compositions) yields what the Andalusians call "the spice" (picardía) of life. This effervescent zest, which is the sparkle of juxtaposed antitheses, is what they say provides the energy for carnival and, as it finds pleasurable expression in festival laughter and earthy merriment, makes their otherwise drab lives "worth living."» — Gilmore nombra con la palabra del pueblo lo que esa yuxtaposición produce —*picardía*, la especia— y propone *counterpoint* como término mejor que dialéctica.

«The first of these secondary venues is the domestic setting, the family or household. In this bounded, sequestered world of home and hearth, where men put in only a fleeting appearance, the women command and the men obey. Otherwise subject to male control in public affairs, women thereby enact a reversal, in micropolitical terms, of the "normal" situation of male dominance. Not to put too sharp an emphasis on it, the matriarchal home is thus, metaphorically speaking, a carnivalesque parody of the public patriarchy.» — primero de los tres escenarios secundarios del libro: la casa como inversión micropolítica del dominio masculino.

«The second venue is the world of the neighborhood bar, tavern, or bodega, which, restricted by convention to men, creates an all-male world apart. Likewise bounded and defended, this café world is a place of male bonding and sanctuary, equivalent to men's secret societies or men's houses in other places (Vale de Almeida 1996). Here the men, fleeing from the woman-dominated home, establish an alternative society, separate from and equal to that of the feminized home.» — segundo escenario: la barra como mundo de hombres construido en fuga de la casa gobernada por mujeres.

«Our third venue is the wider context of community space. By space I mean, simply, the way people use and interpret their built environment, the spatial architecture of everyday life. This includes not only the division between male "public" and female "private" space but also the rules, taboos, and boundaries that define the use of public places according to sex. These prescriptions, too, undergo a series of inversions, reversals, and transformations throughout the year, culminating in carnival-time.» — tercer escenario: el espacio del pueblo y sus reglas de uso según el sexo.

«In each of these venues, the carnival copla, like a portable Greek chorus, provides moral commentary in the form of declamatory lyrics, which are remembered, repeated, and ruminated on for literally decades after their maiden performance.» — Gilmore atribuye a la copla la función de coro griego portátil, con una memoria que dura décadas.

«So I believe that carnival, much in the way anthropologists have argued the role of myth to be in preliterate societies, is the clue to the inner structure and workings of this society as a whole, and the most accessible, as well as the most entertaining, way of approaching its defining contra» — Gilmore enuncia su apuesta metodológica: el carnaval como clave de la estructura de esa sociedad, al modo en que la antropología trató el mito; *contradictions* queda partido a fin de plana.

«We begin with a historical account of carnival in its many national guises: carnaval, carnivale, Mardi Gras, Fasching, belsnicking, mumming, and so on. Then we move on to discuss anthropological interpretations of this protean festival, and then to the Spanish coplas.» — el plan del libro, dicho al cerrar la Introducción.

«Carnival is the popular festival in Catholic countries that takes place in mid-February before the Lenten fast.» — Gilmore define el objeto al abrir el capítulo segundo: fiesta popular de los países católicos en la víspera de la cuaresma.

«Widespread geographically, the holiday is known by many names: carnaval is the Spanish and Portuguese variant. French speakers knew it as carême-prenant, or more commonly today as Mardi Gras ("Fat Tuesday"), owing to the custom of eating up all the fat in the house before fasting.» — la nomenclatura de la fiesta en las lenguas romances, con la etimología popular del *Mardi Gras*.

«A secular event not condoned by the Catholic Church, in fact condemned by its hierarchy as pagan, the Latin carnival begins on Shrove Sunday, the Quinquagesima, and continues until the following Tuesday before Ash Wednesday.» — Gilmore consigna la relación del carnaval con la Iglesia —condenado por pagano desde la jerarquía— y su lugar exacto en el calendario.

«It is one of those events that anthropologists have identified as belonging to a class of "time-out" behaviors that overturn the rules of the workaday world and provide psychological relief to the masses.» — el carnaval como conducta de *time-out* en la clasificación que Gilmore atribuye a los antropólogos.

«The origin of carnival in Europe is lost in the mists of time, of course, but the Greeks already knew it by 1,100 B.C. (Rector 1984:39). It is perhaps the oldest of all Western pagan festivals still observed today.» — Gilmore data la antigüedad de la fiesta por la referencia de Rector y la llama la más vieja de las fiestas paganas que aún se celebran.

«The Bacchanalia were the celebrations observed by the ancients, both Greeks and Romans, paying homage to Bacchus and Dionysius, the gods of wine and debauchery. Not surprisingly, these events came over time to be associated with licentiousness, drunkenness, and orgies. Lupercalia were festivals celebrating the god Pan or the faun, and usually held in the middle of February. The Roman Saturnalia, observing the day of the god Saturn, were held in mid-December. The King of the Saturnalia was a satyrlike figure who became king for a day during the festival and then was symbolically killed off» — Gilmore resume las tres fiestas antiguas con que se ha conectado el carnaval —Bacanales, Lupercales y Saturnales— y describe al rey de las Saturnales como figura satírica muerta al final.

«The word carnival itself probably derives from the medieval Latin carne levare, or carnelevarium, which means to take away or remove fat or meat, indicating a day of gustatory excess before the Lenten deprivation, although there is some debate about the actual etymology of the word.» — la etimología que Gilmore da por probable, con la reserva de que hay debate.

«Carnival is, above all, inversion of the world as it is (Caro Baroja 1965:47), a turning upside down of things, a revolution in systems and order.» — Gilmore enuncia la inversión como rasgo central y la adjudica a Caro Baroja.

«Carnival is thus relaxation in the most literal sense of the word: a sudden removal of repression and external pressure, as from a coiled spring. The people's pent-up energy is discharged.» — la metáfora del resorte con que Gilmore explica la descarga carnavalesca.

«Because carnival in peasant villages in Europe historically had a wild and often proletarian character, local elites—landlords and nobles —either have not fully participated in the raucous events or have done so circumspectly.» — Gilmore consigna que las élites locales se han mantenido fuera de la fiesta o han entrado con cautela.

«Moreover, because the celebrants all wear masks (carnival being above all a masquerade) and in this way obscure their identity, hoi polloi merge into a faceless, anonymous mass, including criminals and miscreants, all losing their individual sense of shame and whatever minimal inhibitions they may have had.» — la máscara como pérdida de identidad y de vergüenza, según Gilmore.

«Scholarship aside, we know intuitively that as a time of mass action, Latin carnival has political implications and dangers.» — Gilmore admite que la lectura política del carnaval no necesita erudición para sostenerse.

«Although this widespread and colorful celebration has faded away in many areas of the Iberian peninsula owing either to the forces of modernization or to government repression (Francisco Franco banned carnival in 1937 during the Civil War), the traditions of carnival are still strong in certain localities.» — Gilmore consigna la prohibición del carnaval por Franco en 1937 y la supervivencia desigual de la fiesta en la península.

«In some pueblos, like Fuentes de Andalucía and Carmona, both in Seville Province, the people took to the streets in defiance of the Franco» — los pueblos que salieron a la calle contra la prohibición; la frase cruza de plana y sigue con *prohibition and paraded for days on end*.

«In other places, like La Campana, also in Seville Province, the municipal authorities ignored the ban and joined in—one of the earliest manifestations of the growing official disenchantment with the Franco dictatorship that eventually eased Spain's transition to democracy after the dictator's death in 1975.» — La Campana como caso en que la autoridad municipal desoyó la prohibición, que Gilmore lee como desafección temprana al régimen.

«Today, in carnivals throughout rural Spain, north and south, villagers masquerade in the streets for three or four days, the men usually in transvestite costume. Masqueraders march back and forth through the main streets, pack the bars, sing gossipy or satirical songs, trade insults, and engage in lewd behavior. Half the inhabitants of any given village may be in costume, the other half in street clothes, both sets of celebrants intermingling and then changing places at various times. There are no set rules about who may mas» — la descripción de campo del carnaval rural: el travestismo masculino, la mitad del pueblo disfrazada y la ausencia de reglas sobre quién se disfraza.

«The high point of the Andalusian carnival, however, is the famous strolling musical band, with its festooned instruments, colorful costumes, and ribbons and bows. These musical groups compose and sing the uninhibited "spicy" songs that are the heart and soul of the festival and which townspeople eagerly await throughout the year. Organized weeks before the festival, the bands are led by a "maestro," a master poet or virtuoso, always a local man from the poorest classes and often illiterate.» — Gilmore sitúa en la comparsa el centro de la fiesta y describe al maestro: poeta local, de las clases más pobres y a menudo analfabeto.

«Accompanying this Andalusian master singer on his wanderings are the troubadours, usually between five and twelve in number, who supply the musical accompaniment and vocal chorus (Figures i and 2,). The entire band is called the comparsa or coro in Cadiz Province (Mintz 1997) and the murga in the area around Seville. The musicians are called murguistas.» — la composición de la banda y los nombres que recibe según la comarca —comparsa o coro en Cádiz, murga en Sevilla—.

«People sometimes sum up this desirable spicy quality as "anything that annoys people" or whatever "ties a can on the people's tails."5 "Spice" means both stimulant and irritant.» — Gilmore recoge en boca de la gente qué quiere decir la *especia* del carnaval, y la traduce como estimulante e irritante a la vez.

«Most people in western Andalusia consider the main entertainment of the February carnival to be the raucous parades of the choruses, the rest being merely window dressing. The lyrics comment wittily on events of the past year, and the composers make liberal use of ribald puns, scatological imagery, erotic metaphors, outrageous tropes, and crass insults to entertain their excited lis» — la copla como plato fuerte de la fiesta, con el inventario de recursos que el maestro emplea.

«These agravios — insults, challenges, and innuendos — are the heart of carnival. Thus one may regard the coplas, with their suggestive lyrics, as displacements of more violent forms of expression, as symbolic violence.» — Gilmore pone los *agravios* en el centro del carnaval y propone leer la copla como desplazamiento de formas más violentas.

«Many of the murga coplas violently attack the rich, the government, and priests, as well as other perceived enemies of the particular time and place.» — los blancos de la copla de murga: los ricos, el gobierno y los curas.

«Because people were sometimes murdered or assaulted when things got out of hand —always a danger with "controlled" disinhibitions —it is no wonder that both twentieth-century Spanish dictators, Primo de Rivera (in the 19208) and Franco (between 1937 and 1967) banned the celebration, as posing a threat to public order.» — Gilmore explica por qué los dos dictadores del siglo XX prohibieron la fiesta, y fecha las prohibiciones.

«Indeed historical research shows that the Spanish state has either outlawed or severely curtailed carnival since 1586 (Rodriguez Becerra 1985:119). Emperor Charles V prohibited the fiesta in 1500, Philip V in 1716-1717 and 1745, and Charles IV in 1797.» — la serie de prohibiciones del carnaval por la corona española desde 1586, según la investigación que Gilmore cita.

«aggressive energies of carnival have been unleashed in two directions: vertically against the authorities and horizontally against peer-group deviance. In this sense, and in one of the purest inner contradictions of Iberian culture, Spanish carnival is culturally conservative or collaborative as well as politically provocative, and its agravios directed as much at the poor as the rich» — la doble dirección de la agresión carnavalesca —vertical contra la autoridad, horizontal contra el vecino— que para Gilmore hace conservador al carnaval además de provocador.

«Especially important is the punishment of sexual misconduct and general immorality in a culturally conservative society deeply concerned with norms of propriety» — Gilmore subraya el castigo de la falta sexual como función de la fiesta en una sociedad que llama conservadora.

«Voicing both the democratic and the self-punitive impulses of the common folk, carnival simultaneously uplifts the common folk and, wielding a repressive Catholic morality, keeps them down.» — la fórmula con que Gilmore resume esa doble función: el carnaval levanta al pueblo y con la moral católica lo mantiene abajo.

«Making up by far the majority of carnival singers, the jokers sing the familiar satirical or obscene coplas. Prohibited under Franco, these lewd genres were nevertheless always performed surreptitiously in the bars and alleys by comedians, to acute communal appreciation.» — las chirigotas como mayoría de las bandas y su persistencia clandestina bajo la prohibición franquista.

«The second type of band, the estudiantil, equally important although much less well documented in the literature, devotes itself to solemn or tragic subjects. These the estudiantiles treat with sententious moralizing in a kind of sermonizing gravity quite at variance with the regressive jollity of the silly chirigotas.» — Gilmore señala que el género estudiantil está mucho menos documentado que el cómico, y describe su gravedad sermonaria.

«Often these somber scholar-poets commemorate sad or tragic recent events such as earthquakes, fires, floods, or other natural disasters, expressing sympathy for the victims and warning the complacent of the wrath of God and nature (Gilmore 1993). Other serious bards sing homilies on subjects like sexual exploitation, death and loss, patriotism and regionalism, or extol such "Andalusian" virtues as tolerance, mercy, brotherhood, filial loyalty, or, in the Andalusian Marian tradition, quasi-religious admiration for motherhood.» — el repertorio del estudiantil: desastres, explotación sexual, muerte, patria y la admiración mariana por la maternidad.

«All are virtues consonant with the Castilian Great Tradition and Franco's "national Catholicism"» — Gilmore alinea esas virtudes con la Gran Tradición castellana y el nacionalcatolicismo; la frase cruza de plana y sigue *and represent the conservative and traditionalist subtheme in Andalusian proletarian ideology*.

«The estudiantil singers therefore represent a curious contrary theme embedded within the carnal puerility of carnival: serious, tragic, orthodox, virtuous, and dignified in tone, and utterly at odds with the usual madcap hilarity.» — Gilmore llama al estudiantil tema contrario incrustado en el carnaval, y lo describe por oposición a la hilaridad de la chirigota.

«As far as I know, it is only in Spain that such a strong counterpoint in carnival moods and entertainment styles exists or has existed.» — Gilmore acota con un *as far as I know* la singularidad española de ese contrapunto de géneros.

«There are no markers, musical preambles, or visual clues to alert bystanders about what is coming. Costumes and instruments may be the same for both types of bands. Indeed the very same men may sing in both styles, according to their fancy.» — la ausencia de marcas que distingan los dos géneros: los mismos hombres cantan en ambos.

«My informants say that the people gathered do not know whether they are about to laugh or cry, an emotional ambivalence that reflects the capriciousness of an event celebrating the dissolution of boundaries.» — Gilmore atribuye a sus informantes la fórmula de que el público no sabe si va a reír o a llorar, y la lee como signo de la disolución de límites.

«Indeed, musicality is entirely secondary in Andalusian carnival. None of the music is composed for the occasion but is instead "borrowed" from popular hits, flamenco forms, and other folk melodies.» — la música como elemento secundario: nada se compone para la ocasión, todo se toma prestado.

«I was told in the 19805, though, that some poets specialize in chirigota comedy only, as a matter of personal taste or ability. One example is the jokester Juanillo "El Gato" (Johnny the Cat), a beloved comic poet in the town of Fuentes de Andalucía (he died in 1989), whose poetry we will sample many times. Juanillo was a rake and cut-up, referred to as a caricaturist, or mime, who felt himself incapable of estudiantil gravity because his face was frozen in "a permanent grin.» — según Gilmore, el cómico Juanillo El Gato, de Fuentes de Andalucía, se tenía por incapaz de la gravedad estudiantil por su cara de risa permanente; el troceo rinde los años ochenta como *19805*.

«Only one distinction between comic and serious performances remains sharp in onlookers' accounts. It has to do with the age of the lyricist (not necessarily of the singer, for the two sometimes differ). The men who write in the bombastic mode are generally older than the comedians. Poets normally start out in the chirigota style and only later, after gaining a reputation, do they venture into estudiantil elegies, which, for success, require "deeper"» — la única distinción firme entre los dos géneros, según Gilmore, es la edad del letrista: se empieza en la chirigota y solo con reputación se pasa a la elegía.

«Townspeople say also that the point of Andalusian carnival is that it erases the boundaries between people and between things, that it throws everything together in a topsy-turvy promiscuity.» — la definición que Gilmore recoge en el pueblo: el carnaval borra los límites entre las personas y entre las cosas.

«It is important to remember, also, in considering the confusion of styles and emotions, that no distinctions of class or status separate the singers or the genres. The balladeers are and remain a homogeneous group experimenting with two lyrical styles.» — Gilmore niega que haya distinción de clase o estatus entre cantores o entre géneros.

«In all cases, the poet-virtuosos are solidly working-class males. The composers are never women, and they never have been. The men are always hijos del» — la extracción social de los maestros; la frase cruza a la plana siguiente, donde acaba *hijos del pueblo—that is, native sons*.

«They are often landless laborers, always manual workers —the class that furnished the revolutionaries during the Franco era and before.» — Gilmore adjudica a la misma clase de los maestros el papel revolucionario bajo el franquismo y antes.

«I must emphasize again (for it will become important later) that women never composed or sang the carnival songs. They have always served purely as audience and subject matter.» — Gilmore insiste en que las mujeres nunca compusieron ni cantaron coplas: fueron público y materia.

«Women prefer "fantasy" costumes that are decidedly feminine in a conventional sense: those of television personalities, princesses, ballerinas, majorettes, American actresses, and so on. The women remain "female," even in disguise.» — el reparto del disfraz por sexo que Gilmore mide en su encuesta: las mujeres se disfrazan de mujer.

«By contrast, the costumbre for men, very consciously recognized and cherished throughout the 19005, encourages youths to dress up in their mothers' garments. A few males may imitate priests, pirates, "Moors," or ghouls, but most men prefer to go out in drag and find great amusement and joy in donning their moth» — la costumbre masculina de salir con la ropa de la madre, que Gilmore dice conscientemente reconocida y apreciada a lo largo del siglo; el troceo rinde *1900s* como *19005* y parte *mothers* a fin de plana.

«Men are called mascarones (clowns), women máscaras (harlequins).» — los dos nombres que el pueblo da a los disfrazados según el sexo.

«In the traditional proceeding, the transvestite clowns promenade throughout the main thoroughfares of town, accosting bystanders, making pseudohomosexual overtures to other men, and screeching lewd witticisms in a particularly shrill falsetto voice that quickly becomes grating.» — la descripción de campo del paseo de los mascarones, con el falsete y el requiebro pseudohomosexual; el troceo une *pseudo-homosexual* partido a fin de renglón y devuelve *pseudohomosexual*.

«They place fruits in the brassieres that they snatch from their sisters' and mothers' wardrobes, tie down pillows on their derrières, and cover their faces with weird masks and veils.» — el detalle del relleno y del hurto doméstico: la ropa y los adornos salen de los armarios de madres y hermanas.

«Girls are also permitted sexual license and engage in promiscuous behavior, which, however, is almost entirely heterosexual. Men and women both participate as masqueraders, with the men predominating, in about a two-to-one ratio.» — Gilmore consigna que la licencia sexual alcanza también a las muchachas, casi siempre heterosexual, y mide la proporción de disfrazados.

«The essence of the male carnival transvestism, for which there is no female equivalent, lies in the concept of the colcha (quilt, or coverlet). The colcha is the maternal symbol par excellence in Andalusian culture.» — Gilmore sitúa el núcleo del travestismo masculino en la colcha y la llama símbolo materno por excelencia.

«In Andalusia, the nuptial bed is always covered with a coverlet or comforter, which of course no one but the conjugal pair ever sees—except at carnival. A functional piece of bedding, this colcha also represents the women's reproductive life and of course is deeply bound up with notions of fecundity, sexuality, honor, and shame. Its cleanliness and whiteness, somewhat like those of the whitewashed exterior house walls, symbolize the wife's moral history, her social responsibilities conflated with her sexual purity, which must be spotless like the bed sheets.» — la colcha como pieza del lecho nupcial que nadie ve salvo en carnaval, y como signo de la historia moral de la esposa.

«In a symbolic sense the colcha-quilt is a portable womb. Interestingly, the same term, "colcha," is sometimes used for the menstrual rag.» — las dos lecturas que Gilmore da de la colcha: útero portátil, y el mismo término para el paño menstrual.

«The young men who masquerade during the festival must, by convention, wrap themselves in a colcha, regardless of what other auxiliary female garb they select.» — la regla del disfraz masculino: envolverse en una colcha, sea cual sea lo demás.

«mother's colcha, displayed either pinned as a skirt, or else used around the shoulders as a shawl. The colcha of course may be merely suggested by a similar garment, but to wear the actual item directly lifted from the mother's bedchamber is the ideal.» — la forma canónica de llevarla —falda o mantón— y el ideal de que sea la tomada de la alcoba de la madre; el arranque va descabezado porque la frase viene de la plana anterior.

«The men always cover their faces completely with a mask, either a homemade one or some cheap commercial variant.10 Most men, however, continue to adopt a simple featureless white sheet or towel to mask their faces which gives many of the transvestite clowns the eerie, faceless appearance: a female cipher, "everywoman" without a visage, and, apparently, without an identity» — la máscara blanca y sin rasgos que Gilmore llama cifra femenina, una *everywoman* sin cara.

«Usually, small groups of friends organize shortly before carnival to plan the colcha ritual, which requires help. Each man brings a coverlet to an assigned place, and the men dress each other in turn. The approved method is a regal wraparound, in which the model rotates in place, while two friends encase him in the mother's ample garment.» — el ritual de la colcha, que exige ayuda: los amigos visten a cada uno por turno.

«The mascarones commence to mince about, imitating women to the best of their ability. They speak in a piercing falsetto squeak, inviting male bystanders to fondle their privates. There is much thrusting of buttocks and "breasts."» — la actuación del mascarón: imitación de la mujer, falsete y ofrecimiento del cuerpo fingido.

«Hey you, there, you handsome man, have you ever seen titties like this? Bystander (laughing): Why, no, these are real pineapples. Mascarón (thrusting chest): Hey, would you like to touch my titties? Yes? Go ahead! (Bystander now fondling admiringly.) Mascarón: Ooh, that feels nice. What about my ass, do you like that, too? (Turns and lifts colcha to expose pillow.» — el intercambio típico entre mascarón y mirón que Gilmore transcribe en su traducción inglesa; los paréntesis son acotaciones suyas.

«Because Spanish rural carnival has always been a poor man's event, and one avoided by the elite, the objective of the working-class participants has always been to have a good time while spending as little as possible, in the frugal worker style.» — Gilmore explica la pobreza deliberada del disfraz por la extracción social de la fiesta.

«Costumes are therefore intentionally catch-as-catch-can, and purposely threadbare: a form of sartorial bricolage or proletarian rag-picking, of which the local people are proud rather» — el disfraz como *bricolage* de trapos, motivo de orgullo y no de vergüenza; la frase sigue en la plana siguiente con *than ashamed*.

«Indeed, it is considered crass and pretentious to wear an expensive costume; such "showing off" is not in the true spirit of this workingman's carnival.» — Gilmore consigna la sanción del pueblo contra el disfraz caro.

«In the towns of La Campana, Fuentes, and Carmona, and in other rural communities in Seville and Cordoba Provinces, the use of rags was a conscious expression of working-class solidarity, as well as a symbolic demonstration of the triumph of wit over poverty, in itself a political act.» — Gilmore lee el uso del trapo como expresión consciente de solidaridad obrera y acto político.

«The ragged transvestite clowns adhere to two generic motifs: the "mothers," who employ the colcha theme, and the "witches," who wear fright masks to create a different, much more grotesque image of womanhood. Neither spends much money on a costume (the goal being to spend nothing, if possible). Both use castoff clothes, broken-down paraphernalia, and the usual scraps.» — los dos motivos del disfraz masculino: las madres de la colcha y las brujas de la máscara de espanto.

«The colcha clowns, usually slightly older men, maintain some degree of decorum while parading, while the younger "witches" cavort and threaten in an aggressive manner, often manhandling and haranguing bystanders in a way that can only be called combative.» — la diferencia de conducta entre los dos motivos: decoro en los de colcha, agresión en las brujas jóvenes.

«The observer's first impression of carnival in Andalusia, then, is somewhat disappointing in a purely visual sense. Given the crudity of the costumes, their moth-eaten, tattered look, the emphasis on farce and parody rather than style, and the pedestrian facial masks and accoutrements, the overall impression is rather shabby compared to that gleaned in Rio or New Orleans. Soon, however, one begins to appreciate the imaginativeness with which people use salvaged and discarded materials to construct very expressive and colorful masquerades.» — Gilmore declara su propia primera impresión —decepcionante en lo visual— y la enmienda después.

«The final element of carnival celebrations in Andalusia is the eruption of aggression, the "rhythms of violence," that Julio Caro Baroja (1965:47) speaks of as inherent in Spanish carnival.» — Gilmore toma de Caro Baroja los *ritmos de violencia* que tiene por inherentes al carnaval español.

«First there is the verbal aggression of public insult, denunciation, or accusation. Being disguised completely and thus protected from reprisal, people search out enemies and publicly lambaste them with premeditated insults.» — la primera forma de agresión: el insulto público al amparo del disfraz.

«One man in the town of Carmona, for instance, was surrounded by local antagonists and subjected to half an hour of the vilest condemnation, which, by carnival convention, he had to endure in stoic silence. In La Campana in 1970, a young woman received the unwanted attentions of a vengeful spurned lover. Dogging her footsteps, he shouted sexual abuse at her until she fled to the safety of her home in tears. Such abuse is expected and continual, a form of verbal vendetta.» — dos casos de campo que Gilmore fecha y localiza: el hombre de Carmona vejado media hora y la muchacha de La Campana perseguida en 1970 por un pretendiente despechado.

«As townspeople say of these agravios, a man or women must not take offense and must not react with anger to any such carnival provocation. "This is the way of carnival," they say, meaning that to break down under such a sustained verbal attack, even to flinch or to react in a visibly emotional way is to lose face. Everything must be endured cheerfully, with a smile. Every person is therefore both a potential abuser and a potential victim.» — la regla que Gilmore recoge en boca del pueblo: no ofenderse; quebrarse ante el agravio es perder la cara. El troceo imprime *a man or women*.

«The other form of violence is openly physical. But this is moderated by custom to barely tolerable limits. Young boys and girls, also masked, sometimes carry long staves or wooden poles with which they whack each other on the back or leg, or on other nonvital areas of the body (never the head» — la segunda forma de agresión, la física, acotada por la costumbre a zonas no vitales.

«To give offense is the purpose of carnival; but to take offense is the one absolute taboo.» — la regla que Gilmore formula como tabú único del carnaval: se ofende, no se toma ofensa.

«Carnival therefore provides a ritualized "cover" or excuse, as do alcohol or drugs in other cultures (Marshall 1979), under which people may give vent to their aggression and display other normally forbidden passions with impunity.» — el carnaval como coartada ritualizada, comparable al alcohol o a la droga en otras culturas según la referencia que Gilmore cita.

«Entérate, no te vayas a enfada'a, Understand this, you must never get angry, Porque estas son las cosas Because these things we do Que trae el Carnaval.» — copla que Gilmore recoge tras una serie de insultos, en el andaluz del pueblo tal cual lo imprime el troceo; él la traduce en la misma plana como *Understand this, you must never get angry, / Because these things we do / Are only for carnival*.

«In this way, the Andalusian festival of today differs from some other Latin carnivals, for example, in parts of urban Brazil, where carnival often coincides with deadly physical violence.» — Gilmore separa el carnaval andaluz de los brasileños urbanos donde la fiesta coincide con violencia mortal.

«Uncontrolled violence, usually of a political nature, did sometimes occur at carnival-time in Andalusia during the Republic (1931-39) and in earlier periods, but real fighting died out entirely after the Civil War and is unheard of today.» — Gilmore fecha el fin de la pelea real en el carnaval andaluz: la Guerra Civil.

«This brief outline of the main features of the Spanish carnival describes the festival as it existed from 1900 to the present, that is, during most of the twentieth century.» — Gilmore acota el alcance temporal de lo que acaba de describir.

«We are treating carnival in Spain as ritual, consisting of a series of performances or routinized events strung together over time. These events include bardic oral performances, burlesques and farces, aggressive but controlled threats, drunken revelry of a predictable kind, licentious and provocative promenading, spontaneous and sometimes quasi-violent street theater, transvestism, and so on.» — Gilmore declara al abrir el capítulo tercero que trata el carnaval como rito, y enumera qué actos incluye en esa categoría.

«The first question we must contend with in examining all this is: should a secular (and in fact frankly obscene) celebration like carnival, with its irreligious antics, be called a ritual, in the anthropological sense? After all, the word "ritual" is usually used by anthropologists in connection with sacred or solemn rites: worship of deities and observation of life crises.» — la pregunta que Gilmore se plantea: si una fiesta secular y obscena cabe en la categoría antropológica de rito.

«With its set routines and activities, symbolic expressions, and formulaic genres, carnival can be described as a secular ritual.» — la respuesta de Gilmore: el carnaval cabe como rito secular.

«Since the days of Durkheim, anthropologists have agreed on one basic premise: that ritual, secular or mystical, is not "empty" rote behavior but has important societal effects. Most important, ritual seems to promote social solidarity among its participants. Ritual brings people together physically and expresses in powerful symbolic terms common goals and shared values.» — Gilmore adjudica a la disciplina entera el acuerdo sobre los efectos sociales del rito.

«Ritual also symbolically "creates" an ordered universe of forms. In providing a structured series of prescribed events and associated beliefs, ritual imposes a cognitive map on the world and externalizes the group's collective representations.» — el rito como mapa cognitivo que impone orden y saca fuera las representaciones colectivas, según Gilmore.

«Given its role in reaffirming or highlighting norms, ritual has often been regarded as a force for bolstering the status quo. As numerous observers have recently shown, however, ritual can, in certain contexts, be a force for political change—even for revolutionary upheaval» — Gilmore consigna la doble lectura del rito —sostén del orden y motor de cambio— sin arbitrar entre ellas.

«The complex relation between politics and ritual has been approached in a variety of ways, all of which are useful in grasping the meanings of the Latin carnival. For the sake of simplicity, we can distinguish at least four distinctive though overlapping approaches.» — Gilmore anuncia las cuatro aproximaciones con que va a ordenar la bibliografía del carnaval.

«Most of the work so far adheres to the "safety valve" model, in» — Gilmore mide el peso de los modelos en la bibliografía del carnaval; la frase cruza de plana y sigue *which the exuberance of carnival is seen as a letting off of steam among the masses*.

«The relevance of this idea in complex, class-stratified societies, however, is open to question. Is the model useful where there is basic disagreement about the political order, where class struggle occurs, or where the possibility of real revolution, as opposed to symbolic inversion, exists?» — Gilmore plantea el límite del modelo en sociedades de clases, con tres preguntas que deja abiertas.

«Historians working with European materials have also probed rites of reversal like carnival. The literature is especially rich for early modern France.» — Gilmore pasa de los antropólogos a los historiadores y señala dónde está la bibliografía más densa.

«This ambiguity does not indicate epistemological confusion; rather it reflects the inherent multivalence of ritual and its variable relation to politics.» — Gilmore niega que la ambigüedad de esos historiadores sea confusión y la adjudica a la multivalencia del rito.

«Secular celebrations have been viewed from a semiotic viewpoint. Here ritual is seen as a symbolic text, or "story grammar" (Hanks 1989:97), awaiting interpretation.» — Gilmore presenta la cuarta aproximación, la semiótica, que lee el rito como texto.

«Recognizing the contradictions and complexities of carnival culture, both historically and contemporaneously, Bakhtin's work is a subtle and insightful document and we will refer to him many times in the following chapters.» — Gilmore declara su deuda con Bakhtin y anuncia que volverá a él a lo largo del libro.

«Wherever it occurs, carnival is therefore nothing if not blatantly contradictory in its "promiscuous mixing" of bodies, statuses, images, egos, and sexes, as Richard Parker (1991:144) puts it, also referring to Brazil.» — Gilmore toma de Richard Parker la fórmula de la mezcla promiscua de cuerpos, estatus, imágenes, egos y sexos.

«It is the very nature of the celebration to superimpose opposites, and by so doing achieve new and more powerful ways of interpreting the world and its possibilities.» — Gilmore enuncia lo que tiene por naturaleza de la fiesta: superponer opuestos para leer el mundo de otro modo.

«To summarize briefly: as a form of ritual play and moral commentary, carnival can subvert the normal order while at the same time reinforcing normalcy. Carnival can create a moral unity through symbolic means among classes and sexes. This unity can extend to the whole society or to conflictive subsets — be they social classes, the oppressed, or women—within the society.» — el resumen del capítulo tercero en voz de Gilmore: el carnaval subvierte y a la vez refuerza, y la unidad moral que crea puede abarcar la sociedad entera o solo a los oprimidos.

«In a sense, then, carnival seems like a celebration not so much of antiestablishment feeling per se, in some undiluted form, but rather of ambivalence itself y of dualism, contradiction, and mixed feelings. As we shall see, the rituals and the oral extrusions of the February frolics in Spain are never monolithic, but promethean effulgences of the divided and the contradictory.» — la conclusión del capítulo: el carnaval celebra la ambivalencia misma; el troceo imprime *itself y* donde la frase lleva coma; el troceo une *anti-establishment* partido a fin de renglón y devuelve *antiestablishment*.

«We can now move on to an analysis of copla texts. Our first song specimens concern sex and gender. In the next chapter, we look at a special genre of chirigota satires that denigrate and abuse women, in both a sexual and politi» — el paso al análisis de las coplas, con el anuncio del capítulo cuarto sobre las sátiras que denigran a la mujer.

«These approaches are therefore not in basic disagreement with the ethnographic work of Turner, Gluckman, Scott, and Kertzer. But it is clear that most students of European carnival, past and present, have been struck most of all by the ambivalent nature of its rituals: these rituals both challenge and» — Gilmore cierra el repaso: lo que ha impresionado a todos los estudiosos del carnaval europeo es la ambivalencia de sus ritos; la frase cruza de plana y acaba *support the established order*.

«Rituals of rebellion, like carnival, can therefore paradoxically enhance the existing social order; or contrariwise, they can subvert the existing order by» — Gilmore deja las dos lecturas del rito de rebelión sin arbitrar; la frase cruza de plana y sigue *promoting horizontal solidarity among oppressed groups*.

«promoting horizontal solidarity among oppressed groups. What seems to matter is the context in which the inversive ritual takes place.» — el criterio con que Gilmore resuelve la disyuntiva: el contexto; el arranque va descabezado porque la frase viene de la plana anterior.

«It is noon on a cool overcast day in mid-February in Andalusia, the Saturday before Ash Wednesday. Carnival has arrived! Without any recognizable signal, but by common assent, people pour out of their homes into the village streets. Most of them are in colorful masquerade, both men and women. The mascarones, the male clowns, are all in drag, their faces covered. Their women counterparts, the máscaras, or harlequins, appear as exotic maids and princesses, Hollywood movie stars or Russian ballerinas, their faces likewise hidden.» — apertura etnográfica del capítulo cuarto: la calle el sábado antes del Miércoles de Ceniza, con mascarones y máscaras.

«The onlooker, even if motivated to do so, has a hard time distinguishing the masqueraders by sex, for all are completely covered from head to toe. Knowing the sexual confusion they cause, some of the women go out of their way to show you the delicate skin on their wrist to corroborate their femininity. "See, I'm a woman," a fairy princess whispers to bystanders, "Couldn't you tell? No? Why, how stupid you are!» — Gilmore consigna que el disfraz borra el sexo y recoge en boca de una máscara el gesto de enseñar la muñeca para probarse mujer.

«The colorful harlequins, though, parade with a little more dignity. They move at a stately pace, waving grandly, flirting, undulating, making lewd suggestions to passing gentlemen.» — el contraste de conducta entre máscaras y mascarones.

«Eso es el carnaval!" the young boys shout as they careen through the streets, wielding their poles and noisemakers. "El que diga 'no,' vete al diablo!" (This is carnival! Anyone who says No can go to the devil.) On a slightly more ominous note: "Eso es el carnaval! El que diga 'no' se le cortan los cojones!» — los dos gritos de los muchachos que Gilmore transcribe en andaluz —el segundo con la amenaza de castración— y traduce a renglón seguido.

«The belligerent youths' point is that carnival has no room for naysayers, for negativity. During carnival there is no No. It is forbidden to deny. Carnival is Yes. If you want to keep your cojones intact, say Yes, and join in!» — la lectura que Gilmore hace de esos gritos: en carnaval no cabe el no.

«Around a corner come twelve men in marching costumes, sparkling white tunics festooned with ribbons. The murga approaches the center of town where the throngs part to let it pass. "¡Viva la murga!" the people shout. The minstrels pause, and the maestro emits two harsh blasts from his trumpet for quiet. His companions rhythmically beat their tambourines. The singers clear their throats; the maestro taps three times with his baton. The songs of carnival are about to begin. Vox populi will now be heard.» — la entrada de la murga en la plaza, descrita paso a paso hasta el golpe de batuta del maestro.

«The main vehicle of mockery is the murga's piquant song. The poets direct much of their venom at women. Naturally, the victims are those who have transgressed the pueblo's rigid moral code in one way or another during the past year, as often as not, sexually—wayward girls, unfaithful wives, unwed mothers, and so on.» — Gilmore nombra a las víctimas preferentes de la copla: las mujeres que quebraron el código moral del pueblo.

«But beyond the richly inventive metaphors for women's sexual frailties and peccadilloes that add spice to these attacks, the joke in each case is grounded in serious satire about generic feminine flaws (as men see them), irrespective of sinful acts.» — Gilmore distingue el ataque a la falta concreta de la sátira sobre defectos femeninos genéricos, y marca que son defectos *as men see them*.

«The subject is the farce of sex itself—man and woman, repression and desire—and at a higher level the battle of the sexes. The songs are about the primacy of the id, the comical weakness of the poor defenses that civilization erects vainly against the power of nature.» — Gilmore enuncia de qué trata la copla satírica: la farsa del sexo y la primacía del ello.

«Our first song, debuted more than forty years ago in the town of La Campana, reflects the tendency to deride women, in the service of male vanity. The song celebrates the comeuppance of a pretentious "woman of high status." This particular lady, supercilious and sexually unattainable, is a universal straw woman for carnival satire» — Gilmore sitúa la primera copla del libro en La Campana, hace más de cuarenta años, y nombra el tipo: la mujer de posición, remilgada, degradada.

«The lady is typically brought low by a wily workingman, who gets the better of her and tricks her into having sex, which of course she subconsciously wants and enjoys. But she is not brought down because she has sinned. She is victimized only because of her sex, because she is aloof, the unresponsive object of male desire. Her punishment is a collective vindication of male dominance and sexuality; her guilt, also collective, lies in her desirability. An example must be made.» — la lectura de Gilmore del tipo: a la mujer no se la castiga por haber pecado sino por su sexo y por ser deseable.

«Una niña de elevada distinción Fue a cortarse las melenas A lo garzón. El barbero "mu" tunante y diligente Se la puso en postura diferente. Vaya salero: La peló y la afeitó con esmero Y la niña de gusto bailaba, Cuando le pasaba La brocha el barbero.» — copla de La Campana, tal cual la imprime el troceo en el andaluz del folleto; Gilmore la traduce a renglón seguido y lee al barbero como embaucador y héroe cultural.

«The transvestites move smartly through the streets. They grotesquely mimic women's mannerisms and, in a strange falsetto whine, shout obscenities that» — la actuación de los travestidos en la calle; la frase cruza de plana —el folio y el número de capítulo caen al pie de la plana de apertura— y acaba *would make a harlot blush*.

«Stick it in my arse," they bellow. "Touch my tits!" They push and jostle, they brawl and challenge, picking arguments, accosting passersby.» — las dos voces que Gilmore traduce del andaluz de los mascarones, y el empujón y la bronca que las acompañan.

«In our first song, note how the barber, the wily, predatory male, is given center stage — as the trickster, a culture hero.» — Gilmore señala el reparto de papeles de la copla: el barbero como embaucador y héroe cultural.

«the woman, who remains captive in the barber's chair, restrained and passive like a prisoner in the docket, while he "operates" on her.» — la mujer cautiva en el sillón del barbero como un reo en el banquillo; el arranque va descabezado porque la frase viene de la plana anterior.

«In a reflection of Andalusian sexual attitudes, the man is given the power to initiate the action, to enact the seduction.» — Gilmore lee en ese reparto la actitud sexual andaluza: la iniciativa es del hombre.

«Obviously, "going to the barber" means having intercourse, and like "skinning the turkey" and a host of other idiosyncratic phrases, this euphemism for sex is employed by cultivated women. But what the song really does is parody bourgeois women's sexual circumlocution in the process of constructing a shared male joke about seduction.» — Gilmore descifra el eufemismo de la copla del barbero y lo lee como parodia del circunloquio sexual burgués.

«In the spirit of the carnivalesque, the versifier attributes concupiscent intent to the "lady," but he confers agency—the power to act or to consummate an intention—on the (lower-ranking) male. Thus what is high is lowered, fastidiousness is circumvented, and the modesty of woman is ex» — la lectura de Gilmore: la copla rebaja lo alto y deja el pudor femenino por fraudulento; *exposed* queda partido a fin de renglón.

«Continuing the skit, the transvestite matador led the bull around with the panties, but he was hopelessly outmaneuvered. The bull got the better of him, as both man and animal shrieked obscenities about intercourse. "How hard it is to get it in!" wailed the matador. "Go fuck yourself," shouted the bull, "you're not trying hard enough. Come on, stick it in, you fairy." The two continued in this vein, until the matador finally produced a huge wooden phallus, which the bull rushed in to grab, and with the effigy in hand, did the job himself. The skit then concluded with a crude imitation of bestiality, culminating in the bull's gasps of satisfaction.» — el desenlace de esa pantomima, con las voces del matador y del toro en la traducción inglesa de Gilmore.

«The act over, the crowd wandered off to search out other bands or resorted to spontaneous street theater for further entertainment. Other songs and skits followed, one after the other, until the day drew to a close and, exhausted, people wandered home to sleep it off. At twilight, they refreshed themselves by napping, washing, changing costume (or perhaps abandoning the masquerade to become onlookers), and in general prepared for the night's events, which would last until dawn. Sleep is never important. This is carnival! Eso es el carnaval! No one sleeps for long.» — el cierre de la jornada y la vuelta a la calle de noche; Gilmore recoge el *Eso es el carnaval* del pueblo.

«The following coplas, all collected between the years 1970 and 1980, come from various towns in Seville Province, including Fuentes de Andalucía, La Campana, Carmona, and a few others.» — Gilmore acota de dónde y de cuándo son las coplas del capítulo: cuatro pueblos de la provincia de Sevilla, entre 1970 y 1980.

«The following ballad employs another trope often encountered in Andalusian allegory—prurient food metaphors. The poet plays on the pun of pescado (fish) and pecado (past participle of pecar, "to sin"). In Andalusian Spanish, both words are pronounced "peca'o," giving rise to many puns and jokes.» — Gilmore explica el juego de palabras andaluz entre *pescado* y *pecado*, que suenan igual.

«The young woman who is made fun of here appears both naive and worldly, sexually repressed and salacious, and again in need of the male instrument to "fulfill" her and resolve her indecision. Her boyfriend needs metaphorically to "fill her" with phallic foods, here a "big fish."» — la lectura de Gilmore de la copla del pescado: la muchacha ingenua y salaz a la vez, que necesita el instrumento masculino.

«Una niña muy bonita Que a su madre le decía, Que le comprara pescado Que en la plaza se vendía. La madre por complacerla, Compró lo que gustaba;» — copla del pescado, en el andaluz del folleto tal cual lo imprime el troceo; la traducción inglesa de Gilmore va intercalada renglón a renglón y sigue en la plana siguiente.

«The joke is pretty obvious if one remembers that Andalusian men are uncircumcised. When the fish is "peeled" or skinned, the "head" emerges from the foreskin. The swelling can refer to pregnancy in the one who swallows the juice or, alternatively, to the tumescence of erection. The girl wants "a big fish," the kind that is itself swollen and that swells her up, fills her up.» — Gilmore descifra la copla del pescado nombrando el dato que la hace legible: los hombres andaluces no están circuncidados.

«The following copla, from the town of Carmona, uses the same gastrosexual imagery. It combines the "hunger" of repressed female desire with a favorite automotive trope for sexual intercourse in which the bumpy motorcycle ride serves as an easily identifiable allegory for copulation.» — Gilmore presenta la copla de la Vespa, de Carmona, y nombra sus dos tropos: el alimentario y el automovilístico; el troceo une *gastro-sexual* partido a fin de renglón y devuelve *gastrosexual*.

«While the minstrels sing, the crowd may also be treated to a pantomime, such as the following one that I witnessed in the town of Fuentes de Andalucía in 1977. As a ribald murga performance concluded, one clown leapt into the circle vacated by the departing musicians. He did a lewd female impersonation, complete with bumps and grinds and pelvis thrusting. Then, producing a filthy pair of women's panties from the folds of his costume, he began to twirl them over his head like a bull roarer.» — pantomima que Gilmore presenció en Fuentes de Andalucía en 1977, contada en primera persona.

«Next, the underwear became a bullfighter's cape. Another clown, wearing a set of horns on his head, emerged from the surrounding crowd at a signal. The two began to enact a parody of the corrida, lurching about the streets to cries of encouragement from the throng.» — el resto de la pantomima: las bragas por capote, el segundo payaso con cuernos y la parodia de la corrida.

«The "eggs and sausage," of course, come in for a good deal of shaking and vibrating during foreplay (women often decorously use the word huevos in place of cojones, for balls), and the girl worries that the fun will be spoiled unless her lover slows his motor down.» — Gilmore descifra la copla de la Vespa y anota el eufemismo femenino de *huevos* por *cojones*.

«The song portrays the woman as "hungry" (for sex) but unsure of her impulses and hypocritically mixing metaphors to avoid appearing avid: a common representation of female self-deception throughout carnival versification.» — la lectura de Gilmore: la mujer hambrienta pero insegura, que mezcla metáforas para no parecer ávida.

«But the point of the song, my sources say, is to make fun of women's tendency to beat around the bush. In fact, the song does something else. It symbolically inverts male-female dependencies. This reversal banishes the actual male need for women and replaces it with food.» — Gilmore antepone lo que dicen sus informantes a lo que él mismo ve en la copla: una inversión de la dependencia entre los sexos.

«This phallocentric vision reverses the normal oral dependency relations in Andalusia that bind men, in childlike fashion, to wives and mothers as the purveyors of cooked food, since men never do kitchen work. But during carnival they do have eggs and sausages.» — Gilmore señala la inversión: fuera del carnaval son las mujeres las que proveen la comida, porque los hombres no entran a la cocina.

«The following copia uses an inversiva alimentary trope for the helpless hunger of desire and reversing relations of oral dependency.7 It plays on the same theme of women's conflicted impulses and the virile response of the male, both peremptory and minatory. The poet equates semen and "milk."» — presentación de la copla de la moza de servicio; el troceo imprime *copia* por *copla* e *inversiva* por *inversive*.

«The song makes a wordplay on the polysemous verb ordeña, which technically means to milk a cow or other animal. But it can also mean to rub or manipulate an object in the manner of milking a cow, that is, masturbation. Using the same verb, Andalusians joke about "milking" the branches of an olive tree during the harvest in order to collect the fruit or "seed."» — Gilmore descifra el verbo *ordeñar* y su otro uso andaluz, el de la vareta del olivo.

«What is less apparent is the moral message to the effect that the serving girl, going about her business blindly (but unconsciously willing), stimulates the "macho" man. Accidentally on purpose, she initiates his threatening response, expressed as a warning. The serving maid is portrayed as sexually provocative, but the male retains a privileged position of both genital domination and moral authority.» — la lectura moral que Gilmore extrae de esa copla: la criada provoca sin saberlo y el varón conserva la autoridad.

«The following song, from Fuentes de Andalucía, dates from the late 19408. Like the picnic ditty above, it employs the metaphor of the bumpy conveyance to relay a similar message. Here the vehicle is the ubiquitous bicycle, which was the poor man's "horse" during the lean postwar years.» — Gilmore fecha y localiza la copla de la bicicleta, y explica por qué la bicicleta es el caballo del pobre.

«To explain the omnipresent transportation imagery, people say that riding front-to-back is very much like sex, because a man and woman are "bouncing" in unison with the man in control» — la explicación que Gilmore recoge en el pueblo para el tropo del transporte.

«Se ha puesto muy popular Bicycles have become La bicicleta, Extremely popular, Ya las mocitas de Fuentes And all the gals of Fuentes Están muy contentas. Are very happy about it. Cuando salen de paseo Whenever they go for a walk Suelen decir: They say: I'm going to find my boyfriend, Voy en busca de mi novio He just bought a new bike Que ha comprado una And I'm going to get on with him. Y me va a subir.» — copla de la bicicleta de Fuentes de Andalucía, con la traducción inglesa intercalada por el OCR renglón a renglón; sigue en las planas siguientes.

«Resorting to obvious "downfall" imagery (which may be read as both willing capitulation and disgrace), these bicycle songs warn women that forwardness with certain objects will lead to serious consequences. But it is an ambivalent warning, the implication being one of women's complicity: the songs simultaneously express a warning about female receptiveness and the wish for it.» — Gilmore lee la copla de la bicicleta como advertencia ambivalente: avisa del riesgo y a la vez lo desea.

«The following song similarly makes fun of women's sexual confusion and "weakness," through a host of animal, in this case veterinary, images. These also occur commonly in Andalusian coplas.» — presentación de la copla del conejo, con el registro veterinario.

«In Andalusian sexual slang, "rabbit" means vagina and "gruel" (or serum) stands for semen. Like many other bawdy songs, this brief lyric makes the oft-repeated point that female sexuality, while vital and "hot" (to use the favored term), is so repressed by convention that it is deformed into neurotic symptoms (the rabbit's illness) requiring the attentions of a man to return to health and well-being.» — Gilmore traduce el argot —*conejo* por vulva, *suero* por semen— y lee la copla como sexualidad femenina reprimida hasta el síntoma.

«Thus, the singer attributes to men not just the agency and primacy in sex, but also wisdom and restorative skills. The woman is reduced to object, needful of male genital attention, as in a doctor-patient relationship.» — la lectura de Gilmore: al varón le tocan además la sabiduría y la cura, y a la mujer el papel de paciente.

«We now move to songs that carnivalize sex and gender from other angles, and seemingly show us the obverse of the earlier picture. The first specimen exemplifies a moralistic genre that criticizes women not for prudery but for promiscuity.» — Gilmore abre la sección *Bad Girls* con el reverso: la copla que reprocha la promiscuidad.

«Written and sung by conservative older men, the lyrics attack the immodesty of young girls in a period of social change, with the message that such behavior will drive suitors away rather than attract them. Again, women are given implicitly to understand that serious judgments (marriage being the most serious in life) are made by men; here, though, the demand is for prudence rather than promiscuity.» — Gilmore nombra a los autores de esas coplas —hombres mayores y conservadores— y el mensaje que sostienen.

«Next, a typical example of comic verse satirizing "modern" widows along the same lines:» — Gilmore presenta la copla de las viudas modernas como caso del mismo género.

«Again, the grotesque realism of carnival metaphors works to transform the male into the possessor of the sexual energy (or sustenance) that animates the object-subject relation and the sensual gratification. His motorcycle gives his girlfriend "the ride," and it is his organ that provides the erotic nourishment.» — Gilmore atribuye a la metáfora grotesca la conversión del varón en dueño de la energía sexual y del sustento.

«Y una moza de servicio One morning a servant girl Que iba dándose cartel, Went out in a great hurry to Por leche una mañana Buy some milk for coffee. Para tomar el café. Being very distracted, Como iba tan "deprisa" She asked for the goatherd La muchacha preguntó But since he did not answer, Y como no estaba el cabrero She started milking by herself.» — copla de la moza y el cabrero, primera mitad: el troceo entrevera renglón a renglón el andaluz del folleto y la traducción inglesa de Gilmore, y así se cita.

«Ella misma ordeñó. But she grabbed the wrong thing Estando ordeñando And the young man [the goatherd] said: Le dijo el muchacho; Careful now, girl, Cuidado chiquilla, Que ordeñas el macho.» — remate de la copla de la moza y el cabrero, ya en la plana siguiente, con la misma intercalación de andaluz y traducción; el arranque va descabezado.

«Mariquilla tenía un conejo, Little Mary had a bunny rabbit, La mas de gracioso que lo he visto. The sweetest little thing I ever saw. Yo, asombrao, me dije ¡vaya! I was surprised at how skinny it was, La hambre que tenía que pasar And I said to myself, Gosh, what hunger» — copla del conejo, primera mitad, con el andaluz y la traducción intercalados renglón a renglón por el OCR.

«Yo no he visto en otro animal. This poor thing must have suffered! Yo le pongo de pronto una inyección, So I gave it an injection of the Sí, es de suero bastante mejor. Very best serum just as fast as I could. Con la inyección que le hemos puesto And wouldn't you know it? Ya está el conejo repuesto.» — remate de la copla del conejo en la plana siguiente; el arranque va descabezado.

«Este año las mocitas This year, this year, Este año las mocitas All the girls, Ya han dado por llevar All the girls are wearing Colgada una cadenita Hippy beads and Y unas medias muy cala. See-through blouses. Por las calles ellas They sashay through the Van diciendo, vida mía Streets exclaiming Quiero ser ye-yé, Oh, la la, how I want Llevando una minifalda To be a go-go girl. Llevando una minifalda Wearing miniskirts, miniskirts, Que el obligo se levé, That barely cover their navel, Parece el mono en un circo They look just like circus monkeys Cuando charlando se ven. Chattering through the streets.» — copla de las mocitas y la minifalda, primera mitad, con el andaluz y la traducción intercalados renglón a renglón.

«Cualquiera llega Who is going to ask you for a date A pedirle un paseíto With that face you put on? Con la cara que suelen poner. Hussy, you're like a left-over [rotten] olive Si es que eres un rebuscao After the last gleaning, Pues no llegues No man will choose you. Y quedarás mejor. With all that paint Lastima pintura You shamelessly slap on your face, Que te pones You don't know how ugly you look. Y no sabes lo fea que está.» — remate de la copla de las mocitas, con la comparación de la aceituna rebuscada.

«Viudas a lo loco Nos presentamos, Todos con la Maestra Y organizados. Su tipo y su hechura Es lo que tienen que ver, Cuando se queden mirando De la cabeza a los pies. Viste a la moda Como ninguna;» — copla de las viudas, en el andaluz del folleto tal cual lo imprime el folleto; el troceo corta aquí por límite de chunk dentro de la misma plana y la copla sigue con *Con el vestido corto*.

«Con el vestido corto All these crazy old widows, absolutely mad, They've got their own "Maestra" And their own wild gangs. Their behavior and their nutty fashions Are truly something to behold, They are dressed to kill; You must get a load of these gals: Dressed to the nines, All in the latest fashion, too, Makeup smeared all over With tiny little skirts and» — la traducción inglesa que Gilmore da de la copla de las viudas, en bloque tras el andaluz; el arranque va descabezado por el corte de chunk y la frase sigue en la plana siguiente.

«Y la pintura. Las alpagatas blancas Y las medidas de "sport" Van por las calles diciendo: ¿Con que me casaré yo?12 The sportiest threads in town. They go traipsing through the streets Saying to themselves: Now, what poor guy am I Going to catch and marry?» — remate de la copla de las viudas, con el andaluz primero y la traducción inglesa después.

«It seems that women are damned if they do and damned if they don't.» — la fórmula con que Gilmore resume el doble vínculo que la copla impone a la mujer.

«We now turn to more recent examples of moralistic misogyny. The following song, from the early 19805, a period of sexual freedom and experimentation in Spain, again attacks "liberated" women as shameless and sexually provocative. The message once again places the onus on the woman for the behavior of the predatory male aroused by her immodesty. The lyrics use the favorite vehicular metaphor for sexual seduction, with the man as usual in the driver's seat; in fact, the man's "hard object" becomes the driveshaft. Little has changed since the 19505.» — Gilmore fecha la copla del embrague a principios de los ochenta y señala que el reparto de culpas no ha cambiado desde los cincuenta.

«Una noche que llovía Un murguista se encontró Una pareja de novios Que le llamo la atención. Ella buscaba las bragas Debajo de un automóvil, Y le hecho mano al embrague Y dijo usted me perdone El chofer que estaba dentro. La cogió por la cintura Y se la sentó en la falda; Le cogió una cosa dura. Y cuando salen del baile Vienen jaita de cubatas, No saben las infelices Que pueden meter la pata. Deben de tener un castigo El que da esa libertad. Así no habría en el mundo Mujeres tan desgracia.» — copla del embrague, en el andaluz del folleto tal cual lo imprime el troceo; la traducción inglesa va después en bloque.

«One rainy night One of our troubadours here Saw a couple that Caught his attention. She was looking for her panties Underneath a car, And she grabs the clutch by mistake And the driver inside says, Hey, pardon me, lady. He grabs her by the waist And sits her down on his lap, And the next thing you know She's grabbing something hard. When these modern girls leave Their midnight parties, liquored up They don't know what trouble They can get themselves into. It's because of all this new liberty. There should be a severe punishment Meted out to whoever gives these women such license. In the whole world there are no women More disreputable than in this town.» — la traducción inglesa que Gilmore da de la copla del embrague.

«The lyrics convey the panoply of Andalusian sexual double standards. Touch the gearshift, the message warns, and you start the engine; the blame is yours. The woman who "starts the car" is always to blame in the case of an accident, or overheating, as the case may be.» — Gilmore lee el doble rasero en la metáfora mecánica: quien toca la palanca carga con la culpa; el troceo une *gear-shift* partido a fin de renglón y devuelve *gearshift*.

«Let us examine a contrasting genre that deplores the duplicity of wives and mothers-in-law. These songs are not so much about sex as about the other male needs met by women, such as for food and cosseting. Addressed specifically to women in the audience, often in scolding tones, these coplas starkly convey the image of women as withholding and niggardly. In this type of misogynous verse, the wife, in contrast to the selfless mother (a romanticized image that we will explore in the next chapter) is characterized with ironic disillusionment as selfish, rejecting, and judgmental. Frustrating, demanding, and depleting, the wife and mother-in-law are like Harpies.» — Gilmore abre la sección de las *Battle-Axes* y describe el tipo: la esposa y la suegra como arpías, frente a la madre abnegada.

«One such song bemoans the conditional nature of uxorial affection. Here the singer again portrays the wife as the antithesis of the selflessly loving mother. The wife is not only critically evaluative but also greedy, loving only a man with money. Her love is qualified, conditional. To meet her harsh demands, the husband must uproot himself and travel to alien places. There, miserable and bereft, he toils to win his miserly wife's affection.» — presentación de la copla del emigrante: el afecto conyugal como condicionado al dinero.

«Ni que te vaya a Alemania Even if you emigrate to Germany, Ni a Suiza ni a Belén, To Switzerland, or to the Coast, La mujer no quiere a nadie; A wife only loves a man who No quiere mas que'r parnel. Comes back loaded with dough. Eso le pasa a la tuya, This happens with your wife, A la mía, y a las demás. With mine, and everyone's. En viendo billetes verdes, If she sees those greenbacks, Mira que amoroso están. Look how amorous she becomes. Teniendo billetes verdes Man, if you have those greenbacks, Está visto y aprobao; You're approved and accepted; Eres bonito y gracioso, You're handsome and charming, Sabes mas que un abogao.» — copla del afecto interesado, en el andaluz del folleto con la traducción inglesa intercalada renglón a renglón por el OCR.

«Our next song decries the most fearsome problem in a man's life: the united front of wife and hostile mother-in-law. The two hard-hearted women mount an aggressive exploitative conspiracy. Again, the man is bled dry and thrown out. Though he gives and gives, it is never enough. They are insatiable.» — presentación de la copla de la mujer y la suegra: el frente unido que desangra al marido.

«Trabajando, trabajando, Working, working, Trabajando noche y dia, Working night and day, Pa'que cuando estoy parao, For if I am unemployed, Aumentan las penas mías. All my worries grow. Pa'que cuando estoy parao When I am unemployed Y ni ganando ni una perra, And not earning a red cent, Cualquiera aguanta en mi casa No one in my house A mi mujer y a mi suegra. Can control my wife and mother-in-law. Como esta de moda, ayer les As is the custom, yesterday Compré una lavadora, I bought them a washing machine Y una olla exprés, And a pressure cooker, Y hasta un molinillo pa' moler café.» — copla del trabajador, la mujer y la suegra, con el andaluz y la traducción intercalados renglón a renglón.

«Y no puedo volver a mi casa, I can't go home any more, Yo no puedo, no puedo, no puedo. Oh, no, I just can't go home, Y si vuelvo me encuentro en la puerta Because whenever I go home, Casi siempre sentao el ditero. I always see the bill collector waiting for me. Mire usted si estaré cabreao, Look for yourself if they're not cuckolding me, Que me tienen pela'a las pestañas, They have the shirt right off my back. Y este año estoy apuntao, And this year, my name is down as the first Y me voy er primero a Alemania. Poor guy to leave for Germany. Es la forma que me han recetao It's the only way they say I can earn Pa' pagar lo que debo en España» — remate de la copla del trabajador, con la marcha a Alemania como única salida.

«The following song reviles women for ignoring their obligations, for being poor housekeepers, for bossing their husbands, and for not properly attending to their husbands' personal needs.» — presentación de la copla contra la mala casera.

«Me ofrecen una novia con salero Pero yo no la quiero porque te voy a decir. Mientras me encuentre yo soltero Hago lo que quiero y nadie manda en mi. De primera parece una cosa Buena moza como tu la ves, Y se casan y nunca se lavan, Y salen diciendo pues yo ya pasé. Si eso fuera una sandía que se pudiera calar Antes de casarse niña enséñate tu a lavar, Que es una vergüenza niña [bis] Como tu marido va. Por eso darse cuenta muchachas Ya sabéis lo que pasa si se queréis casar; Algunas tenéis la ajuar comprada Y no os sirve de nada Por no saber lavar. Aplicarse la que quisiera casarse, Pa' que pueda su casa llevar Que parece mentira chiquilla Que valla [sic] el marido como algunos van.» — copla contra la mala casera, en el andaluz del folleto; el troceo conserva el *[sic]* que el propio Gilmore pone sobre *valla*.

«The next song also scolds women but takes a slightly different slant. Written in the 19605 during the high point of the labor emigration to northern Europe, it chastises wives for exploiting their husbands economically, forcing them into labor abroad, ignoring men's needs, and caring only for money.» — Gilmore fecha la copla de la emigración en los años sesenta y nombra su reproche.

«Naturally, most men hated and feared leaving home, but they felt that they were required as breadwinners to make this "sacrifice" for their family.» — Gilmore consigna lo que los hombres sentían ante la emigración y el deber que invocaban.

«In Spain, men also protest that they must "sacrifice" in order to satisfy their wife's insatiable desire for consumer goods. Here the man is portrayed as victim of female perfidy, driven from his natal village into a hard life of thankless toil in foreign lands.» — Gilmore describe el papel que la copla le da al hombre: víctima de la perfidia femenina.

«Esto de los emigrantes This labor emigration stuff has become Se ha puesto mu popular Very popular these days; Todo el que va a Alemania Everyone's going to Germany Una casa quié comprar. To make enough dough to buy a new house. Otros se van a Suiza Others are going to Switzerland Por ver lo que pasa allí, To see what's available there, Que quiere comprar una vaca Some to buy a milk cow La vaca la dejo aquí.» — copla de la emigración, con el andaluz y la traducción intercalados renglón a renglón.

«While the song mentions no one specifically, it is clear that those responsible for the young women's "disgrace" are their lenient fathers and brothers who» — Gilmore identifica al destinatario tácito de la copla del embrague; la frase cruza de plana y sigue *"permit" them this scandalous freedom*.

«More masculine control is needed, the poet pleads, because a wayward young woman is fair game.» — el reproche que Gilmore lee en la copla: hace falta más control masculino; el arranque va descabezado porque la frase viene de la plana anterior.

«El hombre que sea muy feo A guy who's really ugly Y no se encuentre casamiento, And can't find a girl to marry him, Teniendo billetes verdes, If he's got greenbacks,» — tercera estrofa de la copla del afecto interesado; la copla cruza de plana y remata con *Pierden el conocimiento*.

«Pierden el conocimiento. He's suddenly a handsome swain. Aquí termina la copla: Here ends our ditty: Esta es la realidad. It's the absolute truth. Mira como "toas" se rien, Look how everyone is laughing, Pa'que saben que es la verdad!14 Because you all know how true it is!» — remate de la copla del afecto interesado, ya en la plana siguiente, con el andaluz y la traducción intercalados.

«Finally, of course, a host of songs —understandable given the anxieties about wives and the domestic dungeon —are sung warning men against the trap of marriage.» — Gilmore nombra el tercer subgénero, el que avisa contra el matrimonio.

«Y llevaba la chaqueta And instead of a coat, he was wearing Que era un papel de pescado. A smelly old fish wrapper: £1 se fue buscando lana [bis] He went looking for fleece in marriage [bis] Pero salió trasquilao.» — remate de la copla contra la mala casera, ya en la plana siguiente, con el marido vestido de papel de pescado; el troceo rinde *El* como *£1*.

«These misogamous songs are funny to the audience because they invoke the always hilarious domestic comedy with its stereotypes» — Gilmore explica por qué esas coplas hacen gracia: apelan a la comedia doméstica y a sus tipos; la enumeración sigue en la plana siguiente.

«I was offered a beautiful fiancée But I turned her down for reasons I'll now relate. While I remain a bachelor, I do what I want and no one orders me about. At first glance a woman seems like a blessing, Lovely to look at, good and sweet, But after they get married they never clean house, Saying, I'm above all that now.» — primera mitad de la traducción inglesa que Gilmore da de la copla contra la mala casera.

«If only a woman were like a watermelon That you could tap to test its flavor. Before you marry, girl, learn to wash, And care for your husband; It's a damned shame how you neglect him [bis]. So take care girls, if you want to marry You must learn what marriage is all about. Some of you have your trousseau made up, But it's all to no avail, Unless you learn housekeeping. Apply yourself, girls, if you want a husband, Learn to clean house, You're deceiving yourself If you think you'll keep a man If you neglect your duties.» — segunda mitad de esa traducción, con el símil de la sandía que se cala antes de comprarla; el troceo une *water-melon* partido a fin de renglón y devuelve *watermelon*.

«La vaca que tu has dejao That cow you bought, says the wife, todo el día dando suspiros Sits around doing nothing, moaning No me importa que tu vengas Just like you do all the time. Pero mándame los giros. I don't care if you never come home, Si no me mandas los giros» — estrofa de la copla de la emigración, con el andaluz y la traducción intercalados; el troceo corta aquí por límite de chunk dentro de la misma plana.

«Just send me those remittances. No me tengas que escribir If you don't send me money Cojo la ropa y me marcho Don't bother writing; A Barcelona a servir.17 I'll just go to Barcelona and Get a job myself.» — cierre de la copla de la emigración tras el corte de chunk: la amenaza de la mujer de irse a servir a Barcelona.

«Performed during a liminal period of ritual liberation, these doggerel verses and skits enact a masculine usurpation of the critical voice of judgment, appropriating the role of initiator and master—as well as the active voice— through the pyrotechnics of verbal artistry. Women are downgraded, ridiculed, put in "their place."» — Gilmore lee la copla satírica como usurpación masculina de la voz del juicio.

«The carnival wits of Andalusia find fault with women for a welter of sins, both sexual and ethical. As self-appointed judges, the men retain the authority to "imagize," or frame, the sexual other as an object both of desire and of derision. This is of course a form of symbolic control. Both the songs and the skits put the woman in a position at the same time inferior and superior to the man's, but it is always a position inviting aggressive response.» — Gilmore describe el mecanismo: los hombres se erigen en jueces y encuadran a la mujer como objeto de deseo y de burla a la vez.

«Disguised by comic imagery, sweetened by laughter, the carnival coplas, full of whimsical tropes and ribald characterizations, make possible a monopoly over what might be called the means of seduction, the power of sex. The composers imagine a masculine genital hegemony and a moral authority, neither of which exists in reality, and thereby invent a satisfying female passivity and receptivity. Thus, the singer derives both the power and the opportunity to write the script of sexuality and solidify claims to sovereignty as poet and man.» — la tesis de Gilmore sobre la copla: inventa una hegemonía genital y una autoridad moral que no existen, y con ellas una pasividad femenina satisfactoria.

«Yet carnival protocols write a gender script that is just as ambivalent as it is compensatory and interlocutory. As Heath argues in her analysis of women's dance in urban Senegal, such thematic ambiguity reflects and publicizes "a central contradiction in gender relations" (1994:95). In Andalusia this central contradiction is twofold: it is the antithesis between phallic assertion and the need to shelter kinswomen from male predators, as well as the ambivalence about untrammeled female sexuality, expressed here as the libidinized image of woman bursting the bounds of convention.» — Gilmore nombra la contradicción doble que ve en el guion carnavalesco andaluz: afirmación fálica y deber de proteger a las mujeres de la casa.

«Balanced tenuously between power and weakness, masculine carnival discourse spawns an affective bivalence that furnishes the underlying motif and chaotic reversals of carnival burlesque. "Scatology and obscenity reaffirm the vital body" in the crazy music of February (Hutcheon 1985:71), while at the same time imploring women to satisfy man's contradictory desires.» — Gilmore describe el discurso carnavalesco masculino como bivalente, entre el poder y la debilidad; la frase sobre la escatología la cita de Hutcheon.

«Because it is irresoluble in emotional life, this conflict between fleshly desire and denial finds an outlet in carnival laughter. Specifically, it finds expression in sexual travesty, where inner contradictions pleasurably conflate phallocentric fantasies and bizarre corporeal associations.» — Gilmore adjudica a la irresolubilidad del conflicto entre deseo y negación la salida por la risa y el travestismo.

«food and carnal desire are equated through the gastro-génital symbolism beloved of the Andalusian poet. "Hunger" has many meanings» — Gilmore recoge de nuevo el simbolismo gastrogenital y remite a Vasvari; el arranque va descabezado porque la frase viene de la plana anterior.

«This erotic inventiveness is not simply the negation of the normal order but the creative enlivening of "the other side," of that which is denied. This deformation is accomplished by the means of florid metaphors, or what Bakhtin (1984:410) has called the grotesque realism of carnivalesque literature.» — Gilmore niega que la invención erótica de la copla sea mera negación: la llama vivificación de lo negado.

«In this idiom, the carnival poets stand firmly within the classical tradition of the master of Castilian storytelling, Cervantes.» — Gilmore pone a los maestros de carnaval en la tradición de Cervantes.

«Similarly, the carnival poets employ the language of grotesque realism to bring the female principle down to earth. But in presenting discordant and negative messages about woman's "nature," the texts also represent the woman as a riddle or enigma, and in so doing promote masculine control and appropriation. The mixed messages in carnival rhetoric echo the Freudian notion of female sexuality as a psychological dark continent. That is, the poets publicly promote an image of the female body as mysterious, one that invites men to explore and conquer it.» — Gilmore aplica el realismo grotesco al principio femenino y remite al continente oscuro freudiano.

«Both body and text are carnivalized in the linguistic juxtaposition of the contradictions of gender, in the mastery over the sexual opposite, the woman as other, as an act of the erotic imagination.» — Gilmore describe la carnavalización simultánea del cuerpo y del texto.

«Figuration relaxes the barrier between the represented object and the audience, creating a polymorphous unity of bodies that transforms the relations between subject, object, and symbol. In the texts the poets strip the female object of creative potential, in addition to stripping her naked. The parodist conceives the sexual other, the woman, as the recipient rather than merely the represented object of his judgmental narrative.» — Gilmore sostiene que la copla despoja a la mujer de potencial creador y la vuelve destinataria y no solo objeto del relato.

«The lyricist, the maestro of Andalusian carnival, speaks the Bakhtinian "double-voiced" word. His discourse has a dual textual and semantic orientation that reinvents the masculine order as it invites woman—the sexual object —to participate in a ludic dialogue that ensures "natural" compliance with male dominance. The maestro is the master over woman and over reproduction. He has overthrown the sovereignty of the object; he has made woman, as much as his audience, his prisoner by wrapping her in a rich web of masculine oratory. Carnival poetry thus may be seen as the ultimate rhetorical weapon in the war of the sexes.» — Gilmore llama al maestro palabra bivocal en el sentido de Bakhtin y a la copla arma retórica definitiva en la guerra de los sexos.

«But as in all other things, carnival verse also conveys a dual and contradictory message. The poems are also a kind of oratorical white flag signaling male supplication and surrender. As we shall see in the next chapter, another tradition stands in opposition to the chirigota burlesques. In their serious guise, as estudiantiles, the virtuosos sing of forgiveness and love, of female perfection, motherhood, and male dependency and inadequacy. In the spirit of carnival, the female, brought impossibly low by the comedians, is raised impossibly high by their counterparts.» — cierre del capítulo cuarto: la copla es también bandera blanca, y el capítulo siguiente muestra el reverso estudiantil.

«In the carnival coplas, the poets deconstruct the image of woman, which they then demonize, degrade, "carnivalize," and symbolically reconstruct in a form that is more to their liking. The poets break down woman's presumed haughtiness with the rhetorical solvent of "spicy" eroticism. Their songs are degrading in Bakhtin's sense of the term: bringing what is "upright down to earth," portraying woman in the scatological imagery of "the lower stratum of the body» — Gilmore describe la operación de la chirigota sobre la imagen de la mujer y la nombra con el término de Bakhtin.

«In the carnivalesque inversion of woman, her indignity at the hands of the jesters is only partial; for the very same poets, in a quicksilver transformation typical of carnival, turn the defiled image right side up and put woman on a lofty pedestal. Woman is thereby redeemed, her purity restored.» — Gilmore señala el vuelco: los mismos poetas que degradan a la mujer la ponen en un pedestal.

«Carnival, being not one thing or the other but everything all at once, superimposes dual images without softening inherent ragged antitheses. As in the development of a photograph, in which negative and positive sequences take form in their respective chemical baths, in the song lyrics women emerge as starkly negative and positive.» — el símil del revelado fotográfico con que Gilmore describe la superposición de las dos imágenes de la mujer.

«A tendency to split woman symbolically in two, into good and bad, is probably a universal male tendency, at least in Western culture. Reflecting on male sexuality, Freud expressed this view on numerous occasions in his writ» — Gilmore da por probablemente universal en la cultura occidental la escisión simbólica de la mujer y remite a Freud.

«Though ubiquitous, this symbolic splitting of the feminine in male thinking achieves its fullest expression in Mediterranean Catholicism, where the image of woman is on the one hand idealized as the sacred Madonna and on the other repudiated as the ¿nameless whore (Giovannini 1981). In a cognitive juxtaposition of icons, the image of woman is at once high and low, pure and defiled.» — Gilmore sitúa el punto máximo de esa escisión en el catolicismo mediterráneo, entre la Madonna y la ramera; el troceo imprime *¿nameless* por *nameless*.

«The maestros celebrate both sides of womanhood through the twistings and turnings of their carnival verse. Looking now at the "other side" of woman, we find the martyred mother, the self-sacrificing nurturer, the saintly caretaker, the chaste homemaker. The poets lovingly portray her as a sympathetic figure. She is rendered in the estudiantil carnival texts as the object of both veneration and identification.» — Gilmore presenta el reverso: la madre mártir, la cuidadora santa, tal como la canta el estudiantil.

«We begin with some typical verses from the carnivals of various towns in Seville Province. The first two songs presented below, dating from the middle of the Franco period, are basically idolatrous laments full of maudlin morality.» — Gilmore sitúa las dos primeras coplas del capítulo en la provincia de Sevilla y a mediados del franquismo, y las llama idólatras.

«Both songs are maternal elegies. They mourn the irreparable loss of the mother, whose virtue, the singer realizes, is fully appreciated only after her death and burial. The experience of parental loss is an emotional trauma that is portrayed as diminishing the singer, reducing and impoverishing him.» — Gilmore describe el argumento de las elegías maternas: la virtud de la madre solo se aprecia tras su muerte.

«Recordemos todo ser humano Que estamos en el mundo por una mujer, Y que hablamos sin tener conciencia De aquella mas buena Sin saber un porque. Nadie escoge madre Pa' vivir con ella. To'a su grandeza Se lo debe a ella. "Si una vez en la vida Cometió un delito Yo no veo culpa, Ni niego ese hijo. Una venda tenemos en la frente Que cubre la vista para nunca ver Esa falta que todos tenemos. El bueno y el malo nadie se lo ve." [Spoken:] ¡La conciencia limpia es una fortuna! No hable de tu madre Que no hay mas que una. Yo perdí a la mía, Tan pura y tan buena. ;En las ocasiones Que me acuerdo de ella!» — primera elegía materna, en el andaluz del folleto tal cual lo imprime el troceo, con la acotación *[Spoken:]* que marca el pasaje recitado; Gilmore la traduce en bloque a continuación.

«Remember that all human beings Come into the world through a woman. We often speak thoughtlessly Of that best one of all [our mother] Without really understanding what she means to us. No one chooses the mother Who bore him. But all of his glory and accomplishments are owing to her. "If once in his life My son committed a sin, I see no blame, nor do I ever Disown a wayward son. We [mothers] wear a blindfold That hides from our sight Those faults which everyone has. The good and bad: it's all the same to us." [Spoken]: A clear conscience is a blessing! Do not speak lightly of your mother, For you have but one. I lost my own: She was so pure and good. How often I think of her!» — la traducción inglesa que Gilmore da de la primera elegía materna.

«In the next sample, the linked themes of maternal longing, personal diminishment, and symbolic restoration take on a more poignant aspect. Here, in a lament composed in the late 19505, the singer dwells on early memories of a nurturing mother. The song emphasizes tactile images of warmth, softness, and sweet embracing fragrance. Such nostalgia for the mother conjures up dreamlike sensations of an enveloping, enchanted mutual bliss that contrast sharply with the harsh image of the sepulchre, death, and loss.» — Gilmore fecha la segunda elegía a fines de los cincuenta y describe su registro táctil.

«Expressing that perfect symmetry, the poet, literally wrapped in his mother's bedclothes for carnival, sings of his own mother, held closely in his heart— literally, pecho, male breast.» — Gilmore hace notar que el poeta canta envuelto materialmente en la ropa de cama de su madre.

«Many men who have committed these songs to memory will repeat the words outside carnival for reassurance in times of stress. Thus recited in times of difficulty, the mother-songs bring great consolation in recitation.» — Gilmore consigna el uso de estas coplas fuera del carnaval, como consuelo en la dificultad.

«Such sentimental verses are said to illustrate the poet's ability to "reach down" (profundizar) into the depths of the human soul and unite all listeners in sentimiento profundo» — Gilmore recoge los términos del pueblo para lo que hace el buen maestro: *profundizar* y traer *sentimiento profundo*.

«In the Mediterranean countries where the cult of the Virgin Mary is most conspicuously observed (Carroll 1986), the critical symbol "woman" often» — Gilmore liga el dualismo de la imagen de la mujer al culto mariano mediterráneo; la frase cruza de plana —el folio y el número de capítulo caen al pie— y sigue *takes on an essential dualism*.

«takes on an essential dualism or affective bipolarity in the male consciousness and in male folklore. This means that in public discourse a split image of women, and an ambivalent attitude toward them, emerges that must be dealt with in carnival lore and custom.» — la consecuencia que Gilmore extrae: una imagen escindida de la mujer que el carnaval tiene que administrar.

«The poem stresses the uniqueness of unconditional maternal love, a common theme in Andalusian folklore both within and outside carnival. The words convey the conviction that the mother alone offers nonjudgmental loyalty to her son. She is blind to his faults; she never makes a negative judgment; she accepts all.» — Gilmore lee en la elegía la lealtad sin juicio de la madre.

«Her loss, therefore, should not be taken lightly. When she disappears, so does the sense that the world itself is a benevolent place. Recapturing that belief in a sympathetic, forgiving universe, the singer ends on a profoundly grieving note and invites the audience to share his adulation for the mother. The mother, in a sense, therefore represents the world as seen through a benevolent lens: she is the world.» — el remate de esa lectura: la madre como lente benévola sobre el mundo.

«As such riveting poems of mourning are sung, the mood of the audience changes dramatically. The hilarity ceases, and people adopt serious looks. Men listen attentively, respectfully.» — Gilmore describe el cambio de ánimo del público cuando entra la elegía.

«When the morbid words of the poet end and the last horn notes die away, the women in the crowd nod in agreement with the sentiments expressed, thinking of their own mothers and of their own children, perhaps. But the men in the crowd are louder in their response. They shout their feelings: "How true, maestro, you have spoken to my soul!" "How deeply you have touched me, maestro." "There is nothing so perfect as a mother's love." Some men may cry silently. The men are quietly composed for a few moments as they appreciatively offer drinks to the murga band.» — las voces de los hombres al acabar la elegía, que Gilmore recoge en su traducción, y el convite a la murga.

«Si supiera lo buena es una madre If only you knew how good a mother is, ¡ Y la falta que te hace en toda la And the need you have of her always. ocasión! Yo quisiera tener la mía: I wish I had mine back: Soy desgraciado desde que faltó. I am disconsolate since she passed away. Ella me llevó en su seno, She carried me in her womb Y al mundo me trajo un dia; And brought me into the world, Y en una cuna de d in a little cradle of flowers Con esmero me mecía. She rocked me lovingly. Ella que en mi se esmeraba, She cared for me so devotedly Pa' que no me hiciera daño,» — segunda elegía materna, primera mitad, con el andaluz y la traducción intercalados renglón a renglón; el troceo desordena el verso de la cuna y deja *Y en una cuna de* separado de *flores*.

«Hasta el viento que corría Even when the wind blew gently, Me tapaba con su manto. She covered me with her shawl. Hoy descansa en una tomba sagrada, But today she rests in a sacred tomb, La que nunca olvidaré. She whom I will never forget. Como madre, dentro de mi pecho, Dear Mother, always within my breast Como un recuerdo yo te llevaré.» — remate de la segunda elegía materna, ya en la plana siguiente.

«Another lament for the lost nurturer, this song repeats the gloomy sentiments of the first song, but it adds an interesting theme. Emphasis is placed on the physical intimacy between mother and son. The song conveys a poignant nostalgia for that childhood closeness, which is literal, tactile. It is brought out in the images and tropes of an almost somatic symphysis, symbolized by metaphors of engulfment: the womb, the cradle, and the mother's blanketing shawl.» — Gilmore señala lo que añade la segunda elegía: la intimidad física entre madre e hijo, dicha con metáforas de envoltura.

«Later the maternal "enwrapment" is reciprocated by the son, who carries a changeless representation of the mother eternally in his breast (pecho). The mutual incorporation enacts a restorative symmetry through which the mother's sacred memory is internalized organically, after her death, within the body of the adoring son, who carries and nourishes her as lovingly as she once carried him.» — la simetría restauradora que Gilmore lee en la copla: el hijo lleva a la madre en el pecho como ella lo llevó a él.

«When they recited such paeans to motherhood to me, which they always did with much feeling, the men would inevitably ask about my own mother: was she alive, they would inquire politely, and, if so, how was her health, and did I not miss her greatly?» — Gilmore cuenta lo que le preguntaban los hombres al recitarle esas coplas.

«Many of these men seemed to believe that the loss of the mother is the single greatest tragedy that can befall a man. No one, certainly not a wife, can harbor such selfless "perfect" feelings toward another, and the inevitability of the mother's death made them sympathetic toward all life's unfortunates.» — Gilmore adjudica a muchos de esos hombres la creencia de que perder a la madre es la mayor desgracia posible; la frase cruza el corte de chunk dentro de la misma plana y remata *It was for them the universal human tragedy, comparable to original sin*.

«The elegy itself, through memory, traces an almost Proustian act of recapturing the past, represents a magical reversal in which the son declares himself the nur» — Gilmore llama proustiano el acto de recobrar el pasado por la memoria en la elegía.

«Naturally, motherhood is sacral, in accordance with the ecstatic fantasies of childhood. The beatified image presented is clearly also an appeal to the supposedly instinctual maternal tenderness of women.» — Gilmore señala a quién apela también la imagen beatificada de la madre: a la ternura que se supone instintiva en las mujeres.

«Como una madre, no hay na', There is nothing like a mother, Aunque este en la sepultura. Even if she lies in her tomb. Ningún hijo pasa pena No son can experience pain Mientras su madre le dura.» — copla breve de la madre, con el andaluz y la traducción intercalados renglón a renglón.

«Many similar songs convey this feeling of longing for the mother. They also poetically enact a renewed symbiosis after death. Most are even more mawkish and clichéd than those just cited and do not bear repeating here.» — Gilmore declara que deja fuera las demás coplas del género por repetitivas.

«All the carnival verses about the "good mother" strongly emphasize her unqualified benevolence and protectiveness, but they also get across the message about how different she is from the selfish, unfeeling woman of the "other" variety. Without the mother, danger and emptiness threaten.» — Gilmore señala el contraste que la copla de la buena madre construye con la mujer egoísta del otro género.

«Such sentiments of dependency, vulnerability, and pathos, of course, are never publicly articulated by men on other occasions. Carnival permits the feeling open expression; carnival songs, once memorized, become oral talismans warding off danger.» — Gilmore consigna que el carnaval es la única ocasión en que esos sentimientos se dicen en público, y llama talismanes orales a las coplas memorizadas.

«What is most interesting in the lyrics is the contrast between the sentimental lament, with its invitation to pity, and the bitter, mocking tone that characterizes songs about old women from the comic genre. The chirigota poets depict widows, and old crones generally, if not as "crazy" or "wanton," as in the songs in the previous chapter, then as "dragons," "tomcats," "lizards," witches, and the like. The serious songs, by contrast, replete as they are with images of feminine sacrifice, celebrate feminine purity as embodied in the mother's self-abnegation. The figure of the old hag undergoes a spectacular metamorphosis.» — Gilmore contrapone el trato que la chirigota y el estudiantil dan a la vieja: dragón y lagarta en uno, mártir en el otro.

«Vi que lloraba una anciana Con sentimientos profundos. Es que no tiene familia O está sola en este mundo. Siete hijos yo he criado Honrada, pura, y decente, Y ahora mis hijos no quieren Que se lo cuente a la gente Por una mujer cualquiera Que se la encontró en la calle, Ahora paso y no me mira, Sabiendo que soy su madre. Pa' una madre no hay hijo malo, Te perdona tus motivos, Pero cuando nos casamos, Pa su madre no es el mismo. Ese egoismo embustero Separa nuestro cariño. Yo siempre seré tu madre,» — copla de la anciana abandonada por sus siete hijos, en el andaluz del folleto con la traducción inglesa intercalada renglón a renglón.

«No child can suffer while his mother lives. The mother is a martyr, a figure of compassion. No wonder the cult of the Madonna reigns supreme!» — la lectura de Gilmore: la madre mártir explica el imperio del culto mariano.

«The next text, like the narrative above, discourses on the selfless purity of maternal love. But here it is celebrated in an outpouring of grief over the tragic death of a son. The event in question happened sometime in the 19408. The young man died of a gunshot wound while away from town, under mysterious circumstances. He was thought to have committed suicide, very unusual in Andalusia. The case was never solved.» — Gilmore sitúa la copla del hijo muerto en los años cuarenta y consigna que el caso nunca se resolvió; el troceo rinde los cuarenta como *19408*.

«Some hint, though, at a violent love triangle, others at an obscure political assassination. No matter—the point the poet makes is that the moral beauty of the mother's undying adoration of her child is the most perfect human emotion and one familiar to all mothers and all sons. The child's death signals the mother's death also, a kind of emotional death in life, because the extinguishment of the "maternal ray of light" marks the end of her reason for living.» — Gilmore consigna las dos hipótesis que corren en el pueblo sin arbitrar entre ellas, y lee la copla como muerte en vida de la madre.

«Turning from the sentimental matriolatry above, we look now at the theme of the dishonored woman in carnival coplas. In this estudiantil genre, which is often tragic or elegiac in tone, a sympathetic identification with the persecuted woman emerges. The poet's empathy with the lowly woman crosses the boundary of sex and all the barriers of moral probity that separate the upright from the fallen.» — Gilmore abre la sección de la mujer caída y describe la identificación que el estudiantil traza con ella.

«The effect is the exact opposite of that produced by the malicious condemnation and satire of the chirigotas.» — Gilmore opone el efecto del estudiantil al de la chirigota.

«The first song, which asks for Christian forgiveness, urges listeners to put themselves in the place of the ruined family and not to shun thé unhappy girl. Thus in this poem empathy becomes a device to teach a moral lesson, in contrast to chirigota satires that encourage the venting of harmful feelings against the wanton woman.» — Gilmore describe el uso moral de la empatía en la copla de la virgen engañada.

«In this case, instead of blaming the deflowered girl, the poet places the full burden of guilt upon the seducer. Defying public opinion, the poet takes the side of the fallen woman. He feels for her and with her.» — la lectura de Gilmore: el poeta carga la culpa sobre el seductor y se pone del lado de la mujer caída contra la opinión pública.

«Vestida de velo blanco Dressed in white linen, Y un ramo de azahar en la mano, An orange blossom in her hand, A la iglesia se dirije At the church she waited, Como todo fiel cristiano, A devout Catholic soul. Granaba como una rosa, Shimmering like a rose, Toda llena de ilusión, Full of innocent illusions, A echarse las benediciones Eager to make her vows, Ante un altar le juro. She awaits the benediction. El hombre que ella elegía But, alas, the man to whom she gave herself Nunca se llego a pensar Has abandoned her, has cruelly spurned her, Que cuando fruto tuviera Never even caring that El la iba a abandonar.» — copla de la virgen engañada, con el andaluz y la traducción inglesa intercalados renglón a renglón.

«triumphs over both death and the physical separation from the departed.» — Gilmore lee la elegía estudiantil como internalización del objeto perdido que vence a la muerte y a la separación; el arranque va descabezado porque la frase viene de la plana anterior.

«We move on to another kind of serious copla. Our next song turns the mother-son unity around through a second inversion. Through the common vehicle of mother-worship, it communicates a didactic message about the» — presentación de la copla de la anciana; la frase cruza de plana y sigue *anguish of elderly widows and urges filial piety*.

«anguish of elderly widows and urges filial piety. That is, it instructs the man on his duty to the mother who has suffered for him.» — el deber filial que la copla enseña; el arranque va descabezado porque la frase viene de la plana anterior.

«A veces de ella murmura; Se viste de luto negro Cuando está en la sepultura. ¡Que rostro lleva de pena!» — cierre del andaluz de la copla de la anciana; el impreso declara un hueco unos versos antes —el troceo trae *. lines lost* entre corchetes— y la traducción inglesa sigue en la plana siguiente.

«Que el mundo va demonstrando Put on a face of inconsolable grief, Como una madre no hay na' But however you fool others, Aunque esté en la sepultura. You are only deceiving yourselves. Ningún hijo pasa pena In this world there is no love like a mother's; Mientras su madre le dura.» — últimos versos de la copla de la anciana, ya en la plana siguiente, con el andaluz y la traducción intercalados.

«Triste y fatal noticia The saddest and most terrible news Para una anciana, That an old woman can hear Leyendo muy de prisa Came suddenly one morning Correspondencia de la mañana. In a missive from afar. Desesperada gritó Distraught, she cried out: ¡ Que la Virgen te perdone, Oh my son, may the blessed Virgin Hijo de mi corazón Absolve you, may God protect you, Y fruto de mis amores! Son of my heart, El sentimiento me "a j ogá" : Fruit of my love !» — copla del hijo muerto, primera mitad, con el andaluz y la traducción inglesa intercalados renglón a renglón.

«El sentimiento me "a j ogá" : Fruit of my love ! Mi muerte será Grief overwhelms me: Al fallarme la aureola; Your bloody signature Rayo de luz maternal Signs my death warrant too; Descansa, hijo del alma, It signals the quenching Que nunca te olvidaré, Of the torch of my maternal love. Y hasta mi tumba sagrada Rest peacefully, oh son of my soul, Tu retrato llevaré.» — segunda mitad de la copla del hijo muerto; el troceo rinde *ahogá* como *a j ogá*.

«Perdonemos nuestros enemigos; And until I too rest in my sacred tomb,» — cierre del andaluz de la copla del hijo muerto; la traducción sigue en la plana siguiente.

«Me despide hasta la eternidad I will carry your blessed portrait on my breast. La conciencia que dicte justicia Forgive us all, friends and enemies, Para que procese For I hasten to meet my son in eternity, La acción criminal.» — remate de la copla del hijo muerto, ya en la plana siguiente, con el perdón y la petición de justicia.

«The song invites identification. Every man has a sister, or a mother, so every man must acknowledge his own solidarity with the plight of women.» — la lectura de Gilmore de la copla de la virgen engañada: todo hombre tiene hermana o madre, luego tiene parte en la suerte de las mujeres.

«The next song, from La Campana, also deals sentimentally with the loss of women's innocence. Its subject is the delicacy of young girls and the fleeting beauty of romantic love. Dating from the 19405, the "time of hunger" after the Civil War, the lyrics attack the selling of girls for money, which apparently occurred at this time among the desperate.» — Gilmore fecha la copla de La Campana en los años cuarenta, *el tiempo del hambre*, y dice contra qué se dirige: la venta de muchachas.

«El lujo y la plata They use promises of luxury and money, Sirven de cadena, They use tricks and evil stratagems Para poder deshojar To lure these innocent lilies from their homes. Aquella blanca azucena. The poor girls are dishonored, disgraced, Luego se van despreciadas Dragged off to a brothel Y arrojan al lupanar After they've been violated Porque ha sido violada And lost their beautiful virginity. La hermosa virginidad. They will never know the flower of real passion, No conocen la flor de pasión, The font of all virtue; La semilla de toda virtud; But they will forever keep Pero queda en su corazón, Within their hearts Grabado a puñales Engraved with bitter gall, Con la ingratitud.» — remate de la copla contra la trata, ya en la plana siguiente, con la azucena deshojada y el lupanar.

«In another specimen, from the mid-1950s in Fuentes de Andalucía, the poet also commiserates with fallen women. His song, too, condemns gossip and elicits empathy for the sinner as a potential mother, sister, or daughter. The lyrics specifically preach against spiteful laughter at disgraced women. Again, although he does not speak in her voice as in the songs above, the poet gives the impression of powerful identification with the disgraced woman, who is depicted as the hapless victim of an impersonal "fate," so that individual blame is minimized and dissipated. Using floral imagery, the poet likens women to fragrant and regenerative beings, to purity and goodness.» — Gilmore fecha y localiza la copla de las mujeres puras y describe su estrategia: la culpa se diluye en el destino.

«The "serious" carnival poems I have presented are by no means literary gems. Riddled with malapropisms, stilted metaphors, platitudes, and raw sentimentality, these estudiantil ditties often border on doggerel.» — Gilmore declara el valor literario que atribuye a las coplas estudiantiles: rayan en el ripio.

«Other interpretations than those given here are doubtless possible. Perhaps, too, a different sampling of poems might produce different interpretive results.» — Gilmore concede que caben otras lecturas y que otra muestra de coplas daría otros resultados.

«To the possible charge of overinterpretation of the sentiments expressed in the maternal elegies, however, I would like to point out that the emotional involvement of the audience, though intense, cannot easily be communicated without long descriptive digressions.» — Gilmore contesta de antemano al reproche de sobreinterpretación con el límite de lo que puede transmitirse por escrito.

«In the Andalusian case, men's feelings of helplessness, loss, and dependency, which on the surface are at odds with the masculine code of autonomy, are communicated through the poet's "deep" voice as appeals to a virtuous motherhood. The poetry reconciles sets of "contradictory sentiments." It also strengthens primordial values and political relations by illustrating and condemning the forces endangering them.» — Gilmore sostiene que la copla estudiantil reconcilia sentimientos contradictorios: la dependencia dicha en clave de veneración materna.

«A successful poetic performance is one of moral transformation in which the inexpressible desires of men also become the wishes of women. In this way, the songs represent the dialectic of an "emergent" culture (see Williams 1973:11). That is, they are improvisations that both interpret and corroborate shared longings and ideals (matriolatry and its obverse) and turn these feelings to political use to put woman in her place and to establish masculine hegemony.» — Gilmore describe la actuación lograda como transformación moral, y su uso político.

«But since the songs are both admonitory and empathetic, both "serious" and "comic," they also break down this very same structure that distances the sexes, by merging the egos of the son and the mother, by putting the male listener in the woman's "place," and by inviting him to share the pathos of the woman's persecution.» — Gilmore señala el efecto contrario del mismo canto: deshace la distancia que acaba de trazar.

«As a genre of collective representation, these songs tell us much about how Spanish men conceptualize the social world through the prism of childhood experiences retained and a collective dream of maternal devotion. The mother is always with the singer; he carries forever within his heart a female representation—his female side, his savior, his alter ego.» — la lectura de Gilmore: la copla dice cómo los hombres conciben el mundo social a través de la infancia retenida.

«Indeed the Virgin, as a moral model of the "good mother," is a central cultural icon, exceeding in importance the entire pantheon of male deities, saints, and lords throughout southern Europe (Carroll 1986) —but again, especially in Spain and southern Italy. In local worship, motherhood is venerated with an almost religious intensity, and the good mother remains the personification of life-giving cultural values.» — Gilmore sostiene que la Virgen excede en importancia a todo el panteón masculino en el sur de Europa.

«Such veneration for a specifically feminine ideal puts men at a disadvantage in daily life. While it is impossible for males to identify fully with either God or Christ, or to achieve a sanctified status, every woman can emulate Mary through legitimate, sacrificial motherhood.» — la consecuencia que Gilmore extrae: toda mujer puede emular a María, ningún hombre puede identificarse con Dios ni con Cristo.

«So the male singer identifies with the sexual "other," with woman, both as the life-giving mother and as the innocent victim of society. Both are tragic and noble figures entirely at odds with the cruel chirigota caricatures, which defame women and demand punishment and persecution. The powerful, and positive, transsexual identification is reflected as much in the silent rituals of carnival transvestism as it is in the affective and moral dualism of the texts.» — Gilmore une el travestismo silencioso y el dualismo de los textos como dos caras de la misma identificación.

«Although the colcha-clowns perform a parody of womanhood and although they make fun of femininity, their behavior is never truly misogynist.» — Gilmore niega que la parodia del mascarón de colcha sea misógina.

«They parade calmly and majestically through the streets, occasionally lifting skirts or pushing out their "breasts" for the admiration of bystanders, but they do not attack others with violence, and they do not engage in lewd or offensive behavior. Feminized and motherly, they thus stand in contrast to the more ferocious parodies of the "witches" and female demons who also pour out into the carnival streets to attack bystanders and each other.» — Gilmore contrapone la conducta del mascarón de colcha a la de las brujas.

«Garbed in horrid rags and sinister masks, the carnival witches and demons are usually younger men in drag. The witches project a more malevolent image of femininity than the colcha-clowns, one that is truly frightening (Figures 9, 10). Their bodies are hideously misshapen, thanks to liberal padding.» — Gilmore describe a las brujas: hombres jóvenes con harapos y máscaras siniestras, de cuerpo deforme por el relleno.

«Las leyes imponen Con la trata de blancas Y la corrupción de menores. Es preciso que vigilen, Deber de la autoridad, A esas 'matronas' que viven De ese comercio inmoral Aproven la ignorancia:» — copla contra la trata, en el andaluz del folleto; el troceo corta por límite de chunk justo tras el primer verso, *Un severo castigo*, que queda en la plana anterior.

«Our laws decree severe penalties Against the corruption of minors, And we must guard against Such treatment of young girls. We must pay attention, We must respect the authorities When it comes to these procuresses And their vile commerce. They take advantage of ignorance;» — la traducción inglesa que Gilmore da de la copla contra la trata, intercalada renglón a renglón con el andaluz.

«Mujeres puras y decentes Women, so pure and decent, Grana como una ampola Are the apple of their father's eye, Su padre lleno de orgullo He is full of pride to see his daughter Al verla pura, pura y frondosa. So pure and so radiantly growing. Aquella que por desgracia Yes, sometimes a woman may stray Se aparten del buen camino, From the righteous path, Pues no le llamemos mala, But do not call her wicked, Porque ese será su sino.» — copla de las mujeres puras, primera mitad, con el andaluz y la traducción intercalados renglón a renglón.

«La desgracia ella la mete en su casa She has been disgraced, yes; Al pecar por edad, Her family distraught and ruined, Y su padre la está mirando Her father now feels only pain Siempre con pena por ser desgraciada When he remembers her disgrace. Muchos seres de este mundo Many people in this cruel world» — segunda mitad de esa copla; el padre que solo siente dolor al recordar la deshonra.

«Que les gustan murmurar: Enjoy snickering at misfortune; Se ríen de las mujeres They gossip about and they laugh at Cuando se ven desgraciada. A poor unfortunate woman. Date cuenta y no te ría But remember this, and cease your mockery, Que tu madre pa' ti es buena Your own mother who is so good to you Y también puede ser un hombre May have strayed from the straight and narrow Se hubiera reído de ella. And some man may be laughing at her too.» — remate de la copla de las mujeres puras: el aviso al que se ríe de la desgraciada.

«Tiene hermana, a ti no te da la gana You have a sister; remember her De tenerla murmurada. Before you gossip about others. Que no toque, que como toque; What befalls others may just as easily Quiera o no quiera, te ha de Happen to you, for we are all only conformar.8 too human.» — últimos versos de esa copla, con la hermana como argumento.

«What the estudiantil poet does, then, is to express, legitimize, and publicize» — Gilmore enuncia la función del poeta estudiantil; la frase cruza de plana y sigue *masculine fantasies and anxieties by overcoming the distance between the sexes*.

«In addition, in contrast to many parts of the world (Shapiro and Linke 1996), in southern Europe, few ideas» — Gilmore consigna que en el sur de Europa apenas hay ideas de la mujer como agente de polución; la frase cruza de plana.

«about women as agents of pollution or the dangers inherent in sexual contact receive cultural endorsement. All the taboos about childbirth, including the postpartum period of quarantine and various prophylactics against the evil eye, are in fact intended to protect the mother-child dyad from the potential dangers of the exterior world, men among them.» — Gilmore lee los tabúes del parto como protección de la díada madre-hijo frente al mundo exterior, los hombres incluidos; el arranque va descabezado.

«Many of the transvestites, usually men in their thirties or forties or even in late middle age, are "traditional" colchadressers. They appropriate the pure white linen colcha from their old mother's bedroom, usually during a rapid "raid," which the old woman manages to avoid noticing.» — Gilmore describe al mascarón de colcha y la razia a la alcoba de la madre; el troceo une aquí *colcha-dressers* partido a fin de renglón y devuelve *colchadressers*, palabra que el libro no imprime.

«masculine fantasies and anxieties by overcoming the distance between the sexes, a distance which is exaggerated and defended by the jokesters. This contradiction can occur only during carnival, when all barriers are at once magnified and smashed.» — la distancia entre los sexos que la chirigota exagera y el estudiantil salva, y que solo el carnaval permite; el arranque va descabezado porque la frase viene de la plana anterior.

«Thus armed, they then meet privately in pairs or small groups in order to enact the "enwrapping" ritual in which they wind the linen many times around their bodies, now "feminized" by the addition of the appropriate maternal padding. Adding a white sheet, towel, or other blank material over the face to ensure absolute disguise, and throwing on outer layers of scarves,» — el ritual de envoltura del mascarón de colcha; el troceo corta por límite de chunk dentro de la misma plana.

«mantillas, aprons, or other female outer garments (Figures 3, 5, 6, 9), they saunter out into the streets to promenade regally for hours, often instigating little sexual minidramas such as those described above.» — la salida a la calle del mascarón de colcha tras el corte de chunk.

«In keeping with the spirit of grotesquerie, the witches renounce the staid colchas, instead throwing on mismatched rags and all manner of loose or discarded female clothing to create a purposely ugly costume, identifiable only as monstrously female.» — la bruja renuncia a la colcha y se viste de harapos desparejados para resultar fea a propósito.

«Their method is bricolage—collecting stray items wherever they find them, stitching together clashing elements to create a thing of shreds and patches.» — Gilmore nombra el método del disfraz de bruja: *bricolage*, recoger y coser lo desparejo.

«Their masks are not blank sheets like those of the colcha queens but rather hideous witches' or blood-soaked demons' faces—Halloween or bizarre graveyard images. The men either construct the masks out of materials at hand or, failing that, buy them from costume stores in the city and add such details as bloodstains and scars.» — la máscara de la bruja frente a la sábana en blanco del mascarón de colcha.

«Like the more stately colcha-clowns, the ugly witches also parade boldly through the streets. But they are wilder, less controlled, and their cavorting more aggressive. They corner passersby and flaunt their grotesque sexuality, provokingly, tauntingly. The witches surround people and scratch like tomcats. Venomous and loathsome, they are both ugly and threatening.» — Gilmore contrapone la conducta de la bruja a la del mascarón de colcha: más salvaje, menos contenida.

«The transvestite clowns exemplify two images of women. One is softly maternal, the other hideously destructive. These two reflect the affective dualism that we found in the songs of the two murga genres, the chirigotas and the estudiantiles. The carnival poets alternately present woman as mother and as whore-witch, the former sweet, gentle, asexual; the latter violent, grotesque, hypersexed. But of course both cultural images are acted out by male transvestites and represent male fantasies.» — Gilmore cierra el capítulo quinto emparejando los dos disfraces con los dos géneros de copla, y recuerda que ambas imágenes las actúan hombres.

«At one level, we might opine, along with many of the men who participate in the carnival cross-dressing, that the colcha-clowns are "like" the mother and the witches "like" the mother-in-law, the latter being a ferocious scourge that all men fear; and that the masqueraders thus represent the two halves of woman.» — Gilmore recoge la lectura que hacen los propios participantes: la colcha es la madre y la bruja la suegra.

«At a higher level, in Spain the male theme of magical enwrapment within the maternal colcha corresponds to the overvaluation of the mother-son dyad and of "sacrificial" mothering in Latin Catholicism» — la lectura que Gilmore añade: la envoltura en la colcha corresponde a la sobrevaloración de la díada madre-hijo en el catolicismo latino.

«The aim of carnival mimicry is therefore not simply, as it is in many other transvestite rituals, the denigration or "humiliation" of women in any unequivocal sense (Shapiro and Linke 1992,). Rather, the objective is the splitting of womanhood into good and bad halves.» — Gilmore niega que el fin de la mímica carnavalesca sea humillar a la mujer y propone otro: escindirla en dos mitades.

«The estudiantil poets seek to restore the child's ties to the good, split-off mother, just as the chirigota poets seek to distance and blame the other half, the frustrating, icy-hearted she-demon.» — el reparto de tareas entre los dos géneros: uno restituye a la madre buena, el otro aparta y culpa a la otra mitad.

«I think this interpretation goes a long way toward explaining the intense feelings of excitement and childlike enchantment that so many men experience during the colcha ritual. At carnival-time, men are able to experience both aspects of womanhood simultaneously, to become fully disinhibited and to engage their complex feminine side.» — Gilmore declara su lectura en primera persona y la mide por lo que explica: el encanto infantil que los hombres sienten en el rito de la colcha.

«The ambiguities of the female object as represented in the Spanish minstrels' words are exactly the qualities that, as Bakhtin notes (1984), characterize all Latin carnivals. The images are both positive and negative, simultaneously gratifying and denying, so that the woman's body furnishes both the arena and the materials for symbolic deformations.» — Gilmore adjudica a Bakhtin la tesis de que esa ambigüedad caracteriza a todos los carnavales latinos.

«But of course the men find no resolution, because both good and bad sides of woman are simultaneously frustrating and gratifying. Even the contradictions contain contradictions. The good mother offers food, love, and care, but she also dominates; the whore offers sex but coldly exacts payment, depleting the man. The dialectic is interminable because the antitheses renew themselves at (and on) every stage of life.» — cierre del capítulo quinto: Gilmore deja la contradicción sin resolver y la llama interminable.

«serious poets take the route of regressive denial of time to triumph over sepa» — la ruta que Gilmore atribuye al poeta serio: negar el tiempo para vencer el trauma de separación; la palabra *separation* queda partida al cambiar de plana.

«ration trauma (as well as to deny the split-off bad mother, who is often represented by the mother's alter ego, the mother-in-law, a stock villain in Andalusian folklore» — Gilmore nombra a la suegra como alter ego de la madre mala y villana de repertorio del folclore andaluz; el arranque va descabezado.

«We saw previously that the carnival vocabulary and its rituals together provide a key to Andalusian men's ambivalent relationship to women—most important, to the mother. The carnival message was shown to be not only misogynist but also, paradoxically, reverent toward woman. The serious estudiantil genre provides men with a regressive experience and yearns nostalgically toward the lost child-mother symbiosis and an idealization of womanhood.» — Gilmore recapitula al abrir el capítulo sexto: el mensaje carnavalesco es misógino y a la vez reverente.

«Perhaps understandably, most studies of Mediterranean codes of masculinity ignore all evidence of pre-oedipal fixations in men and take the grown man and his adult heterosexuality as the starting point (see, for example, Chodorow 1994). Regardless of the geographical area under study, many anthropologists who have broached this subject, in fact, continue to look at the adult man's relationship to his wife and potential lovers as the key to the meaning of male sexuality. In other words, anthropologists, like most other observers of men and women, remain fixated on the "normal" and the culturally manifest — on conventional heterosexuality.» — Gilmore objeta a los estudios sobre masculinidad mediterránea que arranquen del hombre adulto y dejen fuera lo preedípico.

«Here we will ask, What about the mother's role in male development? After all, given the division by sex of labor in southern Spain, where the mother is so utterly housebound and devoted to childcare, it is the mother, not the father, who is the educator of the young son and thus by far the greater influence on the boy in his formative years.» — Gilmore formula su pregunta y la justifica por la división del trabajo: la madre es quien educa al hijo varón.

«The mother must therefore contribute somehow to the creation of the masculine codes and mentality that we looked at earlier. But how does she influence the boy's psychic development? And how does she affect his fledgling masculine identity in childhood? Because of the central importance of this question to carnival ritual and, as we have seen, to the genre of motheroriented "serious" poetry, we must digress here to consider the mother's role in the creation of a particularly Spanish manhood. For reasons that will become clear, coming to grips with this issue helps understand both carnival as a commentary on the masculine-feminine dichotomy and the enveloping culture that nurtures carnival.» — Gilmore anuncia la digresión teórica del capítulo y dice para qué la hace; el troceo une *mother-oriented* partido a fin de renglón y devuelve *motheroriented*.

«While "machismo" is a word rarely heard in everyday speech in Spain, except among educated elites, ethnographers frequently use the term, usually with little rigor, to describe a supposedly "hegemonic" complex (Gutmann 1996:19; Vale de Almeida 1996) emphasizing male dominance, sexual assertion, and hypervirile display in Latin America and Iberia.» — Gilmore consigna que *machismo* apenas se oye en el habla española corriente y objeta el poco rigor con que los etnógrafos lo usan; el troceo une *hyper-virile* partido a fin de renglón y devuelve *hypervirile*.

«Despite surface differences, causal models of this hegemonic (or dominant) masculinity seem to converge on one point. The consensus is that such a hypermale code, despite thematic variations, is at least partly attributable to endopsychic compromise-formations. These involve compensatory efforts to shore up a fragile male identity or to defend against intolerable residues of feminine identification or psychic attachments» — Gilmore resume el consenso sobre el código hipermasculino: formación de compromiso que apuntala una identidad frágil.

«In all this, the concept of gender identity is crucial as a heuristic tool in broaching masculine self-image; but the concept is rarely examined or justified either by Hispanicist anthropologists or by social psychologists.» — Gilmore objeta que el concepto de identidad de género se use sin examinarlo.

«It is clear from an observation of the transvestism and the pseudohomosexual hilarity of carnival that this gender identity, whatever that really is, represents a critical issue for the Andalusian men who wait excitedly to metamorphose into one or another variant of "woman" for the February follies. Why is female impersonation a matter of such intense interest? Here we must look at the mother's role, for the mother is the first and possibly most important of the young man's cross-sexual relationships and influences.» — Gilmore conecta la digresión con su objeto: el travestismo carnavalesco vuelve crítica la cuestión de la identidad de género; el troceo une *pseudo-homosexual* partido a fin de renglón y devuelve *pseudohomosexual*.

«Identification of the child with the parent involves, on one hand, love and the wish to incorporate and merge; on the other, love and the wish to remove the parental object.» — Gilmore enuncia el tema constante que ve en Freud: amor y deseo de suprimir al objeto en la misma identificación.

«It appears then that whatever minimal agreement exists about the definition occurs with regard to a dichotomous "core" gender self-awareness. One chooses to be either male or female, but not both simultaneously. There exist an internalized self-identification, either conscious or unconscious, and a distinguishable public persona that conforms to accepted cultural norms: a core identity and a public "periphery"» — Gilmore resume el mínimo común: una autoconciencia dicotómica, con núcleo interno y periferia pública.

«Both individuals and societies impose an either/or choice between male and female, for both endopsychic and social reasons. These, of course, may be contradictory or ambiguous (Gilmore i99oa), but that is a separate issue, involving notions of deviance. What matters is the universal need for relatively unequivocal selfassignment during maturation and a consistency, or "gender constancy» — Gilmore sostiene que la elección excluyente entre macho y hembra se impone por razones psíquicas y sociales a la vez; el troceo une *self-assignment* partido a fin de renglón y devuelve *selfassignment*.

«If that is the case, then the inescapable consequence is that boys as well as girls form an infantile and therefore inextinguishable "protofeminine" identification with the mother (Stoller 1976:184). For boys in patriarchal societies, it includes the components of what will later be experienced as an antithetical and ego-dystonic femininity; that is, a feminine identification unacceptable to the ego ideal» — la consecuencia que Gilmore extrae: una identificación protofemenina inextinguible con la madre, que en sociedades patriarcales será ego-distónica.

«The theory gaining credence in psychoanalytic circles (see Gaylin 1992.) is that masculine gender identity is problematic and "elusive" (Chodorow 1974: 50). This idea of masculinity as the "unending quest, unattainable goal" (Levant 1995:134), is the basis for the interpretation of macho codes as reaction formations against gender identity conflict.» — Gilmore resume la teoría que gana terreno: la masculinidad como búsqueda inacabable, y el machismo como formación reactiva.

«Of course, it is exactly this wish for ego unity that is most strikingly expressed in the sentimental carnival poetry about the lost mother.» — Gilmore ata la teoría a su material: ese deseo de unidad es lo que canta la copla de la madre perdida.

«But as the poet said, the boy is father to the man. When it comes to understanding masculine self-image in places like Spain, the father is perhaps con» — Gilmore señala el hueco que quiere llenar; la frase cruza de plana —el folio y el número de capítulo caen al pie de la plana de apertura— y sigue *sidered as an influence on the boy*.

«sidered as an influence on the boy (Murphy 1983!)), but the mother is often left out.» — el reproche de Gilmore: el padre entra en las explicaciones y la madre se queda fuera; el arranque va descabezado.

«One unintended side benefit of feminist revisionism in cultural anthropology since the 19705 has been the reinvigoration of cross-cultural study of» — Gilmore adjudica al revisionismo feminista el haber reanimado el estudio comparativo de la identidad de género masculina; la frase cruza de plana y acaba *male gender identity and of masculinity cults*.

«The uniform assumption of cognitive polarization in the formation of gender identity unites these and other definitions. Usually the child has an awareness, conscious or not, of being either male like the father or female like the mother but not both. This awareness is a gradual and often problematic process of epi» — Gilmore señala el supuesto común a todas las definiciones de identidad de género: la polarización cognitiva, macho o hembra pero no las dos cosas.

«It follows from this argument that the primary female identification necessitates for boys a complementary developmental process of disidentification from the mother» — Gilmore enuncia el corolario de esa hipótesis: desidentificarse de la madre; la frase cruza de plana y sigue *and counteridentification with the father*.

«and counteridentification with the father or another appropriate male figure» — el segundo término del corolario: contraidentificarse con el padre u otra figura masculina; el arranque va descabezado.

«The concept of a primary or protofeminine identification and psychic merging with the mother is rather hypothetical and calls for amplification.» — Gilmore llama hipotético al concepto de identificación protofemenina y pide que se amplíe.

«It is insufficient to say that the boy identifies with the mother "symbiotically"; the form of this symbiosis and its endopsychic repercussions have to be clarified before the concept can become an explanatory model in» — Gilmore exige que se precise la forma de esa simbiosis antes de usarla como modelo explicativo; la frase cruza el corte de chunk y acaba *culture study that can be built upon*.

«The boy, passing through anaclitic merging that involves a reduction of erotic object-choice to nutritional instincts, perceives a conceptual equivalence (or rather fails to differentiate) between feelings of dependency and a culturally intolerable femininity.» — Gilmore enuncia la equivalencia que el niño no llega a deshacer: dependencia igual a feminidad intolerable.

«That is, he comes to think—whether consciously or unconsciously—of passivity or receptivity or "need for another" as female. They represent a reduced ego autonomy that threatens the phallic "wholeness" of masculinity» — la consecuencia: pasividad, receptividad y necesidad del otro quedan pensadas como femeninas.

«The boy must, therefore, repudiate such dependency wishes in order both to confirm and to protect a later masculine identification. The resultant hypermasculine displays of machismo may be regarded in this light as "masculine protest" —in Adler's terms —against inherent feminine wishes and identification retained from infancy.» — Gilmore cierra el argumento remitiendo a Adler: el machismo como protesta masculina contra los deseos femeninos retenidos de la infancia.

«In much of the literature on Spanish masculine codes, the mother is simply taken for granted; her active involvement in socialization and her own needs and fantasies are rarely probed. By looking at the mother's role in depth, however, it is possible to explore the cultural premises about the sexes from a different perspective.» — Gilmore declara el hueco que su capítulo llena: la madre se da por supuesta en la bibliografía sobre los códigos masculinos españoles.

«the ethnography of Andalusia is replete with descriptions of rigid sexual segregation confining women to the sequestered household and men to the "social world" of the public domain» — Gilmore describe lo que la etnografía andaluza documenta: la segregación sexual entre la casa y el mundo público.

«In Andalusia, as elsewhere in southern Europe, men avoid spending too much time in la casa (the home) because to do so provokes damaging questions about their masculinity» — Gilmore consigna por qué los hombres no paran en casa: hacerlo levanta preguntas sobre su hombría.

«Juan, just leaving for work, paused to explain, "What would my pals say? A man does not do women's things." End of argument. So men still refuse to do "women's work," for the sake of appearances.» — la respuesta de Juan, que Gilmore transcribe, y la conclusión que saca: la apariencia manda.

«Our knowledge of sexual norms and of household dynamics in Andalusia is still ethnographically shallow, mainly because of a lack of feminist work in the area. Information about family dynamics is largely derived from secondhand sources outside the home rather than empirical evidence.» — Gilmore declara el límite de lo que se sabe: la información sobre la casa andaluza viene de segunda mano.

«The first and most important fact is that in rural Andalusia, the mother-child bond not only is a pivotal one in the household but also, and correlatively, is a defining criterion for female adult identity and social status. The birth of a first child has a critical effect on both the gender and the social identity of a woman. This parallel process of biological and social "creation" enhances understanding of the intensity and duration of the mother-child bond. The sociopsychological connection between the mother and her expected devotion to childrearing cannot be overestimated.» — Gilmore sostiene que el vínculo madre-hijo define la identidad adulta y el estatus social de la mujer.

«The birth of the first child changes everything. This event is a centripetal social event that certifies the new social entity. Now the marriage is "cooking." The visiting pattern changes, as the in-laws now come to cook, clean, and keep company while the newly confined mother assumes her responsibilities of caring for the baby and the household. She is now complete: an adult, a woman and a mother, a social persona, the beaming sun of the familial solar system.» — Gilmore describe el vuelco que trae el primer hijo: la mujer queda completa y vuelta centro del sistema familiar.

«For the first few years of the child's life, mother and child are rarely apart, in home or in public. She carries the baby everywhere. The father's participation is variable, though (ideally) it is expected to be minimal, since men are awkward around babies. The sudden "activation" of the new household culminates in a joyous baptismal party, celebrating both the birth itself and the establishment of a new family. Through her child, the woman, as mother, creates herself and her milieu.» — Gilmore consigna la inseparabilidad de madre e hijo en los primeros años y la participación mínima del padre.

«One little boy in the town of Montemayor (Cordoba Province),1 for example, wandered into the street as a car approached. His mother alerted him about the danger, but he paid no attention. She grabbed him and roughly dragged him to safety. He stood there trembling in fury, stamping his feet, and finally sticking out his tongue at his mother, who laughed at the provocation. His sister remained nervously in the doorway during the entire time. His mother then spent the next two hours following the boy around, hovering over his every move, but not interfering.» — escena de campo de Montemayor, en la provincia de Córdoba: el niño que saca la lengua a su madre tras el susto del coche.

«In another case, a young boy, angry with his playmate, picked up a large toy truck and walloped his friend over the head. His mother, always vigilant, told him to stop. He looked at her directly and continued his attack. She took the truck away and shrewdly shifted his attention to a small passing group of older children. As the boy's attention wandered and he resumed his aggressive behavior, the mother maintained» — segunda escena: el niño que golpea a su compañero con un camión y la madre que le desvía la atención en vez de castigarlo.

«Mothers state that their girls rarely engage in the violent and aggressive behavior that is "natural" to boys. "Girls don't get 'ideas,' " they say, meaning get into mischief. Boys are different from girls, "hard to control." This attests to a cultural stereotype that is both the cause and the effect of differential treatment of girls and boys. For whatever cause, it is firmly believed in Andalusia that little boys are aggressive, little girls passive.» — Gilmore recoge el estereotipo en boca de las madres y lo llama a la vez causa y efecto del trato distinto.

«Thus mothers put more effort into "controlling" boys, and that control leads to inevitable conflicts over independence and autonomy.» — la consecuencia que Gilmore extrae: el control sobre el varón lleva al conflicto por la autonomía.

«Both at home and in public, such scenes happen much less frequently between mothers and daughters. Women claim that their daughters are more tractable than their sons. Parents unanimously exclaim that girls are "easy to manage," require less supervision, less effort, less investment of the mother's energies. The boy, as in many other places, requires constant minding, which in turn provokes further aggression, testing, and exploration of boundaries. While this cycle may occur elsewhere, it is intensified in Spain by the absence of the father from the home and by the unusually dominant role of mothers in childcare.» — Gilmore contrasta el trato a las hijas y adjudica la intensificación española a la ausencia del padre y al peso de la madre.

«Thus, much of a mother's time with her young son is spent watching him, hovering, sometimes admonishing him, in order to protect him and to maintain her control (Figure n). Conscientious vigilance is a permanent aspect of mother-son relations.» — Gilmore llama vigilancia concienzuda al rasgo permanente de la relación madre-hijo.

«Hence, a father's participation in childrearing, especially with young dependents, who are confined to the "private" domain and whose care is considered "women's» — la consecuencia sobre la crianza; la frase cruza de plana y acaba *business," is likely to be minimal, even today*.

«To illustrate, let me recount the case of Juan, a "progressive" worker. He was a prominent member of the local Socialist Party (Partido Socialista Obrero Español, or PSOE). The party has made women's rights an important issue in its program since political parties were legalized in 1977. A loyal militant, Juan goes along with this in principle and publicly voices his support,» — Gilmore presenta el caso de Juan, militante del PSOE que defiende en público los derechos de las mujeres.

«But one day, his indignant wife collared me in front of her house and launched into a long, rambling tirade accusing her husband of a primitive male chauvinism. "That so-called progressive," she sneered, "won't even move his pinky to help me in the house. He won't clean a dish, he won't touch a bedsheet. He has one foot in the workers' paradise and one foot in the Middle Ages.» — el reproche que la mujer de Juan le hace a Gilmore en la calle, en su traducción inglesa.

«Before the birth of the first child, a household in Andalusia is said to be preliminary or incomplete; implicitly, so is the wife's status. She is not a true woman as yet.» — Gilmore consigna que la casa sin hijos se tiene por incompleta y la mujer sin hijos por todavía no mujer.

«For newlyweds, individual return visits to their separate family homes are frequent. The childless marriage or newlywed couple is said to be "not yet cooking," not yet a true conjugal pair. They are in a transitional state between marriage and family, and the new home has a surprisingly meager larder. Furthermore, in-laws visit the household infrequently and mostly by formal invitation, usually to celebrate some special event—a new refrigerator, a Saint's Day. The childless household is not yet "real," only embryonic, and the young wife's status is likewise uncertain.» — la fórmula del pueblo para la pareja sin hijos —todavía no cocina— y los signos domésticos que Gilmore anota.

«According to my Spanish friends, the sex of the child makes a substantial difference in degree of generational continuity. Boys are considered obstreperous, needing greater supervision. Their orbit around the mother is eccentric, erratic.» — Gilmore atribuye a sus amigos españoles la distinción por sexo del hijo y describe la órbita del varón.

«Struggles for control play out daily, as "incorrigible" boy toddlers are chased down, held firmly by the arm, and, often in tears, frog-marched along within a manageable radius from the mother. In slightly older boys, expressions of defiance against maternal authority manifest themselves in other ways. The mother often then becomes more attentively watchful and mindful of her son's movements than those of her often more compliant daughter. Whether the boy's defiance is genetically or culturally caused is not at issue here; the relational consequences of the gender-based difference, however, are critical.» — Gilmore describe el forcejeo cotidiano por el control del niño y deja fuera la causa —genética o cultural— para quedarse con la consecuencia relacional.

«The mother-daughter relationship unfolds quite differently, as a matter of principle. Little girls are encouraged to emulate their mother in taking care of household tasks. Admired and treasured toys, miniature replicas of women's mops, brooms, pails, and so forth, are widely avail» — Gilmore describe la crianza de la niña como imitación de la madre con juguetes réplica.

«Little girls, brandishing their implements, are seen trailing after their mothers, sweeping and mopping in imitation. Food preparation and cooking are another shared sphere. Girls receive sets of plastic dishware, pots, pans, and little recipe books, which they play with while the mother cooks. Sewing and knitting kits are also prized gifts.» — el juego imitativo de la niña: escoba, fregona, vajilla de plástico y recetarios.

«The female child's efforts to imitate her mother are greeted with affectionate and proud amusement by both men and women. Girls are more eager to win parental approval than» — Gilmore consigna que el esfuerzo imitativo de la niña recibe aprobación de hombres y mujeres; la frase cruza de plana.

«The mother's relationship with her son is both more amorphous and more complicated because the relationship is based on patterns of the mother's working, cajoling, and giving (especially food), and the son's receiving.» — Gilmore describe la asimetría del vínculo con el hijo varón: la madre trabaja, engatusa y da; el hijo recibe.

«The important but subtle difference, therefore, between boys and girls lies in maternal constancy, dependence, and expectations. Both sexes grow up with almost exclusively female parenting.» — Gilmore sitúa la diferencia en la constancia, la dependencia y la expectativa, no en la crianza, que es femenina para los dos sexos.

«But boys suffer a deeper separation trauma—partly, of course, of their own making. Though displaced by siblings, they remain more physically dependent on their mother before puberty than girls, for, as "men," they are totally unable or unwilling to care for themselves, unlike their sisters, who have mastered rudi» — Gilmore adjudica al varón un trauma de separación más hondo y en parte de su propia hechura.

«But later, when the boys enter the homosocial world of men, they must abruptly renounce maternal support and resignedly seek it elsewhere. In contrast, girls are not only instructed early to be self-reliant but are also permitted to remain virtually forever in the embrace of maternal love.» — el contraste que Gilmore traza: el varón renuncia de golpe al apoyo materno, la hija se queda en él para siempre.

«the threatened loss of their boys by tying invisible apron strings and adopting a "smothering" style of mothering (Saunders 1981). As their sons often mildly complain, mothers do not like to let go.» — Gilmore describe el estilo de crianza que las madres adoptan ante la pérdida anunciada del hijo, con el término de Saunders; el arranque va descabezado.

«They demand frequent visits, express a sometimes overbearing curiosity, and constantly attempt to exert control and authority through gifts of "filling" food and assistance. A good son stoically accepts these intrusions, shares his problems and experiences, and submits dutifully to advice and counsel.» — las formas concretas de ese control —visitas, curiosidad, comida que llena— y lo que se espera del buen hijo.

«In competition later with her daughter-in-law, a mother may take on a more aggressive, though disguised, role in her son's life; especially if she feels that he is not achieving his (that is to say, her) potential or that she is losing control or that her son's behavior is reflecting badly on her "mothering" — her primary means of achieving public recognition.» — Gilmore describe el papel más agresivo que la madre puede tomar frente a la nuera, y adjudica a la maternidad su único reconocimiento público.

«Of great importance in Andalusia is the texture of mothers' emotional investment in their sons. In the literature on masculinity, the primary identification of mother and son is viewed almost entirely as a one-way street; that is, it is discussed from the boy's point of view, which is surprising because the main feature of the identification is its symbiotic nature — its dualism and reciprocal dynamics (see, for example, Mahler et al. 1975). As the son develops an unbreakable attachment to the mother, so the mother identifies with the son.» — Gilmore objeta que la identificación madre-hijo se estudie en una sola dirección y reclama su carácter recíproco.

«Later, he serves as her male representative, permitting her surrogate entry into the impenetrable world of men and public life.» — la función que Gilmore atribuye al hijo: entrada vicaria de la madre en el mundo de los hombres.

«Let me provide an illustration of this mutualism through identification from fieldwork. A young man from Fuentes plaintively complained about interference from his domineering mother. He was an ordinary man, unprepossessing, unadventurous, with a decidedly passive character. Such flaws were a constant bane to his ambitious mother who hoped for great things from her eldest son. He also had an unusual physiognomy, for he was the resigned owner of a tiny, flattish nose, which had never fulfilled its hoped-for destiny of postadolescent enlargement and noble appearance (flat noses are associated with lower-class peasants» — caso de campo de Fuentes: el joven de nariz chata cuya madre esperaba de él grandes cosas.

«As he told me, "She feels that I'm being ridiculed and made a laughingstock, and that it's a slur on my manhood." (Consider the sexual symbolism of the nose.» — lo que El Chato le dijo a Gilmore, con la acotación entre paréntesis que el propio autor añade sobre el simbolismo de la nariz.

«Once the oedipal stage is reached, the highly charged bond between mother and son has other implications for the growing boy. It is a commonplace assumption in psychological literature that an already problematical cross-sexual identification is made more difficult for boys who form close libidinal relationships with dominant or seductive mothers.» — Gilmore pasa a la fase edípica y recoge el supuesto corriente sobre las madres dominantes o seductoras.

«Although this hypothesis certainly has never been proven, it is apparent that Andalusian boys face powerful situational factors encouraging prolonged intimacy and identification with mothers and, therefore, with a set of feminine cultural norms. As we have noted, these factors encourage an unconscious association of regressive dependency wishes—to be "filled up"—with an egosyntonic femininity and, according to our argument, a reaction formation against the dependency wishes that takes the form of identification with the aggressor.» — Gilmore declara que la hipótesis no está probada y enuncia lo que sí tiene por visible: los factores que prolongan la intimidad con la madre; el troceo une *ego-syntonic* partido a fin de renglón y devuelve *egosyntonic*.

«This would indeed explain the sexually aggressive or phallic stance of Andalusian machismo, given that cultural norms against violence prohibit other forms of masculine physical assertion. This phallic stance may be viewed as a residual but powerful defense against the unconscious masculine anxieties about passivity or receptivity—of being dominated, penetrated, victimized. Machismo plays an active role in restoring the boundaries of the male ego, in surmounting threats of feminization from both within and without, and in repairing injuries to masculine narcissism» — Gilmore propone su explicación del machismo andaluz como defensa residual contra la angustia de pasividad.

«In my opinion, men fear this sexual transformation not simply because it represents a repudiated wish for homosexual contact (although that may play a part), but rather because they fear sexual reversal which stimulates repressed wishes for the restitution of the psychic symbiosis with the mother.» — Gilmore objeta esa explicación y propone la suya, en primera persona: lo que se teme es la inversión que despierta el deseo de simbiosis con la madre.

«In patriarchal cultures there is a powerful incentive for mothers to establish and perpetuate a strong bond of identification between sons and themselves» — Gilmore enuncia el incentivo de la madre en una cultura patriarcal; la frase cruza de plana y sigue *and to prolong the psychic merging*.

«During his late teens, some of his peers christened him sotto voce with a novel nickname, paying homage to the failed development of his proboscis. They called him El Chato (Snubnose). He sheepishly reported this insult to his family.» — el mote *El Chato* que los compañeros le ponen al joven de Fuentes.

«His new moniker affected his parents differently; it was a matter of no consequence to his distant father, but a spark that ignited uncontrolled rage in his mother. Indignant and shaken, she issued stern orders that her son forbid the use of this derogatory label, by force if required. Her anger was unfathomable to the young man, as he recalled it to me. Unable to combat this onomastic disgrace publicly, El Chato fought it out instead in domestic skirmishes with his mother, who remained, despite all entreaties, adamant that he "do something."» — la reacción desigual de los padres ante el mote: indiferencia del padre, cólera de la madre.

«While El Chato was discomforted and embarrassed by his ugly nickname, his mother was the one who mounted the aggressive defense of his manliness.» — la lectura de Gilmore del caso: quien defendía la hombría era la madre; la frase cruza de plana.

«It was she, apparently, who felt her own aspirations under attack. In sexually segregated Andalusian towns, women like "Mama Snubnose" live to a large extent through their men. The son was, after all, once a part of the mother's body, an organic extension of her self and her ego.» — Gilmore explica por qué: el hijo fue parte del cuerpo de la madre y sigue siendo extensión de su yo; el arranque va descabezado.

«Such wishes can be acknowledged openly only during the madness of carnival. The regressive wishes are specifically for the passive, receptive, anaclitic dependency that corresponds to the merging with the mother, which we saw so clear» — Gilmore ata su tesis al carnaval: solo en la locura de febrero puede reconocerse ese deseo regresivo, el mismo que canta la copla seria.

«and to prolong the psychic merging or "filling up," which the boy semiconsciously experiences as both gratifying and threatening.» — Gilmore describe lo que la fusión prolongada produce en el niño: gratificación y amenaza a la vez; el troceo une *semi-consciously* partido a fin de renglón y devuelve *semiconsciously*.

«In this way, the mother achieves a kind of representative masculinity that is otherwise proscribed by the culture. Or as Freud ( 192,5 ) would probably have put it, the son becomes a libidinal object: the mother's missing phallus. Although we need not go so far as to conjure up a "phallic mother" (Chodorow 1994:23 ), there is no doubt that for Andalusian mothers the boy child represents the part of her that is permitted entry into masculine affairs outside the house, that fulfills an aggressive, phallic destiny—her masculine surrogate. In their mutuality, son and mother enact a reciprocal inversion of mutual fulfillment.» — la masculinidad representativa que la madre alcanza por el hijo, y la inversión recíproca que Gilmore ve en ella.

«These wishes are a menace to both masculine somatic integrity and the boundaries of ego. It is not the fantasy of» — Gilmore declara qué amenazan esos deseos regresivos; la frase cruza el corte de chunk y sigue *the homosexual act itself that produces the horror*.

«the homosexual act itself that produces the horror; it is the image of assuming the passive woman's role, of helpless dissolution of ego boundaries. The same desires that lead during carnival to pleasurable reveries based on the coplas frighten men outside of the carnival context.» — el remate del argumento: lo que espanta es el papel pasivo y la disolución del yo, y el mismo deseo que en carnaval da placer fuera de él asusta; el arranque va descabezado.

«But one could also argue that he is,tolerated because he assumes the female role in sexual relations and therefore poses no threat to the masculine self-identity of his partner.» — Gilmore propone una lectura alternativa a la de Levy y Murphy; el troceo pega la coma a la palabra, *is,tolerated*.

«We can now return to another question regarding the development of male gender identity in Andalusia: What other situational factors, aside from the father's absence, the mother's overwhelming presence, and sociopolitical vulnerability, contribute to ambivalence over masculine identity in southern Spain? So far, the argument stressing the father's absence, familism, and mother-son intimacy seems relevant and useful for Andalusia. But these conditions could also be said to characterize many other androcentric, matrifocal societies where children are sequestered with strong mothers.» — Gilmore formula el límite de su propia explicación: la ausencia del padre y la presencia de la madre valen también para otras sociedades matrifocales.

«Perhaps most striking about the Spanish ethnography in this regard is the contradictory nature of the masculine transition. While strong emphasis is placed on the elusive goal of masculinity, virtually no formalized rituals facilitate the achievement and public recognition of this masculinity.» — Gilmore señala la contradicción del caso español: mucha exigencia de hombría y ningún rito que la otorgue.

«Apart from being drafted into the army at age twenty, Andalusian boys find themselves in a kind of institutional limbo between puberty and adulthood, in which freedom from social obligations and unstructured autonomy are the main themes (Press 1979; Aguilera 1990). In essence, no public ceremonies or group rituals, no consensual cultural markers or guideposts acknowledge male biological maturation (conferred indisputably by menarche on girls» — Gilmore describe el limbo institucional del joven andaluz entre la pubertad y la adultez, y lo contrapone a la menarquia de las muchachas.

«Puberty itself is recognized in only the most tacit fashion in Andalusia, and virtually no strenuous demands are made on boys that might serve as symbolic stepping-stones to the desired manhood.» — Gilmore consigna el reconocimiento tácito de la pubertad masculina y la ausencia de pruebas.

«Since an abiding manhood is neither culturally conferred nor confirmed, the man's personal effort must be unequivocal and unrelenting. Vigilance is necessary because manhood is undermined perpetually by outsiders' incredulity.» — la consecuencia que Gilmore extrae: si nadie confiere la hombría, el esfuerzo por probarla no cesa.

«It is only during the latitude of carnival that such conflicts may be consciously addressed and experienced, and of course in ritualized forms.» — Gilmore sitúa en el carnaval la única ocasión de tratar conscientemente esos conflictos.

«I believe this is one of the reasons for both the intensity and the inverted quality of carnival sexuality in this part of Spain. Burdened with the gender identity conflicts outlined earlier, and given little other opportunity for release, Andalusian men seize on carnival as an outlet and a script.» — Gilmore declara en primera persona su explicación de la intensidad y la inversión sexual del carnaval andaluz.

«In the transvestite lunacy of carnival they may act out their feminine side in act, dress, and song; in fact they are able literally to become their own mothers for three or four days, wrapped in her bedding and clothing.» — la fórmula con que Gilmore describe el travestismo: durante tres o cuatro días los hombres llegan a ser literalmente sus propias madres.

«As the mother in childhood is a violently split image, on the one hand controlling, repressive, and frustrating and on the other hand nurturing, indulgent, and loving, so the carnival imagery is violently split in two and each half given life in powerful imagery.» — Gilmore empareja la escisión de la imagen materna con la escisión de la imaginería carnavalesca.

«By contrast, women and girls experience less conflict. They therefore do not need such an outlet as carnival provides, or such a ritualized resolution. Furthermore, because they have their own sons to act out the masculine side of their personalities, women can seek to overcome inner tensions through surrogacy and sublimation.» — Gilmore sostiene que las mujeres no necesitan esa salida porque tienen hijos varones con quienes actuar su lado masculino.

«Hence the drag-queen dramas of carnival and the maintenance of poetry as an exclusively male preserve are not merely historical survivals or empty custom. They can be seen as resulting from the structural and psychic constraints of Andalusian rural culture, family organization, and gender scripts.» — cierre del capítulo sexto: Gilmore niega que el travestismo y el monopolio masculino de la copla sean supervivencia o costumbre vacía.

«Carnival exalts the poor man, glorifies the child hidden within the adult, rescues the henpecked husband, uplifts the downtrodden and the oppressed. Carnival degrades women, as we saw in the first chapter, although the coplas also, and with >great ambivalence, express veneration of the split-off "good woman," personified by the sacrificing mother and the martyred innocent girl.» — apertura del capítulo séptimo, con el reparto de lo que el carnaval ensalza y lo que degrada; el troceo mete un signo de mayor dentro de la frase, *with >great ambivalence*.

«This good side of woman, with its own internal contradictions, thus isolated from the bad, can then be appropriated, or at least controlled, through men's psychic identification with women in carnival lyrics.» — Gilmore describe la operación: aislada de la mala, la mitad buena de la mujer puede apropiarse por identificación.

«The "lowering" or debasing of the negative female image as an exemplar of the inversive power of carnival has become almost a cliché: the condemnation of the bad woman — personified by the vamp, the judgmental wife, the ferocious mother-in-law, the betrayer, the termagant—constitutes a tearing down of the allegedly high and mighty.» — Gilmore llama casi un lugar común al rebajamiento de la imagen femenina negativa y enumera los tipos.

«In fact, the so-called patriarchal peasant family is one of the most tenacious ethnic clichés in Anglophone social anthropology, especially in Mediterranean studies. Women in southern Europe are supposedly retiring, mute, passive, and for all practical purposes "invisible" in decision making (Herzfeld 1991). Men are the oppressors of women, the dominant, "active" sex. So, conventional wisdom has it: "male" reads as "powerful, vocal, aggressive"; "female" means subjugated, mute, passive.» — Gilmore llama cliché étnico tenaz a la familia campesina patriarcal de la antropología anglófona.

«Recently, however, this model of gender has been challenged, mainly by a new generation of iconoclastic feminists working in southern Europe. What they have to say is important here, because the southern European model seems an extreme example of a supposed gender universal: male dominance in peasant societies, and to a lesser degree in all societies. So we are dealing with one end of a continuum rather than with discrete typologies, and whatever we may say about southern Europe may have relevance in differing degrees elsewhere.» — Gilmore sitúa la objeción feminista al modelo y explica por qué le importa: el sur de Europa como extremo de un supuesto universal.

«The feminist critics speak of "domestic power" (Dubisch 1986:16), which they say is often feminized. But they rarely explain how this might differ from "political power" or "economic power" or any other form of power in human relations.» — Gilmore objeta a las críticas feministas que hablen de poder doméstico sin distinguirlo del político ni del económico.

«But before we can address the question of who has familial power in southern Spain, we have to decide what power is in this context. Then we can go on to define "domestic power." Neither of these terms, power or domestic power, has been clearly explained in the literature; nor has power been distinguished from related concepts such as authority, influence, and legitimacy. Before looking at power in the Andalusian family, therefore, I want to formulate a tentative definition of domestic power.» — Gilmore anuncia que va a definir el poder antes de repartirlo, porque la bibliografía no lo hace.

«To summarize: "power" implies institutionalized command emanating from established relations of dominance or deference, rather than from competition or conflict over resources in which neither actor has established control. Ultimately, power in this sense derives from coercion and is independent of moral justification. In the most extreme instance, power stems from a monopoly over the application of force or violence or over the threat of force. Power rests on the ability to compel fear and thus compliance.» — el resumen de Gilmore sobre el poder: mando institucionalizado que deriva de la coerción y descansa en el miedo.

«Thus, to summarize the social science literature: power is generally the de facto ability to prevail in decision-making processes within any relationship, formal or informal. Authority is power accepted by those on the receiving end.» — la definición de trabajo con que Gilmore se queda: el poder es la capacidad de hecho de prevalecer; la autoridad es el poder aceptado.

«When it comes to political affairs —dominance over persons— the question of coercion becomes important. Power is the ultimate guarantor of control over political processes, but we have to remember that there are many types of force other than physical violence—for example, psychological manipulation» — Gilmore advierte que la fuerza no se agota en la violencia física.

«We must guard against the Western tendency to associate "force" with physical violence. Affective sanctions may be of equal or greater effect than physical enforcements.» — Gilmore pone en guardia contra la tendencia occidental a identificar fuerza con violencia física.

«That men are usually bigger and stronger than women, for example, does not necessarily imply that they have the unrestrained ability to enforce their will. Other means of control may be equally effective, such as the withholding of monetary or sexual rewards, shaming, gossip, cultural proscriptions against wife beating, and other moral constraints. In most social contexts, power is almost never wielded, at least in the long run, without some degree of legitimacy.» — Gilmore niega que el tamaño y la fuerza impliquen capacidad irrestricta de imponerse, y enumera los otros medios de control.

«Domestic power is the ability of the husband or wife to get his or her way in family decisions, regardless of what is morally or ethically "right."» — la definición de trabajo de poder doméstico con que Gilmore va a medir el caso andaluz.

«In Andalusia, the engagement is usually a longdrawn-out process, sometimes lasting years. Consequently, decision-making patterns during that period can serve to predict the future direction of the marital relations.» — Gilmore explica por qué el noviazgo sirve de indicio: dura años y en él se fija el patrón de las decisiones; el troceo une *long-drawn* partido a fin de renglón y devuelve *longdrawn*.

«The main characters in our story are Eulogio Valdes, a man of about thirty, and his girlfriend, Carmen Velazquez, twenty-eight, both of Fuentes de Andalucía (the names are made up» — caso de campo de Fuentes de Andalucía, con los nombres cambiados por el propio autor: Eulogio Valdés y Carmen Velázquez.

«In early 1972,, the two had been engaged for four years, a relatively long period, but not unusual by any means. Finally, Carmen got impatient and decided it was time to wed. She had collected enough of a trousseau, and her parents had rebuilt and furnished an upstairs apartment in their home for the newlyweds. In the face of mounting pressure, Eulogio, however, resisted setting a date. Consequently, the wedding was becoming a sore point.» — el conflicto del caso: ella quiere fecha, él la resiste; el troceo duplica la coma en la fecha.

«The unfolding of the rather stormy nuptial story is revealing for two reasons. The first reason is the personal characteristics of Eulogio, and the second is that among his circle of bachelor friends, the fiancé was considered an exemplary hombre fuerte (strong or stalwart man) whose relations with his fiancée were observed closely and hopefully for evidence of male domestic prerogative. He was somewhat of a test case for patriarchal forcefulness and served as a model for other unmarried men in his group. Whether or not he would prevail would be an augury; as elsewhere in Spain, men pay lip service to an ideology of patriarchal privilege—at least, before actually being married.» — Gilmore explica por qué el caso vale como prueba: Eulogio pasaba por *hombre fuerte* y sus amigos miraban el desenlace como augurio.

«In late 1972,, Eulogio told his friends that his wedding would be postponed for another year because, as he explained, he dicho (I have spoken). The consensus among the men was therefore that Carmen would simply have to wait. Yet within a month, Eulogio astonished his friends by sheepishly confiding that the wedding date had been set; Carmen would have her way for an early marriage and that there was, as he put it meekly, "no remedy." What happened?» — el desenlace del caso: Eulogio anuncia que ha hablado y al mes se sabe que la fecha está puesta.

«Attempting to understand the debacle, a number of friends and I sat around in a bar one evening, animatedly debating Eulogio's defeat and commiserating. One bachelor, Geraldo, expressed shock over his friend's capitulation. How was it possible, he asked, that a big, strong man like Eulogio could relent so easily, put up so ineffectual a struggle, and be dominated by a woman so small and demure? "Who rules," Geraldo plaintively asked, "the man or the woman?» — Gilmore cuenta la conversación de barra donde se discutió la derrota de Eulogio y recoge la pregunta de Geraldo.

«at least a part of her, be cast down and subdued in this manner? Just how high and mighty are women in Spain, that men regard them as so overweening and ripe for a fall? And how powerless are the men, that they must invert their position relative to that of the all-powerful women in carnival ritual every year? What happened to the famously patriarchal Spanish peasant? Where is the stereotype of the venerable macho who dominates women and lords it over his family, the tyrant whose word is law?» — las preguntas con que Gilmore abre el capítulo séptimo sobre el poder real de las mujeres y la impotencia de los hombres; el arranque va descabezado porque la frase viene de la plana anterior, donde el folio cae al pie.

«Eulogio was a trucker with a growing business in transporting comestibles to the local market, and he felt he needed more time to amass assets before marriage. As he explained to his friends, a man wants to gain financial inde» — la razón que Eulogio da a sus amigos; la frase cruza de plana y acaba *pendence before, not after, marriage*.

«pendence before, not after, marriage—a common and approved sentiment among young men. So a disagreement erupted, setting the stage for a battle of wills.» — Gilmore consigna que ese sentimiento es común y aprobado entre los jóvenes, y de ahí el pulso; el arranque va descabezado.

«Tall, athletic, and gregarious, Eulogio was a successful risk-taker in business, a good earner. He was stentorian and somewhat boastful in conversation, but generous and "correct" in his dealings with men. He certainly appeared dominant during the courtship to Carmen (that is, he appeared to be in charge, at least in public). He was considered a leader: during his teens, he had been a leader of his pandilla (boys' gang); later he became a noncommissioned officer in the army. Independent and self-assured, he was respected by both men and women in Fuentes.» — el retrato de Eulogio que Gilmore traza antes de contar el desenlace.

«Carmen, by contrast, was small, demure, a physically ordinary woman, who gave no indication, at least to the men, of possessing any outstanding characteristics.» — el retrato contrastado de Carmen, con la reserva de que es el que daban los hombres.

«The verb he used was mandar (to command or dictate), a word commonly used in discussions about Spanish politics.» — Gilmore anota el verbo que usó el amigo y su uso político; la frase sigue con el término andaluz para los señoritos.

«Significantly, the traditional term for the elite powerholders (the "señoritos") in Andalusia was los» — Gilmore liga el verbo *mandar* al nombre tradicional de los señoritos andaluces; la frase cruza de plana y acaba *que mandan — "those who rule"*.

«To maintain their honor, men must rule themselves, be their own master; that is what defines them as manly. To be ruled means to be controlled by or dependent on others, to be dominated. The one who is ruled is manso (tame), the same term used on the farm for a steer» — Gilmore descifra el par mandar/ser mandado y anota que al mandado se le llama *manso*, como al buey capado.

«"Rule" is a polysemous concept that finds symbolic expression in all areas of life—political, sexual, and interpersonal.» — Gilmore declara polisémico el concepto de *mandar* y lo extiende a lo político, lo sexual y lo interpersonal.

«Experienced in the ways of women, Carlos was well acquainted with the engaged couple and their battles. As men often do in Andalusian bars, Carlos gave a short speech, with standard preludial pontification: "Look man, what happens is the following" (Mira, hombre, lo que paza e' lo ziguiente). The other men found his subsequent comments both amusing and truthful.» — Gilmore presenta a Carlos, casado y mayor, y transcribe su fórmula de arranque en andaluz.

«Carlos spoke candidly about the balance of power between the sexes. He allowed that the man rules in Spain, except, he ironically added, "when he doesn't.» — lo que Carlos dice sobre el reparto del poder entre los sexos, con la ironía que Gilmore le atribuye.

«And he doesn't in most matters that are important to the woman, because he is preoccupied with other matters and cannot concentrate his full attention on the details to which his fiancée or wife devotes her energies. The final say in such matters, according to Carlos, is held not by the man or the woman but by the interested kin from whom they muster support.» — la explicación de Carlos: el hombre no manda en lo que a ella le importa porque tiene la atención dividida, y deciden los parientes que apoyan.

«The woman will prevail in domestic matters because she has the unfailing support of her mother, whose self-assigned role is to protect her daughter and advance her interests; whereas the man, to be a "real man," must stand alone. The women in tandem can almost always "wear the man down.» — el argumento de Carlos: la mujer cuenta con su madre y el hombre ha de valerse solo.

«Carlos had introduced two important principles: (i) the inherent power of women in conjugal matters, owing to their deeper commitment, and (2.) the considerable role played by the infamous bête noire of Andalusian husbands, the suegra (mother-in-law).» — Gilmore ordena en dos principios lo que dijo Carlos.

«In the first case, men are weakened on the domestic front because their attention is divided; they must concentrate on work and spend time with one another. In the second case, the suegra simply terrorizes her son-in-law. The mention of the mother-in-law drew sighs of comprehension and self-pity from most of the men present.» — Gilmore explica los dos principios y anota la reacción del corrillo al oír nombrar a la suegra.

«He added that personality is, of course, very important in this situation. To prevail against his suegra and wife, the man must be unusually fuerte. Even if he is fuerte, and his wife is floja (submissive), his suegra is always strong. "It is the nature of suegras," Carlos asserted, "to be small but fierce» — lo que Carlos añade sobre el carácter: aunque el marido sea fuerte y la mujer floja, la suegra siempre es fuerte.

«alliance of women, fierce or otherwise, is too formidable to resist without an intolerable expenditure of male energy. Equally decisive are the husband's frequent absences from the home, during which the field is left open to usurpa» — Gilmore consigna la alianza de mujeres como demasiado formidable, y añade la ausencia frecuente del marido; el arranque va descabezado.

«The "power" in this case was clearly wielded by a woman, or by women in domestic alliance. Their ability to prevail in an important decision was unexpected, unequivocal, and unaffected by what was "right." Although my sources would be surprised to hear the word "power" used in this trivial context, they would nevertheless agree that the important decisions affecting a man's life often lie beyond his control and completely within the grip of manipulative women.» — Gilmore aplica al caso su definición de poder y consigna que sus informantes se sorprenderían de oír la palabra ahí.

«As Carlos finished his peroration about the power of the novia and the dreaded mother-in-law, a popular local poet and carnival comedian entered the bar. He is known to all by his nickname, Juanito "El Chocho." Overhearing our conversation, Juanito joined in by doing a credible imitation of his "pugnacious" suegra, a pantomime replete with right hooks and uppercuts. His contortions ended in a crescendo of obscene gestures suggestive of a man's submissive sexual posture.» — Gilmore cuenta la entrada del poeta Juanito El Chocho y su pantomima de la suegra peleona.

«Finally, before wandering off to the bar to reward his own performance with a drink, Juanito sang a copla from one of his carnival epics, "La Vida del Hombre" (Man's life). Such performances are a typical way of concluding philosophical discussions. After catching on to the lyrics, the other men joined in.» — Gilmore consigna que rematar una discusión con una copla es lo típico, y nombra la epopeya de la que sale.

«Yo peleé con mi novia I had a fight with my fiancée, Y mi suegra se enteró; And my mother-in-law [to be] found out; Me pegó con una caña She pounced upon me with a club Y encima me la cascó!» — copla de la suegra que cantó Juanito El Chocho, con el andaluz y la traducción inglesa intercalados renglón a renglón.

«Again, I want to emphasize the importance of the phraseology. The Spanish word encima literally means "above" or "on top of," in physical sense. But unlike other terms for "higher than"—arriba (high up) or sobre (above), for example —"encima" carries an implication of domination and subjugation that has powerful political (and sexual) overtones. It implies social ascendancy and dominion, as in the widely heard expression "Los ricos nos están encima" (The rich are on top of us). To stand "encima" another person is tantamount to oppression. The word has a powerful psychological resonance.» — Gilmore descifra el adverbio *encima* y sus resonancias políticas y sexuales, con el dicho *Los ricos nos están encima*.

«Minuscule degrees of distance are a major issue. I have heard both men and women seriously state that a house two blocks away was lejos (distant). People describe a house on the other side of town (about ten minutes' walking distance) as muy lejos (very far away) —a cognitive distortion noted by other Hispan» — Gilmore anota la escala de distancias del pueblo, donde dos calles son *lejos*, y la llama distorsión cognitiva ya observada por otros.

«When I first noticed the matrilocal tendency in postmarital residence, I queried the men about it, because such behavior seemed at variance with the androcentric, patriarchal emphasis in Andalusia. Most of the men I spoke to said that they acquiesced to the wife's request to "live near Mama," for several» — Gilmore cuenta que preguntó a los hombres por la residencia matrilocal porque le chocaba con el énfasis patriarcal.

«Where to live, the men admitted, was one of those issues that meant a great deal to the wife and less to the husband, as he was by nature more independent of parental ties. The new bride needed the support of her mother to establish a new home. So why break up this proven domestic team? Basically, the men felt that any attempt on their part to "come between" wife and mother-in-law would backfire and lead to a passive-aggressive campaign by both to undermine the husband's comfort and peace of mind for the rest of his life. Therefore, the battle for the upper hand in the matter was just not worth the price in aggravation.» — las razones que los hombres dan para ceder en la residencia: el pulso no compensa el precio en disgustos.

«To be sure, part of the answer reflects self-interest rather than mere passivity, because the men want their homes to be run efficiently. They believe that since women are in charge of domestic operations, they must be allowed full control over such issues; otherwise, the man will suffer from a chaotic household. As one man put it: wife and mother are a "clique" that works well only when the two women remain in physical proximity. In other words, the intrusive mother-in-law is a necessary nuisance.» — Gilmore añade el interés propio del marido: quiere la casa bien llevada, y la suegra es estorbo necesario.

«After the long courtship and engagement, the Andalusian couple finally marries, as did Eulogio and Carmen, and begins to establish a home.» — Gilmore vuelve al caso de Eulogio y Carmen ya casados; la frase cruza de plana.

«Now they face three immediate decisions, which will have a permanent impact on their future relations. First, where will they live? Second, how will they manage household finances—for example, how will they allocate their previous savings to create a comfortable home? Third, when will they have children, and how many? Naturally, other questions arise, depending upon the particular circumstances of each couple, but these are generally the seminal or "organic" decisions that shape the future.» — las tres decisiones que fijan el futuro de la pareja: dónde vivir, cómo administrar y cuándo tener hijos; el arranque va descabezado.

«Postmarital residence in Fuentes shows a very strong neolocal but matrivicinal tendency; that is, newlyweds tend to choose a home that is near the wife's family. "Near" usually means within five minutes' walking distance.» — Gilmore mide la residencia posmarital en Fuentes: neolocal pero matrivecinal, a cinco minutos a pie de la casa de la mujer.

«In addition, when the newlyweds must live in one of the parental homes because of financial constraints (a new location is preferred), there is a marked uxorilocal tendency (that is, a tendency to live near the wife's family). In Fuentes, of the 416 extended families for which I found information (26 percent of all households), 295, or 71 percent, showed a matrilateral extension.» — la cifra que Gilmore levanta: de 416 familias extensas de Fuentes, 295 con extensión matrilateral, el 71 por ciento.

«Equally prevalent in western Andalusia as in southern Italy, pseudomatrifocality raises two epistemological questions with regard to domestic power.» — Gilmore plantea las dos cuestiones epistemológicas que la pseudomatrifocalidad abre; la frase cruza de plana.

«The first is, To what degree is the matrilocal or matrivicinal pattern consonant with the assumed male domestic prerogative? The second, What is the effect of such a residence pattern on conjugal decision making? Despite some variation from case to case, certain patterns emerge.» — las dos preguntas concretas, sobre la prerrogativa masculina y sobre la decisión conyugal; el arranque va descabezado.

«The most common response to questions about uxorial dominance in the choice of a residence was a resigned acceptance of proven practice. No hay remedio (there is no remedy for it) is a rhetorical device that features in many male pronouncements concerning wives, mothers-in-law, and women's ability in general to get their own way— as it did in Eulogio's admission of defeat.» — Gilmore recoge el *no hay remedio* como respuesta corriente, la misma con que Eulogio admitió su derrota.

«Although the deprecating response reflects, in part, the customary male indifference to "feminine" preoccupations, it also indicates a degree of surrender, or face-saving, which sometimes leads to much dissatisfaction later. In this sense, we can characterize male abstention from involvement in domestic matters as de facto recognition of uncontested female supremacy in domestic decision-making processes.» — Gilmore lee esa abstención masculina como reconocimiento de hecho de la supremacía femenina en lo doméstico.

«The suegra's power is enhanced by sheer residential proximity, but more telling psychologically is the fact that she and her daughter represent a sentimental unity that the husband cannot match.» — Gilmore pesa la proximidad residencial y la unidad sentimental entre madre e hija.

«Although he may have many friends, his male friendships are founded on competition as much as on cooperation, and he cannot plead for help from his own mother in domestic skirmishes without endangering his reputation as an "hombre fuerte."» — Gilmore explica por qué el marido no puede pedir ayuda: la amistad masculina es también competencia, y llamar a su madre le costaría la reputación.

«His own mother may intercede, of course, but no man wants his mother to fight his battles. So he assents, thereby maintaining a respectable facade of "indifference" before his peers. The husband knows all too well that jaleo (trouble) with the suegra leads to marital discord, unless the wife is "strong" and prefers to mollify her husband while alienating her own mother» — Gilmore describe la fachada de indiferencia con que el marido se aguanta, y el caso raro en que la mujer se pone de su parte.

«Bottled up for most of the year, Andalusians' feelings about all this are expressed in February coplas. Indeed, the alliance of wife and suegra, with the latter assuming a mythopoetic role as masculine nemesis, has achieved a kind of apotheosis in chirigota poetry. What is most interesting about these comic verses is the formidable physical power ascribed metaphorically to the suegra through virile animal and military imagery, a tradition in which "marital" becomes "martial" and the male appears victimized and indecisive.» — Gilmore señala la apoteosis de la suegra en la copla de chirigota y su tratamiento por imaginería animal y militar.

«As an illustration: during the Fuentes Carnival of 1970, one famous comic poet sang the following coplas and received accolades from the cheering men. This is the song:» — Gilmore fecha y localiza la copla de las suegras: carnaval de Fuentes de 1970, con aclamación de los hombres.

«Another poet in the same village sang in 1973 about the brutality of the mother-in-law:» — Gilmore fecha en 1973 la segunda copla de la suegra, del mismo pueblo.

«Señores, todo el que tenga suegra All you men with a mother-in-law, Haber que hace con ella I'm asking you honestly Le vamos a preguntar, About how you deal with her, A muchos de los que están presentes And many of you present who are valiant Que sea mas valiente nos puede Can tell us the truth about her. contestar. Nos parece que nadie contesta Well, it seems no one is answering, Por si algunos la tienen detrás, Perhaps because she is standing near, No sea que por lo diga You're afraid she's ready to pounce La suegra esté encima y le vaya a And give you a good beating.» — copla de 1973 sobre la suegra, con el andaluz y la traducción inglesa intercalados renglón a renglón.

«Yet another maestro describes his suegra as a bicho fiero (fierce beast), which he hopes to desbravacer (tame, or, more colorfully, geld) someday, as though she were a wild stallion. Listening to these verses, one man in street clothes told me that his suegra was a "dragon" who expelled him from "her house" (his too) whenever he disagreed with her. Other men described their suegra as a "brave bull," a "tomcat," an "armor-plated lizard," or other such scaly or bellicose creatures.» — Gilmore reúne los nombres que los hombres dan a la suegra —bicho fiero, dragón, toro bravo, gato, lagarto acorazado— y anota la traducción que él propone para *desbravacer*.

«These hyperbolic, pseudojocular laments about fierce beasts intimate sex-role reversal and power inversion with unconscious implications of sublimated male insecurities about masculinity.» — la lectura de Gilmore de esas coplas: inversión de papeles con inseguridad masculina sublimada.

«Also revealing is the sense of powerlessness due to ambiguous integration into the domestic setting, the result of the man's partial structural connection to the home. This residence is, after all, "haunted" by his mother-in-law, as they say. Sometimes she owns it outright. Even if the man lives in a separate home with his wife, the suegra's intrusion into his home is so all-encompassing that the man feels like a stranger in his own house and is correspondingly insecure.» — Gilmore atribuye el desamparo del marido a su integración ambigua en una casa que la suegra ronda o posee.

«As we have seen, his domestic weakness is partly attributable to male abdication of domestic responsibilities in exchange for a full larder and efficient housekeeping. Acceptance of this domestic "service" does not quell the unending panegyric about his lost powers.» — Gilmore recuerda el trueque: el marido cede responsabilidades a cambio de despensa llena, y sigue lamentándose.

«A peasant farmer in the town of La Campana echoed a recurrent complaint; he confided that when he went to Madrid for work, his wife decided that they must have a new refrigerator —an item bought by many women for "show" rather than need (since women go shopping for food daily, the empty refrigerator often stands in disused splendor in the kitchen» — caso de La Campana: el frigorífico comprado para lucir, que Gilmore anota con el detalle de la compra diaria de comida.

«Most men, of course, want to provide well for their families, but often decisions about consumption, and therefore about income, are made jointly by kinswomen, with the suegra playing a fiendish role in the process. Remember the popular carnival copla "Working, working, working night and day" (Chapter 4), which shows how little say the men have in purchasing decisions, and how they experience a feeling of helplessness before the power of the "uncontrollable" matri-core.» — Gilmore liga la queja a la copla del trabajador del capítulo cuarto y al desamparo ante el *matri-core*.

«Adolfo, for example, whose wife continually forgot to make his lunch (the main meal of the day), was told by his spouse that her mother was ill and needed attention.» — caso de Adolfo, a quien su mujer dejaba de hacerle la comida por atender a su madre.

«In addition to controlling the economic planning (with her mother's active participation), the Andalusian wife, especially among the working classes of Fuentes and La Campana, usually acts as the unofficial domestic bursar. The husband may surrender his entire day's wages to his wife each night. In return, he expects the house to be run properly and reserves a small "allowance" for bar expenses and his nightly card game.» — Gilmore describe el arreglo económico corriente: el marido entrega el jornal y se reserva para la barra y la partida.

«Many lower-class men refer to their wives (again, in a semicomic vein) as the ama (boss) or jefa (chief) of the house—words usually reserved, in their masculine form, for authority figures (employers, political leaders» — Gilmore anota los nombres que los hombres dan a sus mujeres —*ama*, *jefa*— y que en masculino se reservan a figuras de autoridad.

«I remember one worker getting up from an exciting card game to run home to wheedle more money out of his wife. His friends remarked that his wife was a "peseta pincher," but they agreed that her attempts to control his gambling were probably a good thing, given that he lost most of the time. Most men present admitted that their wives held the family purse strings, and that this was appropriate.» — escena de la partida de cartas y el acuerdo del corrillo en que la bolsa la lleva la mujer, y en que está bien que así sea.

«They said that a man works ("sacrifices") to give money to his wife and family. A man who withheld his wages from his wife was a skinflint and a reprobate. As before, such male acquiescence can be seen as morally ambivalent. Men evade onerous domestic responsibilities by giving the wife final authority, but they retain lingering self-doubts about their actions. Self-deprecating humor expresses their ambivalence.» — Gilmore recoge la norma en boca de los hombres y lee su humor autodenigratorio como ambivalencia.

«The tendency to let the wife and her mother run the family's finances correlates with lower class or status. Among the better-off peasants, most husbands retain rights in the domestic economy and play a more decisive role in managing the family's money. Among the gentry in Andalusia, most husbands (with exceptions of course) take a more active financial role: they may even control the family purse strings through bank accounts and investments of which the wife knows nothing.» — Gilmore correlaciona el arreglo con la clase: entre los acomodados y la gente de orden el marido conserva el control del dinero.

«In some landowning families, a husband may simply provide his wife with a monthly allowance, which she distributes to various domestic employees with instructions about purchases. So a rich man has more power in the house than a poor one, but few in these towns are rich.» — la fórmula con que Gilmore resume la correlación: el rico manda más en su casa, pero ricos hay pocos.

«In the populous working classes, where surplus cash is scarce and the domestic economy is often managed on a credit or deficit basis (because of the uncertainties of agrarian employment), the wife "rules" the household economy, and the husband accepts the arrangement. Hence the many Spanish proverbs attesting to degrees of matriarchy among the poor: En casa del mezquino, más manda la mujer que el marido (Among the poor, the woman is more often the boss than the man.) En casa del ruin, la mujer es alguacil6 (In the poor man's house, the wife is the constable.» — Gilmore cierra el punto con dos refranes españoles sobre el mando de la mujer en casa del pobre, que traduce a renglón seguido.

«The remoteness of the working-class male is a trade-off, as we have seen: the impecunious husbands sacrifice some personal control for a modicum of domestic comfort. Conversely, among the propertied classes, comfort is assured by servants; additionally, the rich tend to live either patrilocally or patrivicinally after marriage. The suegra is not "needed."» — Gilmore contrasta el trueque del obrero con el arreglo de las clases propietarias, donde la residencia es patrilocal y la suegra no hace falta.

«Yet it is also understood by both sexes that in marital relations, it is the woman who "uses" the strategy of withholding sex, as a means to control or persuade. Some men are naturally flojo (weak or impotent) sexually, and their wives may be frustrated. But observers, both male and female, agree that a husband never withholds sex on purpose to control or punish his wife. "He could not do that if he were a man," one man asserted firmly, adding that this maneuver is an exclusively female weapon» — Gilmore consigna el acuerdo de ambos sexos en que negar el trato es arma exclusivamente femenina, y cita la frase de un hombre.

«While talking with us, for example, a recently married couple spontaneously asked my wife (a medical doctor, as they knew) and me the best way to conceive a child. They had heard rumors that impregnation could be assured, and the sex of the child predetermined, by particular lovemaking positions.» — escena de campo: una pareja recién casada pregunta a Gilmore y a su mujer, médica, cómo asegurar la concepción.

«The Andalusian husband and wife agreed that having a child as soon as possible is necessary to quell gossip about the man's potency. If conceiving a first child is delayed, they added, people assume that the husband has sexual problems, and they gossip about his manhood.» — lo que la pareja sostiene sobre el primer hijo a los nueve meses de la boda y lo que se dice si tarda.

«While it would be unwise to generalize after conducting a few interviews, listening to carnival verses, and observing seemingly trivial marital squabbles, certain patterns become apparent.» — Gilmore acota el alcance de sus conclusiones antes de darlas.

«The issue of domestic power seems less trivial when the available alternative sources of power are considered in rural communities. It is clear that many Andalusian women dominate their husbands in domestic matters, partly but not entirely as a result of discontinuities in life course patterns of men and women. If power is defined as personal autonomy and the ability to impose one's will, regardless of the source of that ability, then one must conclude that men have less power within the home than their wives —at least among the lower classes in Andalusian communities.» — la conclusión de Gilmore sobre el poder doméstico, con la acotación de clase.

«presence among urbanités, also, in western Andalusia (Press 1979), a testimony to how deeply rooted the regional stereotype is in male consciousness.» — Gilmore documenta el estereotipo de la suegra también entre la población urbana de Andalucía occidental; el arranque va descabezado porque la frase viene de la plana anterior.

«Most bilateral societies, including our own, have their own folklore about the horrors of this stock villain in domestic comedies. Yet, because of the preponderance of the domestic matri-core, the Andalusian husband often finds himself outmatched when this fierce harridan throws herself into the fray in support of her daughter.» — Gilmore sitúa el caso andaluz dentro de un folclore general sobre la suegra y señala qué lo agrava en Andalucía: el *matri-core*.

«Todas las suegras del mundo The mothers-in-law in the world Son igual de condiciones. Are all of a kind.» — arranque de la copla de las suegras del carnaval de Fuentes de 1970; sigue en la plana siguiente.

«Yo peleo con la mia — I fight with mine, too, Hay que ver como se pone So listen how it goes. Me echa fuera de su casa She kicks me out of her house Cuarenta veces al dia. Forty times a day. La buena por la mas mala, Good, bad, indifferent, Son todas de caballería.3 They all belong in the cavalry.» — remate de esa copla, ya en la plana siguiente, con el andaluz y la traducción intercalados renglón a renglón.

«Faced with the powerful matri-core, the working-class husband finds some» — Gilmore describe al marido obrero ante el *matri-core*; la frase cruza de plana y sigue *of the simplest decisions in his life taken over unilaterally by in-laws*.

«of the simplest decisions in his life taken over unilaterally by in-laws. Many men, for example, complain that although they hate to emigrate for work, they are forced into it: the decision by wife and mother-in-law is a fait accompli.» — la queja que Gilmore recoge: la emigración decidida por mujer y suegra como hecho consumado; el arranque va descabezado.

«One day I accompanied Adolfo home directly from the bar where we often enjoyed preprandial beers. He invited me to join him for the midday meal, after which I could interview him. But when we arrived, Adolfo was chagrined to find that no lunch had been prepared, and the cupboard was bare, except for a small sausage.» — escena de campo: Gilmore acompaña a Adolfo a comer y no hay comida hecha.

«A note taped to the wall announced that his wife had gone to visit her mother. Although embarrassed and disappointed, Adolfo confided with equanimity, "that's how women are." A man is a fifth wheel in his own house, he noted, adding peevishly that at least he had the consolation of knowing that the "old dragon" would not be bossing him around that day. It is obvious that many men feel marginalized in their own homes.» — las dos frases de Adolfo que Gilmore recoge, incluida la del quinto rueda en su propia casa.

«One man in Fuentes spoke seriously of his wife as the "administrator" of household finances and added that he did not care what she did with the» — testimonio de un hombre de Fuentes sobre la administración del dinero por su mujer; la frase cruza de plana y acaba *money he earned*.

«money he earned, so long as he had enough to buy refreshments at the neighborhood tavern.» — el remate de ese testimonio: le basta con tener para el convite en la taberna; el arranque va descabezado.

«Finally, let us consider the power exercised by wives through their ability to» — Gilmore pasa al último recurso de poder que examina; la frase cruza de plana y sigue *withhold sex*.

«Generally, it is assumed among men in Andalusia that women are highly sexed, or caliente (hot), as the men like to say, although it is the man who awakens female sexuality and directs this amorphous heat.» — el supuesto masculino que Gilmore consigna: la mujer es *caliente* y el hombre despierta y dirige ese calor; el arranque va descabezado.

«They also implied that since this is so, some brides are able to "lead the groom about by the nose" by threatening to withhold sex.» — la consecuencia que Gilmore extrae: la novia puede llevar al novio de la nariz con la amenaza de negarse.

«culine powerlessness before a female dyad elevated to domestic hegemony — there is no escape, given the unbreakable nature of the mother-daughter bond.» — Gilmore lee el lamento del marido como imagen de impotencia masculina ante una díada femenina vuelta hegemonía doméstica; el arranque va descabezado porque *masculine* queda partido al cambiar de plana.

«The man must placate her so that she quickly becomes pregnant (another example of female power wielded» — Gilmore cierra el punto llamándolo otro ejemplo de poder femenino; la frase cruza de plana y acaba *without respect to "right"*.

«Reality must be distinguished from appearance, and we must be very careful to qualify men's assumptions about their importance with data from daily» — Gilmore anuncia la cautela metodológica con que va a leer lo que los hombres dicen de sí; la frase cruza de plana.

«a caution that I will characterize as a kind of gender-sensitive empirical skepticism. Although these men claim that this imbalance occurs by design and that it "frees" them to concentrate on more important matters, I am inclined to regard this assertion as face-saving.» — Gilmore nombra su cautela —escepticismo empírico sensible al género— y da por salvar la cara la explicación que los hombres ofrecen; el arranque va descabezado.

«Beyond the domestic realm, power is a scarce commodity denied to most men. This was particularly true during the Franco years (1936-1975), but the lingering sense of male vulnerability explains much of the political cynicism of working men in southern Spain today.» — Gilmore sitúa la impotencia doméstica dentro de una impotencia mayor, y la liga al cinismo político del obrero andaluz.

«They neither have political power nor exert power in relations with their peers, all of whom start from the same point in their egalitarian relationships. They may influence their cronies, but few men can be said to have power, whatever its provenance —except perhaps over their sons, but even that is equivocal. Men rarely abuse or beat their wives, because Andalusians abhor physical violence, and wife-beaters in particular are scorned.» — Gilmore consigna que el hombre de esas comunidades no manda ni entre sus pares, y que allí se desprecia al que pega a su mujer.

«Since working-class men have virtually no alternative sources of power over their peers, we can conclude that they are relatively powerless compared with women, whose domestic power is real and unqualified. Male dominance is indeed mythical.» — la conclusión del capítulo séptimo: el dominio masculino es mítico.

«I do not see female superordination as uniquely, or even characteristically, Andalusian—or Spanish or southern European.7 It reminds me of the famous joke about American husbands and wives. In a cartoon in the New Yorker some years back, a typical middle-class couple is asked who wears the pants. The wife answers, "Oh, my husband, of course. He decides all the big issues, like what to do about the Russians and the space program. I decide all the little issues, like where to go on vacation and which house to buy.» — Gilmore niega que la supraordinación femenina sea privativa de Andalucía y la ilustra con un chiste del *New Yorker*.

«Andalusia thus represents one point on a complicated sliding scale of gender and power.8 Still, one very important observation should be made about relations of domination and subordination in the context of class-stratified marginal communities like those in rural Andalusia. Any approach to the dimension of power that uses only gender as a criterion is bound to be epistemologically invalid.» — Gilmore objeta a todo enfoque del poder que use solo el género como criterio.

«Where power is concerned, there are men and then there are men, and there are women and women. As Davis (1977) has pointed out, what matters is not only sex, but class position and relative access to resources. So the conceptual category "men," in a relatively homogeneous place like Andalusia, loses its heuristic validity.» — Gilmore niega valor heurístico a la categoría *hombres* y remite a Davis para la clase y el acceso a los recursos.

«We cannot speak of "men" as a category opposed to another category "women"; to do so would be an oversimplification that in Herzfeld's (1986: 2,15) perceptive phrase "sacrifices complementarity to opposition" and conflates rhetorically subtle symbols. For such conflated oppositions we must substitute more precise formulations such as "married men of the agrarian working class," or "bachelors of the landowning class," or "women of leisure."» — Gilmore propone sustituir las oposiciones por formulaciones precisas de clase y estado civil, y cita la frase de Herzfeld sobre sacrificar la complementariedad a la oposición.

«Gender is one additional dimension of the social organization of production, which, like social class, is not an arbitrary symbolic schema imposed independently of historical context.» — Gilmore niega que el género sea un esquema simbólico arbitrario impuesto al margen de la historia.

«there is anything to be learned from European ethnography, it is the pervasiveness of social class and its power to determine the infrastructure of gender relations and the principles of group formation.» — lo que Gilmore da por lección de la etnografía europea: la clase determina la infraestructura de las relaciones de género; el arranque va descabezado porque *If* queda en la plana anterior.

«We can see from this discussion that many Andalusian working-class men do indeed at some level regard women as their masters and see themselves as the helpless thralls of powerful women, whether wives, mothers-in-law, or a combination of harridans. Hence the piquancy and the quicksilver mood shifts in the carnival verses about women.» — Gilmore ata la conclusión al carnaval: de ahí la picardía y los vuelcos de humor de las coplas sobre las mujeres.

«With their contradictory messages and styles, the earthy lyrics represent an acting out of all the conflicts about women in all her guises. But the carnival poetry, the transvestism, and the longings for and surrounding women can of course never find resolution. So carnival acts as a perennial stage, a theater for the domestic comedy, as well as for the human tragedy (often the same thing), in a paradox that never ends.» — cierre del capítulo séptimo: el carnaval como escenario perenne de una comedia doméstica que no se resuelve.

«Reversing the positions of man and woman, carnival plays with stature, bringing down the high and mighty and raising up the lowly. But what do "high" and "low" really mean in this context? Aside from the obvious allusion to bodies and altitude in space, what does it mean to say that some people are "higher up" than others, or "lower down"? Why do people phrase ideas about better and worse, which are after all moral or conceptual values, in what amounts to a spatial language of up and down, higher and lower?» — Gilmore abre el capítulo octavo preguntando qué quieren decir el arriba y el abajo cuando nombran valores morales.

«Recently, anthropologists, not just in Spain but throughout the Mediterranean area, have begun to examine the ways in which cultural distinctions between men and women are linked with differences in power or dominance in the organization of community life. The view of sex and gender as part of the local system of hierarchization has been refined, again, as a direct result of feminist studies.» — Gilmore adjudica a los estudios feministas el haber afinado la lectura del género como parte del sistema local de jerarquías.

«This work has shown that stereotyped dualisms like public versus private, active versus passive, and dominant versus submissive that supposedly circumscribe sex roles are more porous in the Mediterranean area than previously assumed. On certain occasions — during festivals and funerals, for example — Greek women gain a voice and, in doing so, speak for themselves» — Gilmore resume lo que esa bibliografía mostró: los dualismos que se creían fijos son más porosos de lo que se suponía.

«The public-private split, or "interiority/ exteriority," as Renée Hirschon (1981^:72.) calls it, defines sexual segregation in the second dimension: horizontal space. Women are said to be silenced, in the realms both of speech, where the "poetics of womanhood" (Herzfeld 1991) demands silence and submission, and of geography, where norms of modesty restrict women to the indoors and interiority, ensuring their invisibility.» — Gilmore toma de Renée Hirschon el par interioridad/exterioridad y describe el doble silencio al que se somete a la mujer, el del habla y el del espacio.

«Physical space becomes content rather than context, to echo Lévi-Strauss's dictum (1962:2,56) about human cultural diversity being most accessible to the anthropologist not in time but in space.» — Gilmore invierte la relación entre espacio y contexto y remite al dictamen de Lévi-Strauss sobre la diversidad cultural.

«Like physical space, social space—the way people relate with regard to their physical positioning—has three dimensions. Besides here and there, there is also up and down —the realm of verticality, or, put another way, of height. Correspondingly, in male-female relations, there exists a third dimension, albeit a purely conceptual one, that encompasses norms about status and place, sexuality, moral values, and the associated comparative semantics of "aboveness" and "belowness," for lack of better terms.» — Gilmore introduce la tercera dimensión, la vertical, y la aplica a las relaciones entre los sexos.

«If we move from Spain in particular to the Western world in general, we see that throughout history, social distinctions and moral judgments have been represented by stratigraphie and topographical tropes. These have always had sexual and gender referents. When it comes to gender in patriarchal contexts, to what Bern (1983) has called gender schemata, males are almost always "on top." In sociospatial terms, men are therefore physically superior, on the visible surface of things; women are "below," hidden from sight, corresponding to a lower status in the natural order and suppressed by a superior male overlay.» — Gilmore generaliza: en los esquemas de género patriarcales el varón está casi siempre encima.

«The psychological power of tiered models derives from the justification of male claims to superiority by reference to linear scales of value. On such scales, women can be said to be lower, or ruled by "lower" instincts, than men: for example in medieval and early modern European thinking, "the lower ruled the higher within the woman" (Davis 1978:148). Since women's bodies and natures are ruled from "down below," their moral position could be equated with the lower life forms on the "Great Chain of Being" (Lovejoy 1960) that structured Western cosmology as a vertical concatenation leading upward to the angels and God.» — Gilmore explica de dónde saca su fuerza el modelo en pisos y lo enlaza con la Gran Cadena del Ser; la frase de la mujer gobernada desde abajo la cita de Davis.

«In scholarship, too, tiered schemes serve as a convenient mode of conceptualizing organic relations among component parts of systems. Classic examples are Max Weber's (1946) use of social "strata" for status groups, nineteenth-century anthropologists' use of "periods" and "levels" of sociocultural development to construct vertical taxonomies of evolution (see, for example, the work of Henry Lewis Morgan and E. B. Tylor ) and Erik Erikson's (1950) theory of epigenetic "stages" or layers of psychosexual development—metaphors taken directly from geology.» — Gilmore muestra el mismo esquema en la propia erudición: los estratos de Weber, los niveles de los evolucionistas y las etapas de Erikson.

«Drawn from an immediate bodily analogy obvious to any observer, the principle of "higher" has come to symbolize whatever in human existence is purer, more spiritual, more evolved. Conversely lower (as in the "nether regions") conveys what is primitive, corporeal, carnal, inferior: formless matter.» — Gilmore deriva el esquema de una analogía corporal y reparte los valores: lo alto puro y espiritual, lo bajo corpóreo y carnal.

«As in other socially stratified contexts, in many parts of Spain a stratigraphie metaphor is used whenever people make value judgments or comparisons. Rich people are described as mas alta or mas elevada (higher up) than poor; the rich form a clase alta (high class), the poor a clase baja (low class). Following James Fernandez (1986:44), we will refer to this as the topographical model of human experience.» — Gilmore nombra el modelo topográfico siguiendo a James Fernandez, y recoge los términos españoles de clase alta y clase baja.

«While most stratified social systems employ such vertical schemata as a social metaphor, in Andalusia the starkly stratigraphie image conveys some powerful moral and sexual meanings in addition to the geometric imagery.» — Gilmore señala lo que en Andalucía añade el esquema vertical: sentido moral y sexual además del geométrico.

«This geometric phraseology or analogue is of course a common metaphorical device in all languages, one that we rarely stop to think about, but it has great salience in Spain, where people often speak of "uppers" and "lowers" with regard to social status, morals, and, as we have seen, sex.» — Gilmore declara la salencia del par arriba/abajo en España.

«Since carnival is at least in part about reversals and inversions of such comparative schemes, it is essential that we elucidate local concepts of high and low in all their symbolic richness and emotive power. The everyday metaphor of up and down in Andalusia unites many things: sex, power, and status, as well as values, in ways that lead directly to carnival inversion and its grotesque deformations of sex, space, and place.» — Gilmore explica por qué hace falta elucidar el arriba y el abajo antes de hablar de inversión carnavalesca.

«Although rarely acknowledged in current epistemologies of gender where space is taken as "natural"» — Gilmore consigna que las epistemologías corrientes del género dan el espacio por natural; la frase cruza de plana.

«the intangible third dimension is important in the formation of normative hierarchies, because it anchors the physiological and the moral to create formal gender archetypes. This approach, by collapsing physical and cognitive domains, seeks a stereoscopic image, or holograph, of social relations.» — Gilmore declara qué busca su enfoque: una imagen estereoscópica que junte lo físico y lo cognitivo; el arranque va descabezado.

«Such essentially vertical frameworks find expression daily in common nonsexist colloquialisms such as "above it all," "beneath contempt," "high and mighty," "lofty ideals," "the lower orders," and so on.» — Gilmore recoge los coloquialismos verticales del inglés corriente; la frase cruza de plana; el troceo une *non-sexist* partido a fin de renglón y devuelve *nonsexist*.

«and many other cultures, both familiar and exotic to us moderns, we tend to orient moral and social criteria— sexual and otherwise —on a perpendicular axis.» — Gilmore sostiene que orientamos los criterios morales sobre un eje perpendicular; el arranque va descabezado.

«Poor, but heir to a radical class awareness, the workers and peasants of Andalusia speak of their social universe as being sharply divided into discrete,» — Gilmore recoge la conciencia de clase de los obreros andaluces; la frase cruza de plana y sigue *superimposed strata*.

«The operative concept here, as we saw earlier, is the "encima" concept—that is, the quality of being physically on top. "The rich are encima," they say, or the rich have un pie encima, a "foot on top of us." To be encima, or its converse, to be pa' bajo, or beneath, thus serves as the reigning metaphor for social distinctions based on myriad metaphorical invocations.» — el concepto de *encima* y su contrario *pa' bajo* como metáfora reinante de la distinción social; el arranque va descabezado.

«This geological metaphor finds expression also in terms used for the poor for their plight such as "the rich are treading (or trampling or standing) upon us," or "we are crushed down (or mashed) by the rich.» — los dichos del pueblo que Gilmore traduce para esa misma metáfora.

«Perhaps not so oddly, one also finds the geological perception in the strongly defined southern regional consciousness of Andalusia. Occupying the southernmost and most backward part of the country, the Andalusians often denounce the Castilians and other northerners for "sitting on top of us," as the map of Spain does indeed indicate. The northerners are "on top, weighing us down" or "on top, screwing us" — locutions commonly employed for denouncing regional exploitation.» — Gilmore extiende la metáfora a la conciencia regional andaluza frente a los castellanos.

«And people from central or northern Spain will say smugly that they are from "higher up" (más arriba) than Andalusia, thereby communicating implicit claims to a "more European" and elevated status. Similar sensibilities ignite Spanish nationalism in general vis-à-vis northern Europeans, who are not only taller, richer, and from more powerful countries but also who come from "above."» — el reverso del mismo dicho en boca de los del norte, y su extensión al nacionalismo español frente a los europeos.

«replete with sexual connotations, suggested by the phrase above about regional rape, as we shall also see later in other expressions of popular culture.» — el remate: la connotación sexual del *encima*, con el dicho de la violación regional; el arranque va descabezado.

«At the low end of the scale, being "above" clearly conveys superiority, political dominance, and exclusivity. But even more, in rural Andalusia, as implied by the metaphor of adjacent layers of earth, the terminology connotes the gravitational force of the overlay, a sense of those above resting oppressively on and crushing those beneath as if they were layers of sediment and rock» — Gilmore descifra la metáfora geológica del *encima*: peso y aplastamiento de las capas de abajo.

«In the class-conscious Andalusian context, this topographical trope conveys an inherent sense not only of superiority but also of violation or abuse of the lower levels underfoot; it is consequently a term heavily laden with affective symbolism.» — Gilmore añade lo que el tropo connota además de superioridad: violación o abuso de lo que queda debajo.

«favored here also imply an oppression or domination if only because of the irresistible weight of the "higher" stratum or object, the encima concept is also» — Gilmore explica por qué el *encima* arrastra connotación sexual: el peso irresistible del estrato superior; el arranque va descabezado.

«In speaking of higher and lower, we should consider the settlement pattern of the pueblos, as well, a pattern that repeats itself virtually everywhere in lowland Andalusia. The geographical center of the towns, which is always considered the most prestigious and most desirable area, where church and» — Gilmore pasa del dicho al plano del pueblo: el centro, que es lo más prestigioso, está también más alto; la frase cruza de plana.

«Accordingly, when townspeople say that the rich "look down" on their inferiors, they mean it in a literal sense. The rich, in their high aeries, are indeed physically above them. The rich people's attaining a concrete manifestation of their claims to moral superiority is a great irritant to the poor. Lamenting their low position, working-class people ironically note that the mud running down to their streets is the only gift they get from the high and mighty, from los del centro, the center-dwellers.» — Gilmore consigna que el *mirar por encima del hombro* se dice en sentido literal, y recoge la ironía obrera sobre el barro que baja del centro.

«One often sees false upper decks added to the renovated houses of nouveau riche peasants and emigrants, complete with decorative balconies and miniature watchtowers, in vulgar imitation of the houses of the gentry. Here, keeping up with the Joneses literally means keeping "up."» — Gilmore anota las cubiertas y torretas postizas de los nuevos ricos como imitación de las casas de los señoritos.

«The people of nearby Carmona judge themselves "superior" to the inhabitants of all other villagers on the Andalusian plain because their town is built on the highest escarpment in the area, a bluff towering a full hundred feet above the valley floor (Figure 13). Everyone in the area ridicules the inhabitants of Ecija, a big town located in a minor depression, infamous as el sartén de Andalucía (the frying-pan of Andalusia), partly because of its vexatious summer heat, but also because of its concave topogra» — Carmona se tiene por superior por su escarpa, y Écija queda por debajo, *el sartén de Andalucía*.

«I found it noteworthy that a few feet of altitude should be invested with so much symbolic power.» — Gilmore declara en primera persona lo que le llamó la atención: el poder simbólico de unos pocos metros.

«Not just towns, but people, too, compete for height advantage. Wealthier citizens tend to be taller, probably because of a more nutritious diet; and physical stature, especially for a man, is equated with high-class status in Andalusia, as is an "elegant" elongated morphology. Body size is almost always an advantage for men, regardless of cultural context, but the height index is particularly important in Spain, where shortness is often associated with peasant status.» — Gilmore liga la estatura a la clase y anota la causa probable, la dieta.

«Classic images of a towering Don Quixote alongside the squat Sancho Panza perfectly illustrate this attitude. All Andalusian mothers want their son to be the tallest in his cohort, and I have heard girls argue passionately about whose boyfriend was taller.» — Gilmore ilustra la actitud con la pareja Quijote-Sancho y con lo que oyó a madres y muchachas.

«The men I surveyed expressed considerable envy for their taller peers. "If you're tall, you can look down on the rest," they say. The anthropologist Anton Blok wrote a paper (1981) specifically about the admiration for tall and big men in the Mediterranean region. What he says about the charisma of big men certainly holds true for Spain; one very wealthy but physically puny señorito was dismissed by workers as being rico pero bajo (rich but short). And to Franco's rabid supporters, his major (and only) failing was his diminutive stature: the Generalissimo, chief of state, and Supreme Ruler for Life was barely five feet tall.» — Gilmore recoge la envidia por el alto, el dicho *rico pero bajo* y el reproche que los partidarios de Franco hacían a su estatura.

«Once more, the sense is that those above are invading, oppressing, violating, corrupting those below.» — el remate del argumento: el de arriba invade, oprime, viola y corrompe al de abajo.

«Accordingly, anxieties among working-class men about political powerlessness and suppression are often expressed in sexual metaphors.» — la consecuencia que Gilmore extrae: la impotencia política se dice en metáfora sexual.

«Starting with the workplace, we note some of these metaphors during the sexually charged olive harvest. This harvest occurring in the winter months is a period of special excitement because it is one of the few times when men and women are recruited together in mixed teams» — Gilmore pasa al tajo: la aceituna como faena de cuadrillas mixtas, una de las pocas ocasiones de trabajo conjunto.

«The same is true in Fuentes and La Campana, where the sexes also make lewd comments to one another. In both places, however, there is one important exception to the general disinhibition: the vertical split in labor functions.» — Gilmore extiende la observación a sus pueblos y señala la excepción a la desinhibición: el reparto vertical del trabajo.

«Throughout Andalusia, people observe a strict sexual division of labor: the men always perform the upper-level work, the women the lower-level. "Whether standing on the ground or sitting on the branch of an olive tree, men are invariably situated at a markedly higher level than the women, who during most of the harvest remain crouched below» — Gilmore consigna la regla —hombres arriba, mujeres abajo— y la ilustra con la frase de Brandes.

«First, they say, men are taller; they can reach higher in the trees. Second, men are stronger and more dexterous and can "milk" the trees more efficiently. Men, not women, learn the skill of manual harvesting, which is passed from father to son. These are some of the practical reasons given, which may or may not be true.» — las razones prácticas que dan los trabajadores, que Gilmore consigna sin darlas por ciertas.

«Reasons of modesty also find expression. If the situation were reversed, the women in their skirts, above, might inadvertently expose themselves to the men below. "Men could look up their legs," some of the men say, pointing out that men will always take the opportunity to catch a glimpse of thigh. But this explanation is specious, as the men themselves know, because the women always wear long pants underneath their skirts during the harvest and are fully covered from head to toe. The men even sometimes comment on the strangely androgynous uniform of the women. "They want to show they are still women," the men remark about the superfluous skirts. So modesty is not served by men being on top.» — Gilmore expone la razón de recato y la objeta con el dato de que las mujeres van cubiertas de pies a cabeza.

«Sexuality and spatial orientation become fused within the pyramidal hierarchy of objects in Andalusia and in unison govern the relations both between and among objects. Space itself enters a relativistic modality linked to the shifting geometry of moral discourse.» — la fórmula de Gilmore: sexualidad y orientación espacial fundidas en la jerarquía piramidal andaluza.

«A similar metaphoric transferral of sex relations into three-dimensional space is evident when men and women cooperate in another tiered labor activity: house construction. As in the harvesting of olives, women and men — in this case, usually wife and husband—work together renovating their houses, which is a simple operation, given that the walls are made of plasteredover hollow bricks that are easily movable. The men invariably climb ladders to do the higher work, the women remain below, mixing plaster and manipulating makeshift pulleys to raise materials to the men.» — Gilmore aporta un segundo caso del mismo reparto: la obra de la casa, con el hombre en la escalera y la mujer abajo; el troceo une *plastered-over* partido a fin de renglón y devuelve *plasteredover*.

«This operation differs from the olive harvest in that the women are essentially stuck with the more arduous tasks: lifting, mixing, moving bricks; whereas the men, perched on rickety wooden ladders, lay bricks and plaster above. So no practical excuses based on anatomical differences can be made to justify the superior male position. Instead, the men rely on the sexual metaphor of place, insisting that "men should be on top." This is especially true, they say, when it is a matter of husband and wife, because the work scene replicates marital relations and thus domestic authority.» — Gilmore señala que en la obra la mujer carga con lo pesado, de modo que no cabe excusa anatómica y queda solo la metáfora sexual del lugar.

«To what extent are the men serious about the intense emphasis on being on top? And why do they react so strongly to such trivial examples of subversion? In Brandes's work (1980^145-147) on sexuality and politics in southern Spain, he writes that the inferior political position carries with it a connotation of sexual disgrace, which, of course, is never trivial.» — Gilmore se pregunta por la seriedad de esa insistencia y remite a Brandes: la posición política inferior arrastra deshonra sexual.

«town hall are located, is also higher in physical space. Town centers are always built on a hill or rise, with the outlying settlement "falling away" down the slopes. Within the urban center, architecture is dominated by the taller houses of wealthier citizens. These palatial palaces tower above those of the lower classes, by two or three stories; and consequently, in both a literal and figurative sense, to be located centrally is to be "above" one's fellow townsmen.» — Gilmore describe el plano del pueblo: el centro está más alto y las casas de los ricos son más altas; el arranque va descabezado.

«The loftier mansions of the elite are often crowned with a looming watchtower, providing a dominant vantage point for peering down into the backyard patios and inner recesses of poorer and "lower" neighbors (Figure 12.). House height is, therefore, a most compelling marker of social status.» — la torre mirador de las casas señoriales, que asoma a los patios de los vecinos pobres, y la altura de la casa como marca de estatus.

«The battle for height carries over into intervillage rivalries. Neighbors fight over which town is geologically "higher." I have heard residents of many villages engaged in extended debates, marshaling facts and figures to prove a case of altitudinal superiority.» — Gilmore consigna la porfía de altura entre pueblos vecinos.

«Aware of their "low" valley position, which is true of all the settlements in lowland Andalusia, the people of Fuentes de Andalucía, nevertheless, claim to be "higher up" than those in nearby La Campana because of the towering reach of their impressive church steeple. They insist that the bell tower gives their pueblo a few meters advantage in height over other towns in the vicinity. People from La Campana, scoffing at their effrontery, claim a six-meter height advantage based on elevation maps, which they proudly display.» — el caso concreto: Fuentes alega su campanario y La Campana los mapas de cota.

«One finds a symbolic confirmation of Andalusian heightism in the construction of the municipal cemetery. Located at the edge of the urban nucleus, the burial ground in Spain, as elsewhere, is regarded as the village of the dead and mirrors distinctions among the living (Douglass 1969:74). In western Andalusia, people favor niche burials, in which the corpses are stacked above ground in crevices in the whitewashed necropolis walls rather than interred in the ground.» — Gilmore lee el cementerio de nichos como otra expresión del mismo sistema.

«The walls have six vertical rows of niches for coffins. The spaces, whose prices are based on desirability, are sold to individual families by the municipality. The more desirable higher niches sell for a higher price; the highest rows, of course, are taken by the wealthier citizens.» — el detalle del precio de los nichos por altura, con las filas altas para los ricos.

«When I asked why height of burial matters so much, I was told that it was the same as among the living: to be "higher up" was to be superior. In addition, local folklore holds» — la razón que le dieron a Gilmore: arriba es superior, igual que entre los vivos; la frase cruza de plana.

«that the body fat, or graso (grease) of corpses seeps downward, despoiling the bodies below, an idea without any scientific validity. So again, conceptually, being higher implies a certain purity and distance from base contaminants.» — la creencia local sobre la grasa de los cadáveres que baja y mancha, que Gilmore consigna anotando que no tiene fundamento científico; el arranque va descabezado.

«Olives are harvested in different ways throughout Andalusia, some areas using the palo (long stave), by which workers on foot bat down the fruit (Martinez-Alier 1971; Brandes i98ob); others employing ladders and more delicate gathering methods» — Gilmore describe los dos métodos de recolección de la aceituna, el vareo y la mano.

«The farmers of western Andalusia, however, prefer hand gathering even for mill olives rather than the beating method, which they believe damages the trees and lowers future yields. Consequently, some of the workers must ascend into the trees to collect the olives by hand. Strung between the legs of two portable ladders are large tarpaulins, into which the harvesters pitch the fruit. Its accumulated weight creates a natural depression, or "basket" in the tarp for the collection of the crop. No other tools are used, and harvesters never don gloves despite the bitter cold, because gloves hamper dexterity and the harvest would be decreased.» — Gilmore explica por qué en Andalucía occidental se prefiere la mano incluso para la aceituna de molino, y describe el fardo entre escaleras.

«The olive harvest in this region, then, is somewhat unusual because it requires a two-tiered work team. The "lower" cuadrilla works at ground level, harvesting the fallen ripe fruit and the olives tossed down that either bounce off or» — Gilmore describe la cuadrilla de dos pisos de la aceituna; la frase cruza de plana.

«attached by a special method called "milking" — the hand is lightly passed over the branches in a gentle gliding motion that detaches the olives but avoids damaging the tiny leaves and twigs. The skill supposedly requires years of meticulous training. According to observers, for efficiency's sake, those above never perform the "lower" function and vice versa. "The rhythm is everything," people declare. The ladder skills and the ground-level skills are said to be quite different.» — el ordeño de la rama y la regla de no cambiar de piso, con el dicho del pueblo sobre el ritmo; el arranque va descabezado.

«Finally, and somewhat more plaintively, the men resort to an erotic justification. They say that the olive harvest, with its higher and lower organization in which the men "throw down seeds" onto the women below, between the» — la justificación erótica que los hombres acaban dando para el reparto vertical; la frase cruza de plana y acaba *legs of the ladder, resembles the sexual act itself*.

«legs of the ladder, resembles the sexual act itself. At this point in verbalizing male prerogative, a masculine discourse of joking, pantomime, and swagger is» — Gilmore describe el registro con que se dice eso: chanza, pantomima y fanfarria; el arranque va descabezado.

«inevitably invoked, in which the sexual division of labor serves to buttress male dominance and allay fears of feminine usurpation.» — lo que ese discurso apuntala: el dominio masculino y el miedo a la usurpación femenina.

«Women, they argue, always want to be on top, but if they got their way, the man would become the passive partner, like a woman, "working underneath," controlled by the active part» — lo que los hombres temen, dicho por ellos: que la mujer se ponga encima y el varón quede debajo, trabajando como ella.

«When a man is placed "below" in conceptual terms—that is, in a subservient or subordinate position» — Gilmore describe qué pasa cuando el varón queda debajo; la frase cruza de plana y sigue *he loses his bodily integrity*.

«he loses his bodily integrity in a sense and is emasculated; his manhood is compromised, and he becomes a woman (the penetrated partner), the one "done to" by the physically and socially superior agent.» — el varón puesto debajo queda emasculado y vuelto mujer, el penetrado; el arranque va descabezado.

«We can see how this interchange takes on particular poignancy from the stratigraphie metaphor in which "higher" implies a pressing down or crushing of the lower object, in line with the gravitational trope associating height and "weight," or dominance. Thus, "belowness" is equivalent in a much broader sense to victimization and, for men specifically, of feminization.» — Gilmore ata el tropo geológico al sexual: estar abajo equivale a ser víctima, y en el varón a ser feminizado.

«Normally held in check by strictures of masculine decorum, these deeply held anxieties of men in Andalusia, like everything else that truly matters, find expression in the carnival copla. The power of the encima concept is expressed in the following specimens, extracted from carnival coplas about the stock female villain in the Andalusian domestic comedy, the mother-in-law. These verses relate specifically to a woman's capacity to usurp power, to subvert the sexual hierarchy, and to appropriate "aboveness."» — Gilmore vuelve de la teoría a la copla: las coplas de la suegra dicen justo ese miedo a la usurpación del arriba.

«Le compró un vestido a la moda I bought her a fashionable new gown Y la peló a lo garzón And gave her a new haircut, Pa* que no me conozca, And to make her forget about me, Y me la compré un gachón, I bought her a fashionable gown, Y me la quite de encima And to get her off my back, Pa' que me tiene muy malos ratos I even bought her a pretty boy, Que se tienda panza arriba Just to get her off of me, Y araña como los gatos.» — copla del *quitársela de encima*, con el andaluz y la traducción inglesa intercalados renglón a renglón.

«One revealing "upside-downing" about women's position is the following oft-repeated carnival copla. Like the ditty above, it was written by Juanillo "El Gato," one of the most celebrated local maestros, around 1965. The lyrics perfectly voice the fears men have about status reversals, their anxieties about loss of position, emasculation, and sexual subjugation:» — Gilmore atribuye la copla del aceite a Juanillo El Gato y la fecha hacia 1965.

«The poet alludes to "work" done together, meaning, of course, sex, but also implies other instances of sexual mingling discussed above, such as the olive harvest and house construction. Defined by the geometry of sex and gender in Andalusia, copulation becomes a perfect metaphor for political relations. Someone must be "on top" and therefore in command.» — Gilmore descifra el *trabajo* de la copla y concluye que la cópula sirve de metáfora perfecta de las relaciones políticas.

«As in English, the Castilian verb achuchar (to crush) can mean to crush either sediments or a sports opponent. Dominance, expressed stratigraphically, is at once rhetorical, sexual, and geometric. Whoever is on top has both power and voice to circumscribe the other, in a demonstration of the reciprocal effect that occupants of different positions in a hierarchy have. A person is either above or below, either on top (encima) or subservient (pa' bajo), and every relationship is defined by antithetical contiguous relations, as with objects in astronomical space.» — Gilmore descifra el verbo *achuchar* y enuncia la regla del sistema: o encima o *pa' bajo*.

«The most important polarities of Andalusian culture join in a tiered cosmology, the orientation points of which are at the same time moral, political, and sexual. In carnival genres, the operative principle in this universe is the symbolic inversion of the established order.» — Gilmore nombra el principio operante de los géneros carnavalescos: la inversión simbólica del orden establecido.

«When inversion occurs, the consciousness recognizes in the form of a negative symbol, or mirror image, that which has been repressed. Order is replaced not by chaos, but by a form of disorder or reordering, the opposite of the previous state.» — Gilmore describe lo que pasa al invertirse el orden: no caos, sino un reordenamiento contrario.

«In this sense, the work of carnival is undoubtedly universal and human rather than Latin or Mediterranean or Spanish. Latin carnival is simply one of the ways in which such experimentation and reordering occurs; other societies have other art forms to accomplish this necessary function.» — Gilmore declara universal el trabajo del carnaval y relativo su envase latino.

«So the question remains how "Spanish" or "Andalusian" the data presented here are. Good arguments can be made for both specificity and universality. Certainly in Andalusia a spatial metaphor seems particularly germane because of the regional consciousness, with its geographical anchor, the physiological distinctions between social classes, vertical niche burials, male anxieties about female usurpation, and so on. None of these things, however, is unique to Spain.» — Gilmore se plantea hasta qué punto sus datos son andaluces y concede que nada de eso es privativo de España.

«To lose, to be beneath, to be emasculated, crushed, violated: we see in this collapse of experiences the power of core metaphors to define the inchoate subject» — Gilmore reúne la serie de experiencias que el tropo condensa y remite a Fernandez para la metáfora nuclear.

«The emotional power of the topographical model lies in its conflation of sensory dimensions by means of a unified and readily visualized metaphor, and to displace all the attendant fears psychologically, or "fix" them within an overriding apprehension about losing one's position or balance within the resultant architecture. This global fear of losing control in any single dimension, ramified as it is by every image within the linked system of images, therefore becomes magnified into a universal fear of extinguishment, of bodily diminishment in all dimensions: social, sexual, moral.» — Gilmore explica de dónde saca su fuerza el modelo topográfico: condensa el miedo en una sola aprensión visualizable.

«La mujer, como el aceite, Women are like oil: Siempre quiere estar encima, They always want to be on top, Y al hombre que lo consiente, And the man who countenances this Le hacen tragar la quina. Will be made to pay the price. Y a todas horas encontraran We always hear that Lo que el hombre suele mandar, The man should be in command, Pues no acertamos a comprender So we cannot even begin to Esa manía, esa manía de la mujer.» — copla del aceite, de Juanillo El Gato, primera mitad, con el andaluz y la traducción intercalados renglón a renglón.

«Si el mario sale, Of women to be on top. Es un callejero; If the husband goes out, Si se queda en la casa She calls him a street bum; Es un casolero. If he stays inside, Hasta en el trabajo He's a house bum. Que jacen de acuerdo Even in the work that men and Achucha el "pa' bajo" Women do together Y ella hacia el techo.» — remate de la copla del aceite: haga lo que haga, el marido es callejero o casero, y en la faena queda debajo.

«We have explored the meaning of this metaphor with regard to homosocial labor relations and public politics, and we have seen the trope not only defining perceptions of domestic dominance—the eternal question of who wears the pants —but extending into the realm of speech and rhetoric itself.» — Gilmore recapitula los ámbitos donde ha seguido el tropo y lo extiende al habla.

«For the silence or muteness of women, so often remarked upon and debated in studies of Mediterranean societies (Harding 1975; Ardener 1981; Herzfeld i985a, i985b, 1991; Dubisch 1991), is turned around ironically to become an actedout "mania" to gain "topness," conflated thematically in the verses with both sexual dominance in a literal sense and the domineering voice of the shrew who belittles her husband no matter what his qualities.» — Gilmore invierte el tópico del silencio de la mujer mediterránea: en la copla se vuelve manía de ponerse encima y voz de la que rebaja al marido; el troceo une *acted-out* partido a fin de renglón y devuelve *actedout*.

«In the copla, the woman has a "mania" to usurp the symbolic realms of» — Gilmore enumera los ámbitos que la mujer de la copla usurpa; la frase cruza de plana y sigue *hierarchy: work, the home, sex itself, the spoken word*.

«hierarchy: work, the home, sex itself, the spoken word. Toppled, the man is reduced to servility, "crushed" like a thrall underfoot, flattened by the weight of his maniacal wife, whose words and body equally diminish him to nothing.» — el hombre derribado, aplastado bajo el peso de la mujer; el arranque va descabezado.

«The vertical model provides a convenient visual representation of the social order and justifies it by analogy to natural» — Gilmore señala la trampa del modelo vertical; la frase cruza de plana y sigue *forms*.

«forms —and in so doing, stimulates the imagination to contemplate its reversal, in equally direct and schematic terms.» — al justificar el orden por analogía natural, el modelo invita a imaginar su reverso; el arranque va descabezado.

«Phrased in a vertical metaphor, scales of value, like top-heavy ladders, are inherently unstable. As a deformation of the normal order, the power of the carnivalesque must be seen in the light of this inherent tension within the» — Gilmore declara inestables por construcción las escalas verticales de valor; la frase cruza de plana.

«discriminating faculty of the mind. The work of carnival is to experiment with such scales and yardsticks, to explore their metaphorical and moral possibilities, and in this way to make evident the logical inconsistencies of the world so that we can better understand them.» — lo que Gilmore tiene por trabajo del carnaval: ensayar esas escalas y hacer patentes las inconsistencias lógicas del mundo; el arranque va descabezado.

«In other words, everything derives ultimately from the primary human experience of the most fundamental force, gravity; from a perpendicular axis; and from human anatomy and sensory apparatus. It is true, of course, that humans do stand upright, unlike other animals, that they depend on sight rather than smell, that taller people are generally stronger, and that the brain (or mind) is anatomically "up" while the excretory (lower) functions are "down," so that spiritual "up-reaching" does reflect morphological and physical constraints.» — Gilmore acepta la parte de constricción física: la gravedad, el eje perpendicular y la anatomía.

«From a psychoanalytical perspective as well, the data on expressions of domination and submission lend support to classic Freudian notions of oedipal ambition, castration anxiety, and sado-masochism. One can argue also for the relevance of Adlerian "masculine protest" in interpreting the male response to the threat of a "lowering" that is equivalent to feminization.» — Gilmore alinea sus datos con las nociones freudianas clásicas y con la protesta masculina de Adler.

«Some clues to the ambivalent nature of the Spanish carnivalesque can be found here. We spoke of carnival as bringing together both sides of every issue, juxtaposing affects, and bringing into consciousness both a wish and a fear attendant on that wish. The wish to subvert hierarchies is self-evident, as is the desire to gain "aboveness" in relation to women; but accompanying the wish to turn things upside down is a very powerful anxiety: that of chaos, extinguishment, and loss of control.» — Gilmore ata el capítulo al carnaval: junto al deseo de invertir la jerarquía va el miedo al caos y a la pérdida de control.

«Male resistance to "belowness" in political terms is eroticized as a polymorphous experience in which an inferior position stands not only for social subordination but also for a sexually "acted-upon" status. Rather than challenge or subvert the system of relations prescribed by public culture, male genres dealing with sexual reversal encapsulate anxieties about descent further into the depths.» — Gilmore sostiene que los géneros de inversión sexual encapsulan la angustia del descenso en vez de subvertir el sistema.

«The ease of such inversions also implies the potential instability of all hierarchies and structures, including those of sex, age, family, and politics. If women, like oil, having risen to the top, can now be cast down through the trick of carnival burlesque, then men can also be dethroned and degraded to the simultaneous states of infancy and womanhood. In the carnival imagination, the hierarchical model is right-side-up and upside-down at the same time. The masquerader in drag, regressing to oneness with the mother, becomes both woman and child, and those conditions are both fraught with ambivalence, negations of manhood.» — Gilmore extrae la consecuencia: si la mujer puede ser derribada, el hombre también, y el travestido queda a la vez mujer y niño.

«The lesson is perhaps that all behavior, no matter how seemingly monolithic, is always ambivalent, that all hierarchies are reversible, and that men and women are both on top and on the bottom at the same time, for there is no negative in the imagination. Carnival, the imagination in festive form, has no "no."» — cierre del capítulo octavo: todas las jerarquías son reversibles y el carnaval, imaginación en forma de fiesta, no tiene *no*.

«Indeed, arguments can be made for the universality of the situation» — Gilmore concede que también cabe el argumento universalista; la frase cruza de plana y acaba *from several perspectives*.

«So men are up, women down. That way men can have the "upper hand," at least in their mind's eye. This third dimension, sex, is indeed an invented landscape of the mind: conceptual, imaginary, a figment of male reverie, a vision of how things should be.» — Gilmore abre el capítulo noveno declarando imaginaria la tercera dimensión que acaba de estudiar.

«In reality, of course, no one is really encima, above, or on top of, anyone else in real physical space, except maybe during the sex act or in physical combat. But the second dimension of reality, that of flat geography, where people are on the ground, is divided equally into male and female domains, and not only in the imagination.» — Gilmore separa la dimensión imaginaria de la geográfica, que sí reparte el suelo entre los sexos.

«In Spanish pueblos, more than in many other places, men and women live apart. In the typical Mediterranean pattern of separation of the sexes, male and female are "two separate worlds that pass without touching" (Duvignaud 1977:16). No trespassing is permitted here, no upside-downings: nothing is left to the imagination!» — Gilmore describe la separación de los sexos con la fórmula de Duvignaud sobre dos mundos que pasan sin tocarse.

«In sociological jargon, the separation of men and women in two-dimensional space is known as "the gendering of space" (Spain 1992); as in much of the Mediterranean world, this gendering of real, physical space seems deceptively clear-cut and unyielding at first glance. As usual, though, on closer inspection, things are not quite what they seem.» — Gilmore nombra el fenómeno con el término de la jerga sociológica y avisa de que la nitidez es aparente.

«It is now time to consider the physical geography of sex, its horizontality, and the consequences of this second dimension. This geographic dimension of sex, too, undergoes some curious metamorphoses during carnival. These, however, are not conceptual; they are real.» — Gilmore anuncia el objeto del capítulo y marca la diferencia con el anterior: aquí las metamorfosis del carnaval son reales.

«What I am referring to here is not to the division of labor by sex (who does what kind of work) or the distribution of power (who wears the pants) or any other behavioral distinction between the sexes. Rather, I mean the actual physical separation, or distancing, of men and women in the built environment. This includes the rules about where men and women are supposed to be, the "little tactics of the habitat" as Foucault puts it, and the symbolic associa» — Gilmore acota qué entiende por geografía del sexo: la separación física de hombres y mujeres en el entorno construido.

«"Spatialization" means that everywhere in the physical environment there exists a moral geography governing the placement of persons. This placement constitutes what Shirley Ardener (1981) calls the social map, or the ground rules for the "where" side of life, and the context for interactions between the sexes on a daily basis.» — Gilmore define la espacialización como geografía moral que coloca a las personas, y la liga al mapa social de Shirley Ardener.

«Granted, a sex-based architectural formula, or cognitive "mazeway" as Anthony Wallace (1970) once called it, operates in all cultures, but rarely does it operate with such pervasiveness as in many Mediterranean societies. In parts of Spain, Andalusia, for example, a gendered geography shapes the daily routine of most people at most times, because men and women genuinely fear being caught "out of place."» — Gilmore concede la universalidad de la fórmula y afirma la intensidad mediterránea, con el miedo a quedar fuera de sitio.

«A notion of sexual ecology encompasses the spatial context of behavior— where men and women should be geographically at specific times of the day. But it also includes the cognitive realm: the forest of symbols and ontological metaphors that form the familiar cosmology for both sexes, the mental blueprints that people use to navigate.» — Gilmore define la ecología sexual como contexto espacial y a la vez cosmología con que la gente se orienta; el troceo une *blue-prints* partido a fin de renglón y devuelve *blueprints*.

«I take it that these orientational rules in Spain are not Mediterranean universals (perhaps Lévi-Strauss might see them as part of some broader binary system)2 but rather represent a variant of something more global, but different elsewhere in intensity and in form.» — Gilmore acota el alcance: esas reglas no son universales mediterráneos sino variante de algo más global.

«When in public places, women in rural Spain usually maintain a stance of "submission and silence" (Herzfeld 1991). That is, their bodies and voices take on a veiled or "muted" quality —although their deference rapidly disappears in places controlled by women, like the home, the marketplace, and other incontestably female spheres. (Incidentally, in Andalusia, where most men are anticlerical and refuse to enter a church, the female domain includes the interior of the parish church» — Gilmore describe la postura pública de las mujeres y anota la excepción andaluza: la iglesia es dominio femenino porque los hombres son anticlericales.

«I am in no way alluding here to the Islamic practice of veiling the face or covering the body with opaque clothing, but rather to the distinct but obviously analogous practice of sequestering women out of sight.» — Gilmore acota la comparación y separa el recato andaluz del velo islámico.

«In Andalusia women can be observed scurrying through public areas of the villages. They must not be seen stationary or seated in any public place. They must not pause outdoors; they must always be moving, as though on some errand.» — la regla de campo que Gilmore consigna: la mujer no se detiene en público, siempre va de paso.

«Unless accompanied by a male kinsman, most women, and especially unmarried girls, avoid lingering in plazas, parks, and streets and until about ten years ago women never entered the bars, casinos, or taverns unaccompanied. Since the 19608, respectable married women have begun to enter bars on Saturday nights, but only with their husbands. Some forward younger women may cautiously enter the most brightly lit, higher-class sort of café on holidays, but no well-bred woman will appear alone in a bar, and no respectable woman would ever enter a working-class taverna without a male consort. Many older women still refuse to set foot in any bar, no matter what the occasion» — Gilmore fecha el cambio en el acceso femenino a los bares desde los años sesenta y consigna sus límites de clase y de edad.

«Moreover, when women and girls do appear outside in Andalusian pueblos — for example, in the agricultural work gangs, as they do quite often, incidentally, because of a shortage of male laborers—they are garbed from head to toe in layers of covering not normally seen in the village. Their hair, normally brazenly exposed during evening walks and on festive occasions, is ritually covered in the presence of men during the olive harvest, for example. It is as though some danger, normally under control, were recognized in this promiscuous mixing of the sexes with the men up above, so that the lustrous hair of the women down below has to be hidden.» — Gilmore anota que en las cuadrillas la mujer se cubre el pelo delante de los hombres, y lee el gesto como reconocimiento de un peligro.

«Indeed, I have felt the anxiety of women caught in the open — on an abortive errand, for example, when they are stared at intensely by the rows of men sitting outside bars (Figure 14) —as a kind of agoraphobia, a fear of open public places, a fear of crowds, of assemblies, as though being seen were equivalent to being naked.» — Gilmore describe en primera persona la angustia de la mujer sorprendida a la vista, y la llama una suerte de agorafobia.

«Filomena suspected that her illness had something to do with the nasty chemicals her husband used for his farming and then brought into the house on his clothing, traces of insecticide or fertilizer maybe, she wasn't sure. She was convinced that he tracked these awful chemicals throughout the house, men being such careless and unregenerate slobs. But the doctors could find nothing wrong with her, and her husband scoffed. So she asked for some corroborating support from my wife, so that her husband might bow to foreign medical authority and let her take the air on occasion just to counteract the allergy to the house.» — la explicación que Filomena da de su mal y el aval médico que le pide a la mujer de Gilmore.

«We have to begin with one of the visually most striking aspects of the Mediterranean world, that of female seclusion: women's confinement to interior or enclosed spaces. Certain areas of the built environment in rural» — Gilmore empieza por la reclusión femenina; la frase cruza de plana y sigue *communities are thereby defined implicitly as either female or male territory*.

«communities are thereby defined implicitly as either female or male territory; "frontier lines" as Lévi-Strauss (1961:397) has said, are strictly drawn.» — el territorio repartido por sexo, con la frase de Lévi-Strauss sobre las líneas de frontera; el arranque va descabezado.

«quently, prohibitions and proscriptions pertain about sexual trespass in and outside these confines, and men and women are punished if they are out of line. The ground rules affect both sexes, but I think they have a more onerous impact on women: women's appearances in "important" places like parks, plazas, and public buildings are strictly limited by the barbed wire of convention, which excludes women from public life. Severe sanctions are brought to bear against women more often than men.» — Gilmore consigna que la regla pesa más sobre las mujeres; el arranque va descabezado porque *Consequently* queda partido al cambiar de plana.

«I came upon an old woman dressed in black outside a tavern in a small village with her face turned toward the wall. She looked very uncomfortable and seemed almost on the verge of tears. As I passed into the bar to get a cup of» — escena de campo de 1973: la vieja de negro parada de cara a la pared fuera de la taberna; la frase cruza de plana.

«coffee, she stopped me and timidly asked me to convey a message to her son, who was drinking and playing cards inside, and I hastened to do so. Later, this man told me that like most older women his mother would not step into a bar even in an emergency, and because of this she had to find some man to transmit messages within (this was in the era before telephones were widespread in that part of Spain). Her discomfort had been due to the conflict between her need to get in contact with her son and her anxiety about entering the forbidden male world.» — el recado que la vieja le pide a Gilmore y la explicación que después le da el hijo; el arranque va descabezado.

«To give one example from personal experience: the husband of my neighbor Filomena, a peasant woman in her early fifties, a hard-working farmer, was absent virtually all the time, either at work or in the neighborhood tavern. Filomena had four grown sons, also wanderers, and no daughters to keep her company.» — caso de Filomena, vecina de Gilmore, con el marido y los hijos siempre fuera.

«Because of this abandonment and the dearth of female neighbors on the small narrow street she lived on, Filomena was restricted basically to the home and, on Sundays, the church. People pitied her because of this isolation and called her pobrecita (poor thing). Normally a woman, confined to the home, has at least her daughters, old mother, sisters, and nieces to keep her company. These kinswomen work together, sew at night, gossip, and clean house together in merry, gossipy groups. They are confined, but not lonely. Poor Filomena, however, had no living female relatives, and she was surrounded by absent males, if such an oxymoron is permissible.» — el aislamiento de Filomena, a quien el pueblo llamaba *pobrecita*, rodeada de varones ausentes.

«But being clever —not to mention desperate —my neighbor found an ingenious way to compensate for her misfortune. One day in May, I found her leaning rather theatrically outside her front door with her wrist on her forehead, looking pale and tense.» — la estratagema de Filomena, que Gilmore describe como actuación ensayada; la frase cruza de plana.

«breathlessly told me and my wife, who was, as she knew, a medical doctor, that she had developed "an allergy" to her own house. Not to a part of the house, she said, but the "whole damned thing." She could not abide remaining inside for another minute and had to "take the air" or die.» — la alergia a su propia casa que Filomena declara ante Gilmore y su mujer, médica; el arranque va descabezado.

«A gentle, tolerant man, he smiled indulgently, nodded knowingly, but said nothing. Afterward, Filomena began to take restorative walks around the block, which I believe did her much good.» — el desenlace del caso de Filomena: el marido calla y ella empieza a dar paseos por la manzana.

«What I have seen with my own eyes in Andalusia is corroborated by legions of ethnographic reports; sexual quarantine is an unambiguous empirical reality. As such it must be accepted as a fragment of life as it is personally experienced in Andalusia.» — Gilmore da la cuarentena sexual por realidad empírica inequívoca y remite a la etnografía.

«But it was obvious to me that this discrepancy between what I saw and men's idealized view of the "place of women" represented an example of wishful thinking. "Women are of the home" (la mujer es de la casa) became a kind of mantra that if repeated often enough might become true or at least allay male anxiety about women's straying from their proper place.» — Gilmore lee esa negativa como pensamiento desiderativo y recoge el dicho *la mujer es de la casa*.

«The sequestration of women, which amounts to a masculinization of exterior space and occasionally to a distortion of empirical reality, is a part of the "public/private" dichotomy so often referred to in literature on the Mediterranean region (Sciama 1981). It is at the same time conceptual, moral, social, and in a little-understood way, territorial. That is, is has to do with the social construction of spatial boundaries and frontiers, with gender identity, with principles of exclusion and inclusion, and with domains of power.» — Gilmore encuadra la reclusión en la dicotomía público/privado y enumera sus dimensiones.

«A cleavage in the geophysical world, this spatial dichotomy between men and women creates a kind of Einsteinian relativity in the village, an astrophysical "bending" of dimensions. It makes for a situation where a particular physical space is inhabited at most times by men only; one example is the bar or tavern, which is exclusively male until closing time, when it gets cleaned by women, thereby becoming temporarily female — or one might almost say hermaphroditic.» — Gilmore describe el bar como espacio masculino que se vuelve femenino al cerrar, cuando lo limpian las mujeres.

«Sometimes a parallel interior dimension is folded into the wings of the community theater. This secondary "invisible" realm is closeted and dark, reserved for women and girls. The central marketplace, for example, indoors and enclosed, is "female," except that tradesmen come and go, doing the heavy lifting and provisioning.» — Gilmore describe el espacio interior femenino, con el mercado como caso y los tratantes como excepción.

«We are back to a pre-Freudian, even pre-Enlightenment image of humanity as disembodied spirit, an image as bloodless, lifeless, and sexless as it is pedantic. As Melford Spiro (1979) once plaintively asked, "Whatever happened to the id?" Where is humanity recognizable in such an interpretation? Even though the feminist position that spatial segregation oppresses women and privileges men is the most economical, and probably true (insofar as any sociological theory is true), the spatial dimension of sexuality is too rich to be exhausted by any one sociological theory or any one political agenda.» — Gilmore concede que la tesis feminista es la más económica y probablemente cierta, y a la vez la declara insuficiente.

«For one thing, the sexual division of space does not merely buttress male dominance that merely oppresses women and empowers men. I have heard men lament that like the Flying Dutchman, they are eternal wanderers who are never able to return to the home shore.» — Gilmore recoge el reverso: hombres que se lamentan de ser errantes eternos, como el Holandés Errante.

«The public-private divide or domestic-political split has been the subject of much debate in anthropology, beginning with the first symposium on Mediterranean studies ("Mediterranean Countrymen: Conference on Mediterranean Studies," organized by Julian Pitt-Rivers), held in Aix-en-Provence in 1959.» — Gilmore fecha el arranque del debate en el primer simposio de estudios mediterráneos, organizado por Pitt-Rivers.

«Whether Pitt-Rivers's structural interpretation or the equally imaginative insights of the Schneiders are true is, however, unimportant. The Tightness or wrongness of such pioneering work makes little difference; one can never know for sure, anyway. The point is not that the theorists have solved the problem but that they have forced us to think about it in a fruitful way and have thereby ignited much insightful commentary. Pitt-Rivers and the Schneiders paved the way for the rest of us by joining the debate in the first place.» — Gilmore se abstiene de arbitrar entre las dos lecturas y dice para qué sirvieron: obligar a pensar el asunto.

«It is possible to analyze from a neo-Freudian standpoint certain kinds of ocular activity relating to concealment: voyeurism, scopophilia, and visual searching out. A woman's body is regarded in the Mediterranean lands as being especially vulnerable to ocular attack. The eye is conceived to be an organ of both prédation and penetration, so that to see is both to eat (to devour) and to invade; staring is therefore a rape or ravishment of the object. "In these parts to see is to steal" (Duvignaud 1977:2.2,8). So the eye is both bipolar and bisexual, both masculine and feminine.» — Gilmore propone la lectura ocular: el ojo como órgano de depredación y de penetración, con el dicho de Duvignaud.

«In the same sense in which women can be "had" by sight, a man's property and his manly force can be wrested from him through the act of observation, in a society where concealment and secrecy, as Pitt-Rivers (1971) has pointed out, are essential to reputation and good character. For to see is to know and to know is to gain power over the object, to possess it, as Picasso knew so well.» — Gilmore aplica lo anterior a la sociedad andaluza, donde el secreto es esencial a la reputación, según Pitt-Rivers.

«We have some inkling, then, about why in Mediterranean villages the sexes are kept separated, beyond the point required for sexual modesty. Barriers are erected between men and women to reduce the occasion for sexual "theft" of a particular Mediterranean kind.» — Gilmore resume por qué se separa a los sexos más allá del recato: para estorbar el robo sexual por la vista.

«But why are women denied access to the crowded places like bars, and why are men, conversely, encouraged to seek out public arenas where they can be appraised by their fellows? What does it mean when a man or women transgresses and is caught "out of place"? What actually constitutes a sexual-spatial barrier, which is after all an immaterial marker, or as Germaine Tillion says, an "invisible frontier" (1983:167)? And what does spatial transgression mean in terms of the broader systems of social categorization we have looked at?» — las cuatro preguntas con que Gilmore abre la sección sobre las mujeres fuera de sitio, con la frontera invisible de Germaine Tillion.

«The notion of frontiers and "women out of place"6 brings to mind Mary Douglas's (1966) definition of dirt and pollution: matter out of place. Any object or person out of its assigned place is dirty and polluting. Out-of-place things cause anxiety, a sense of disorder. The same metaphorical mechanism is at work here: women out of place are both polluted and polluting, and so are men who are caught out of place.» — Gilmore aplica a la geografía del sexo la definición de suciedad de Mary Douglas: materia fuera de sitio.

«But what is it that is being contaminated? And what are the sanctions and punishments for the violation? And what are the ramifications in the moral universe of the Andalusian agrotowns? What does it mean to say that a representative of one sex is in the place of the other? And, at the next level of abstraction, what does it mean to say that a place, or a spot in the world—a locus arbitrarily defined by architecture, not an object at all but simply empty air—is either male or female?» — la serie de preguntas que Gilmore deja abiertas sobre qué se contamina y qué hace masculino o femenino a un trozo de aire.

«Let us take the obvious case of a woman who enters a bar alone in Andalusia. No matter what her intentions or her inner character, she becomes a loose woman; instantly, her sexual modesty is thrown into question. In the minds of male onlookers, she becomes fair game and at the same time becomes a sexual predator herself; she is regarded as possibly promiscuous, out-of-control.» — el caso que Gilmore pone: la mujer que entra sola a un bar queda al instante por mujer suelta y por depredadora a la vez.

«But what stuck in my mind was that our neighbor needed» — la moraleja del caso de Filomena; la frase cruza de plana y sigue *medical justification to get out of her own house for a few minutes a day*.

«medical justification to get out of her own house for a few minutes a day. Other women with more rigid husbands, or stronger superegos, were less fortunate.» — hacía falta un aval médico para salir de casa unos minutos al día, y no todas lo conseguían; el arranque va descabezado.

«I had occasion to witness cases where the depth of commitment to sexual segregation led to occasional incongruities between reality and conviction. Visible evidence was elided or openly denied.» — Gilmore consigna la contradicción entre la convicción y lo que se veía.

«Men would tell me emphatically, for example, that women never venture outside the home except to market, while, not more than fifty feet away from where we were talking, hundreds of women could be plainly seen picking cotton or weeding sunflowers—more women in fact than men, given that most of the male laborers were then in Germany or Switzerland. When alerted to this fact, the men would simply dismiss it as a sort of statistical deviation, by assuring me that what I was witnessing (and would witness time and time again) was anomalous, unusual, rare, out of the ordinary, perhaps a mirage, or due to special circumstances never clearly explained.» — el caso concreto: los hombres negaban que las mujeres salieran mientras cientos de ellas escardaban a cincuenta pies.

«Yet in a book of three hundred pages, the author never once even mentions the erotic side of life; nor does she.allude to the role of sexuality in establishing spatial boundaries or to the pleasure men and women derive from being with mem» — Gilmore objeta a *Gendered Spaces* que no mencione ni una vez el lado erótico de la vida ni el placer de estar entre iguales.

«In her book, Daphne Spain (to take one example) regards sexual reproduction as a purely political process, as though humans were reproduced through mitosis or in test tubes, like Dolly, the Scottish sheep-clone. In this way, the hard facts of sexuality are expurgated from some politically correct gender studies, much as gender used to be expunged from sex studies, in the days of the Kinsey Report.» — Gilmore reprocha a esa línea que trate la reproducción como proceso puramente político.

«It is almost as if they are sentenced to» — Gilmore describe el destierro del varón de su propia casa; la frase cruza de plana y sigue *exile by the exigencies of their unforgiving style of manhood*.

«Thus she loses her cultural shield against sexual trespass by trespassing on men's territory. It is an aggressive act leading to moral confusion, symbolic disorder, and punishable by the Furies of public opinion.» — Gilmore explica la sanción: al pisar terreno de hombres, la mujer pierde su escudo cultural.

«What about a man who lingers in the marketplace or at home at night? He is likened to a women or a mother-hen or some other personification of effeminacy and passivity, so that his punishment in the court of public opinion is to be redefined sexually, turned into something else, something less than a man, something bad.» — Gilmore describe la sanción simétrica sobre el varón fuera de sitio: queda redefinido sexualmente.

«Let us pause at this point to take stock. The woman who is found out of place is thought of as a kind of man, or rather is like a man; she is endowed with an aggressive sexuality which can destroy her; by contrast, a male transgressor like Salvador is deprived of his masculinity. He is persecuted for passivity, she for assertiveness, neither for an act of defiance against the rules, but rather both for a solecism involving place: they have crossed to the "other side," broken through a geographic Maginot Line, assaulted the ramparts of convention.» — Gilmore ordena la simetría: a ella se la castiga por agresiva, a él por pasivo, y a los dos por un solecismo de lugar.

«The reproof for being out of place, out of time, for representatives of both sexes, reflects a curious symmetry. The reproof is born of the underlying tensions and conflicts of an insecure sexual identity, which though certainly not unique to Spain, is highly polarized there.» — Gilmore atribuye ese reproche a una identidad sexual insegura, que no da por privativa de España pero sí muy polarizada allí.

«Being out of place is an indication of contagion or disturbance in the sexual order of the village. But the defect in the sexual balance of the village itself is one built into the system as the ever-threatening contrast, as sun is to shade—the inevitable obverse, that which is repressed. The woman in the bar is the female side of manhood, and the man in the market is the male side of femininity.» — la lectura de Gilmore: la mujer en el bar es el lado femenino de la hombría, y el hombre en el mercado el lado masculino de la feminidad.

«The deviant embodies a universal fantasy of entering forbidden places or appearing naked, and in ostracizing the deviant who acts out the unconscious fantasy, the people banish from their own psyches the disturbing unconscious thought.» — Gilmore lee el ostracismo del desviado como destierro del propio pensamiento inconsciente.

«Spatial arrangements and taboos of this sort institutionalize one of the primary means by which society's order is communicated to individuals and "felt" by them. The semiotic power of space is that it functions as a "morphic language" (Hillier and Hanson 1984:198), a primary means by which society is both interpreted and experienced by its members.» — Gilmore nombra el espacio como lenguaje mórfico por el que la sociedad se interpreta y se experimenta.

«And what could be more natural than space? Thus the erection of barriers in space must be seen as much as a projection of barriers against the "other" within as against the one without.» — Gilmore cierra el punto: la barrera espacial protege tanto del otro de fuera como del otro de dentro.

«To say that women are excluded from the world of power brokering because they are excluded from taverns is to state the obvious, but the question of why this should be so remains. For one thing, why do men guard the high ramparts of convention to such an extent that women, normally desirable, at least as visual objects (most Spanish bars display semipornographic images and icons), should be bodily barred?» — Gilmore descarta la respuesta obvia y formula la pregunta que le interesa, con el detalle de las imágenes semipornográficas del bar.

«It is necessary again to think of the identity-bolstering aspect of exclusion and inclusion; for every space that is denied to one sex becomes a prison as well as a lair for the other. In exchange for their power to exclude, men must accept its inevitable downside: visual deprivation. What could be more depressing for heterosexual men than having nothing to look at all day but other men?» — Gilmore señala el reverso del poder de excluir: la privación visual del que excluye.

«Of course, we must not forget the economic motive in all this. Being mainly poor men, and mainly unemployed, the troubadours expect remuneration. They accept drinks, but they also pass around a hat for loose change. Sometimes, in crass coplas, the singers make direct appeals for money.» — Gilmore consigna el motivo económico: los murguistas son pobres y esperan paga.

«Subtle changes occur, too, in drinking and invitational rituals. Men no longer invite other male barflies to share drinks and cigarettes. Instead all are focused on the murga bands. For their performances, the musicians expect and receive endless rounds of drink. All exchanges occur between the two groups, performers and bystanders. Some men take advantage of this reversal to escape paying their bar bills. The bartenders accept the loss as a cost of doing business on carnival day.» — Gilmore anota el cambio en el rito del convite: todo el intercambio va hacia la murga, y algunos aprovechan para no pagar.

«But let us take another tack, and examine the act of the invita, or "invite,"9 itself. In and out of carnival, bars are places where men slake each other's hunger and thirst—ply each other with bodily sustenance. These exchanges should be regarded as the male counterpart to the female monopoly over alimentation. The bar then serves as a substitute kitchen, where men provide food for other men, normally a woman's job.» — Gilmore lee el convite del bar como contrapartida masculina del monopolio femenino de la comida: el bar como cocina sustituta.

«The bar, drinks, and cigarettes, therefore, which are perceived as quintessentially masculine, take on sexually ambiguous, compensatory overtones. The bar can be seen as a sort of substitute for the breast. Perhaps the idea of the "male breast" is the real meaning behind women's exclusion. The all-male bar gives men a chance to nourish their fellows, to indulge their feminine side, to take over the female role in life, to usurp, in symbolic ways, female nurturing. Far-fetched? Perhaps, but everything about carnival is far-fetched.» — Gilmore propone el bar como sustituto del pecho y declara él mismo que la idea puede parecer traída de los pelos.

«What about the alcohol use as a prime factor in sexual divisions? Drinking is of course associated with loss of control and sexual abandon in many cultures (Marshall 1979:85). Alcohol works as an inhibitor to the moral sense, so that drinking often precedes sexual indulgence; it must therefore be denied to women, except on special occasions like carnival. Yet the fact that alcohol is served in the café does not seem an adequate explanation for women's exclusion in and of itself.» — Gilmore examina y descarta el alcohol como explicación suficiente de la exclusión femenina.

«As in other parts of Spain (Brandes 1979), most men in Andalusia will sit for hours over a coffee or soft drink in bars, and some regulars do not drink at all but simply smoke and play cards — although that is unusual. I knew a man in his seventies in the town of La Campana who spent most of his waking hours in the local tavern without ever drinking anything stronger than chamomile tea, thus earning the nickname El Camomilo.» — el dato que Gilmore opone: hombres que pasan horas en el bar sin beber, con el caso de El Camomilo en La Campana.

«During carnival, men feed each other, and the sharp lines between male and female collapse in chaos. In erasing boundaries and in superimposing opposites, carnival brings about a unification of bodies and provides a polymorphous experience that is deeply pleasurable. In addition to inverting hierarchies and reversing time, carnival also obliterates distance — both in the metaphorical sense of social distinction and in the real sense of physical space. The power of carnival overwhelms all human dimensions of contrast: time, space, sex, and status.» — cierre del capítulo noveno: el carnaval borra también la distancia, y con ella todas las dimensiones del contraste.

«To give one example: Salvador, a man in his thirties who shopped for himself in the marketplace, squeezed fruits and haggled over the price of chickens like an old woman. He was a young widower, and he had no sisters to care for him, although people said he could have relied on his mother, as most men would do, for the most feminine tasks, like shopping and cooking. Another oddity was that he often wore an ascot around his neck, something never seen before or since in this part of Spain. Because he could be found in the marketplace buying eggs, with the women, and wore such strange» — caso de Salvador, viudo joven que compraba en el mercado y llevaba fular; la frase cruza de plana.

«Bearing these conclusions in mind and taking the bar as the prime example, we return to the question why women are excluded from male spaces. On the basis of observations about how bars are used by men to create a society of» — Gilmore vuelve al bar como caso capital; la frase cruza de plana y sigue *equals*.

«equals, we can make a few inferences, none of which is completely valid by itself. First, the bar is the place where informal exchange of commodities takes place. Such exchanges constitute a kind of shadow economy.» — la primera función del bar: intercambio informal de mercancías, una economía en la sombra; el arranque va descabezado.

«But remember that the bar, like everything else in Andalusia, undergoes a status and sex change during carnival. Carnival "opens" everything. The rules of bar etiquette also undergo changes. For one thing, women gain entry both in groups and singly.» — Gilmore describe el vuelco del bar en carnaval: entran las mujeres, solas o en grupo.

«During carnival, the bar becomes a stage where the murgas pause to sing their coplas. Having wandered out of the bar down the street, the gaily clad troubadours ceremoniously enter the next bar, beating their drums and tooting their horns. The doors of the bar are thrown open, men and women mingling and drinking promiscuously, the men in drag, the women costumed according to their fancy. The band performs, the audience lustily applauds the "spicy" lyrics. The crowd reacts as one. During carnival, men are women and women are men.» — la murga entrando de bar en bar y la mezcla de hombres y mujeres, con la fórmula de cierre.

«Women in large numbers masquerade, promenade, and pack the bars. They participate, at least as an audience, in the show and throw money at the singers, although they do not themselves sing or compose songs. No one objects to their presence. In fact, since the male clowns are all in drag and the women revelers are also costumed (though not in drag) and masked, with their hair and faces covered, no one really knows the sex of the masqueraders.» — Gilmore describe la entrada masiva de mujeres en el bar de carnaval y consigna que siguen sin cantar ni componer.

«In this promiscuous mingling of sexes and bodies, all barriers against women collapse; the sexes are indistinguishable. The "invisible frontier," though still invisible, is no longer a frontier. Carnival erases the sartorial as well as the moral, psychological, and spatial boundaries between the sexes. The bars lose their masculine character. Indeed, they temporarily become female, in the sense that virtually all the masqueraders appear female, being either transvestites or exotic women. On this day women are therefore not out of place in bars. They belong anywhere.» — la fórmula de Gilmore: la frontera invisible deja de ser frontera y las mujeres ya no están fuera de sitio.

«I knew of one case in the town of Carmona involving an inseparable married couple. In their forties, the man and his wife, childless, went everywhere together, unlike other married couples, who spent only a few hours a day in each other's company. The woman, whom we shall call Augustina, used to follow her husband to the neighborhood bar, where the two of them sat silently in a corner drinking beer every night.» — caso de Carmona: la pareja inseparable de cuarentones que iba junta al bar todas las noches.

«Ernesto was a loner, a cobbler who worked alone out of a shop in his house, and Augustina, who was not a local woman but a native of a small mountain village in another province, was never seen except in his company. The two were nicknamed "Romeo and Juliet" and were considered harmless but "crazy."» — el apodo que el pueblo les puso, Romeo y Julieta, y el juicio de que estaban locos pero eran inofensivos.

«People avoided going near them as they sat holding hands in the dark corners of the bar. The men felt uncomfortable around them and the couple's presence inhibited the general merriment. Ernesto alone would have been accepted, but not in tandem with his wife. As a mixed couple, they were "wrong."» — Gilmore consigna la incomodidad que la pareja causaba en el bar: él solo habría sido admitido, los dos juntos no.

«Eventually, the bartenders asked them to leave, and they moved to Seville, probably locked forever in their mild folie à deux. My informants could point to no other example of a woman "regular" in a bar. I have never encountered another example of an Andalusian woman's frequenting a bar. Romeo and Juliet broke down the spatial barrier between man and wife, between man and woman, and consequently they were placed in a category by themselves, in an androgynous no-man's-land.» — el desenlace: los taberneros les pidieron que se fueran y se mudaron a Sevilla; Gilmore los sitúa en una tierra de nadie andrógina.

«attire to boot, Salvador became known as a maricón (queer), although the» — el mote que el pueblo puso a Salvador; la frase cruza de plana y sigue *calumny was never proved*.

«calumny was never proved. The men avoided him, but he seemed indifferent to ostracism. He apparently enjoyed shopping and cooking. Unlike most men, he just did not care what the others thought of him.» — Gilmore consigna que la calumnia nunca se probó y que a Salvador le daba igual lo que pensaran; el arranque va descabezado.

«Hoy le saludamos con muchos cariño Today we greet you affectionately Y con alegría le vamos a cantar, And with great joy we sing to you, Y le deseamos a ustedes y su familia And we wish you and your family Que pasan felices este Carnaval. A most enjoyable carnival.» — copla de petición de los murguistas, primer tramo, con el andaluz y la traducción intercalados.

«Nosotros traemos bonitas We have some lovely songs canciones — Seguro que a ustedes le' van a gustar. That you're sure to savor, Si damos un piciaso, perdonen And if we screw up, forgive us:» — segundo tramo de la copla de petición, con la disculpa por la falta de ensayo.

«Por el poco tiempo que han sido We haven't had much time to ensaya. practice. Esperemos un regalo, Now, we expect a gift, Por su propria voluntad, Which of course you'll part with voluntarily Lo menos dos mil pesetas At least two thousand pesetas [twenty dollars] Que eso para usted no es na, Which is nothing at all to you,» — tramo final de la copla de petición, con la cifra de dos mil pesetas y su equivalencia en dólares que el propio Gilmore anota entre corchetes.

«We now turn to politics, by which I mean struggles over power and privilege in the public, or male, realm. A prime target for carnival verse is the mayete, a fixture of rural society in western Andalusia with deep roots in folklore. The word mayete is the colloquialism that people use to describe the middle-class farmer that Marx called the petty-commodity producer, in other words, the rural bourgeois.» — Gilmore abre el capítulo décimo definiendo el *mayete* como el pequeño productor de Marx, la burguesía rural; la plana de apertura rotula el capítulo *The Muyete*, mientras el índice y el cuerpo escriben *mayete*.

«In Spain, the mayete is not much more than a middling peasant, really — not rich, but not poor either, certainly not dirt poor like the vast majority of landless farm workers, or peones. The latter live side by side with the landowning mayetes, without however entering into any lasting commerce with them.» — Gilmore sitúa al mayete entre el señorito y el peón, y consigna que peones y mayetes viven puerta con puerta sin trato duradero.

«In the Franco period, the working poor could not attack the rich landowners openly in their songs, nor could they vent their anger at the authorities, who were often the selfsame oligarchs. They had to refrain from direct attack on the latifundists or the Franco government and its functionaries, for example, because of the severe state censorship.» — Gilmore explica por qué la copla no podía atacar al latifundista ni al gobierno: la censura.

«Instead, they directed their venom against that respectable middle-class target the pompous bourgeois, the mayete, both because doing so gave them a substitute pleasure and because they truly despised the alternative target.» — la consecuencia: el veneno se dirigió al mayete, por sustitución y por desprecio verdadero.

«Given the degree of hostility throughout the region between the extremes of this sharply drawn class structure, as well as the bitter history of violence before the Civil War, many observers regarded western Andalusian rural society as basically a two-class system, without a viable middle» — Gilmore consigna la lectura corriente de la sociedad rural andaluza como sistema de dos clases.

«This bipolar approach was very common in both native and Anglophone historiography, but there was excellent evidence of much more complex systems of stratification and of political alignments in many areas. The systemic complexities included various intermediate strata of peasants, agrarian bailiffs and agrarian specialists, shopkeepers, and bureaucrats» — Gilmore objeta a esa lectura con la evidencia de estratos intermedios.

«Although many observers have acknowledged the existence of the middle strata, especially the commercial bourgeoisie, few anthropologists have spent much time examining social relationships between the agrarian lower and middle classes;4 there seemed, indeed, to be little to say about the relations between autonomous peasants and the landless proletarians.» — Gilmore señala que casi ningún antropólogo estudió las relaciones entre la clase media agraria y el proletariado sin tierra.

«Like many other observers of western Andalusian agrarian relations (both Spanish and foreign), I made this same mistake of omission while doing fieldwork in the early 19705 (Gilmore 1980). I also neglected the role of the small but substantial agrarian middle class in the Fuentes area and overestimated the importance of class struggle between señoritos and jornaleros.» — Gilmore declara en primera persona su propio error de omisión en el trabajo de campo de los primeros setenta.

«Like so many others, I downplayed the role of the mayete in class relations (see Henk Driessen's [1982] compendium of my sins). Here I want to rectify the mistake, not to placate my critics, but because it needs to be done. The best way to correct the omission is through an analysis of carnival verse.» — Gilmore remite al inventario de sus errores que hizo Henk Driessen y anuncia cómo va a enmendarlos.

«The mayetes, the peasants, were—and still are—socially important. They historically formed a kind of social buffer zone between the oligarchs and landless laborers; and they too, as it turns out, had both social and economic ties with the politicized workers, figuring prominently in proletarian perceptions about society and labor relations. For the most part apolitical and selfsufficient, these middling peasants stood somewhat aloof from the ongoing class struggle between uppers and lowers. Yet they were nevertheless involuntarily drawn in by forces beyond their control.» — Gilmore sostiene la importancia social del mayete como zona tapón entre oligarcas y jornaleros; el troceo une *self-sufficient* partido a fin de renglón y devuelve *selfsufficient*.

«This chapter describes the situation during the period from the end of Civil War (1939) to the early 19805 —that is, the heyday of the dictatorship and its aftermath. While increasingly obsolete at the end of the twentieth century, much of the imagery discussed here lingers on as an element in proletarian consciousness and folklore even today, as we shall see. Some very recent carnival verses still enthusiastically disparage the mayetes.» — Gilmore acota el periodo que describe y consigna que la imaginería sobrevive en coplas recientes.

«People in Fuentes, La Campana, Carmona, and the neighboring towns and villages call such modest farmers "mayetes," a term not heard much beyond the local area, the comarca. On the lips of the landless, the curious expression "mayete" (with the y heavily aspirated: almost "mazhete"), is a term both of abuse and of envy.» — Gilmore consigna que el término apenas se oye fuera de la comarca y anota su pronunciación aspirada.

«Owning land, the mayete is slightly better off than a worker (after all, he has property), but he is by no means rich. He is self-employed, which also means a great deal to a landless laborer. Most important, the term implies that the man can avoid day labor. The mayetes also speak of themselves in this way, as "autonomous" or "free," although it is just as common for them to refer to themselves as propietarios, property owners.» — Gilmore explica qué envidia el jornalero en el mayete: librarse del jornal.

«What is the lexical provenance of this expressive colloquialism? Its semantic and historical origins are indeterminate, lost in time. No one I spoke to in town could trace its etymology; it is not standard Castilian, and nobody knew of its meaning anything other than "middle-class farmer," or "peasant." Since "mayete" is a localism, the concept also provides townsmen of all classes with a rare sense of parochial uniqueness and, to some degree, unity.» — Gilmore declara indeterminado el origen del término y consigna que nadie en el pueblo supo rastrearlo.

«"Mayete," known in structural linguistics as a semantically empty phoneme, may have no more extended meaning, but the term captures the essence of a collective representation and plays a key role in the elaboration of group identity.» — Gilmore llama fonema semánticamente vacío al término y le adjudica un papel en la identidad del grupo.

«Often explained to outsiders as propietario pequeño (small owner) or el que trabaja su propia tierra (a man who works his own land), "mayete" has very different connotations from labrador (capitalist farmer) and terrateniente (big landowner). Although some sophisticated people speak of the campesinado, referring to all rural people who work with their hands, campesino (standard Castilian for "peasant") is seldom heard in this part of Spain. The more technical "propietario" is rare, although it may be occasionally used by mayetes or sophisticates.» — Gilmore distingue *mayete* de *labrador*, *terrateniente*, *campesino* y *propietario*.

«A cognate, mayeto, is found in Malaga and parts of Cadiz Province and environs. Because in Fuentes and its neighboring villages residents have a tendency to turn final vocals into an "e" sound (pésete for peseta)^ an obvious phonetic link exists between the variants. A synonym for "mayete" is the curious word pisguarero, apparently a corruption of the venerable Andalusian term pegujalero, meaning small-scale cultivator. Written pisguarero by the literate people in Fuentes, the word is pronounced "pi'huarero," in one of the common elisions, or phonetic conflations, of southern speech. A pisguarero, then, is a classic mayete, a "real mayete."» — Gilmore reúne las variantes y sinónimos del término —*mayeto*, *pisguarero*, *pegujalero*— y anota la elisión de la pronunciación andaluza.

«As we have intimated, "mayete" carries a rich and resonating rhetorical load. So layered are the nuances of the word that it inspires different images in the minds of the latifundists on one hand and the workers of Fuentes on the other. To the rich, it signifies a "true peasant," a i/o del campo, an ignorant country bumpkin who is "stuck to the land," as they say contemptuously. A wealthy interlocutor defined "mayete" as a man of the earth who plows with mules rather than tractors, whose fingernails are dirty, and who has earth stains on his trousers, "a mule."» — Gilmore consigna lo que la palabra significa en boca del rico: un patán pegado a la tierra.

«Conversely, in the view of the lowly laborer, the mayete is something entirely different. He is a man of distinct and enviable economic security, even of leisure. For the jornalero, the mayete is "a man who works less than I do," a man who is "rescued from wage labor by a few fanegas." The mayete, far from being disdained, is a man to admire and, above all, envy, perhaps to hate a little, an autonomous man who enjoys middle-class dignity and is spared the disgrace of hard manual labor. He is un autónomo, the workers wistfully remark, articulating their greatest aspiration.» — lo que la misma palabra significa en boca del jornalero: un autónomo, librado de la vergüenza del jornal.

«Sometimes severe conflicts, although not of the same political intensity as those between the very rich and the very poor, do arise between workers and mayetes. Most such fights stem from the exigencies of the labor market. Some of the better-off mayetes must hire temporary help at harvest time. Unlike the señoritos, who avoid personal contact with their workers, the mayetes do their own hiring, often favoring less advantaged relatives, neighbors, or simply workers whom they trust on the basis of previous experience or reputation.» — Gilmore describe el trato laboral directo entre mayetes y jornaleros, sin la distancia que guardan los señoritos.

«Also, most mayetes work alongside their hired hands in the fields, as supervisors or additional labor. Working with their own hands, the mayetes cannot be denounced —as the latifundists are —for being lazy parasites or shameless exploiters. Some of the "little" (poorer) mayetes, instead of holding reactionary views about the elite, share the workers' democratic sentiments and are not in political opposition.» — Gilmore consigna que al trabajar con sus manos el mayete no puede ser tachado de parásito, y que los mayetes pobres comparten a veces las ideas de los obreros.

«This secondary theater of class warfare» — Gilmore nombra el objeto del capítulo: el segundo teatro de la guerra de clases; la frase cruza de plana —el folio cae al pie de la plana de apertura— y sigue *gave rise to a special genre of rhetorical vilification*.

«gave rise to a special genre of rhetorical vilification which pitted the lower orders in verse not against the big landowners or Franco officials, who were in a position to retaliate through lockouts and blackballing, but against the relatively lowly peasants. Through the carnival coplas in this chapter we examine this curious war between the bottom and the middle.» — el género de vilipendio que ese segundo teatro produjo, contra el campesino y no contra el latifundista; el arranque va descabezado.

«(Fuentes for short) is a farming town of about eight thousand people located in the classical latifundio country of the Guadalquivir River basin. Like most of the other pueblos in this zone that I have mentioned at various times, Fuentes is sharply divided into rich and poor. A central feature of its social life under the Franco regime—indeed, since the iSoos —has been the fierce class struggle between the latifundists ("señoritos" in the classic Andalusian usage) and the seasonally employed farm workers, called peones or jornaleros (day laborers) or simply trabajadores or obreros (workers).» — Gilmore describe Fuentes: ocho mil habitantes en el latifundio del Guadalquivir, partido entre señoritos y jornaleros; el arranque va descabezado porque el topónimo lleva llamada de nota.

«For the most part, the uniformly rich and powerful señoritos were politically reactionary, pious, and elitist. Having come to power through their victory in the Civil War (1936-1939), this landowning elite autocratically wielded the cudgel of Francoist power, keeping the poor in check.» — Gilmore describe a los señoritos: reaccionarios, piadosos y elitistas, llegados al poder por la victoria en la Guerra Civil.

«The poverty-stricken workers, who were largely anticlerical and politically left-revolutionary, mainly espoused a range of mildly socialist or agrarian doctrines, but a sprinkling of anarchists and nihilists among them leavened the mix; however, many shades of political opinion were represented, of course, including the clerical right. But the leftist workers uniformly, even unanimously, held populist or egalitarian beliefs rather than doctrinaire Marxist ideas and aspired toward a classless society where each man might own the land he tilled, as private, inalienable property.» — Gilmore describe a los obreros: anticlericales y de izquierda, populistas más que marxistas doctrinarios, con la tierra propia como aspiración.

«It was almost a scholarly tradition in political science, for instance, to discount the social significance of these petty-bourgeois types, especially the small peasants, who were often pigeonholed as inconsequential "minifundistas"» — Gilmore consigna la costumbre académica de descontar a los pequeños propietarios.

«In the flat, fertile area to the west of Seville City, the smallholding farmers have their own linguistic label, attesting to a regional class formation of considerable longevity and salience. I am speaking here not of rich landlords, but of subsistence peasants, small- to medium-sized market-oriented cultivators, and hortelanos, or small-scale vegetable gardeners (people with less than fifty fanegas, or twenty-five hectares of arable land» — Gilmore define al mayete por su tierra: menos de cincuenta fanegas.

«Yet conflicts do sometimes arise when mayetes and jornaleros work together. The mayetes are notoriously niggardly, and of course labor disputes inevitably erupt over wages, working» — Gilmore consigna la fama de agarrados de los mayetes y los conflictos laborales; la frase cruza de plana.

«and to concentrate only on the much more conspicuous groups of landowners and laborers» — la otra mitad de esa costumbre académica: atender solo a los grupos más visibles; la frase cruza de plana.

«These hardworking farmers cultivate their properties with family labor, selling their wheat, olives,» — el trabajo familiar del mayete; la frase cruza de plana y sigue *sunflower seeds, and vegetables in local markets*.

«sunflower seeds, and vegetables in local markets. Occasionally they have the surplus capital to hire additional help at harvest time, but just as often they rely on family muscle power.» — lo que el mayete vende y cuándo contrata ayuda; el arranque va descabezado.

«conditions, and especially petty grievances —about the food provided during work hours or the precise quitting time or the arithmetic of piecemeal (destajo)» — los motivos menudos del conflicto: la comida, la hora de dejar y las cuentas del destajo; la frase cruza de plana.

«Most important, however, is the influence of the personality stereotypes that circulate among the workers. The farmworkers maintain a highly negative image of the typical mayete, "el mayete mayete.» — Gilmore pasa al estereotipo que circula entre los obreros sobre el mayete típico.

«In their folklore, workers portray the mayetes as crafty, selfimportant, and avaricious, indifferent to proletarian suffering, cruelly calculating, concerned only with minute details of their own finances (all summarized as guriche, another Andalusianism, meaning "stingy and grasping» — el retrato del mayete en el folclore obrero, con el andalucismo *guriche* que Gilmore traduce; el troceo une *self-important* partido a fin de renglón y devuelve *selfimportant*.

«According to this disagreeable stereotype, the mayete is also petulant, complaining, and closed or "shut off" in personality—all qualities disdained by the workers, who pride themselves on being open and generous. And thus arises a straw man of class that enters into the poets' repertory of carnival defamation.» — el resto del estereotipo, opuesto punto por punto a lo que los obreros dicen de sí mismos: abiertos y generosos.

«All this cultural dissonance, of course, is fair game for the proletarian satirist and the working-class carnival troubadour who set their sights on the human comedy. During the annual carnival, the mayetes of Fuentes are lambasted in songs, jokes, riddles, and burlesque. They represent a prime and inexhaustible target.» — Gilmore sitúa esa disonancia como materia del trovador obrero.

«The following song specimens about mayetes were collected between 1972 and 1990, mainly in Fuentes. The lyrics date from the 19505 to the mid-1970s. In every case, the words were written (or dictated) by the usual working-class artists. Even when the brief commentary that accompanies each example is in the present tense, it is necessary to bear in mind that we are speaking of the Franco period and the mid-1970s.» — Gilmore fecha y localiza el corpus de coplas del capítulo, y advierte que el presente de sus comentarios es el del franquismo.

«This song is self-explanatory, except for the reference to canals. Los Canales, actually referring to irrigation channels, is a cotton-growing area along the Guadalquivir River, near the town of Lora del Rio. Workers from town emigrate there in the cold early spring months to pick cotton for a day wage when no other work is available. While earning a few pesetas, they live in squalid, unheated shacks, eat cold bread, drink brackish water for weeks, and suffer from chilblains. Being somewhat financially secure, the mayetes never have to experience the degradation of working in such sordid conditions. The canals represent the utter despair of the poorest workers.» — Gilmore explica la referencia a Los Canales: el algodón de Lora del Río, las chozas sin lumbre y los sabañones que el mayete nunca conoce.

«One day, in an incident that soon became part of carnival folklore, the bumbling Leonardo got his fingers caught in the spokes while greasing the wheels of a rick. He ran yelping in pain right across town, all the way to the infirmary, making a spectacle of himself, much to the amusement of the workers. One of the maestros wrote a ditty to celebrate the event:» — el suceso que dio pie a la copla: el hijo de Perico Mateo se pilla los dedos engrasando la rueda y cruza el pueblo gritando.

«Los mayetes de este pueblo Están aburrios, Y lo vamos a decir. Uno vive en la calle El Bolo Y ha comprao un carro, Y lo vamos a decir. Todo el dia se lleva Engrasando; su Leonardo Se pilló los de'os: Y al Postigo Se fue dando gritos. Este quién lo entiende Es Perico Mateo. Todo aquel que sea mayete, Que no sepa lo que es agonía, Le pregunte A Juanito "El Calero" Que fue un pisguarero De to'a su vida.» — copla de Perico Mateo y El Calero, en el andaluz del folleto; la traducción inglesa va después en bloque.

«The mayetes of this town Are a ridiculous lot, And we're going to give you an example. One of these mayetes lives in Bolo Street, And he bought himself a cart, And this is what happened. This guy is too cheap to get it serviced, So he has his son Leonardo Greasing it up all day, Until the poor dope gets his fingers Caught and goes whimpering in pain All through town. Now, the guy who really understands all this Is Perico Mateo. Anyone who needs more information About what true agony is Should consult Juanito "El Calero," Who has been an authentic peasant All his life.» — la traducción inglesa que Gilmore da de la copla de Perico Mateo y El Calero.

«En Fuentes, con la maíz Se han llenado de billetes, Y no se pueden sufrir, Estos picaros mayetes. Compran yuntas y tractores Se jacen de su labor Y se burlan cuando pue'en Del pobre trabajador. Luego que llega el verano, Siegan con los forasteros, Porque dicen que nuestros Pedimos mucho dinero. Pero que tengan en cuenta Que ellos han si'o jornaleros Y en veniendo un año malo, En el paro los espero.» — copla del maíz contra los mayetes, en el andaluz del folleto; la traducción inglesa va después en bloque.

«In Fuentes, all the mayetes Did pretty well in corn this year; They're loaded with greenbacks. Oh, those rascally mayetes. They're buying ricks and tractors With all their money And having a good laugh at us poor workers Whenever the opportunity arises. Then in the summer, they Harvest their crops using outside (blackleg) labor Because they say we locals ask too much. But let them remember this: Once they were workers, too, And come just one bad year, we'll Be seeing them on the unemployment line.» — la traducción inglesa que Gilmore da de la copla del maíz.

«Mayetes y labradores de Fuentes, De este pueblo de Fuentes, Los precios de las cosechas Mas baratos cada dia. Este año la Cooperativa Se ha tardao en pagar el algodón; Los mayetes no cogían el sueño, Muchos de ellos no han cobrao del to'. Este año son los precios mas baratos: Lo hemos visto nosotros en un boletín, Labradores y mayetes de este pueblo, No sombráis ni una mata peregil. De esta forma no se puede comprar gas-oil Pa' que pueda labrar tu tractor. Si tus tierras no pagan los gastos ¡En Suiza y Alemania os están esperando!» — copla de los precios bajos, con el andaluz y la traducción inglesa intercalados renglón a renglón.

«The lyrics warn that with the overproduction this year, the mayetes will soon be emigrating to northern Europe, looking for jobs, just like the workers: all brothers in need, reduced to the same misery.» — la lectura de Gilmore: la copla anuncia al mayete la misma emigración que al obrero.

«This mocking image has some basis in fact. The mayete is known for, and would not deny, his stern austerity and habit of vociferously agonizing over every little expenditure. Much of his obsessive thriftiness derives from the economic demands of small-scale agriculture, where one bad season can lead to ruin; but the workers, believing that twenty fanegas of olive orchard or wheatfield is enough to support a family in style, have no sympathy with the» — Gilmore concede base real al estereotipo y explica la tacañería del mayete por la economía del minifundio.

«Moreover, with their acute sense of the hedonistic satisfactions that money affords, the workers of Andalusia find it not only inexplicable but disgusting that the mayetes hoard their money and, to use the stock phrase, "eat worse than a common laborer.» — lo que a los obreros les resulta repugnante del mayete: que atesore y coma peor que un jornalero.

«For their part, the mayetes harbor corresponding grudges, which arise mainly from financial squabbles, against the notoriously demanding workers. The mayetes must bargain in the labor market for the services of the workers. Being able to offer less work for shorter stints to employees, the mayetes cannot compete with the better-off señoritos and must pay a little more for the jornalero than do the richer farmers who can offer weekly or monthly work.» — Gilmore consigna el agravio del otro lado: el mayete paga más jornal que el señorito porque ofrece menos días.

«In the period of 1980-1982, for example, this difference amounted to only about 5 or 6 percent of the day wage (about two thousand pesetas at that time, or about twenty-five dollars). But even so small a differential served to anger the mayete employers, because they were put at a disadvantage. The mayetes continually complain about the unrealistic attitude of the workers, always demanding more than the impecunious farmers can afford, when it comes to wages and working conditions.» — Gilmore mide la diferencia de jornal entre mayetes y señoritos y su efecto sobre el resentimiento.

«Given all these misunderstandings, the mayetes seem to have adopted an outward show of indifference to their workers. This may be partly a selfdefense mechanism to avoid provocations. This clash of styles and personality» — Gilmore lee la indiferencia exhibida por el mayete como defensa; el troceo une aquí *self-defense* partido a fin de renglón y devuelve *selfdefense*, y la frase cruza de plana.

«traits fuels the satirical coplas.» — Gilmore señala ese choque de estilos como combustible de la copla satírica; el arranque va descabezado.

«Los mayetes con el tiempo With all the bad weather of late, Estaban desesperao, The mayetes are getting desperate, Y con la falta de agua And with the drought we're experiencing, Poco crecían los sembraos. All their crops are withering. Si algodón no sembramos If the cotton crop fails Y tampoco hay maíz, And the corn dries up too, Creemos que mucho' de ello' Most of these mayetes No van a poder dormi'.» — copla contra los mayetes por la sequía, primera mitad, con el andaluz y la traducción intercalados renglón a renglón.

«Aquí nuestro Director Our bandleader here Oyó una conversación: Overheard a conversation Dos mayetes se contaban Between two mayetes Cada uno su dolor. Recounting to each other all their woes. Uno le decía al otro: Says the one to the other: Yo ya lo tengo pensao If it doesn't rain damn soon, Si no viene el agua pronto They'll drag me off to the canals! ¡Al cana me voy tirao!» — remate de la copla de la sequía: el diálogo entre dos mayetes que oye el director de la murga.

«The next example pillories two particular mayetes, one nicknamed Perico» — Gilmore presenta a los dos mayetes de la copla siguiente; la frase cruza de plana.

«Mateo and the other Juanito "El Calero." These were two close friends, known in Fuentes for their miserliness and their financial scheming. Perico Mateo was so stingy that he refused to pay for maintenance on his farm machinery, instead making his unqualified son, Leonardo, do all the work, just to save a few pesetas. El Calero, Mateo's associate, was just as much of a peseta pincher.» — los dos amigos conocidos en Fuentes por agarrados, con el caso del hijo que hacía las reparaciones para ahorrar; el arranque va descabezado.

«Such verbal barbs were often followed by rehearsed burlesques, almost like a dramatic postscript. In a particularly crude one, which I witnessed in 1973, a clown in typical mayete attire, the boots and the signature blue cotton work clothes, appeared out of a bar. He carried some old farm implements, a hoe, a rake, and a sickle, as though to make the reference even clearer. The "mayete" showed off his ample derrière for a time, strutting pompously through the» — burlesque que Gilmore presenció en 1973: el payaso vestido de mayete con apero y botas; la frase cruza de plana.

«streets; then he leaned over, and with a flourish, began pulling fake money from his "anus," throwing it to the laughing crowds. "Money is only shit to a real mayete like me," he shouted, as the people clapped appreciatively. Carnival humor, as usual, appeals to the lowest common denominator.» — el remate del burlesque: los billetes falsos sacados del ano y el grito de que el dinero es mierda para un mayete de verdad.

«Our next song takes a slightly more confrontational tone. Using provocative language rather than farce, it attacks the mayetes for their insensitivity to the plight of the workers. Here the poet makes a clear political statement about unfair labor practices and exploitation. Since many mayetes are descended from workers who by luck or hard work escaped poverty, the poet makes the point that mayete indifference to workers' poverty is a betrayal that will be punished in time by the powers that be.» — Gilmore presenta la copla siguiente y su acusación: la indiferencia del mayete es traición a su propio origen.

«All it takes is "one bad year" for the mayete to wind up broke, unemployed, and back where he started. This warning bespeaks the need for all to recognize their common humanity and show sympathy to the less fortunate.» — el aviso que Gilmore lee en la copla: un mal año devuelve al mayete al punto de partida.

«Like many other songs, the preceding plays on a favorite image in the carnival coplas: the picaro, or rascally, mayetes.» — Gilmore nombra la figura favorita de la copla: el mayete pícaro.

«Next we look at another example from the same poet» — Gilmore atribuye la copla siguiente al mismo poeta; la frase cruza de plana y nombra a *Marcelino Lora, a native of Fuentes and a famous bard*.

«The poet brings them down to earth with an earful of spiteful scolding. Despite their superior airs, he cries, these smug property owners are just inches away from falling back to lowly worker status. Come one bad harvest, one drought, one crop failure, and the mayete will return to proletarian misery.» — Gilmore lee el reproche de la copla: los propietarios están a un palmo de volver a obreros.

«previous ditty, Marcelino Lora, a native of Fuentes and a famous bard. He baits the mayetes once again with the same ironic message. This year, 1967, the problem is too much rain. Here Lora depicts the northern city of Barcelona, another emigration terminus for the unemployed, as the yawning mouth of doom when the crops fail.» — Gilmore nombra a Marcelino Lora, fecha la copla en 1967 y señala su ironía: ahora sobra agua, y Barcelona es la boca del destino; el arranque va descabezado.

«Note again the use of the loaded term "encima" in the verses, with all its implications of being crushed, weighed down, humiliated.» — Gilmore vuelve a señalar el *encima* en la copla, con su carga de aplastamiento y humillación.

«Some songs have an even more caustic tone, some going so far as to impugn the mayetes' honesty. For example, the following ditty, composed during the Republic (1931-1936) by Félix "El de La Gazpacha," makes a stinging accusation against a specific individual, using the man's well-known (and detested) nickname. The rebuke is particularly galling because in using the word "desenguia" (misspelled in the original broadsheet), which carries the sense of money paid to a whore, it likens the mayete in question to a prostitute. It is, of course, an inflammatory insult to any man in Andalusia to compare him not only to a woman, but to one of the worst sort.» — Gilmore presenta la copla de la *desenguia*, compuesta en la República por Félix El de La Gazpacha, y explica por qué el insulto escuece: equipara al mayete con una prostituta.

«The song refers to a policy instituted by the liberal government of the Republic (probably in 1933 or 1934) when an effort was made to provide lowinterest loans to small farmers. Many of these highly sought-after loans were apparently subject to rampant corruption and fraud at the municipal level, at least according to the envious workers, who were not eligible for them, not owning land. Defamatory lyrics like those below often led to pitched battles between the workers and the mayetes. After the war, of course, these verbal darts had to be toned down due to government supervision, and in some cases, due to the fear of litigation.» — Gilmore explica el trasfondo: los créditos blandos de la República, la corrupción municipal que los obreros denunciaban y las peleas que esas coplas provocaban; el troceo une *low-interest* partido a fin de renglón y devuelve *lowinterest*.

«Resembling the "deep popular utopianism" of Don Quixote that Bakhtin (1984:2,5) constantly remarks is the mainspring of Cervantes's political thought, this sentiment, too, is a rather apolitical form of egalitarian feeling. It is not so much a revolutionary creed as a vision of moral unity of the worthy: a hatred of hierarchy and pretension in any situation.» — Gilmore alinea ese sentimiento con el utopismo popular que Bakhtin lee en el *Quijote*.

«Although painful for the poor, poverty itself is not an evil, nor is the wealth of the rich, if used properly. The real evils are forgetting one's basic humanity and brotherhood with the poor, repudiating commonality with the disadvantaged, withholding charity, being stingy, ignoring one's obligations, engaging in ostentation or luxury in the face of misery. The poets assure us that such unmitigated evil will be miraculously punished by public opinion in the pueblo or by some ill-defined fate — God or some other unforeseen power. The worst and most intolerable human traits are smugness and superciliousness vis-à-vis the less fortunate.» — Gilmore enumera lo que esa moral tiene por mal: no la pobreza ni la riqueza, sino el olvido de la hermandad y la ostentación ante la miseria.

«Sometimes, of course, the forebodings are realized and the high and mighty are brought low, providing a most satisfying form of Andalusian schadenfreude. The following song rejoices at the long-awaited downfall of some particularly arrogant mayetes. It celebrates an epochal event that occurred in 1971 in Fuentes, a vengeful hope fulfilled. Soon becoming a carnival legend, the actual story is as follows.» — Gilmore presenta la copla del Cuarto de Caza y el suceso de 1971 que la originó.

«Then things changed. In the late 19608, deciding to modernize and mechanize, that grandee of Spain decided to evict the mayetes from El Cuarto de Caza. They had no legal papers and were unable to provide evidence of squatters' rights, despite the efforts of numerous lawyers. Finally, their appeals exhausted, they were forcibly removed from the duke's property by the Guardia Civil in a very ugly episode. Never one for ceremony, the Guardia threw the peasants' possessions on the ground, amid the women's weeping and the men's cursing and calling for vengeance.» — el desahucio: el duque mecaniza, la Guardia Civil desaloja y tira los enseres al suelo.

«The next February, Juan "El de La Harina," a local maestro, composed the following song to commemorate the poetic justice of the mayetes' downfall:» — Gilmore nombra al maestro que compuso la copla del Cuarto de Caza y la fecha en el febrero siguiente.

«Tagarnina is a local thistle, cardo, used for forage, and a zambullo is a makeshift bar or tavern; acuerdas is Andalusian for the proper Castilian recuerda ["remember"]. Otherwise the lyrics are self-explanatory.» — la nota con que Gilmore glosa los andalucismos de esa copla.

«Even after Franco's death, even after the censorship was lifted, the poor mayete fell beneath the poets' scourge. Under the Socialist government of Felipe Gonzalez (1981-1994), for example, the poets continued to applaud the mayetes' troubles. During the agricultural recession of the mid-1980s, Juanillo "El Gato" composed the mocking verses below:» — Gilmore consigna que la burla al mayete siguió tras la censura, bajo el gobierno socialista.

«What the carnival coplas do, then, is set up the "rascally mayete" (the picaro, scoundrel, or rogue) as a community straw man ripe for puncturing. The picaro mayete himself becomes a buffoon: Sancho Panza-like, pompous, and puffed up, he is rebuked by the Fates in the guise of mocking proletarian clowns. The bourgeois farmer, depicted as a monster of swollen pride, becomes for everyone a cautionary example of pretentiousness and complacency, an inviting target awaiting retribution in carnival's court of public opinion. Mayete pride, the songs assure us, "goeth before a fall," as the maestros adapt ageless folk wisdom to the local context.» — Gilmore resume la operación de la copla: el mayete pícaro como espantajo comunitario y ejemplo de la soberbia castigada.

«The risible stereotype constructed through the use of mockery and satire affords a measure of comfort to the workers, whose envy and resentment find a perfect object in the caricature of the oaf soon parted from not only his money but also his grandiosity. While the hated señorito could not be ridiculed publicly (and would not listen, either, being absent during carnival), the relatively comfortable mayete was vulnerable, an easy target for venomous character attacks.» — Gilmore explica para qué sirve el estereotipo: da consuelo al obrero y ofrece un blanco al alcance, donde el señorito no lo estaba.

«As in the morality tales of the Middle Ages, the absentee aristocrat and the masses unite to punish the smug bourgeois. But such ironies are not uncommon in Spain, where the richest and poorest segments of society have for centuries participated in a curious "symbiosis" (Mitchell 1991). We will deal at greater length with this alliance of uppers and lowers in the next chapter.» — Gilmore alinea el caso con las moralidades medievales y con la *simbiosis* entre ricos y pobres que Mitchell describe.

«Thus, despite their poverty, ignorance, and lack of refinement, the semiliterate poets of Andalusia trace their inspiration to the deepest wellspring of Spanish popular culture. Not poverty but arrogance is evil; injustice lies not in wealth per se, but in inhumanity; and the people have faith such wrongs will ultimately be righted.» — Gilmore adjudica a los poetas semianalfabetos de Andalucía la vena más honda de la cultura popular española.

«During the darkest days of the Franco dictatorship, the proletarian poets of Fuentes were surely a mouthpiece for vox populi, for the landless and the oppressed. Their voice was not one just of crude mockery or of class hatred but a polyphonic chorus informed by a complex and profound irony, spiced with laughter and gaiety, ennobled with hope and the quest of the honest poor for self-respect and dignity.» — cierre del capítulo décimo: la voz de los poetas obreros como coro polifónico, con ironía, risa y esperanza.

«The powerful egalitarian theme» — Gilmore subraya el tema igualitario de la cultura obrera andaluza; la frase cruza de plana y sigue *found in proletarian culture in Andalusia is highlighted here*.

«found in proletarian culture in Andalusia is highlighted here. The poet knows that superior status is an illusion that nature will eventually dispel. The song is a warning as well as a satire.» — Gilmore lee la copla como aviso además de sátira: el estatus superior es una ilusión que la naturaleza deshace; el arranque va descabezado.

«Y este verano que viene So this year, they are going to pay En vez de algodón The mayetes to grow sugar beet» — arranque de la copla de la *desesguía*; el troceo corta al cambiar de plana.

«Serán remolacha. Instead of cotton. Dan el dinero en delantera If you're a mayete Que el mayete hoy You can get the dough; Les hace falta. Just lie and say you need it. Eso es una ignorancia This is a scandal and a disgrace, Y el que quiera cobrar "desesguía" And anyone dishonest enough to collect Que le informe This whore's money, A Manuel "La Quilina," Can just go and Que estuvo cobrando Ask Manuel "La Quilina," Hace pocos dias.» — resto de la copla de la *desesguía*, con el andaluz y la traducción intercalados; el troceo trae las dos grafías del término, *desenguia* y *desesguía*.

«I imagine most of the lyrics above speak for themselves. The meanings are simple and unambiguous, the intentions clear. Most interesting about the sentiments expressed is what they show about proletarian social consciousness in Andalusia. Taking a high moral tone, the poet reveals a nuanced awareness and as deep a concern with cultural values as with politics and economic issues.» — Gilmore lee esas coplas como testimonio de una conciencia social atenta a los valores tanto como a la política.

«In the years before democracy, the workers' deepest resentment came from contemplating moral and ethical issues (rather than class exploitation in the usual sense): the mayetes' pretensions and their smugness about the workers' difficulties. Throughout, the theme is "You are just like us, so don't put on airs," expressed through ironic warnings about a common fate.» — Gilmore sitúa el resentimiento obrero en lo moral antes que en la explotación, y resume el estribillo: no os deis aires.

«Since the 192,08, a group of mayetes had rented smallish plots in a great estate owned by an absentee landlord, the duke of the Infantado, one of the biggest landlords and richest men in Spain. It was in an area called El Cuarto de Caza, located partly in the municipal territory of Fuentes, which covers about fifteen thousand square hectares.» — Gilmore sitúa el caso del Cuarto de Caza: renteros del duque del Infantado en término de Fuentes.

«Apparently the modestly well-off rentiers came into town occasionally and, with their money and airs, lorded it over the landless workers. "They would come into a bar and drink among themselves and say bad things about the workers," one told me, repeating a widespread complaint. "They were arrogant and closed. They thought they were better than we were because they had two fanegas of the duke's land. Hah, the duke's land. What fools!» — lo que un obrero le contó a Gilmore sobre los aires de aquellos renteros en el bar.

«Aquellos mayetes Those mayetes Del Cuarto de Caza Of the Cuarto de Caza, Que con amenazas Who were driven out Salieron de allí, By threats, Y ellos se creyeron They once thought Que con el dinero That with all their money De aquellos terrenos, That came from those acres No iban a salir. They'd never have to leave. Ellos se juntaron, So they joined together Vieron abogados, And hired a bunch of lawyers Y a to's le sacaron Who succeeded only in Mu' bien el parné'.» — copla del Cuarto de Caza, primera mitad, con el andaluz y la traducción intercalados renglón a renglón.

«Unos con el desempleo Some of us suffer because of unemployment Y otros por enfermedad, Others because of illness, Y los mayetes en el paro But with this recession, ¡Tiene la gloria gan'a !» — remate de esa copla, ya en la plana siguiente: el paro del mayete como gloria ganada.

«Ironically enough, in the case of the Cuarto de Caza mayetes in the song» — Gilmore señala la ironía del caso del Cuarto de Caza; la frase cruza de plana y sigue *above, the scourge of the mayetes*.

«above, the scourge of the mayetes and the engine of their destruction is not God or nature, but a much richer man, a duke — in fact, an exalted grandee of Spain, historically one of the biggest villains of local folklore. So carnival politics makes strange bedfellows of rich and poor. The opulent duke, comfortably ensconced in his palace in Madrid, finds himself an instrument of proletarian vengeance. In this ironic twist of fate, the maestros deliriously appreciate the uniting of social extremes against the middle!» — el azote del mayete no fue Dios ni la naturaleza sino un duque, y los extremos sociales se unieron contra el medio; el arranque va descabezado.

«The mayete stereotype is the product of fierce proletarian pride, which in Andalusia transcends local political issues. The superiority of the honest poor» — Gilmore adjudica el estereotipo al orgullo obrero; la frase cruza de plana y sigue *over the fatuous bourgeois*.

«over the fatuous bourgeois is an entrenched theme in Spain that can be traced back to Cervantes's mockery in Don Quixote of middle-class social climbing personified by the land-greedy Sancho Panza, as well as in the populist tradition of such classical Castilian dramatists as Lope de Vega and Calderón de la Barca.» — Gilmore hace remontar ese tema a Cervantes, a Lope y a Calderón; el arranque va descabezado.

«Ay que ruina: los mulos tengo Oh, how terrible is the weather. encima, ¿Y si no trillo que comen mis Ay, what ruin is crushing down chiquillos? On my poor mules, and Ay Mayete, por Dios, ay mayete, por Without wheat, what will my little Dios. ones eat? Si no hay trigo, cogerás algodón. Ay mayete, for the sake of God, Me se murió la muía ya es de no If there is no wheat, you'll have to go comer ceba'a, to work No tengo verde por eso se me muere. Harvesting cotton for a wage.» — copla de Marcelino Lora sobre el exceso de lluvia, primera mitad, con el andaluz y la traducción intercalados renglón a renglón.

«Algunos en el pueblo Some of them came to town to Se han visto vender; Sell their possessions; Y unos van por tagarninas, Others had to forage. Otros por cisco comprao, Others still are selling charcoal, Otros tienen un zambullo And yet others set up cafés and bars,» — el tramo de la copla del Cuarto de Caza donde se cuenta en qué acabaron los desahuciados.

«Un saludo cariñoso We have a very sweet image Acude a nuestra memoria: In our memory engraved: El de Felipe Gonzalez That of Felipe Gonzalez Grabado está en nuestra historia. As a fact of recorded history [i.e., as out of office]. Hay un duelo establicido The authorities have a contest established here Entre el agua y la aceituna; Between rising prices for water and oil; Y esperanza no hay ninguna.» — copla de Juanillo El Gato sobre la recesión de los ochenta, primer tramo, con la lectura entre corchetes que el propio Gilmore añade.

«El petróleo y el café Gasoline and coffee, I have heard, Según tenemos entendi'o, Are also too expensive Por lo mucho que ha subi'o. Even to think about. Tomaremos carbonato So we'll drink cheap carbonated water Pa' jacé la digestión, For the digestion, Y a Juan Carlos lo tenemos And we'll show Juan Carlos Tan negro como el carbón.» — segundo tramo de esa copla, con el gasóleo, el café y el guiño a Juan Carlos.

«The carnival songs deriding mayetes are a leading form of political theater —they literally number in the hundreds. Instead of "inverting" the class hierarchy, they pull out its center, causing the entire structure to implode and conflating its two extremes.» — Gilmore abre el capítulo undécimo: la copla contra el mayete no invierte la jerarquía, le saca el centro y la hace implosionar.

«Carnival is always political; even its sexuality is political, because it has to do with power relations and status, not to mention "who's on top." But carnival in Spain is political in specifically Spanish terms. These are nothing if not ambivalent, as poetic justice is meted out through the agency of the rich duke and his minions, the bullies of the Guardia Civil. But what of the carnival poets' view of the upper strata of society, the rulers, the Church, the current ruling ideas, the moral and intellectual baggage of the plutocracy?» — Gilmore declara siempre política la fiesta y formula la pregunta del capítulo: qué dice la copla de los de arriba.

«Conceptualizing the carnival's political voice in this way, not as "bare negation" but as counterpoint, as ideologically polyphonic, signals a post-Marxist acknowledgment that proletarian consciousness is many-voiced, disorderly, and largely inconsistent.» — Gilmore nombra su propia postura: la voz política del carnaval como contrapunto polifónico, no como negación pura.

«Drawing on some insights from political anthropology in this chapter, I would like to examine some coplas with political themes dealing with subjects other than the mayetes. The texts presented in this chapter, dating from 1900 to the present, show the subversiveness that we expect of the Latin carnivalesque. But they also demonstrate a curious contradiction, rarely acknowledged by other anthropologists working with this kind of material: a fusion of ideologies, "praise-abuse" toward the constituted authorities» — Gilmore anuncia el material del capítulo y la contradicción que quiere señalar: la fusión de ideologías, el elogio-vituperio de Bakhtin.

«A dramatic illustration of the same ideological ambivalence, so characteristic of political Spain, is seen when anticlerical Andalusian workers, who fulminate against the priests and who burnt churches during the Civil War, participate in Holy Week parades and venerate patron saints» — el ejemplo con que Gilmore ilustra esa ambivalencia: los obreros que quemaron iglesias desfilan en Semana Santa.

«I do not dispute that Spanish carnival was a ritual of resistance; it certainly was that. Rather, I want to point out that this quintessentially popular festival has always been thematically and morally multivocal: it is an ideological hybrid, not monody but polyphony; its tone is subversive and conservative at the same time. In Spanish carnival, as in most theatrical verbalizations, vox populi pronounces not a monotone rejection of elite values or of the mayetes, but a much more powerful ambivalence toward these things.» — Gilmore concede el carácter de resistencia y sostiene a la vez la multivocidad: híbrido ideológico, polifonía y no monodia.

«When it comes to carnival's political context, Marxist and communist scholars —especially Anglophone scholars —have promulgated a monolithic (and I believe overly romanticized) view of the Spanish festival. In one of the earliest instances, Hobsbawm in his classic study of anarchism, Primitive Rebels (1959), cites carnival coplas to illustrate the revolutionary fervor among the anarchist farmworkers of Andalusia.» — Gilmore objeta a los estudiosos marxistas anglófonos una lectura monolítica, y cita el uso que Hobsbawm hace de las coplas.

«In the corpus of work in English on Spanish politics (for instance, Kaplan 1977; Mintz 1982; Collier 1987), rarely has acknowledgment been made of any ideological ambivalence or inconsistency on the part of participants in carnival culture. It is as though all working-class masqueraders were identically predisposed and of the same mind (like the scholars?). But this naive view presupposes an inordinate degree of cultural homogeneity that exists nowhere in the world.» — Gilmore señala lo que esa bibliografía no reconoce: la ambivalencia y la inconsistencia de los participantes.

«To be sure, carnival discourse included angry political protest. Much of the protest was indeed revolutionary: anticlerical, anticapitalist, and certainly antibourgeois (anti-mayete). Much of the satire and profanation in carnival songs and skits reflected class struggle against latifundism, caciquismo (bossism), exploitation, religious oppression, and other injustices. But another, equally insistent voice of carnival projected a rather different and more complaisant worldview.» — Gilmore concede la parte de protesta y anuncia la otra voz, más complaciente; el troceo une *boss-ism* partido a fin de renglón y devuelve *bossism*.

«This gentler voice corresponds to what Bakhtin has called "the carnivalesque upside-down" (1984:410), the reversal of the reversal, the negative negated, which we have already seen in the case of imagery about women. In this contrarian voice, the working classes celebrate rather than denigrate the classic values and norms that form the backbone of Spain's specifically Castilian Great Tradition: conventional morality, nationalistic enthusiasm, bourgeois sentimentality, and Catholic traditionalism. Hierarchies seem to be accepted, even praised, rather than assaulted.» — Gilmore nombra esa segunda voz con la fórmula de Bakhtin del revés del revés, y enumera lo que celebra: moral convencional, patriotismo y catolicismo.

«Let us start with the earliest copla contributed from memory. This ditty dates from the period of the Torno Politico, or "rotating" government (1880192.0), when by tacit agreement liberal and reactionary regimes in Madrid alternated without much electoral input. To judge by the names mentioned, this verse dates to either 1909 or 1910, the first of which was a year of intense political agitation, culminating in the infamous "Tragic Week" in Barcelona — seven days of class violence and church-burnings. My sources did not know the name of the author, a rural proletarian from the town of either Osuna or Marchena.» — Gilmore fecha la copla más antigua de su corpus en 1909 o 1910 y consigna que no se supo el nombre del autor; el troceo une *1880-192.0* partido a fin de renglón y devuelve *1880192*.

«Denouncing politicians from across the ideological spectrum in simple, even stark, terms, the poet expresses the hatred of the "small for the mighty" and the disgust for the state that Le Roy Ladurie (1979:105) speaks of as a recurrent feature of European carnivals. The invidious comparison of corrupt Spanish officials with foreigners is of course the worst insult.» — Gilmore lee la copla del Turno Político y remite a Le Roy Ladurie para el odio del pequeño al poderoso.

«Local people throughout the region adopted this little ditty as a kind of unofficial subversive anthem. For decades, they elaborated on the lyrics, changing the names of the politicians and the foreign countries to suit the times (Communist Russia replaced Portugal in the 19305); they recited it during carnivals right up to the Second Republic and even during the Civil War (the 19308), when such expressions were dangerous.» — Gilmore cuenta la vida larga de esa copla: se le cambiaban los nombres según la época y se recitó hasta la Guerra Civil.

«Ni La Cierva, ni Mauregui Not La Cierva ñor Mauregui Ni Canalejas, ni Maura, Nor Canalejas nor Maura, Ninguno tiene vergüenza, Not a single politician Que no defiende a su patria. Has any shame at all. Fijarse en Inglaterra, Not a one defends his country. En Francia, y en Portugal. Look abroad, look to England Y vereis a sus goviernos Or to France, even Portugal, Con protección vigilada. And you will see governments that Aquí se protege al vago Vigilantly protect their people. Al granujo y al ladrón. But here who gets protection? Y todos están protegidos Only the lazy, the cheats and thieves, Menos el trabajador.» — copla del Turno Político, en el andaluz del folleto, con la traducción inglesa intercalada renglón a renglón por el OCR.

«Carnival coplas, while condemning the state, often uphold the very moral virtues, obligations, and notions of patriotism and Hispanidad that have been an integral part of statist propaganda about "La Raza" since the nineteenth century. Rather than see such bourgeois sentiments as examples of the "imposition" of elite hegemony, as Abner Cohen (1993:148) does in his study of London carnival, it is perhaps wiser to acknowledge workers' general ambivalence about these issues, which are deeply rooted in primordial loyalties and self-identity, in the Eriksonian sense of feelings and needs that transcend politics.» — Gilmore prefiere hablar de ambivalencia obrera antes que de imposición hegemónica, contra la lectura de Abner Cohen.

«Andalusian workers' ambivalence about the Castilian state and its programs is reflected in the following pair of songs about the colonial war in North Africa during the 19205 (against the Rif rebels led by the Berber chieftain Abd El Krim). Marked by sharp swings between abject defeat in 192,1 and final victory in 192,6, this war against the Moroccan guerrillas was highly unpopular with the Spanish Left—especially in Andalusia—which constantly fulminated against imperialism.» — Gilmore presenta el par de coplas sobre la guerra del Rif y fecha sus vaivenes.

«But typically, workers' attitudes wavered between pacifism and jingoism. Of course, their reactions depended in large part on the current performance of the Spanish army against the rebels, who were dismissed as a ragtag band of bandits until the humiliating Spanish defeat at Annual. But the swings in public opinion also reflected some degree of ambiguity among the masses concerning the potential benefits —both economic and emotional — of victory.» — Gilmore consigna el vaivén entre pacifismo y patriotería, y lo liga al curso de la guerra y al cálculo de beneficios.

«Dating from 192.2, the first carnival after the rout at Annual, the song below, ostensibly a letter from a doomed Spanish soldier, delivers an antiwar message coupled with an indictment of the managerial class that has gotten Spanish conscripts into this predicament. The poet denounces the battle as being not for the glory of Spain but for gold (the Rifian mines), said to benefit the ruling class. The "thieves and bandits" are of course the capitalists and their lackeys, not the Berber guerrillas.» — Gilmore fecha la copla del soldado en 1922 y descifra a quiénes llama ladrones y bandidos: a los capitalistas, no a los rifeños.

«Authors of many accounts of European carnival see an unambiguous revolutionism at work. Some, like Le Roy Ladurie (1979) and Kertzer (1988), describe incidents of class warfare and insurrectionary violence. Such inci» — Gilmore recuerda la lectura revolucionaria del carnaval y nombra a Le Roy Ladurie y a Kertzer; la frase cruza de plana.

«This idea supports the discovery that when it comes to existing hierarchies and norms, working-class subculture, like any other, "both affirms and denies at the same time,» — Gilmore alinea esa lectura con la subcultura obrera que afirma y niega a la vez.

«Contempt for the Spanish government is a constant theme of Andalusian carnival songs (Rodríguez Becerra 1992,). This song represents a gem of the popular genre.» — Gilmore consigna el desprecio al gobierno como tema constante de la copla andaluza.

«But hostility toward the Madrid government is not unalloyed — it does not carry over to wholesale condemnation of the state. Even under the Franco dictatorship, when workers were largely antigovernment and anticlerical, many songs expressed love of country and pride in Spanishness as well as in Spain's Catholic tradition and its elite nationalistic manifestations, despite the association of these allegiances with official oppression and Castilian tyranny. As is the case with expressions of religion —Spaniards often express anticlerical and pious sentiments simultaneously —it is important in Spain to distinguish between aspects of a (to foreigners' eyes) apparently monolithic phenomenon.» — Gilmore acota el alcance de ese desprecio: bajo Franco convivía con el amor a la patria, como el anticlericalismo con la devoción.

«Eres España querida, My beloved Spain, Orgullo del español. What pride we feel in being Spanish. Tu bandera cuando ondea Your unfurled banner Brilla mucho mas que el sol. Is more brilliant than the sun.» — copla patriótica a España, primer tramo, con el andaluz y la traducción intercalados renglón a renglón.

«El mundo entero te envidia The entire world envies you: Como tu no hay otra cosa igual, There is nothing equal to you, Y por muy le jo que estemos, And though we may be far distant, No te podremos olvidar. We can never forget you.» — segundo tramo de la copla patriótica, con el andaluz y la traducción intercalados renglón a renglón.

«Finally, with the assistance of the French Foreign Legion, the Spanish pacified the Rif in 192,6. The following song commemorates the Spanish victory in a playful way, using animal imagery as in fable or allegory, but nevertheless evidencing a certain pride in Spanish arms and in a satisfying conquest over an ancient enemy, the Moors. The contrast of the celebratory mood to the lyrics of dissent and despair above is marked. The lyrics sound a definite note of imperial self-congratulation.» — Gilmore presenta la copla de la victoria del Rif de 1926 y señala su orgullo imperial, en contraste con la anterior.

«The theme of the Moor as "other" and as enemy (Arabs and Muslims are all lumped together as "Moors" in Andalusia) continues as a foil for Catholic Spanish national identity in ritual performances even today throughout the region (Rodríguez Becerra 1984). Many towns and villages still perform the ancient parades of "Moros y Cristianos," complete with mock battles and military imagery from the medieval Reconquest (Amezcua 1995). These ancient stereotypes are used creatively today for carnival purposes.» — Gilmore consigna la persistencia del moro como enemigo en las fiestas de moros y cristianos.

«Sung by Los Palmitos (Hearts of Palm), a group dressed in palm tree costumes, the lyrics playfully poke fun at Saddam Hussein, meanwhile interweaving the venerable Moor-as-enemy motif with jokes about the sexual prowess of the troubadours and the superior quality of the local delicacy, the heart of palm. The political intent, minimal to begin with, is further blunted by the rapid-fire burlesque:» — Gilmore describe a la murga de Los Palmitos y señala cómo el burlesque desactiva la intención política.

«Opposing beliefs, mixed sentiments, and clashing loyalties often commingled during carnival celebrations, even during the height of revolutionary fervor in the 1930$. During the Republic, workers and peasants expressed a variety of political views through carnival coplas, commenting caustically on local political events.» — Gilmore consigna la mezcla de creencias opuestas en el carnaval incluso en el fervor revolucionario de los años treinta.

«Although most of the poor in Andalusia were firmly leftist or anarchist, many were quite conservative and even reactionary because of deeply held Catholic beliefs, personal ties to the rich (Corbin and Corbin 1984), or simply unaccountable idiosyncratic conviction (see Maddox 1993 for a review). These conservative workers were often called squirrels or billy goats by the revolutionaries; but it would be a mistake to ignore either their importance or their numbers merely because they were despised by the Left.» — Gilmore consigna la existencia de obreros conservadores, a los que los revolucionarios llamaban ardillas y chivos, y avisa contra descontarlos.

«I reproduce three carnival coplas, two from the 19305, one more recent, expressing very different political views. All three were written by workers.» — Gilmore declara el reparto de las tres coplas que va a reproducir: todas de mano obrera y de signo distinto.

«Our first two songs, composed fifty years apart, salute the Casa del Pueblo — the Socialist trade union dissolved by Franco in 1939 and re-created in 1977 —and threaten class enemies and conservatives. The third song, also dating from the Republic, takes a very different, in fact a right-wing, position, condemning the Republic and its socialist ideals as ill-conceived and decadent.» — Gilmore resume el contenido de las tres: dos saludan a la Casa del Pueblo y la tercera condena la República.

«This type of song extolling the Casa del Pueblo unites labor and progressive political themes, condemning class enemies while lauding working-class heroes and organizations. After the Civil War such songs were naturally prohibited by the Franco government. By the late 19705, however, after Franco's death, some workers returned to the old themes.» — Gilmore sitúa el género, su prohibición tras la Guerra Civil y su vuelta a fines de los setenta.

«Queremos Casa del Pueblo, Todos los obreros de Fuentes. Hoy por hambre tus obreros Están cerca de la muerte. Si te declara en huelga Te quieren ametrallar. Darse cuenta, compañeros, De esta vida explotación; Ahora nos protegen menos Que el miserable Borbón. Es muy triste y muy humilde Que tengamos que entregar Nuestra vida a la injusticia Como la entregó Galán, Y en alta voz gritaremos ¡Que viva la libertad! Tenemos que hacer un bloque, Todos los trabajadores, Que nos quitaron lo nuestro Aquellos inquisidores.» — copla de 1981 de Fuentes de Andalucía por la Casa del Pueblo, con el andaluz y la traducción inglesa intercalados; Gilmore añade entre corchetes el nombre de Galán.

«These songs are typical of the proletarian protest genre from the late iSoos right up to the present and, as we can see, showed remarkable consistency through the years, during different regimes. Still, the theme was always counterbalanced by other coplas expressing opposing ideas and sentiments, often written by the same poets or their brothers or comrades.» — Gilmore señala la consistencia del género de protesta a través de los regímenes y su contrapeso constante en coplas de signo opuesto, a veces del mismo poeta.

«Tu, República Española Que en mi pecho te abrigué, Tus colores amapolas Es una estrella polar. Esparciendo tus olores, El catorce de abril Tu naciste entre flores Por impulso popular; Tu que odias la monarquía, Símbolo de esclavitud. El hombre en la melodía De tu música sonó, Y ha causado grandes daños, Y el deseo se agrandó Al pueblo que te engendró. Vida y muerte A tu pueblo le estás dando Con tu proceder parcial, Y en la suerte Que se llama en este mundo el poder circunstancial. ¡Pobre pueblo! Tu trabajo fue fecucundo [sic] Aumentando tu sufrir, Y hasta que el dolor profundo Se propague a todo el mundo Y nos haga sucumbir.» — copla sobre la República, con el andaluz y la traducción inglesa intercalados renglón a renglón; el troceo conserva el *[sic]* que el propio Gilmore pone sobre *fecucundo*.

«Another song, written in 1933, reflects an even more strongly right-wing position, at odds with the new liberal democracy. The antirepublican diatribe below reflects the views of some Catholic workers who fiercely opposed the Republic as not only anticlerical but also subversive of discipline, patriotism, tradition, and good order. Although a minority, these working-class conservatives made their dissatisfaction felt through various means, including carnival coplas that directly condemned democracy as an assault on Spain's patri» — Gilmore fecha en 1933 la copla antirrepublicana y consigna que los obreros católicos conservadores eran minoría pero se hacían oír; la frase cruza de plana y acaba *archal heritage* en la siguiente.

«La belleza en tus mujeres [es] The beauty of your women Como rosa en el rosal. Is like the rose upon the rosebush, Los labios como claveles Their lips [are] like marigolds and Y su cuerpo escultural. Their forms more shapely than flowers.» — remate de la copla patriótica; el troceo mete entre corchetes dos aclaraciones del propio Gilmore.

«Melilla, tres de enero; Melilla, third of January; Querido amigo, Dear friend, Un favor de ti espero;» — arranque de la copla del soldado de Melilla, de 1922; el troceo corta al cambiar de plana.

«Que no digas lo que escribo. Hace tres días me encuentro En un hospital metido, Que defiendo un convoy, De un balazo caí herido. Los soldados, a montones, Mueren cuando entramos En cualquier acción. Y aunque tenemos cañones, No hay vergüenza ni valor. También en los campamentos Pasamos hambre y tormentos, Nada a mis padres lo digas. No tenemos ropa ni comida; La miseria nos come Y nos mata; Nos llevamos toda nuestra vida Defendiendo minas, Granujas y piratas.» — resto de la copla del soldado de Melilla, en el andaluz del folleto; la traducción inglesa va después en bloque.

«Do not repeat what I am about to write. Three days ago, I was Taken to the hospital badly wounded: Trying to defend a convoy I fell, shot down. Our soldiers fall in droves, And die like flies. In any military encounter. Although we have the artillery, We have neither shame nor valor. Even in the bivouacs, We suffer from hunger and torments — Do not tell my parents, please. We have neither clothes nor food; Misery eats away at us And finally kills us; We're wasting our lives Defending mines, Thieves, and bandits.» — la traducción inglesa que Gilmore da de la copla del soldado de Melilla.

«Será verdad, Esa guerra de Marruecos, El ejército terrestre Y ahora se lo explicamos. Llevan cañones Y alguna ametralladora; Van divisando al moro Y va llegando la hora. Un batallón de ratones Lo dirige un cigarrón;» — arranque de la copla de la victoria del Rif, con el andaluz y la traducción intercalados; el troceo corta al cambiar de plana.

«Detrás chicharras Behind them, a bunch of crickets, Detrás de un melon. Following a melon. Y una mosca borriquera And a fly, leading the mules, La acompaña un abejorro Is accompanied by a beekeeper, Y la avispa con su lanza And the wasp, with his stinger, Se hizo el amo del moro. Makes himself the ruler of the Moors. Ganó I'Alhucemas He won Alhucemas Y las minas de oro.» — remate de la copla de la victoria del Rif, con la avispa que se hace amo del moro.

«ing song about "the Moor," for example, dates from the carnival of 1991, which coincided with the Gulf War against Iraq. After some indecision, Spain joined the allies by sending a few sailors and some token patrol boats to the Gulf. Absent any national interest in Kuwait to speak of, opinion was very divided on this policy, but since the Spanish public still regards "the Moor" as generically dangerous and threatening, most Spaniards acquiesced to the government's anti-Iraq stance.» — Gilmore fecha en el carnaval de 1991 la copla del moro y explica el contexto de la guerra del Golfo; el arranque va descabezado.

«Los Palmitos de mi pueblo The Palmitos of my town Cada vez tienen mas fama. Are more famous every day, Si buenos están en el campo They're good in the fields, Mas bueno están en la cama. And better still in bed. Entre pencas y forraje Between the cactus and the forage Salta la felicidad. Is where happiness lies. ¡Ay, que higa tan hermosa! Oh, what a beautiful little fig Dice el mozo a la moza, You have there! said the boy to the girl. Pa, para, para, para.» — arranque de la copla de Los Palmitos, de 1991, con el andaluz y la traducción intercalados; el troceo corta al cambiar de plana.

«Casa del Pueblo te visitamos Casa del Pueblo, we visit you Y a tus obreros vamos a saludar; And salute your brave workers; Al Presidente y la Directiva, We salute your president and the party secretary Por ser la base más principal. Because of their Gran organismo tiene este Centro Excellent work in organizing. Todos sus miembros contentos están, This great workers' center Porque le agrada aquel impuesto Has made its members proud and happy; Que su Maestro suele implantar. They are even happy to contribute Aquí no hay esquiroles Their dues to the labor leaders. Que protegen al burgués, There are no scabs here,» — arranque de la copla de la Casa del Pueblo, de los años treinta, con el andaluz y la traducción intercalados; el troceo corta al cambiar de plana.

«Que con sus interventores De la Escuela de Ferrer, Nosotros elegíamos su proceder, Y aunque seamos murguistas Todo el mal que profesamos, Es darle un ¡viva! al obrero Y ¡que mueren los traidores!» — remate de la copla de la Casa del Pueblo, con el viva al obrero y el mueran los traidores.

«terprotest ditties are rightist political propaganda excoriating the disorder of the Republican period; others are more ambiguous, expressing caution and disillusionment, like the song below, which sadly contemplates the Republic as presaging both good and ill. Through tropes about shining beacons and fragrant bouquets, democracy is portrayed here as an overidealized, a false panacea doomed to bring failure and disappointment.» — Gilmore presenta la copla de la República desengañada, que no es propaganda derechista sino cautela y desilusión; el arranque va descabezado porque *Some of the coun-* queda en la plana anterior.

«Gustosos damos la vida And we would gladly give our lives for you El día que te haga falta.» — cierre de la copla patriótica, ya en la plana siguiente: la vida ofrecida a la Madre Patria.

«Le dice al señor Serra: Says to foreign minister Serra: Manda palmitos al moro Hey, send hearts of palm to the Moor; A ver si acaba la guerra. Maybe that will end the war. Que nuestros pobres soldados Our poor soldiers over there Están to's mu' asustaos. Are j ust dying of fright — Por curpita [sic] de ese moro It's all the fault of that Moor, Que está loco y amargo.» — remate de la copla de Los Palmitos, ya en la plana siguiente, con el recado al ministro Serra; el troceo conserva el *[sic]* que el propio Gilmore pone sobre *curpita*.

«Yo no se que pasa I don't know what is happening En esta preciosa villa. In this fine little town of ours. Nunca se ha visto aquí Never have there been so many Tantos disgustos en famila. Outrages in our families. Ya se pelean los hijos, Now children fight with their own parents, Hasta con sus mismos padres Even with their own fathers. Ya se riñen los hermanos, Brothers fight among themselves, Aquí la culpa de to' la tiene And the cause of it all is Os le voy a decir: Easy to see: |La República funesta It's this damnable Republic Que se ha establicido aquí!» — copla antirrepublicana de 1933, con el andaluz y la traducción inglesa intercalados renglón a renglón.

«In line with the carnival practice of criticizing whatever regime is currently in power, these lyrics condemn the Republic as "damnable" or "dismal" (funesta), interestingly enough, from a decidedly reactionary position fully in concert with the old hierarchical order that the Republic undermined.» — Gilmore lee la copla como caso de la costumbre carnavalesca de criticar al régimen de turno, aquí desde la derecha.

«Some Spanish workers, like the unknown author of this ditty, were on the right of the political spectrum for their own idiosyncratic reasons. Workers might hold collaborationist sentiments either because they were pious and offended by the leftist anticlerical agenda or, equally often, because they associated liberalism with an attack on patterns of authority with which they felt comfortable.» — Gilmore explica por qué había obreros de derecha: la piedad ofendida por el anticlericalismo, o el apego a la autoridad conocida.

«The next two songs are examples of praise lavished on people and institutions that are usually anathema to the Spanish Left and to many workers: the rural police and the Franco family. The first song, dating from 192.5, actually sings the praises of the Guardia Civil —the paramilitary police force that so often violently crushed workers' strikes and protests and that most revolutionary workers regarded as the civil arm of the Devil. In this case, the Guardia had performed an act of public service during a natural catastrophe the year before, winning the gratitude of all, regardless of their politics:» — Gilmore presenta las dos coplas de elogio a lo que la izquierda aborrecía, y explica el caso: la Guardia Civil en un salvamento.

«The next song is a paean to the daring young aviator Ramón Franco (the dictator's brother). The lyrics commemorate his heroic nonstop flight to Argentina aboard the hydroplane Plus Ultra in 192.6. Despite his association with ultra-right-wing politics and militarism (he was the Gabriele D'Annunzio of Spanish fascism), Ramón Franco caught the public's fancy. His gesture made him the Spanish Lindbergh and put Spain on the international stage in a rare favorable light. The lyrics clearly express support for pan-Hispanism as well as for the bravery and vision of the pilot. The tone is patriotic and worshipful.» — Gilmore presenta la copla del vuelo del Plus Ultra y consigna la filiación política del aviador sin que eso le quitara el favor popular.

«Allá en mil cuatrocientos, Allá en el noventa y dos, Salió del Puerto de Palos La embarcación de Colón. Quién se lo iba calcular, Ni eso lo esperaba nadie, Que a América se marchara Hoy volando por los aires. Salió el comandante Franco, Que hasta su nombre nos gusta, Con dos compañeros mas, Volando en el Plus Ultra. Y la nación argentina, Aunque son americanos, Tienen deseos de abrazar A sus queridos hermanos.» — copla del Plus Ultra, con el andaluz y la traducción inglesa intercalados; el corchete sobre el sentido de *franco* es del propio Gilmore.

«Rather than degrading the high and mighty, some carnival songs, like the one just cited, praise people, places, or things of widespread national appeal, regardless of their political identifications, class status, or social connections. Patriotism and local pride have always lurked beneath the irreverent surface of carnival satire. Distinctions of class and status can be either transcended or intensified by carnival poets, as the mood strikes them.» — Gilmore consigna el reverso del carnaval: coplas que elogian a personas y cosas de fama nacional, sin mirar su filiación.

«Sometimes, local murga poets have praised the rich and powerful of the pueblos (the señoritos) rather than attacking them, especially when they acted in ways compatible with dearly held folk ideals of charity and generosity. In his book on carnival in Cadiz Province, Jerome Mintz (1997:9-10) cites several examples of such extravagant praise for a rich woman in a small pueblo who was known as a generous patron of the poor in times of need.» — Gilmore consigna las coplas que elogian al señorito caritativo y remite a los ejemplos que reúne Mintz en Cádiz.

«Another example of this sort of elegy for the generous rich and the deservedly powerful, from our area in Seville Province, is the following paean to the Duchess of Alba. The song takes as its subject a tragic air crash that occurred in 1961 during a charity drive in Seville City. Bobby Deglané was a news announcer for the state-run television station that was covering the event, and the Duchess of Alba was the patroness of the relief operation. The two celebrities remained in Seville for some time after the tragedy to express condolences and to attend the funerals of the victims; in this way, the elite were united in grief with the commoners.» — Gilmore presenta la copla a la duquesa de Alba y explica el suceso de 1961: el accidente aéreo en una campaña benéfica sevillana.

«We now turn to a eulogy invoking Christian charity and the institutions of the Church. The example is representative of a genre that speaks of forgiveness and universal brotherhood as opposed to airing political grievances or promoting class consciousness. This type of sentimental encomium often acclaims public agencies or offices — in this case the Catholic charity services provided by Franco — despite their connection with the state and Church.» — Gilmore presenta la copla de la caridad cristiana y nombra el género: elogio sentimental de las obras públicas y eclesiásticas.

«Clearly, the poets of Andalusia are of two minds about the institutions that govern them and mighty ambivalent about the elites they serve. They feel hatred and defiance, but also grudging admiration, gratitude, and collaboration, and rampant envy, accompanied by the inevitable imitative impulse.» — Gilmore resume la postura de los poetas ante las instituciones: odio y desafío junto a admiración, gratitud y envidia.

«A similar and reciprocal process has been at work throughout the twentieth century at the other end of the spectrum. Despite their political antagonism to the señoritos, the revolutionary day laborers of Andalusia found much to their liking in the aristocratic style, especially the lip service paid to Christian virtues, to the glorification of sociability and hospitality, to patriotism, and to a specifically Spanish masculine camaraderie.» — Gilmore consigna el movimiento inverso: lo que el jornalero revolucionario apreciaba del estilo aristocrático.

«In a curious conjunction of class and culture in Spain, the upper and the lower orders of society, even as they literally fought each other to the death, sang each other's praises. Only in the February carnival could Spanish workers find a suitable vehicle for the expression of such blatantly contradictory feelings.» — cierre del capítulo undécimo: los dos extremos se cantaban alabanzas mientras se mataban, y solo el carnaval daba cauce a esa contradicción.

«Lo tendremos en memoria, We will never forget the main Como recuerdo del venticuatro Event of 192,4, Una familia se ahogaba A family was in danger of drowning En una choza sin tener amparo. In their hut: no help came. Dieron parte a los civiles Then the Guardia Civil stepped in, Y el comandante, que se hallaba And the commander, though ill, enfermo, Pronto dispuso el viaje. Left his sickbed immediately;» — arranque de la copla de 1925 en elogio de la Guardia Civil; el troceo corta al cambiar de plana.

«Para salvarlos, Todos salieron. Ese buen comandante Que a caballo montó, Con sus subordinates Pronto llegó. ¡Viva la Guardia Civil! ¡Viva el sargento! Ganaron cruces a salvamento Y a los muchachos Los obsequiaron, Ropa y comida y unos zapatos.» — remate de la copla de la Guardia Civil, con el viva al sargento y el reparto de ropa y zapatos.

«Llamado San Juan de Dios. Inválidos de piernas y brazos y sin alegría Otros ciegos por desgracia, Que no ven la luz del día. ¡Darse cuenta! el padre que allí lo tenga Con que pena vivirá y ¡que dolor! Da una limosna si te la piden Pa San Juan de Dios.» — remate de la copla de San Juan de Dios, con la petición de limosna.

«In rural Spain, this Redfièldian blend of upper and lower is certainly complex from the standpoint of religion, taste, and morality; a comparable amalgam is evident in the» — Gilmore aplica la mezcla de Redfield al terreno español de la religión, el gusto y la moral; la frase cruza de plana.

«Indeed, starting in the eighteenth century, the upper classes of Andalusia began to show a remarkable interest in the artistic performances, dress, and lifestyle of the poor, the picaresque lumpen becoming a model for rich and bored young playboys.» — Gilmore fecha en el siglo XVIII el interés de las clases altas por el estilo de los pobres.

«Sevilla viste de luto Seville today is dressed in mourning; La gracia de Andalucía; The beauty of Andalusia is obscured. El arroyo Tamarguillo The Tamarguillo, overflowing its banks, Le ha quitado su alegría. Has taken away our happiness. Cuantos cristianos Those Christian souls, taken in their prime, En una tomba sagrada Rest now in their holy tombs, Pa' esas madres no hay consuelo, But for their grieving mothers, weeping piteously Llorando sin esperanzas.» — arranque de la copla del Tamarguillo y de la duquesa de Alba, con el andaluz y la traducción intercalados renglón a renglón.

«Sevilla estaba impaciente, All Seville was excitedly waiting, Toda llena de alegría, Full of joy, waiting expectantly Esperando la caravana For the relief caravan Que de camino venía. Approaching by road. Delante una avioneta Leading the way was A la alegra caravana, A small chartered airplane, Cuando de Madrid salieron The harbinger of joy El periodista un milagro [sic] For the happy occasion, De los que da Dios en la vida.» — segundo tramo de esa copla; el troceo conserva el *[sic]* que el propio Gilmore pone sobre *un milagro*.

«Al caer en el suelo ardiendo Then tragedy struck without warning; Una mujer le dio vida. We saw the plane falling, plummeting, £1 dia de los funerales The earth burning, death raining Sevilla de velo negro, Down on those to whom a mother's La Giralda y sus campanas love gave life. Lanzan el sonido de duelo.» — tercer tramo de la copla del Tamarguillo, con las campanas de la Giralda; el troceo rinde *El* como *£1*.

«Bobby Deglané llorando All Seville wore black, Y la Duquesa de Alba The cathedral tower and its bells Al pie de la Macarena Shook the sky with doleful peals. Y al frente su caravana. Bobby Deglané wept openly, Señor Bobby Deglané As did the Duchess of Alba Y la Duquesa de Alba At the foot of the Macarena Church En memoria los tenemos Before the shrouded motorcade. Como lo mejor de España.» — remate de la copla del Tamarguillo, con el llanto de Bobby Deglané y de la duquesa al pie de la Macarena.

«Es tan amable la vida, Life is so precious, Como tanto la apreciamos. Something to be deeply cherished. Hay dos cosas en este mundo There are two things in this world Que nada diferenciamos. That unite us all. Cuando venimos al mundo, When we come into the world, Venimos encuero y descalzo. We are all naked and barefoot, Y a la hora de la muerte And in the hour of death Somos todos fiel cristiano.» — arranque de la copla de la caridad: desnudos venimos y cristianos morimos.

«Que alegría es la salud: What a joy it is to have health, Pa' mi sería el mas grande capital. I think it more precious than money: Si la pierdo ya no hay remedio If lost, there's is no recovering it; Ni cirujano que puedan curar. There is no surgeon who can cure you. En Sevilla un sanatorio Now, in Seville there's a clinic Que lo conocemos tó, That we all know about, Donde hay tantos niños enfermos Where many sick children go,» — segundo tramo de esa copla, sobre la salud como mayor capital, y la entrada del hospital.

«realm of ideology and politics. The domain of ideology, where everything seemed so clearly defined and monolithic to many Marxists, is extremely» — Gilmore declara enrevesado el terreno ideológico español, donde muchos marxistas lo veían monolítico; la frase cruza de plana.

«convoluted in Spain, thanks to the split rhetoric just discussed.» — el remate de esa frase, que Gilmore atribuye a la retórica partida que acaba de exponer; el arranque va descabezado.

«Carnival discourse celebrates a Spanish code of manhood and a corollary model of social equality. It unites these Platonic ideals through the community of song, laughter, and above all, good fellowship and drink.» — Gilmore abre el capítulo duodécimo: la copla une el código de hombría y el ideal de igualdad por el canto, la risa y la bebida.

«In Spain, the same might be said for cigarettes, which also figure prominently in bar protocol. Virtually all men smoke and drink at the same time. If they refuse one indulgence, they are sure to enjoy the other: to do neither would be considered truly deviant» — Gilmore extiende la observación al tabaco español: no fumar ni beber sería lo verdaderamente desviado.

«In Andalusia, serious puffing and tippling are hallmarks of manhood or hombría (Gilmore i99oa). All men are expected to use and to exchange drink and tobacco, publicly in the many bars of the pueblo, and no masculine interaction is complete without them. Consequently, male relations in public places may be regarded as a bibulous brotherhood defined by the continuous circulation of perishables, consumed in fraternal assemblies in bars shrouded in clouds of tobacco smoke and lubricated by free-flowing liquors.» — Gilmore describe la sociabilidad masculina como hermandad bebedora definida por la circulación de perecederos.

«The obligatory exchanges are conducted in bars and taverns through ritualized invitas (offerings), which men announce in stentorian tones of expansive bonhomie. Only men participate; women do not enter the bars, except on special occasions —on Saturday nights, during fiestas, and of course during carnival. At home, women may sometimes smoke or drink in moderation, but the public and ritualized exchange of alcohol and tobacco is considered entirely and exclusively male.» — Gilmore describe el rito de la *invita* y consigna que el intercambio público de alcohol y tabaco es exclusivamente masculino.

«Men deeply love their bars. The women say "men live in the bars," which I found to be not only a profoundly true statement but a summation of my own experience in Spain.» — Gilmore da por verdadero el dicho de las mujeres —los hombres viven en los bares— y lo suscribe con su propia experiencia.

«So infatuated are men with their neighborhood dives, in fact, that the murga poets celebrate the love affair in verse, belonging to a recognized genre of bar balladcum-elegy. The ballads are reminiscent of the love poems that the Nuer pastoralists compose about their beloved cattle (Evans-Pritchard 1940) or the sentimental songs and epics in which other peoples honor heroes, spirits, and other instances of outstanding virtue and import.» — Gilmore nombra el género de la balada al bar y lo compara con los poemas nuer al ganado; el troceo une *ballad-cum* partido a fin de renglón y devuelve *balladcum*.

«Great art always accrues to objects of central cultural value. In Spain, bars are way up there on the scale of cherished things. Having committed their favorite bar coplas to memory, men will sometimes spontaneously burst into such a song when contemplating an aperitif, or just reflexively at the advent of tippling time. I often found myself listening to men singing the praises of their favorite bar or tavern as we marched off toward the very place in question. Men sing of women, too, but sometimes bars take precedence: they are that important.» — Gilmore mide el lugar del bar en la escala de lo apreciado y consigna que a veces desplaza a la mujer en el canto.

«Tenemos un bar en Fuentes Que se ha puesto popular. Está en la calle Cruz-Verde Donde todo el mundo va. Van cazadores, rebuscaores, Esparragueros y cantaores, Allí de juerga están todo el día. Marcelino, tu tienes Tus tapas y tus vinos Son las que se prefieren Y con buen paladar, El cante que tu tienes En ningún lao lo habrá. Tu me harías feliz Si nos diera probar El vino que tienes Metió en el barril.» — copla en elogio del bar de Marcelino, de los años sesenta, en el andaluz del folleto; la traducción inglesa va después en bloque.

«We have a bar in Fuentes That has become very popular indeed. It's up on High Street, Where everybody goes: Hunters, gleaners [impecunious workers who survive by gleaning], Asparagus pickers, flamenco singers, All of them wasting the day on binges. Marcelino, you have The town's best tapas and wines, You serve the top brands, And like your superb larder, Your flamenco singing can't be beat. There's just one thing I'd like to ask: You would make us all very happy If you would j ust let us Sample your delicious wines Right out of the barrel.» — la traducción inglesa que Gilmore da de la copla del bar de Marcelino, con sus corchetes explicativos.

«A similar specimen from 1984 jokes lovingly about the service in a centrally located bar, which is always so crowded that the owners rush about haplessly trying to meet the demand:» — Gilmore presenta la copla de 1984 sobre el servicio de un bar céntrico.

«Alcohol is itself a commodity honored during carnival. The village makes an "offering" to the Muse, for instance, through invitations to the already tipsy poets to take a copita, "a cup of cheer"; and of course alcoholic overindulgence is the chief lubricant for the merriment itself, as well as the primary means of keeping warm on cold February days.» — Gilmore explica el lugar del alcohol en el carnaval: ofrenda a la musa y combustible de la fiesta.

«Wine, especially pale dry sherry (fino) and manzanilla (the "little apple," lightest of all fortified wines), is the sacred festival liquor in Andalusia, especially for carnival, and the bars are the founts of this sunny liquor. One cannot fully understand carnival, ritual, or for that matter anything else in Andalusia without first considering bars, the protocols of drink that unite men as brothers, and bar etiquette, which bind everything together.» — el fino y la manzanilla como licor sagrado del carnaval andaluz, y el bar como fuente.

«In many Spanish-speaking societies, bars are a kind of surrogate home for males, a men's club, a secret society, a lodge. In the neighborhood taphouse, men unite, having escaped the oppression of the wife-dominated, mother-in» — Gilmore describe el bar como casa sustituta y club de hombres; la frase cruza de plana —el folio cae al pie— y acaba *law-infested home*.

«Alcoholic beverages are more than merely "drinks" in this context; they constitute an important substance of exchange, a fluid social currency through which men forge, renew, and manipulate relationships.» — el trago como sustancia de intercambio y moneda social fluida.

«Not only do tobacco and alcohol represent the principle currencies of masculine society (being cheap, "male," and as liquid as money), but they are also used to initiate, accompany, and ratify most important social contracts, not just the murga performances in carnival. No formal bargain or casual agreement is complete without a ritual drink and an exchange of cigarettes.» — Gilmore describe tabaco y alcohol como monedas de la sociedad masculina y como ratificación de todo contrato.

«Even more important, given their prominence in public life as prelude and accompaniment to friendship, such transactions also convey powerful moral messages about a man's character and his sensitivity to shared norms of public behavior. While ulterior motives —manipulation, profiteering, image-making, and the like — are sometimes suspected, these are discretely disregarded through a formulaic discourse emphasizing the selfless virtues of generosity, dependability, and openness, which ritualistically reproduces the desiderata of male character.» — Gilmore señala la función moral del convite: dice del carácter del hombre y reproduce las virtudes que se le piden.

«In one very important context, however, the exchange of tobacco and alcohol is absolutely taboo. This is the father-son relationship. Between fathers and adolescent sons, a rigid protocol forbids both use of and reference to the two commodities, to which the son cannot even allude in the presence of the father. Unmarried sons, especially, should not light up or drink in the presence of their fathers; just as they must not refer to sex, they may not mention or refer to their own use of cigarettes or alcoholic beverages.» — Gilmore consigna el tabú del convite entre padre e hijo.

«So rigid is the prohibition that fathers and sons usually frequent different bars, to avoid even the possibility of cognitive dissonance. Murphy goes so far as to call this practice father-son avoidance» — la consecuencia del tabú: padre e hijo frecuentan bares distintos, y Murphy lo llama evitación.

«Every barrio and almost every street in every Andalusian pueblo has a neighborhood bar or tavern where men congregate. According to official designations for tax purposes, "bars" and "cafés" are distinguished from "taverns" on the bas» — Gilmore consigna que cada barrio tiene su bar; la frase cruza de plana y sigue *is of amenities and services*.

«In any of them, men and youths aged about twenty and older—the "regulars"—meet every night for rounds of merriment and tippling. Nightly card games and domino matches may go on for weeks and involve dozens of friends. Also, a good deal of business is transacted at bars over both drinks and coffee, and many tradesmen make use of the crowded public spaces as unofficial "offices" for initiating and sealing brokered contracts» — Gilmore describe la vida del bar: partidas de cartas y dominó y negocios cerrados en la barra.

«Consequently, in a society where private homes are often off-limits for entertaining, drinking establishments furnish a stable arena for virtually all forms of male interaction, from business to gambling to snacking to nightly guzzling to infrequent juergas (drinking binges, often culminating in a drunken visit to a brothel» — Gilmore explica por qué el bar concentra toda la interacción masculina, del negocio a la juerga.

«Bars and cafés are cosmopolitan, offering tables, waiter service, and hot food. Less fashionable and frequented by a rougher clientele, taverns (tabernas) and wineshops (tascas) offer spartan inte» — Gilmore clasifica los establecimientos por servicios; la frase cruza de plana y sigue *riors*.

«Casinos are registered as private clubs, usually with a specific theme or focus, such as bullfight clubs, flamenco music clubs, or reading societies. Like their simpler analogues, these "elite" establishments always feature a bar and drinking room as well as a reading room.» — los casinos como clubes privados con tema, que siempre tienen barra y sala de lectura.

«Bars have character, too, just like men. Like men, they also have their political affiliations. During the politically frenzied Second Republic (1931-1939), bars served not only as meeting places for tipplers, but also as unofficial headquarters for the various political parties, trade unions, and occupational and status groups. Each bar had its own reputation as a socialist, communist, anarchist, reactionary, or monarchist stronghold (Gilmore 1980). Some bars were reputedly "working class"; others were "mayete houses"; some were known as haunts of "big landowners," "day laborers," or "elitist lackeys," and so on, and often each had its own specific party representation.» — Gilmore consigna que en la Segunda República cada bar tenía filiación política y reputación de clase.

«The following song, dating from 1934, celebrates the various bars and taverns of La Campana, providing a rundown of their political and other distinguishing stereotypes:» — Gilmore presenta la copla de 1934 que repasa las tabernas de La Campana y sus estereotipos.

«Con gracia vamos contarles In the spirit of fun we're going to relate Lo que nos "vemos enterao": Something we've learned A varias tabernas de La Campana About the various taverns of La Campana, Creo que las han "cristianao." Which have all been "civilized" [improved, that is, not cheap tascas, but real bars]. La primera es la Fila: First on the list are Bajo el Cielo de Montecarlo, Under the Skies of Montecarlo and Y el Huerto del Tio Martin,» — arranque de la copla de las tabernas de La Campana, con el andaluz y la traducción inglesa intercalados; el corchete explicativo es del propio Gilmore.

«With its centrality in the male consciousness, the bar gives passage to another dimension. The glass-bead curtain of the Spanish bar is the doorway to a wonderland of symbolism, the communicative basis of masculine camaraderie. No self-respecting man enters that masculine fortress without carrying a pocketful of change and a pack of cigarettes. These are the admission tickets to a world apart.» — Gilmore describe la cortina de abalorios del bar como puerta a un mundo aparte, con moneda suelta y tabaco por entrada.

«Drinking patterns follow a very pronounced etiquette, replete with "consumption rituals" (Gell 1986:111), in which most men cheerfully participate. Men who, for personal reasons, wish not to imbibe, or recovered alcoholics, are at a severe disadvantage in this insular world. Indeed, most teetotalers are forced to adopt a carefully defended pose of congenital illness to avoid alcohol, claiming dyspepsia (a favorite excuse), "liver problems," or "doctor's orders" — vaguely defined and often challenged.» — Gilmore consigna la etiqueta del beber y la coartada de enfermedad a que recurre el abstemio.

«Nevertheless, by consuming alternative forms of liquid, by smoking, and through prudential displays of generosity, such disadvantaged men are often able to participate still in the ritualized exchanges that underwrite male sociability.» — Gilmore consigna cómo el abstemio sigue participando: con otra bebida, con tabaco y con muestras prudentes de generosidad.

«An interesting variation on this effective morning eye-opener is the notorious concoction sombra y sol (light and shade), ostensibly named after the division of seats at the bullring. The aptly labeled mixture consists of a base of dark brandy topped off by a layer of aguardiente, which, lighter in weight and color, floats temptingly on top. To be fully savored, the synergistic brew must be consumed in one gulp. This is considered a real man's drink; coughing and wheezing afterward draw reproachful frowns. Like bullfighting, mastering this potent drink without flinching is a skill acquired only after a long and strenuous apprenticeship.» — Gilmore describe el *sombra y sol*, lo llama bebida de hombres y compara su dominio con el del toreo.

«Noting the long hours spent in public establishments, many visitors to Andalusia mistake the fondness for bars as simple hedonism, a weakness for strong drink, or (if the observers are unaware of the chronic unemployment in the region) an ingrained idleness. Others attribute the crucial role of the bar to a masculine desire to escape the female-dominated world of the home and shore up their manly self-respect (Driessen 1983). These interpretations may be partly true, but there are other, more practical, reasons for loitering late over drinks.» — Gilmore objeta a las lecturas del bar como hedonismo o pereza, y concede en parte la del refugio frente a la casa.

«For many landless workers, and for the many men without permanent employment, the bar or tavern serves as an unofficial union hall and labor exchange. Traditionally, the farm bailiffs who do the hiring wander from bar to bar in the evenings recruiting workers for the next day's agrarian campaigns. For very practical reasons, then, even if not for the pleasure of masculine revelry, most workers spend their evenings in the bars where they know work opportunities might appear.» — la razón práctica que Gilmore antepone: el bar funciona de bolsa de trabajo, y allí van los manijeros a contratar.

«In addition, without other public meeting places, men involved in politics or in trade-union activity have always used the bars as convenient forums for organizing and proselytizing. Most men with an interest in public affairs cannot afford to absent themselves from these nodes of activity and information.» — la segunda razón práctica: sin otro lugar de reunión, el bar sirve de foro político y sindical.

«My friend, I invite you to a snort." "No, man, 7 invite your Such aggressive verbal exchanges, or close variants of them, are heard in any Andalusian bar at any time where groups of men congregate. "Hombre, have a copita with me!" Or, in the economical Andalusian way, a man will simply raise his hand to his mouth, his thumb forming a spigot and the pinky outward, to designate the double-spouted Spanish drinking jug, or jarra. The meaning is clear: time for refreshments —come on, it's on me! These phrases and gestures represent the ritual prelude to a series of invitas. The time to share a cup of cheer has arrived. Who can say no?» — Gilmore transcribe las fórmulas y el gesto de la *invita*, con la mano que figura la jarra de dos picos.

«Such invitations are frequently initiated silently but conspicuously, and accounts are kept by the barman who makes chalk marks on the wooden bar directly in front of the customer. When the drink is served, no one pays immediately. This would be considered crass —a slur on a man's honesty. "Only Americans and Germans do that," they say, shaking their heads sadly at such vulgarity.» — Gilmore describe la contabilidad a tiza del tabernero y por qué pagar en el acto se tiene por grosería.

«Thus begins what Arjun Appadurai, in a study of commodity exchange, aptly calls a "tournament of value" (1986:21). Longtime friends, of course, dispense with such formalities by simply picking up the tab in lengthy Alphonse-and-Gaston routines of treating and countertreating, which often grow more and more tumultuous as the evening wears on.» — Gilmore nombra el juego con el término de Appadurai, *tournament of value*, y describe el turno de convites entre amigos viejos.

«Most have also noted the mutual suspicions and distrust that have to be overcome in order for men to form lasting friendships based on confianza (trust) and compromiso (commitment). Andalusian men, both peasants and landless field laborers, usually work in solitude, only occasionally in cooperative groups or harvest gangs. In the solitary pursuit of an agrarian livelihood based on economic familism, these men are more often rivals than allies, for peasants sow and harvest independently, their families forming communities much like Marx's "sack of potatoes," his term to describe their individualistic nineteenth-century French counterparts.» — Gilmore consigna la desconfianza que hay que vencer para la amistad, y describe al campesino andaluz con el saco de papas de Marx.

«Much grace, is our official Republican bar. Then there's the bar owned by The Troya family, Vito's Tavern, And don't forget Pepe Hidalgo's place, Pleasure Palace — all good Socialist hangouts, And then there's Frenchy's Garden, Which is unforgettable anyway, Because whoever enters that place Leaves without any money.» — primer tramo de la traducción inglesa de la copla de las tabernas de La Campana; el troceo pone aquí la traducción entera antes que el andaluz, en vez de intercalarlos.

«Then there's the Heron's Cave, Which is run by old Pedrero, and don't forget The bar owned by Paco, which is called From the Postigo [personal nickname], The Inn of the Black Cat; The Castle of Tranquility Is the name of old Parro's tavern, Which is the haunt of the well-to-do farmers. Then there's The Black Capuchins, Which is for the rich landlords and their lackeys.» — segundo tramo de esa traducción, con las tabernas de los labradores acomodados y la de los terratenientes.

«Que con mucha gracia Es el Republicano. La Casa de Troya La Taberna de Vito; La de Pepe Hidalgo El Secreto del Vicio; y los Socialistas El Huerto El Francés, Porque quien allí entra Sale sin el "parné." La Cueva de Los Hurones Es la taberna el Pedrero; La de Paco "El del Postigo"; La "Posa" del Gato Negro; El Castillo del Silencio Es la taberna del Parro, Y es la agrícola La Banda de Los Capuchones Negros, Los terratenientes y los "paniaguaos.» — el andaluz de la copla de las tabernas de La Campana, que el troceo imprime después de la traducción inglesa.

«One older man named Alfonso, in the town of La Campana, about five miles north of Fuentes, a recovered alcoholic, drank only chamomile tea at his bar.» — el caso de Alfonsito El Camomilo, alcohólico recuperado de La Campana; el troceo intercala aquí el andaluz de la copla anterior a media plana.

«This peculiarity earned him the irritating nickname Alfonsito El Camomilo, as well as a reputation for eccentricity. He was well known, and avoided, for his habit of enumerating his various ailments in bars.» — el mote que esa rareza le valió y su fama de enumerar dolencias en la barra.

«The cycle of imbibing begins early in the morning, at approximately eight o'clock. Many working men stop off at their neighborhood bar before work for a quick pick-me-up consisting of a cup of black espresso with aguardiente ("ardent water"; "firewater" would be a good English equivalent) or a chaser of inexpensive brandy—or a combination of these two, served in a small snifter.» — Gilmore describe el primer trago del día: café solo con aguardiente o con coñac barato.

«Aguardiente is a raw anise-based liquor similar to Pernod, ouzo, raki, and other clear aniseed liquors found throughout the Mediterranean region. Many larger pueblos in Andalusia produce their own brands of this corrosive moonshine for either local use or commercial distribution. With a slight admixture of water to achieve the desired milky effect, it is traditionally knocked back in one or two long gulps, followed by sips of strong, sweet coffee.» — Gilmore describe el aguardiente y cómo se bebe, con agua para el efecto lechoso.

«At lunchtime, men repair to their favorite haunt. The midday meal is the main one, followed by a two-hour siesta— and then it's back to work until about eight in the evening. At lunch, many men will content themselves with a preprandial beer or sherry, coffee, or a soft drink, while amiably conversing with cronies.» — el reloj del bar al mediodía: comida fuerte, siesta y vuelta al trabajo hasta las ocho.

«After work, most men return to their favorite bar for some serious sherry sampling and conviviality, including a round of cards or dominoes, the price of one drink giving a man the right to linger most of the day and night. Even if they interrupt their socializing and rush home to eat a light snack for dinner, the same men may return to the bar in the late evening to continue their card games while sipping coffee or the ubiquitous aguardiente (sherry is not drunk after dinner» — la tarde y la noche del bar: fino, cartas y dominó, y aguardiente después de cenar.

«Frequently, avid gamblers and juerguistas (bingers) will gamble and drink until thrown out by sleepy publicans at two or three» — Gilmore consigna la hora de cierre; la frase cruza de plana y sigue *o'clock in the morning*.

«Despite all the drinking, public displays of drunkenness are rare, and Andalusians pride themselves on their ability to retain "formality" even in a pickled state» — Gilmore consigna que la borrachera pública es rara y el orgullo andaluz de conservar la *formalidad*; el arranque va descabezado.

«Infrequently expunged, the chalk tabulations generally grow until a man is ready to leave. Occasionally, the barman will come along and suddenly,» — Gilmore describe la cuenta a tiza que crece hasta que el cliente se va; la frase cruza de plana.

«with a flourish of the damp dishrag kept at the ready, erase a man's account. The barman says nothing, only smiles or winks, leaving any response up to the customer. Naturally, this happens often to newcomers, but it can occur at any time. The appropriate response is, of course, a disingenuous protest, followed by a resigned shrug and polite inquiry as to the responsible party. The barman leans over, speaks above the din, and indicates the silent benefactor: "He invited.» — el gesto del tabernero que borra la cuenta y luego señala al invitante; el arranque va descabezado.

«A formulaic exchange of cigarettes follows any invitation to drink together. The use of tobacco in Andalusia contrasts markedly with smoking practices in many blue-collar American bars, for example, where most men place their pack with matches or lighter on the bar for personal use. If a man runs out while in the company of friends at an American bar, others may offer him smokes, but tobacco exchange, at least in my experience, follows no preordained formula.» — Gilmore contrasta el intercambio de tabaco andaluz con el de los bares estadounidenses.

«Also, I think that in many U.S. bars, for a man to offer a cigarette to another man, especially a stranger, might be misconstrued, because many American bars are an arena for sexual dalliance. Indeed, this is a major difference between traditional Andalusian bars, American drinking places, and British pubs. Until recently, Andalusian bars were patronized only by heterosexual men.» — Gilmore explica la diferencia por el uso sexual del bar americano y consigna que hasta hace poco el andaluz era solo de hombres heterosexuales.

«Most ethnographers of Andalusia, since Julian Pitt» — Gilmore adjudica a la etnografía andaluza, desde Pitt-Rivers, el haber señalado el peso de la sociabilidad masculina informal; la frase cruza de plana.

«dered into a bar in Grazalema back in the late 19405, have noted the importance of informal male sociability and superficial "friendship" in knitting men together, given the relative paucity of formal contexts for association and assembly» — el mérito que Gilmore reconoce a esa bibliografía: ver que la amistad superficial cose a los hombres donde faltan contextos formales; el arranque va descabezado.

«Corre, corre, Rafaelillo, Run, move it, Rafaelillo, get going, Saca tapas, buen vinillo. Bring us some tapas fast, a little wine too; Segundo va y le dice a Rafael, You're too slow, Rafael, Resulta que no tiene un papel You're not doing your job. Y una puerta falsa quiere hacer What you need is a trap door Que le cae frente al Cuartel. To drop you to the supply room. Si el negocio es tan bueno, If your business is this good, Lo vamos a ver, We'll have to wait Cuando al que está en Caracas Until your brother, the one in Caracas, Se l'acabe el "parné." Runs out of money and returns to wait on us.» — tramo central de esa copla, con el recado al camarero y la pulla al hermano de Caracas.

«Entérate, no te vayas a enfadar, Hey, listen, don't get mad, Porque estás son las cosas Because these are just Que lleva el carnaval.» — estribillo con que se cierra esa copla: no hay que enfadarse, son cosas del carnaval.

«Hoy he vuelto a pasar Por la calle Cruz-Verde, Que en El Postigo se pierde Y a la calle Lora da. Cuando llego hasta el final, Cojo calle Mayor arriba, Me meto "an cá" Matildita Y allí me pongo a pensar.» — arranque de la copla de 1984 sobre un bar céntrico, en el andaluz del folleto.

«Although the commodity exchange rarely leads to any calculable material benefit, it symbolizes several good personality traits: courtesy, generosity, an agreeable "openness" of character that is the basis of trustworthiness, and the maintenance of social networks.» — Gilmore enumera lo que el convite simboliza: cortesía, generosidad y una apertura de carácter que funda la confianza.

«The fierce pride in the inborn social equality of all men has an equally powerful obverse: a pervasive hatred of masculine subordination and of sociopolitical hierarchy as bitter injustices, emotionally akin to emasculation» — Gilmore señala el reverso de ese orgullo: el odio a la subordinación, que se siente como emasculación.

«Thus, because virtually all men can afford a pack of cigarettes and a drink, the swapping of such items makes for an artificial equality of the act that metaphorically sets a "starting point" for masculine parity, negating prior claims to precedence based on differences in material wealth or position. To drink together is to realize a conceptual equality—the common denominator of manhood.» — la tesis de Gilmore sobre el convite: iguala artificialmente y borra la precedencia por riqueza o posición.

«So, for example, when workers and mayetes drink together, a rare enough occurrence, distinctions in wealth and status are overridden by the act of commensalism. Beyond this starting point, of course, men, now identified as equals, compete for prestige in the tournaments of generosity that follow.» — Gilmore aplica la regla al caso del obrero y el mayete que beben juntos, y señala que la competencia empieza después.

«Indeed, I was surprised to hear many solitary drinkers and smokers vilified not so much for being elusive or unsociable, as I had originally thought they would be classified, but for being "superior" and arrogant.» — Gilmore declara su propia sorpresa al oír que al bebedor solitario se le tachaba de superior y no de huraño.

«I was, in fact, shocked to hear one of my neighbors —a timid and gentle youth —being brutally abused verbally for his intolerable insolence and effrontery; all because he kept to himself at night. The young man, an intellectual, was pathologically shy and avoided the tumult and merriment of the bars. But his spending almost every evening at home instead of inviting his peers to drinks and tobacco seemed a slap in the face to them. "He stays away because he thinks he's better than we are: a real snob, worse than a cheapskate mayete," the men sneered, deflecting my feeble defense of my friend.» — caso de campo: el joven tímido a quien los del pueblo tenían por soberbio por quedarse en casa, y la defensa que Gilmore no logró hacer valer.

«Beyond mere courtesy and hospitality, then, bar exchanges can be seen as ritual endorsements of an ideology of masculine equality, an idiom of male comity based on the reduction of difference to arrive at the conceptual common denominator: manhood. The commodity exchanged is itself irrelevant and interchangeable; what matters is the "selfless" transaction among men, symbolizing commitment to the egalitarian ethic that unites all members of the male sex by denying any "baggage" of differences in material status.» — Gilmore resume la tesis: el convite endosa una ideología de igualdad masculina que niega el equipaje de las diferencias.

«Thus, by logical extension, such exchanges that pare away differences in status are taboo between fathers and young sons. In Spain as in most places, relations between fathers and sons are, of course, ostensibly grounded in the established hierarchy (of paternal authority and filial obedience) rather than in a competitive equality.» — la consecuencia: el convite queda vedado entre padre e hijo porque su relación es jerárquica y no de iguales.

«In Andalusia, as elsewhere, of course, masculine equality implies the potential for competition and sexual rivalry; the ritualized invitas have a discernible component of competitiveness, as do all tournaments. Between father and son, the tourney of exchanges would contradict the "natural" order of familial ties that rely on distance (aboveness), and it would therefore threaten to subvert the most basic structure of kinship.» — Gilmore explica por qué el torneo de convites entre padre e hijo subvertiría el orden del parentesco.

«Here is an area where strong moral norms of exchange intersect at right angles with incompatible norms of filial respect.» — la fórmula de Gilmore: las normas del intercambio y las del respeto filial se cortan en ángulo recto.

«In the outside community, the stormy oedipal discourse takes symbolic form in the seemingly innocuous glass of wine and cheap cigarette: there could be no more evocative illustration of the metaphorical transformation of the trivial into the transcendent in culture.» — Gilmore condensa su argumento: el vaso de vino y el cigarro barato como transformación de lo trivial en trascendente.

«From a Freudian point of view, the sexual symbolism of the cigarette is obvious. In Spain as elsewhere, using tobacco and drinking alcohol specifically signify male maturity: a man who smokes and drinks is a grown man, meaning a sexually active man, a "true" man with an investment to defend in his erotic assertiveness. In this zero-sum setting, as Murphy argues, for an adolescent son to light up or drink in front of his father implies a sexual as well as social equality of persons, which in turn implies filial rebellion.» — Gilmore descifra el simbolismo sexual del cigarro: fumar y beber señalan madurez sexual, y hacerlo ante el padre implica igualdad.

«Bar exchange is more than mere courtesy, more also than a trivial prelude to networking and material calculation. In aggregate, the ritualized exchanges in the bars are the basic moral order of society, their bibulous trajectory outlining the structural contours of kinship and vitalizing a complex system of opposing values, such as equality and hierarchy, competition and deference. Acts of giving and receiving, and, conversely, acts of abstention among kinsmen, both reflect and transmit norms of comity and deference within a broader idiom of values.» — Gilmore sostiene que el convite del bar es el orden moral básico de esa sociedad y traza a la vez el parentesco.

«In Andalusia, the mutual giving among men expresses also a political ideal that helps define both gender and community: the moral equality of manhood.» — Gilmore nombra el ideal político que el convite expresa: la igualdad moral de la hombría.

«If a man is another's equal, he can potentially compete with him for women. Here we find revealed the internal contradictions within the Andalusian ideal of egalitarianism, which is in part an ideological "cover" or denial for underlying anxieties and hostilities.» — Gilmore señala la contradicción interna del igualitarismo andaluz: si son iguales, compiten por las mujeres.

«The singing of the copla of course is rewarded with the offering of the copita, as bar protocol enters again into the matter of exchange. Singing and drinking are as intertwined and inseparable as eating and drinking in Spain, because singing causes a certain dryness of the throat that (as everyone knows) needs lubrication. Yet, as in other areas of life, carnival-time is witness to both a transformation and a universalization of bar rules.» — Gilmore enlaza copla y copita y anuncia el vuelco carnavalesco de las reglas del bar.

«First of all, all sexual proscriptions and distinctions between patrons disappear at carnival-time. Women enter the bars freely, masked and more or less unnoticed, unless of course, their attire is skimpy. Women drink at will, although there is little public drunkenness among women, except perhaps nowadays among liberated young girls—a scandalous new development roundly condemned by the elders.» — Gilmore consigna la entrada libre de las mujeres al bar en carnaval y la condena de los viejos a la borrachera de las jóvenes.

«Perhaps more important, the father-son avoidance pattern breaks down, given that neither can recognize the other anyway because of the masks. No one pays any attention to the "rules," either of generational respect and authority or of basic honesty, and as already noted, some men take advantage of the anonymity and chaos to evade big bar tabs, a dereliction that no self-respecting man would even dream of during normal times.» — Gilmore consigna que en carnaval cae también la evitación entre padre e hijo, y que algunos aprovechan el anonimato para no pagar.

«But carnival also highlights crucial underlying themes in both the bar culture and the wider culture it reflects; and by making these themes universal, it subverts some everyday distinctions between people. During carnival, bar attendance becomes no longer a matter of sex or age or status or parochial identity or political affiliation but an exercise in festival communication.» — Gilmore sostiene que el carnaval universaliza los temas del bar y por eso subvierte las distinciones.

«Carnival, first, universalizes drink and tobacco exchange, permitting women and girls to enter the public arena of men, tearing down the barriers of convention. With everyone masked and speaking in the same squeaky falsetto, how can one tell if the tippler offering you a cup of cheer is a man or a woman?» — Gilmore enumera lo que el carnaval universaliza y pregunta cómo distinguir el sexo del que convida bajo la máscara.

«Workers and mayetes jostle together promiscuously, as do Francoists, communists, anarchists, and Christian Democrats. The same breakdown of barriers is enacted between fathers and sons, united for once in the for now postoedipal protocols of drink and camaraderie. The father buys the son a drink, as the son does for the father; the father becomes the son, and the son the father; both are disguised as the mother—a confusion that Freud would have appreciated. So carnival turns the bar inside out as well as upside down. Bars, bards, and bawds are one, united in an ongoing, slightly tipsy ritual of renewal.» — cierre del capítulo duodécimo: padre e hijo convidándose, los dos disfrazados de madre, y el bar vuelto del revés.

«Que en mi pueblo Hay un patio mu' particular, Que lo lleva el paneto Con facilidad. El servicio es muy bueno Y se puede ver, Si le pides un tinto Te pone un café. Agárrate, porque vamos a entrar, Los niños del Ciruelo» — segundo tramo de la copla de 1984, con el chiste del servicio que trae café por vino tinto; el troceo corta al cambiar de plana.

«Andalusians, like most Spaniards, maintain powerful norms of masculine equality, an avowed "ideological egalitarianism» — Gilmore consigna el igualitarismo ideológico andaluz como norma de igualdad masculina.

«The radical moral egalitarianism in Andalusia derives partly from a historical class struggle against political oppression and economic deprivation, and partly from sexual solidarity (Brandes i98oa; Driessen 1983). In rural Andalusia, despite (or perhaps because of) perspicuous signs of political and socioeconomic hierarchy, one frequently hears expressions such as "All men are equal," "We are all equals here," "A man is just a man," and so on—social ideals that parallel the tenacious political beliefs in justice and fairness voiced so vividly in political coplas and mayete-baiting» — Gilmore da dos raíces a ese igualitarismo —la lucha de clases y la solidaridad de sexo— y recoge los dichos del pueblo.

«It is therefore not surprising that men who eschew such exchanges are criticized not only for stinginess but for haughtiness —for holding themselves "above" their fellows. A man who keeps to himself, drinks by himself, or fails to initiate or reciprocate invitations is said to mal tratar a la gente (treat people badly), to snub or insult others.» — Gilmore consigna la sanción contra el que no convida: no se le llama insociable sino soberbio.

«Aloofness is perceived by many Andalusians as a claim to superiority; failure to enter into the exchange is considered an expression of contempt—and it is a sin of symbolic commission rather than omission. Thus, given the emphasis on ritual exchange as the moral basis for male equality, introversion, the failure to get involved, is a moral deficiency rather than a quirk of personality.» — la lectura del pueblo: retraerse es pecado de comisión y no de omisión, falla moral y no rareza de carácter.

«A certain superficial chumminess may exist between the men, but only after the son becomes a father himself and both men are on a more equal footing of maturity. Even then genuine camaraderie between the two is relatively rare, for bo» — Gilmore acota cuándo cabe cierta camaradería entre padre e hijo; la frase cruza de plana.

«At this, my friends relaxed noticeably, started laughing, and said, "Thank God, now we can smoke," and greedily grabbed their packs of cigarettes. A few seconds later we were as before, smoking, drinking, and chatting amiably about football, bullfighting, and sex. Naturally, I asked why and was simply told: "That was Juan's father and Julio's father with him. We can't smoke or drink in front of our fathers." Why not? "We have respect.» — el desenlace de la escena y la explicación que le dan a Gilmore: eran los padres de dos de ellos.

«A more extreme case was that of the Medina brothers, Raul (thirty-seven) and Eugenio (thirty-four). Both were grown men with their own children. Their father, Juan, deceased in 1973, when I knew the brothers, had been a very traditional patriarch, demanding (and receiving) filial deference from his seven children. Reactionary in his politics, choleric and concerned about his public image, he resorted often to the belt to gain obedience from his sons.» — caso de los hermanos Medina y su padre autoritario, que recurría al cinturón.

«The two boys, of course, being as rebellious as any village youths, had smoked from an early age, but they had learned to practice deception to avoid paternal detection. Both had devised a method to hide their habit from their father: when catching a furtive smoke in the bathroom or bedroom, they held the lit butt between index and middle finger, but with the burning ember pointed inward into the cupped hand, the palm smothering the smoke. If surprised by the old man, whose sense of smell had been ruined by working with chemical fertilizers, they might escape detection long enough to dispose of the butt without incurring his fearsome wrath.» — el método de los Medina para esconder el cigarro en el hueco de la mano.

«The two brothers continued to do this well into middle age, even after their» — Gilmore consigna que el hábito les duró hasta la edad madura; la frase cruza de plana.

«dictatorial father had died. "A habit is hard to break," they said, explaining their curious behavior. As a consequence of their secretive mode of smoking, both developed serious epidermal carcinomas on their blackened palms, which eventually required surgery. Raul, in fact, came close to losing his hand to the surgeon's knife. Other men, like the Médinas, displayed similar nicotine stains and self-inflicted flesh wounds from concealing burning cigarettes — almost a kind of oedipal stigmata. Even in later life, for many of these men, to offer their father a cigarette (or to drink openly in his sight) was unthinkable — the moral equivalent of parricide.» — el desenlace del caso Medina: carcinomas en la palma, que Gilmore llama estigmas edípicos; el arranque va descabezado.

«Cognitively, among workers and peasants, the idea of equality in Andalusia implies both comity and competition, friendship and rivalry; likewise, manhood is a contentious concept that both unites men and sets them in opposition — especially sexually.» — Gilmore señala lo que la igualdad y la hombría implican a la vez: camaradería y rivalidad; el arranque va descabezado.

«Obviously, the normative structure uniting "manhood" and "equality" is incompatible with the rules of family organization, particularly that of filial deference.» — Gilmore declara incompatibles la estructura de hombría e igualdad y las reglas de la familia.

«The bar, of course, is the prime locus for public performance and ritual, the place, aside from plazas and streets, where coplas are first heard» — Gilmore sitúa el bar como escenario primero de la copla.

«They would be of great cultural importance for this reason alone, that they are the venue for carnival.» — Gilmore mide la importancia del bar por ser el local del carnaval; el arranque va descabezado.

«sian father expects his son to show him deference, and the son, for reasons of» — lo que el padre andaluz espera del hijo; la frase cruza de plana y sigue *self-protection, social pressure, or residual oedipal feelings*.

«self-protection, social pressure, or residual oedipal feelings —if not out of a less ambivalent filial respect—usually accedes.» — las razones por las que el hijo accede, según Gilmore; el arranque va descabezado.

«Once I was in a bar in Fuentes drinking with some men in their late twenties. Suddenly, the ribald conversation came to a halt, and the men hastily squashed out their cigarettes on the floor. The drinking ceased (we had been sipping from sherry glasses on the bar). There was a noticeable shift in atmosphere, my young friends appearing suddenly taciturn and anxious, casting nervous glances at one another.» — escena de campo en un bar de Fuentes: los jóvenes apagan el cigarro y callan de golpe.

«They seemed distracted and off-balance as though some kind of electricity had passed through the assembly. They continued stiffly in this manner, warily surveying a smoky corner of the barroom where I saw nothing unusual, until finally a few minutes later two older men passed by the bar, nodded curtly, and left through the back door.» — el resto de la escena: la espera tensa hasta que pasan dos hombres mayores.

«In this important sense, given the emphasis on paternal authority (Murphy i983a), an Andalusian man could not maintain "equality" with his peers if he permitted a filial challenge by engaging in exchange rituals with his son.» — el remate del argumento: el padre no puede convidar al hijo sin perder la igualdad con sus pares.

«His public acceptance as a man worthy of respect (and thus exchange) presupposes aboveness in that regard, which invalidates the ambiguous rules of peer exchange. So the pattern (of drink and cigarette exchange) makes total sense only when viewed from both perspectives; thus the "movement of the whole society" takes on its recognizable bivalent form. The object offered is insignificant; it simply reifies the act of giving, which is, at least in rural Andalusia, the expression of an entire moral universe.» — Gilmore cierra: el objeto convidado es insignificante y lo que cuenta es el acto de dar, expresión de todo un universo moral.

«manhood are open to question, as Herzfeld shows with regard to "honor" in Mediterranean societies (1980); for both are simply English glosses» — Gilmore pone en duda los propios términos de igualdad y hombría y remite a Herzfeld sobre el honor mediterráneo; el arranque va descabezado.

«The liberal government also curtailed the extensive powers of the Church, with ecclesiastical compliance and even support. Previously, as elsewhere in Spain (Behar 1990), parish priests could censor the expressions of their flock arbitrarily and autocratically. No more: virtually no limits remain to expression in speech and art. Furthermore, Andalusia, like all other recognized regions of Spain, now has a high degree of local political autonomy, boasts its own "Cultural Junta," and is free to regulate cultural life according to regional aspirations.» — Gilmore consigna la pérdida del poder censor del párroco y la autonomía cultural andaluza.

«In 1991 and again in 1995,1 went back to Spain to observe how carnival was faring under the current liberalization. Aside from a new world of democratic politics, a subject that obviously concerns us here is changing sex mores in Spain.» — Gilmore fecha sus dos vueltas al campo y nombra lo que va a mirar.

«Yet, despite these opportunities, women's participation in formal organizations has been virtually nil. Women perform no skits, sing no songs, and write none of the lyrics, either comic or serious. Unlike in the big city of Cadiz (Mintz 1997), there are no female poets in Fuentes, Carmona, or any of the other rural towns and villages I worked in. Country women have no "voice" in the public discourse of carnival. Women still abstain from carnival creativity; carnival lyricism remains a purely male discourse.» — Gilmore consigna que en los pueblos que estudió las mujeres siguen sin componer ni cantar, a diferencia de Cádiz.

«This invisibility can be explained by what we know of deeply entrenched rural Andalusian sexual standards. Carnival is public, and up until the 19808 women were not allowed to be leaders in the public arena. Yet, much of the old sexual segregation had already broken down in Spain by the early 19808. The feminist agenda is not unknown even in the remotest farming areas of rural Andalusia, where women read newspapers, watch television, and receive an admirable elementary education.» — Gilmore explica esa invisibilidad y a la vez consigna que la agenda feminista había llegado al campo andaluz.

«Does carnival now reflect changes in sex relations? Are village women and girls now beginning to participate formally in carnival oratory? Are they gaining a voice? Aside from questions of sex and participation, how else has carnival changed since the 19705? Let us look at how carnival evolved during the 19905.» — las preguntas con que Gilmore abre el capítulo decimotercero.

«By 1991, the festival's organization already reflected many dramatic changes. Let us take the case of the pueblo of Fuentes de Andalucía, which I know best.1 Since the 19805, the Socialist town hall in Fuentes has taken a lively interest in the celebration and its events. Previously, local officials restricted public subvention of carnival to a minimum, occasionally awarding a few cash awards for best lyrics (subject to severe prior censorship) and providing a small prize —off and on, depending on official whims» — Gilmore compara la subvención municipal del carnaval antes y después de los ochenta.

«Before the Socialist tenure, the old town hall, in keeping with Franco's emphasis on "National Catholicism," made funds available for Holy Week, in which the wealthier and more conservative townspeople paraded, carrying religious paraphernalia. From the 19408 until 1967, for reasons that are unclear, the authorities mostly turned a blind eye to carnival, except for sporadic crackdowns in which local constables, to dampen spirits, might sweep up masqueraders or collar a few token clowns.2 The parish priest fulminated from his pulpit against the lewdness and impiety of the festival —to no avail, of course.» — Gilmore consigna que el ayuntamiento franquista costeaba la Semana Santa y toleraba a medias el carnaval, y que el párroco tronaba en vano.

«This made it more difficult for me to study personally, as my nighttime energy has declined in recent years!» — Gilmore declara en primera persona la dificultad que el cambio de hora le supuso.

«Since the mid-1980s, the town hall has made new financial commitments. Now the local government supplies about five thousand dollars for a community-wide dance complete with rock band, colored lights, decorations, and refreshments. This is held from dusk till dawn on a Saturday night during the two-week carnival period. The town hall also provides additional funds (about a thousand dollars) for prizes, including best murga costumes, best song lyrics, best individual costume, and so on. The "best costume" category is divided into two award areas: best "traditional" costume and best free-form costume.» — Gilmore detalla la subvención municipal nueva y los premios, con la categoría de disfraz tradicional.

«The traditional costume is also called máscara de colcha, or "bedsheet disguise," in reference to the customary transvestite masquerade in which men dress up in their mothers' linens.» — Gilmore consigna el nombre oficial del disfraz tradicional, *máscara de colcha*.

«The local government has also sponsored two entirely new events since the late 19805. One of these is the mer cadillo, or flea market, which is held in the morning in the town's central marketplace. This is attended mainly by young children under ten. They arrive early in costume, set up stalls, and peddle their "wares," which may include real farm produce or, more often, humorous items such as pigs' bladders, broken tools, funny clay objects, stale bread, and the like.» — el primero de los actos nuevos: el mercadillo de los niños con mercancías de burla.

«Spontaneous events, especially ex tempore skits and routines, have not changed greatly. Still in colcha or witches' costumes, the male masqueraders, either in small groups or individually, enact outrageous sight gags and pantomimes. The skits remain, as before, mostly bawdy and scatological, though many criticize not the futility of repression but, ironically, the loosening of public morality in the post-Franco period. The principals continue to be entirely male; women watch and applaud but do not act in the skits.» — Gilmore consigna la continuidad de los números espontáneos y el giro de su crítica: ahora contra el aflojamiento de la moral.

«In one skit from 1991, two clowns appeared in the main street, one pushing a sanitation worker's portable dustbin, the other carrying a shovel. The shovel was piled with condoms and condom wrappers, which the two pretended to be cleaning from the littered streets. The clowns ambled through town, shoveling "used" condoms into the garbage, loudly lamenting the decayed state of the town's sexual morals.» — número de 1991: los dos payasos que barren preservativos de la calle y lamentan la moral del pueblo.

«In another instance from 1991, three men performed a birthing parody, with one man playing the expectant mother and the other two assisting as midwives. After the "birth," accompanied by loud wailing and falsetto shrieking, the "baby," a black doll, was tossed around the crowd for public inspection.» — segundo número de 1991: la parodia del parto con muñeco negro.

«In another act, a lone male clown performed a very credible, noisy defecation in a bar on the main street. He used a bucket as a chamber pot and threw wads of "used toilet paper" about the bar, commenting all the while upon the extravagant use of such luxurious papers rather than the newspapers used in the more frugal past.» — tercer número: la defecación fingida en un bar y el comentario sobre el lujo del papel higiénico.

«The major event now celebrated during carnival is actually a newly minted ritual called the Burial of the Entornao (pastry-shell). It reflects some relatively new themes, blended with older traditions in an effort to lend "authenticity" to the festival and infuse it with both new life and a regional Andalusian patina.» — Gilmore presenta el acto mayor del carnaval nuevo, el Entierro del Entornao, y lo llama rito recién acuñado.

«Politically, Spain has changed greatly since the 19705, the time when I collected most of the songs presented here. The older songs, those my sources could recite from memory, date mainly from the period between the Civil War and the 1970$. Only a few are from earlier periods. Most of the lyrics in this book are therefore reflective of life during the Franco dictatorship, which lasted until 1975.» — Gilmore fecha el grueso de sus coplas en el franquismo.

«But even before Franco, Spain was never a real democracy except during the brief interlude of the Second Republic (1931-1939). The country had suffered through the somewhat more benign Primo de Rivera dictatorship in the 19105 and experienced continued abuse of power by political cliques before that. Most of the songs, therefore, except for the few dating from the brief Republican period (the Nationalists took over most pueblos in 1936 when the rebellion began), reflect an autocratic political environment.» — Gilmore recuerda que España apenas tuvo democracia antes de 1975, salvo el paréntesis de la Segunda República.

«In addition, since the late 19805 Spain has experienced an unprecedented economic boom that has lifted its people to the first rank of industrial powers. Since the complete break with the old regime (which can be dated from the election of the Socialists in 1982), all forms of censorship and political repression have been eliminated, including those affecting public celebrations like carnival.» — Gilmore fecha el auge económico y el fin de toda censura, la que pesaba sobre el carnaval incluida.

«But since the mid-1980s, the municipal government has gotten involved in promoting carnival as a "people's fiesta." The councilmen have implemented a number of new ideas to help out. The mayor and the councilmen informed me that official policy now is to take a passive role in "fomenting" local culture — that is, to act as a conduit for collective wishes.» — Gilmore consigna la implicación del ayuntamiento socialista en el carnaval como fiesta del pueblo.

«This is a conscious effort to extirpate Franco's autocratic "direction from above." Thus the town hall should "carry out the people's will and nothing more," the young Socialist mayor informed me in 1995. Although it may seem trivial to outsiders, the representative function of local government—translating the popular will — signals a sea change in governmental policy in Spain, a radical rupture with the autocratic past.» — lo que el alcalde socialista le dijo a Gilmore en 1995 y la lectura que él hace: ruptura radical con la dirección desde arriba.

«Let me describe how carnival has changed in the past fifteen years or so. First is the matter of timing. The scheduling of carnival has been completely altered. Previously, the celebration was compressed into a four-day period before Lent that culminated on Domingo Piñata.» — Gilmore describe el cambio de fechas del carnaval.

«The most important change, though, affects the time of day for which festival activities are scheduled. Carnival now takes place almost entirely at night rather than during the day. Most events are scheduled to start at either nine or eleven o'clock in the evening, and some last until early morning. This change reflects political factors.» — el cambio de hora: el carnaval pasa a ser nocturno.

«The second new event is the pregón de carnaval, or carnival "an» — el segundo acto nuevo, el pregón; la palabra queda partida al cambiar de plana.

«nouncement," which takes place on the first evening of the festival, to mark its official opening. In 1991, the town hall hired a professional singer from a much larger neighboring town to make the public announcement, complete with a flamenco song cycle. Although the announcement is considered "very Andalusian," it has an ersatz feel to some older people.» — el pregón como apertura oficial, con cantaor contratado de fuera, que a algunos viejos les suena postizo; el arranque va descabezado.

«In 1995, a group of youngsters in masks pushed a trailer» — número de 1995: los muchachos que reparten vales; la frase cruza de plana y sigue *through town filled with little sheets of paper*.

«through town filled with little sheets of paper, which they handed out to bystanders (Figure 15). On each was written "ticket for free sex, please state orifice of choice." As in the past, all such burlesques were performed by men and boys, to an appreciative mixed audience.» — el texto de los vales y la constancia de que los burlesques los hacen solo hombres; el arranque va descabezado.

«After General Franco died in 1975, though, the Spanish people dismantled the old regime with dispatch. In the first general elections in 1977, they resoundingly endorsed a democratic transition and have stayed the course most impressi» — Gilmore resume la transición española a partir de las elecciones de 1977; la frase cruza de plana.

«But the difficulty entailed for the far-flung emigrants returning to town to enjoy their favorite festivity was in itself a source of much grumbling among the working class, who made up the vast majority of both the emigrants and the» — la razón del cambio de fechas: los emigrantes que volvían y no alcanzaban los cuatro días; la frase cruza de plana.

«Under Franco, disguises were outlawed at night as representing a danger to public order. So people paraded during the day and partied in street clothes at night, if at all.» — Gilmore explica el origen del cambio de hora: bajo Franco el disfraz nocturno estaba prohibido.

«I was told, however, that the "spontaneous" wish of Andalusians was always for a nocturnal carnival. As it turns out, the new nighttime focus reflects a return to the situation as it existed during the Second Republic, when nocturnal masquerading was briefly legalized. Perhaps the current scheduling reflects a desire to recapture the lost freedoms of the Republican period, although it should be added that nighttime fiestas are now considered more "sophisticated" in rural southern Spain. By 1995, carnival had become entirely a nighttime event, lasting from sundown until sunrise.» — lo que le dijeron a Gilmore sobre el deseo de un carnaval nocturno y su vuelta con la democracia.

«The Entornao event dates only from the late 19805, although people insist that the idea for its mock burial derives from ancient customs dating from the preceding century. I could find no evidence of so venerable a pedigree. My impression is that a brand-new "tradition" has instead been created and promoted for contemporary reasons.» — Gilmore fecha el Entierro del Entornao a fines de los ochenta y consigna que no halló prueba del pedigrí antiguo que el pueblo le atribuye.

«The choice of a food item to symbolize carnival accords well with typically Spanish associations of specialty foods with public events, for example sardines (or perhaps pork, as Mintz insists [i997:xxv]), as in Goya's painting of carnival, or the rituals of bread, oil, and salt that accompany the first pressing of the olive oil in March.3 In Andalusia people say that foods provide the "taste" of the season.» — Gilmore alinea la elección de un dulce con la costumbre española de asociar comidas y fiestas, y recoge el dicho del pueblo.

«The entornao (literally "turned") is a sugary confection in a distinctive halfmoon shape, about six inches across. A specialty of western Andalusia, this rather ordinary little bun is made from a rolled circle of flour, dyed a rust color with ground pimiento and saffron, and folded over a layer of sweetened chopped apple or other fruit. The crescent is easy to make, cheap, and filling.» — Gilmore describe el entornao: masa teñida de pimentón y azafrán, rellena de manzana, en media luna; el troceo une *half-moon* partido a fin de renglón y devuelve *halfmoon*.

«The ritual "burial of the entornao" now sponsored by the town hall takes place on the last day of carnival and represents the planting of the seed of the next year. In keeping with Andalusian anticlerical tradition, it also takes the form of a mock crucifixion. A number of volunteers make a huge cardboard entornao (Figure 16), which is actually "crucified" (nailed) onto the frame of a wheeled wooden cradle. The cradle is then drawn through the town's main street in a funeral procession, taken outside town, burned, and then ceremoniously buried.» — Gilmore describe el rito: el entornao de cartón crucificado en una cuna con ruedas, paseado, quemado y enterrado.

«The entire time, masked celebrants are engaged in wild lamentations, breast-beating and keening. Everyone is invited to the mock burial, and the solemn procession includes well over a thousand mourners, male and female. All try to outdo each other in the volume and pitch of their wailing. The mourners are separated into three groups, parientes (male relatives), "widows," and "heirs" (children), much as in a formal funeral procession from times past.» — Gilmore describe el duelo fingido, con más de mil plañideros repartidos en parientes, viudas y herederos.

«Interestingly, although at contemporary funerals, generally, separation by social categories is less and less observed and mourners now mix at will, at the entornao burial older usage is in force: the sexes are segregated, but in farce. By taking elements from different eras and blending them together, carnival seems to telescope time, in defiance of chronology.» — Gilmore señala la paradoja: en el entierro burlesco se observa el uso viejo que los funerales de verdad ya no guardan, y dice que el carnaval telescopa el tiempo.

«Another interesting detail of the revised festival proceedings is the emerging regional consciousness that accompanies the cultural reinventions or rediscoveries. The central components of the Fuentes carnival and in those of adjacent pueblos like Carmona and La Campana, such as the entornao and the murga, as well as the characteristic forms of transvestite masquerading, have now become self-conscious symbols of "Andalusianism."» — Gilmore consigna la conciencia regional nueva: entornao, murga y travestismo vueltos símbolos del andalucismo.

«Now steeped in a strong regional awareness, Andalusians have a sophisticated sense of the value of their cultura as a reservoir of local values, from which each town draws deeply in a competitive fashion. People often made mention of this theme, arguing like good functionalists that the festival "serves a purpose"—that of rescuing threatened customs from disuse. And the rescue mission, they claim, serves to keep Andalusian lifestyles alive and healthy, despite the homogenizing effects of modern communications technology such as television and film.» — Gilmore recoge en boca del pueblo el argumento funcionalista: la fiesta sirve para rescatar costumbres amenazadas.

«Nor was the concept of a plebeian "culture" so highly developed as it has become since. The word "cultura" was used to refer to breeding, but not in the meaning now prevalent, of traditions of the common people.» — Gilmore consigna el cambio de sentido de la palabra *cultura*, que antes decía crianza.

«Para hacer guerra al comunismo, To make war on communism, on Para hacer guerra al comunismo, communism Y en el siglo de las luces, In this so-called time of Las mujeres en el pecho enlightenment, Llevan colgadas unas cruces. The women are wearing Esos tiempos ya pasaron, Big crucifixes On their chests. Que eran de Carlos Tercero; But those times have passed and gone; Que la mujer en España Those were the times of Charles III Se meta por beaterío. [the eighteenth century], La culpa tienen los padres When women in Spain Y la tienen los "maríos" Became saints and nuns. Que las mujeres en el pecho The fault lies with the fathers, Se cuelguen los crucifijos.» — copla de 1931 contra las cruces al pecho, con el andaluz y la traducción inglesa intercalados renglón a renglón.

«After the Civil War, the Franco government suppressed all form of political debate. The lively political genre died out, to be replaced by songs persecuting the mayetes.» — Gilmore consigna la muerte del género político bajo Franco y su sustitución por las coplas contra el mayete.

«After Franco died in 1975, however, the fierce polemic returned, for a while. During the late 19705 and early 19808, political themes began to predominate once again. This brief interval coincided with a period of extreme political and ideological dispute in Andalusia generally, during which the country was governed by a business-oriented conservative coalition (the UCD), with Adolfo Suárez, a former Franco minister, as prime minister. As the following protest song from the 1977-1982 period shows, many workers and peasants, still suffering from age-old economic injustices, felt excluded from power and identified the UCD with the repression of the Franco years.» — Gilmore fecha la vuelta breve de la polémica política y la sitúa en el gobierno de la UCD con Adolfo Suárez.

«The most noticeable new motif was sexual; indeed, the lyrics display an obsession with sexual expression— in particular, for reasons that are not entirely clear, with sodomy. An anxiety about anal intercourse has in any case been a central theme in Andalusian male discourse and folklore. In his book on masculinity codes in Andalusia, Brandes (i98ob) argues plausibly that the "por detrás" theme attests to homoerotic anxieties and concerns over gender identity, as well as to eroticized political fears of oppression, common in many lower-class masculine cultures.» — Gilmore nombra el motivo nuevo —la sodomía— y remite a la lectura de Brandes sobre el *por detrás*.

«Yet sodomy never previously found any specific genre of literary expression in carnival coplas in Fuentes or neighboring towns. Between 1930 and 1981, for example, I recorded only one indubitable instance of lyrics about anal intercourse — a rather inflammatory accusation of homosexuality made against a citizen of Carmona.» — Gilmore mide la novedad: entre 1930 y 1981 registró una sola copla indudable sobre el asunto.

«Yet in 1991 in Fuentes alone, I recorded numerous skits and at least three coplas specifically on the subject. The AIDS epidemic is not responsible for this phenomenon, because AIDS is still virtually unknown in the area.» — Gilmore cifra lo registrado en 1991 y descarta el sida como causa.

«Fuimos una noche a la Discoteca We went to the Discotheque last night, Y allí vimos algo que nos asombró, And there we saw something surprising, Y si no lo veo yo nunca me lo creo And if I hadn't seen it myself, Que de esa manera se haga el amor. I wouldn't have believed you could Resulta que el tio tenía a la parienta Make love in this way. Cabeza pa bajo junto a la pared, The guy had the gal upside down, Y se meneaba mas que una tartana And he was shaking worse than En la carretera del paso a nivel. A buggy on a railroad crossing. Casi seguro le puso el culo For sure, after what he did to her ass, Pa que no cague lo menos en un mes.» — copla de la discoteca, de 1991, con el andaluz y la traducción inglesa intercalados renglón a renglón.

«In a copla sung in 1995, the man is tricked by a wily transvestite who brutally sodomizes the innocent victim. This theme of homoerotic trickery was an obsessive new element, brought up time and again (indeed, rather too often I felt) during carnival in 1991 and 1995 in jokes, jocular warnings, and reports of supposed actual incidents of "sexual camouflage." This concern reflects the deeper anxiety Brandes wrote about: male fears of being manipulated into the passive role in anal sex and thereby being feminized or emasculated. Those fears are of course heightened by the carnival custom of mass transvestism and intense bodily contact among males.» — Gilmore presenta la copla de 1995 y consigna, con reserva propia, la insistencia del motivo del engaño travestido.

«vely. By the mid-1980s, Spain was already a thriving liberal democracy. The country today (1998) is a full-fledged member of the European Economic Community as well as a respected player on the international stage» — España como democracia asentada y jugador respetado en la escena internacional; el arranque va descabezado y la frase cruza de plana.

«masqueraders. So in 1982, the local administration spread the celebration out over the month of February in an arbitrary way, paying very little attention to the ritual calendar. In addition, the authorities provided for activities on nine or ten days rather than the previous four.» — el cambio de fechas de 1982: el carnaval repartido por febrero y alargado a nueve o diez días; el arranque va descabezado.

«In a purely temporal sense, carnival is beginning to lose its traditional pre-Lenten overtones and is becoming entirely secularized—a movable feast. The last vestiges of Church influence, which practically speaking had to do only with the timing of carnival, seem now to have been nearly eliminated.» — el efecto del cambio: el carnaval pierde su marca cuaresmal y se seculariza en fiesta movible.

«First, it is the food of the common working person, the only available sweet in a normally restricted diet. Second, anyone can make a decent entornao, for it merely requires mixing and "turning." Just about anyone can "turn them» — las dos virtudes simbólicas del entornao: dulce del pobre y fácil de hacer; la frase cruza de plana.

«out" is the usual pun one hears. Consequently, the entornao has taken on the moral significance of the poor person's treat, which explains, in part, its adaptation as a culinary symbol of carnival. Those who make the pastry are always women» — Gilmore consigna que quienes hacen el entornao son siempre mujeres, dueñas de lo culinario también en carnaval; el arranque va descabezado.

«Previously, people were quite aware of the proletarian themes in carnival, but the form of expression was different. In 1973, for example, Andalusian carnival exhibited virtually no signs of a regional awareness among the par» — Gilmore contrasta con 1973, cuando el carnaval no mostraba conciencia regional; la frase cruza de plana.

«The new consciousness, I believe, may be the result of the very forces carnival is said to counteract: television and radio.» — Gilmore adjudica la conciencia regional nueva a los mismos medios que la fiesta dice contrarrestar.

«Since the late 19805, these media have largely been taken over by a local elite with a very developed regional ideology (see, for example, Moreno 1984). The trend-setters, supported by regionalist academicians, actively promote the view that Andalusia is defined not by its linguistic or ethnic differences (which are minimal), but by its powerful and unique "culture," with its Mediterranean and Arabo-Judaic influences. This ethnonationalist message from the newly sympathetic elite seems to have reached into the small pueblos with resounding success. Carnival themes now overwhelmingly reflect the regionalist influence, with its slightly ersatz overtones.» — la élite regional que tomó los medios y el mensaje etnonacionalista que, según Gilmore, llegó al pueblo con éxito.

«As we have seen, during the freewheeling period of the Second Republic, political commentary was the order of the day.» — Gilmore recuerda que en la Segunda República el comentario político era la norma; la frase cruza de plana.

«posed its own songs in a displaced parliamentary debate, each band trying to drown out the other. We have already seen a few examples of such lyrics. Some songs united anticlerical with militant themes. An example from 1931 (the first year of the new Republic) ridicules religious belief, attacks bourgeois anticommunism, and reviles women, all in one:» — cada facción con sus coplas, tratando de ahogar a la contraria; el arranque va descabezado.

«But already by the late 19808, this aggressive genre had entirely disappeared. Songs still of course commented on topical events, in particular the Gulf War, which coincided with carnival in 1991. But political denunciations and political songs were lacking. No abuse was directed at government figures or "class traitors." It seems that the atmosphere of confrontation has passed.» — Gilmore fecha la desaparición del género agresivo y consigna que ya no se ataca a figuras de gobierno.

«Moreover, not all the lyrics are about homosexuals; the first example I will cite concerns heterosexuals.» — Gilmore matiza el contenido de esas coplas antes de citarlas.

«ticipants. Instead, most festival observations played on local differences in» — en 1973 todo se jugaba en las diferencias del pueblo; el arranque va descabezado y la frase cruza de plana.

«status between the workers and the mayetes or with other entirely local concerns. Political oppositions were rendered not directly in a regional idiom but rather interpreted according to an undifferentiated model of local, or occasionally national, hierarchies.» — las oposiciones políticas leídas entonces en clave local o nacional, no regional; el arranque va descabezado.

«Este Gobierno facista This fascistic government Que nos tiene amendrantao Has us all intimidated, A todos los españoles All of us Spaniards Que no tenemos trabajo. Who are out of work. Si seguimo de esta forma For sure, if we go on Potenciando al UCD Tolerating the UCD, Tanto vamos a agacharnos» — arranque de la copla contra la UCD, con el andaluz y la traducción intercalados; el troceo corta al cambiar de plana.

«Que hasta el culo se nos ve. And they'll have us by the ass. Y nosotros pretendemos We only speak the truth Solo decir la verdad, When we say that so long Mientras mande la UCD As the UCD rules, La hambre vamos a pasar! We'll have nothing but hunger! A todos los fontaniegos To all you people of Fuentes, Pedimos unificación We ask for unity, in order Para resolver el paro obrero To solve the unemployment problem Que tiene nuestra nación. That grips our land. En Fuentes ya lo sabemos In Fuentes we know Como en toda la nación: As in all of Spain: Que dimita la UCD, That the UCD must resign, ¡Viva la revolución!» — remate de la copla contra la UCD, con la petición de unidad y el viva a la revolución.

«In addition, the virtual disappearance of songs singling out specific individuals as targets for moral chastisement attested to a much "softer" (suave) tone in carnival lyrics. Instead of the usual picardía ("spicy" and malicious lyrics) attacking recognizable targets, both political and moral, the singers chose a more abstract idiom; a gentler humor, though still "spicy," prevailed.» — Gilmore describe el tono nuevo de la copla: más *suave*, con un idioma abstracto.

«Songs took as their subject imaginary or fictitious characters, global menaces like Saddam Hussein, or general social "types," such as homosexuals or comedians, or personalities from the Spanish media. There were fewer songs, of either the chirigota or the estudiantil variety, denigrating or idolizing women. The focus had shifted.» — los blancos nuevos de la copla: personajes ficticios, amenazas globales y tipos generales, con menos coplas sobre mujeres.

«All the coplas express salacious curiosity rather than merely outrage at the idea, although the erotic humor is admittedly tinged with both derision and fear, as well, one suspects, as attraction masked as "surprise" or "disbelief" at such goings-on.» — Gilmore mide el tono de esas coplas: curiosidad salaz con burla, miedo y atracción disfrazada de asombro.

«New events have been added to the carnival repertoire, as we have seen, and the times of celebration have been altered to facilitate working-class participation. Carnival now receives the lion's share of the municipal resources set aside for celebrations, in keeping with democratic policies that seek to implement, not frustrate, the people's will. As people approvingly told me, carniyal is now administered "from below"—no longer "from above"—in one of those typically Andalusian inversions. The form and shape of carnival now expresses more fluidly and more precisely shifting popular motifs. People feel that they are the masters in their own house, "on top" in politics.» — Gilmore resume los cambios y recoge en boca del pueblo la fórmula: el carnaval se administra ahora desde abajo, no desde arriba; el troceo imprime *carniyal*.

«Still, the recent upsurge of interest in anal intercourse calls for some explanation. Psychoanalytical interpretations aplenty are available for Hispanic joking about homosexual rape; most relate the jokes to early childhood experiences and subsequent male sexual insecurities.» — Gilmore plantea la explicación pendiente y consigna las lecturas psicoanalíticas disponibles.

«Yet similar joking and similar anxieties occur in many other national contexts—for example, among adolescents in Turkey (Dundes et al. 1972; Delaney 1991:50). I do not want to digress into an elaborate psychological interpretation of what appears to be a ubiquitous male qualm.» — Gilmore señala que la misma chanza se da en otros países y se abstiene de la interpretación psicológica larga.

«The point, moreover, is not the constant—the psychodynamic origins — but the variable: increased preoccupation with sodomy in the liberal atmosphere of post-Franco Spain. Indeed the recent obsessions seem somewhat at odds with the standard interpretations, given that the degree of political oppression has lessened, not increased, in Spain; fears of persecution and exploitation have declined.» — Gilmore separa la constante de la variable: lo que hay que explicar es el aumento de la obsesión justo cuando la opresión bajó.

«Psychological interpretations of sexual anxieties are usually based on the principle of ambivalence. Homosexual fantasies usually reveal both a wish and a fear (that the wish will be fulfilled). If repressions suddenly diminish and anything becomes possible, as occurred so abruptly in Spain, then hidden wishes may become dramatically less controllable, more accessible to con» — Gilmore propone su explicación por el principio de ambivalencia: al aflojar la represión, el deseo escondido se vuelve menos gobernable.

«carnival is a time for losing control, especially in crowds. As Parker puts it in his masterly study of Rio carnival, carnival is a time for "losing mastery over one's body and merging with the bodies of others" (1991:144). Thus the transvestism of carnival carries a new danger: the rediscovery of one's own bisexuality. The fearful object—the polymorphously perverse self—may now lie within.» — Gilmore cita a Parker sobre el carnaval de Río y extrae el peligro nuevo del travestismo: redescubrir la propia bisexualidad.

«This brings us back to the matter of differential gender participation. As the reader will have seen, one area that shows little alteration is leadership roles. Previously, all the band members, all the poets, and the majority of masqueraders were men. None of these patterns shows the slightest degree of change. Even in 1995, there were still no female singers or composers. Every song was composed by a man, sung by an all-male group.» — Gilmore consigna que en 1995 seguía sin haber cantoras ni compositoras.

«One must place women's reticence in perspective. Rural Andalusian women have no hesitation about entering the political arena. Remember that three of the democratically elected councillors of the municipal government in Fuentes are women; they are grasping real power, not just symbols of power. We should note also a breakdown in sexual segregation: young women enter bars in all the small towns and villages and carouse in the streets until dawn; during festivals, miniskirted girls drink boys under the tables of the local cafés and taverns. Feminine withdrawal from carnival presentations calls for some other explanation.» — Gilmore niega que la reticencia sea política: tres concejalas en Fuentes y la segregación sexual ya rota en los bares.

«They say they would feel uncomfortable and ill at ease with such self-exposure and posturing. Answering other questions, like "What, if anything, impedes the participation of women in murgas?" the women intimated that the leadership roles of carnival are self-deprecatingly comic; they involve a buffoonery and a slapstick self-mockery that seems incompatible with a specifically Andalusian femininity. "Only a man can be such a fool in public," one women wrote on her question sheet, articulating a common attitude.» — la razón que dan las mujeres: el papel del carnaval es de bufón y no casa con la feminidad andaluza, y la frase que una escribió en el cuestionario.

«So, in sum, it seems that the women are still pretty much content to let the men be the performers in a "masculine" burlesque that women enjoy as passive observers. But inherent in the feminine discourse of liberation in rural Andalusia today is a tenacious feminine ego ideal that risks endangerment in the public indignities subsumed under the cultural category of "clowning."» — la lectura de Gilmore: un ideal de yo femenino que se pondría en riesgo con la indignidad pública del payaso.

«Incidentally, most of the male respondents to my carnival survey echoed the women's sentiments on their questionnaires. Although a few men said that women could do "whatever they wanted," and many said that women do whatever they want, anyway, regardless of propriety or men's wishes, they (the men) had no explanation for women's abstention from carnival versification. One or two older men argued that what kept the women back was not moral inhibitions, but "lack of education [culture]" (falta de cultura), but I did not find such a theory credible in regard to the younger women.» — lo que contestaron los hombres del cuestionario, y la explicación por *falta de cultura* que Gilmore no da por creíble.

«I have no better answer than do Andalusians themselves. The male ethnographer gets an object lesson in the fragility of the cultural construction of womanhood. The freedom of Andalusian women to engage in public displays of ritualized obscenity is still abridged by the consuetude of a defended self-image.» — Gilmore declara que no tiene mejor respuesta que la de los propios andaluces y saca su lección sobre la fragilidad de la construcción de la feminidad.

«In Fuentes, as in most of Spain, women seem to have dissociated the political and the cultural aspects of feminist discourse. Although women's deeper motives can only be a matter for speculation, my impression is that the pressures operating on Andalusian women have to do with a sense of self tied dramatically to the inner need for an attractive public image, which is the basis for a guarded femininity. It is not so much moral pressure but image control that keeps women from performing.» — la impresión que Gilmore declara como suya: no es presión moral sino control de la imagen lo que aparta a las mujeres.

«Public mockery—the heart and soul of carnival —is still incompatible with women's gender image, whereas for males ritualized clowning has always been permissible, as have periodic bingeing, drinking, gambling, and sexual tomfoolery—all part of the ancient double standard. Perhaps this too will change in the twenty-first century, but sex roles still remain a powerful pressure in Andalusia. Only time will tell. I leave further speculation on this point to the reader.» — cierre del capítulo decimotercero: Gilmore deja abierta la cuestión y se la pasa al lector.

«Yet after comparing the lyrics cited in this chapter with earlier ones about moral deviance, one can say that the moral con» — Gilmore compara con las coplas viejas sobre la desviación moral; la frase cruza de plana y sigue *demnation expressed in the 1990s coplas about anal sex is relatively mild*.

«demnation expressed in the 19905 coplas about anal sex is relatively mild, even neutral, emphasizing instead the ridiculousness of sex "from behind" and the powerful male fear of being "tricked" by a transvestite.» — la condena moral de esas coplas resulta leve, y el acento cae en el ridículo y en el miedo al engaño del travestido; el arranque va descabezado.

«La Murga Los Raspandurri We, the Raspandurri Band, Ahora le paso a contar Will now tell you what happened to this guy we know» — arranque de la copla de 1995 sobre el engaño del travestido; el troceo corta al cambiar de plana.

«Lo que le paso a éste Un día de carnival. Cuando tocaba la caja Una rubia le preguntó, Quieres venirte a mi casa? Que vamos a hacer el amor. Y éste que está mas falto Que el camello Mohamé Saltó la caja y la ropa Y con la rubia se fue.» — primer tramo de esa copla, con el andaluz y la traducción intercalados renglón a renglón.

«Cuando pasó media hora, Este ya estaba escamao; Cuando metió la mano El pobre queo asombrao, Y cuando sintió aquello Tan grande entre sus manos, El le levantó la falda Y vio el peazo de aparato. Entonces salió corriendo Con gracia y con disimulo, Y la entrecogió la rubia Y se la hincó por culo. Y cuando pudo escapar De la rubia travestí, Estaba mas escoció, Estaba mas escoció Que el culo de la Bibí.» — remate de la copla de 1995; el corchete sobre Bibí es del propio Gilmore.

«Also, the aggressive tone of previous years has lightened somewhat. The song lyrics no longer pick out recognizable targets for hurtful mockery. There is less emphasis on the punishment of moral deviance. The songs and skits celebrate moral unity and community in an abstract and nonpersecutory way, with little political protest. In fact, it appears that consciousness has lessened of the rich and powerful as threats.» — Gilmore mide el cambio de tono: menos burla personal, menos castigo de la desviación moral, menos protesta.

«As people told me, "Before, carnival was a time to molest others; now it is only for fun and pleasure." The targeted other, the object of vilification, is no longer the mayetes, who are not doing well anyway, or the rich, who have for the most part moved away to the provincial capital, but wily homosexuals who trick young men into sodomy. People say, somewhat ruefully, that carnival is now "softer" (mas suave]\ less malice is directed at local targets, and less ideological violence toward others. One can say that in Andalusia, the focus of group hostilities has shifted from defined political entities to abstract sexual predators who defile masculinity.» — el dicho del pueblo que Gilmore recoge y el cambio de blanco: del mayete y del rico al homosexual que engaña.

«I do not want to overstate the decline of aggressiveness during carnival in the 19908. Some externalization, some scapegoating remains; there is still plenty of "spice," even if the scapegoat is an abstract one. In 1995, some aggressive notes of a generalized nature could be heard; they did not seem discordant but representative of the prevailing atmosphere.» — Gilmore acota su propia tesis: en 1995 quedaba agresión, aunque de tono general.

«Packs of young boys still paraded through the town, bellowing such ditties as "¡Eso es el carnaval! ¡El que no diga ole, se corta los cojones!" (This is carnival! He who fails to say "Ole" gets his balls cut off). As always, the underlying motif of threatened masculinity is prevalent, although as in other areas of carnival expression the object is an amorphous projection, an imaginary opponent: anyone who would deny the primacy of the bacchanalia, anyone who would frustrate pleasure.» — el grito de los muchachos de 1995 y la lectura de Gilmore: la hombría amenazada, con un adversario imaginario.

«Forms of costuming show both change and continuity. Male transvestism still predominates. Yet the people have also gone in for more "modern" forms of costuming, with masks in both colcha and witch formats displaying more variation than previously. People dress not only as transvestites but also as donkeys, palm trees, Martians, and so on. A new fad among women is the majorette costume, complete with batons and marching boots, copied from American television shows.» — Gilmore describe el cambio del disfraz: más variedad y modas nuevas, con la majorette entre las mujeres.

«Both men and women are now markedly less concerned about covering their faces. In the 19705, the face was always fully masked; thus, people told me, the masquerader lost "his shame" and was freed from all restraint. In 1995, faces were often uncovered, and recognition was often sought rather than avoided. The invariable explanation for the change was that people were "proud" of their expensive costumes and wanted to show them off. The old proletarian pride in frugality had given way to the capitalist opulence of the 19908.» — el cambio de la máscara: en los setenta la cara iba tapada y se perdía la vergüenza; en 1995 se busca el reconocimiento por orgullo del traje caro.

«The object of carnival is no longer only to disguise oneself in order to attack others. It is also to present oneself in the best possible light—a transformation of objective from communal persecution to narcissistic diversion.» — Gilmore nombra el vuelco del fin del disfraz: de la persecución comunal a la diversión narcisista.

«In both 1991 and 1995, I asked repeatedly about this, thinking that the answer might offer a clue to women's self-perception in the new Spain. Spanish women speak often about their new freedoms and their new equality, sometimes with considerable passion.» — Gilmore cuenta que preguntó una y otra vez por esa reticencia y lo que las mujeres decían de sus libertades nuevas.

«The women respondents articulated their answers in terms of affect rather than politics or prohibitions. They responded by saying the same thing that women had told me previously, in face-to-face discussions: women could sing» — lo que contestaron las mujeres, en clave de afecto y no de política ni de prohibición; la frase cruza de plana.

«if they wanted to; no one holds them back; but they just do not "enjoy" singing ribald songs in public. Women do not want to march in a band; they do not "feel like it."» — el contenido de esa respuesta: nadie se lo impide, pero no les gusta ni les apetece; el arranque va descabezado.

«Some gender differences emerge here. Women tend to gravitate toward "elegant" (improvised) costumes: flappers, princesses, majorettes, and so forth. Most men,» — el reparto por sexo del disfraz: ellas elegantes, ellos fieles a la colcha y a la bruja.

«Yet the local women remain virtually invisible in the leadership roles during carnival, the communal high point of the year. I sought answers from both young and old women during the car» — Gilmore consigna que las mujeres seguían invisibles en los papeles de mando del carnaval; la frase cruza de plana.

«nivals in 1991 and 1995. Then in 1996, in order to provide a broader-based sampling, I conducted a random provincewide survey on the issue by distributing a questionnaire, which was filled out in writing by a hundred respondents (fifty men and fifty women of all ages) in the pueblos of Fuentes, Las Cabezas de San Juan, Pedrera, Aznalcóllar, Los Corrales, and a few others in Seville Province. I again asked why women did not sing in the murgas, compose ditties, or perform burlesques.» — el cuestionario de 1996 a cien personas de seis pueblos de Sevilla; el arranque va descabezado.

«In the previous chapters we looked at carnival rituals both as selfcontained events and as festival expressions that deform, deconstruct, and reinterpret the world as it is—that is to say, the noncarnival world—in various ways. Throughout, we have used carnival lyrics as a lens through which to view Andalusian culture in context, with all its inconsistencies and contradictions. Now that we have seen how the coplas "work," both in and outside carnival, and how carnival antitheses are repeated and sublimated in the rituals and routines of everyday life, it is time to take stock of the meanings of carnival and the broader significance of the Spanish carnivalesque.» — Gilmore recapitula al abrir las conclusiones y anuncia el balance; el troceo une *self-contained* partido a fin de renglón y devuelve *selfcontained*.

«We have seen that through its coplas, the Spanish carnival is, first, a rhetorical celebration of human differences, of moral boundaries and social cleavages, and that carnival vocabulary is a vehicle for lifting up the righteous and casting down the delinquent and deviant.» — Gilmore enuncia la primera conclusión: el carnaval como celebración retórica de las diferencias humanas.

«The poets create playful but invidious contrasts in order to punish transgressors against the popular will, to right wrongs, and to upend hierarchies. But the same poets, sometimes in the space of a single day or hour, also honor the common experiences that override such transient human distinctions; they contradict themselves without a moment's hesitation. They sing with sentimientos profundos, that is, feelings deep enough to transcend visible differences, about loss and love, childhood and motherhood, family, honor, friendship, and death. In other words, like all social poets from Homer on, they sing of shared concerns, of universal humanity.» — Gilmore describe la contradicción de los poetas, que castigan y a la vez cantan lo común, y recoge la fórmula del pueblo *sentimientos profundos*.

«The poets cannot neutralize the contradictions of life, which are in any case irresoluble, but their carnival lyricism can and does merge them in the receptive imagination of the crowd, juxtaposing the opposites that bedevil everyone, laying out the contradictions of human contact gaily side by side, and thereby, through whimsical superimpositions, temporarily both highlighting and relieving the tensions they produce.» — la fórmula de Gilmore: la copla no neutraliza las contradicciones, las yuxtapone y con eso las alivia un rato.

«Carnival songs are most pointedly about man's (here I specifically mean males') rejection of the despised "others" who share his world. The coplas enact a masculine repudiation of the bad woman, the evil, grasping harpy, the avaricious wife, the wicked woman with her mania to jump "on top" and beat the overwhelmed husband. Other bad social examples are also targeted: the middle-class skinflint, the moral transgressor of either sex, the sexual deceiver, the dreadful mother-in-law, the corrupt official, the pompous farmer, the selfimportant and the benighted. All are traditional stereotypes that necessitate dissociation and disavowal.» — Gilmore enumera a los *otros* despreciados que la copla repudia, empezando por la mala mujer; el troceo une *self-important* partido a fin de renglón y devuelve *selfimportant*.

«But with wholesale rejection of the other comes not only momentary purification and relief but also debilitating loss of a deeper nature. For in the act of repudiation, the singer denies the cast-out other's surrogate within: the polymorphous libertine, the dissolute reprobate; and the attendant desires and limitations— economic ambition, the desire for luxury, the wish for domestic power, the "feminine" feelings of dependency.» — Gilmore señala el costo del repudio: el cantor niega también al otro que lleva dentro y sus deseos.

«Rejection of "woman" also endangers the tie to the beloved, all-forgiving mother and banishes her protective nurturing. This turning away from woman is felt at a deeper level as a threat and is negated through restorative rituals of mourning and regressive melancholia over the mother. The defilement of woman in the chirigota burlesques—which we might characterize as a form of verbal rape— depletes or coarsens the man. It entails the loss of the idealized tender side of woman; it implies a final good-bye to childhood, the serene memory of which is recaptured in nostalgic reveries of symbiosis, timelessness, and nurturing.» — Gilmore lee el duelo por la madre como negación restauradora del repudio a la mujer.

«Carnival also means condemnation of the class enemy: the exploiter, the money-mad peseta pincher, the mayete. But with this casting out of the devil comes a poignant sense of envy for his affluence, his comfort, his leisure, and the ability to live the good life without having to work for the despised day wage. The bourgeois has sold his soul to the devil, for sure, but at least he had the opportunity, a choice that eludes the landless peasant. Carnival mixes class hatred with personal ambition and with the vindictive envy of the small for the just slightly bigger.» — Gilmore aplica la misma lectura al mayete: junto a la condena va la envidia de su holgura.

«Carnival is therefore not simply about strength and weakness, goodness and badness, belonging and rejection, us versus them. Nor is it only about tearing down or negating of the noncarnival world or of hierarchy and authority. There is nothing "one-sided" about Spanish carnival (Eagleton 1989:188). Too vast and inclusive for such nugatory pigeonholing, carnival transcends politics and addresses the inseparable twins of the human heart: love and hate —or, to view it another way, the dual impossibility of achieving either purity or completion.» — Gilmore niega que el carnaval se reduzca a nosotros contra ellos y lo sitúa en la doble imposibilidad de la pureza y de la plenitud.

«In Andalusia, carnival is a window briefly thrown open on the concealed machinery of life's complexities, a sudden rendezvous with the shocking unity of the sexes, a face-to-face encounter with the strange oneness of triumph and tragedy, a sudden awareness of the disturbing linkage of dependence and autonomy. All these paradoxes, exposed and magnified bizarrely during carnival, are played out unconsciously every day in noncarnival ritualizations, among men in the bars, by women in their interior castles, in the endless negotiations between the sexes over power and privilege.» — la imagen con que Gilmore define el carnaval: una ventana abierta un momento sobre la maquinaria oculta de la vida.

«Mostly, carnival is about the balance between alienation and identity, the "lowering" and emancipation of that which is both the self and not the self, that which is within and without, that which is denied and repressed, that which is cast off from the self.» — la fórmula final: el carnaval trata del equilibrio entre alienación e identidad.

«All these inner struggles are represented in pictorial imagery, as is true in dreams. In Spanish politics, the revolts of the lowly orders have always been referred to as risings (levantimientos). Rebellions of the poor are always "put down" or crushed by those "above," who are fearful that the lower orders "want to rise up and take our place" and "take away what is ours.» — Gilmore señala que esas luchas se dicen en imágenes y recoge el vocabulario político español de los *levantamientos*.

«The lower classes wish for the triumph of male sexuality, predatory and powerful, as they imagine the analogous rising of the poor and the castration of the rich symbolized by such revolutions: the usurpation of sexual primacy, the pushing "down" of the feminine, as well as the overthrow of the threatening father.» — Gilmore alinea el deseo de alzamiento de los pobres con el de primacía sexual y con el derrocamiento del padre.

«But the data we have examined seem to suggest that the emphasis on proletarian oratory must, as in all other kinds of rhetoric, be adjusted to the diversity of voices and themes within the local speech community of workers or peasants.» — la objeción de Gilmore a ese programa: la oratoria proletaria hay que ajustarla a la diversidad de voces dentro del propio grupo.

«From a psychological point of view, we can say that much of the high emotion of Spanish carnival derives from the sensation of inner tension—or technically, anxiety. People are in fact anxious about what might happen to them, for carnival negates all the rules, collapses time, and superimposes opposites. The resultant magical free-for-all leads to a commingling of desire and guilt on the one hand and anticipation and fear on the other.» — Gilmore explica la emoción del carnaval por la tensión interior que produce negar todas las reglas a la vez.

«The heightened tension explains much of the thrilling emotional tone of the festival, in which the participants are in an electrified, even hysterical, state of mind for long periods. For psychoanalysts, the state of anxiety is the irresoluble inner tension caused by the conflict between a wish and a fear—that is, by the experiencing of simultaneous but contradictory affects: the coexistence of stark opposites in fantasy or imagination, the conflation of love and hate, which, as we have seen, is the sub-rosa text of Andalusian carnival.» — Gilmore define la angustia como tensión entre un deseo y un miedo y la llama el texto oculto del carnaval andaluz.

«Anxiety produces a marked sense of displeasure, which requires relief through some sort of compromise or other resolution. Here, the tension is relaxed through the consummate act of public utterance, the act of the copla.» — Gilmore sitúa en el acto de cantar la copla la resolución de esa tensión.

«Political ideology is no different in this respect from sexual or aggressive fantasies in that it incorporates divergent and discrepant sentiments. The notion of inner tension as an integral aspect of any organic structure is a standard tenet not only of psychoanalysis and Marxism, but also of the sociology of emotion» — Gilmore extiende la ambivalencia a la ideología política y nombra las tradiciones que la asumen.

«In addition to incorporating Abu-Lughod's notion of discrepant sentiments (discussed earlier), the notion of ambivalence I rely on here takes as its point of departure the "heteroglossia" that Herzfeld (1991:81) discusses in his study of the inner tensions of Greek masculine poetics, along with the polyphony in Turkish arabesk songs that Martin Stokes ( 1992:13 ) describes.» — Gilmore declara de dónde toma su noción de ambivalencia: Abu-Lughod, la heteroglosia de Herzfeld y la polifonía del *arabesk* turco de Stokes.

«But political clichés — for example, the proletarian resistance hero of Anglophone historiography— are equally a form of stereotyping or "mythopoesis" or hagiography within a Marxist framework, as Mitchell puts it» — Gilmore devuelve el reproche: el héroe proletario de la historiografía anglófona es igual de estereotipo.

«As we proceed with anthropology in Spain, what is needed is a greater sensitivity to the contradictions and discontinuities within proletarian identity, an approach that goes beyond the rigidities of an outdated Marxist model that sees only "resistance" where a much more complex mixture of motivations is at work.» — Gilmore pide sensibilidad a las contradicciones dentro de la identidad proletaria y objeta al modelo marxista que solo ve resistencia.

«But even more than the changefulness involved: beyond class, and intermingled with categories of politics, sex, region, and generation, there is the enduring concept of community in the broader sense: a timeless parochialism of place of which the national Great Tradition is the most obvious ingredient.» — Gilmore añade a la clase el concepto de comunidad: un parroquialismo de lugar donde la Gran Tradición nacional es el ingrediente más visible.

«by contrast, stick to the ancient colcha and witch motifs. In this sense, the men remain traditionalist, comedie, self-mocking; the women seek innovative,» — Gilmore resume la bifurcación del disfraz por sexo; la frase cruza de plana y sigue *more dignified, more "modern" expressions*.

«more dignified, more "modern" expressions, often adapting images taken directly from magazines and television. In other words, the women still strive to be beautiful and fashionable, the men to be funny—or solemn —as the case may be. The bifurcation had proceeded apace by 1995.» — el remate: ellas buscan lo bello y lo moderno, ellos lo cómico o lo solemne; el arranque va descabezado.

«and, at an abstract level, into good and bad, high and low, inside and outside, public and private, and so on; but the festival paradoxically also exalts the things that unite people and that transcend surface distinctions.» — el remate: la fiesta traza los límites y a la vez exalta lo que une; el arranque va descabezado.

«All these wishes and fears about one's place in the natural or physical order, though normally intermingled, are starkly discrete in the pulsating rhythms of carnival, where time and place are overridden. Carnival has affective and» — Gilmore sostiene que en el carnaval esos deseos y miedos aparecen tajantemente separados; la frase cruza de plana.

«symbolic ambivalence without shading or ambiguity. Carnival embraces all extremes: revolutionary, reactionary, profane and sacred, male and female» — el remate: ambivalencia sin matiz, y un carnaval que abraza todos los extremos; el arranque va descabezado.

«But carnival songs are not only about erecting boundaries, overthrowing structures, or reinforcing existing barriers that divide people.» — la segunda conclusión de Gilmore: la copla no solo levanta límites.

«What the discrepant sentiments of carnival coplas suggest is that this enhanced sensitivity to affective nuance must start with the transcendent, primordial sentiments that define and nourish the group at the same time that they promote dissent.4 It is this dialectic of culture and counterculture that endlessly renegotiates tradition.» — Gilmore nombra lo que exige la sensibilidad al matiz afectivo y llama a ese vaivén dialéctica de cultura y contracultura.

«In Spain, the conceptual reversals are restorations of noncarnival norms, especially of Great Tradition notions of Christian charity; they contrast with the persecution and mockery of the subversive and comic genres.» — Gilmore aplica esa tesis a España: la inversión restaura las normas de la Gran Tradición, la caridad cristiana incluida.

«Comparing content in the songs about women, for example, one is immediately struck by the anomalously positive images of woman and the robust moral identification with woman as victim of a universal fate in the scholars' ditties, which stands so strikingly in contrast to the malicious misogyny of the comedians.» — Gilmore contrapone la imagen de la mujer en el estudiantil y en la chirigota.

«The scholar-bards, whose identification with the object is often reflected in the technique of cross-sexual soliloquy, enact a reversal of the persecutory poesis of carnival by taking the position of the woman in their role as upholders of traditions of romantic love. These Janus-faced poets reclaim standard Castilian notions of chivalry, charity, and compassion, but in a renewed form, stressing egalitarianism and the unity of the sexes over formalism and hierarchy.» — Gilmore describe la operación del estudiantil: tomar la voz de la mujer y reclamar la caballería castellana en forma renovada e igualitaria.

«The serious poets do not victimize the deviant woman as the satirists do, but rather celebrate the unity of mankind by emphasizing conditions that unite rather than divide: suffering, old age, loneliness, fate.» — lo que el estudiantil celebra: lo que une, no lo que separa.

«Also, instead of dwelling on the parochialism of local gossip, the scholars focus on the world beyond, in praise of a broader conception of brotherhood, and appeal not to an alienating retributive justice but to an incorporative fraternal mutualism. Like the poets who mourn their mothers and their boyhood, their tone is elegiac and philosophical and their moral messages uplifting, merciful, redemptive, in keeping with the Catholic epistemology of com» — Gilmore describe el registro del estudiantil: elegiaco y filosófico, con mensajes de misericordia y redención.

«In a typical carnivalesque paradox, the scholar-minstrels balance the anticlerical subversion of the comedians with a proletarian appropriation of elite and nationalist doctrine.» — la paradoja que Gilmore señala: el estudiantil equilibra la subversión anticlerical con una apropiación proletaria de la doctrina nacionalista.

«The comedians denigrate femininity, sometimes maliciously, but their counterparts, the scholars, reinvent women as vulnerable and pure: threatened rather than threatening, life affirming rather than life denying, victimized rather than transgressing.» — Gilmore resume el reparto entre los dos géneros a propósito de la mujer.

«Carnival polyphony points to the "central contradiction in gender relations" (Kaeppler 1993:495): the tension of male ambivalence about female sexuality—woman imagined as both madonna and whore» — Gilmore nombra la contradicción central de las relaciones de género: la mujer imaginada a la vez madonna y ramera.

«This tension transcends class and time, stemming from the male identification with the "female other" as an inevitable psychic residue of the childhood symbiosis with the mother, combined with the culturally necessary male repudiation of femininity during adolescence in patriarchal societies» — Gilmore hace remontar esa tensión a la simbiosis infantil con la madre y al repudio de lo femenino en la adolescencia.

«Hence men's empathy (otherwise taboo) with women, which is mirrored in the mother's powerful identification with the son, finds expression in sentimental pleas for Christian mercy and forgiveness. The poets often couch the pleas in the feminine first person, taking the woman's voice and assuming her identity.» — Gilmore consigna que el poeta canta en primera persona femenina, tomando la voz y la identidad de la mujer.

«Rather than as object of disgrace, the fallen woman emerges as a tragic figure eliciting sympathy (and empathy), as an existentially human, rather than female, object for whom the maestro acts as mouthpiece. If the chirigotas encourage persecution of female deviance, and thus promote the expression of aggressive feelings and the consequent social alienation or ostracism of the shamed girl, the serious songs reverse the rejection through reincorporation and moral restitution or, perhaps more accurately, masculine guilt.» — la lectura de Gilmore: el estudiantil revierte el rechazo por reincorporación y restitución moral, o por culpa masculina.

«Paradoxically, then, given its popular and proletarian roots, Andalusian carnival incorporates and ratifies elements of the Spanish Great Tradition, with all its nationalistic pieties and obscurantist longings.» — Gilmore enuncia la paradoja: el carnaval proletario ratifica elementos de la Gran Tradición española.

«In Spain a Marxist class model is plausible and useful up to a point—at one level it captures the Andalusian "revolutionary situation" and the hatred of the "small for the mighty" (Le Roy Ladurie 1979:33,105). I have described this oppositional and class-conscious aspect of the festival elsewhere time and time again.» — Gilmore concede utilidad al modelo de clase hasta cierto punto y recuerda que él mismo lo usó.

«Although their interpretations are richer than these lines might indicate when taken out of context, the general view that carnival shows opposition to and negation of elite values stems from a widespread—and rarely questioned—Gramscian view about cultural hegemony and its relation to Marxist epistemology.» — Gilmore acota su propia objeción: fuera de contexto esas frases dicen menos de lo que sus autores sostienen.

«Yet most sophisticated Marxists, Le Roy Ladurie and Cohen included, realize that carnival imagery is more complicated than mere negation or class rebellion and that its symbolism encompasses "contradictory meanings" and psychic tensions inherent in the human spirit.» — Gilmore concede que los marxistas más finos, Le Roy Ladurie y Cohen incluidos, ven la imaginería carnavalesca como algo más que negación.

«Obviously, a simple class model cannot do justice to the richness of such inconsistent expressions. The embrace of "elite" values; praise for aristocrats, Church charities, and the Civil Guard; and the matriolatry of the poets cannot be explained away simply as "compliance" or "camouflage" (Cohen 1993: 130,132,), that is, as the false consciousness of a subject population. Rather, these elements of the Great Tradition represent active appropriations of national culture in the construction of complex proletarian moral systems that have a nationalistic side.» — la conclusión de Gilmore: el elogio del aristócrata, de la caridad eclesiástica y de la Guardia Civil no se explica como camuflaje ni como falsa conciencia.

«For Cohen (1993:154) either carnival is revolutionary theater or else it gets "co-opted" by the dominant culture and transformed into an "opiate of the masses." For Spain, perhaps the "sherry of the masses" would be a better phrase if we are to take this insight seriously. But I think it is more fruitful to abandon such stilted Marxist dogma and to look at carnival as expressing contradictions both within and between classes—at least in Spain — as Bloch seems to suggest.» — Gilmore rechaza la disyuntiva de Cohen entre teatro revolucionario y opio de las masas, y propone leer el carnaval como contradicción dentro de las clases y entre ellas.

«Carnival thus has many faces, many voices; it contains multitudes. Its political economy is multivalent, multiphasic, a counterpoint, a study in what can only be called ambivalence without ambiguity.» — la fórmula final de Gilmore: ambivalencia sin ambigüedad.

«Like dreamwork as Freud described it (that is, the mental process through which repressed emotions are transformed into visual images during sleep), carnival condenses and superimposes all extremes of feeling into colorful visual imagery and verbal chaos.» — la comparación final de Gilmore: el carnaval condensa y superpone los extremos como el trabajo del sueño.

«Carnival is now changing in Andalusia, as it is throughout contemporary Spain. Some of its piquancy has mellowed; its coplas are shifting toward the exploration of the promiscuous sexuality of the 19905 and other selfabsorbed, narcissistic concerns.» — Gilmore consigna el cambio en curso: la picardía se ablanda y la copla mira a la sexualidad de los noventa; el troceo une *self-absorbed* partido a fin de renglón y devuelve *selfabsorbed*.

«Like carnival, all of us are multivalent: right-side-up and upside-down, male and female, high and low, good and bad, pure and polluted all at once. Parodie and praiseful, derisive and reverent, misogynist and matriolatrous, magical and mundane, spiritual and carnal, carnival goes on.» — cierre del volumen: todos somos a la vez del derecho y del revés, y el carnaval sigue.

«To be sure, carnival commemorates and retraces the symbolic lines that separate people and things into classes, generations,» — Gilmore concede que la fiesta traza y retraza las líneas simbólicas; la frase cruza de plana —el folio cae al pie de la plana de apertura— y sigue *and sexes*.

«But using a model of class conflict here to explain the scholars'» — Gilmore objeta que se explique el tradicionalismo del estudiantil por el conflicto de clase; la frase cruza de plana y sigue *traditionalism and patriotism*.

«traditionalism and patriotism returns us to a dated ritual-of-rebellion thesis originated by Max Gluckman, with its baggage of mystification and false consciousness. Who is to say what is false and what not? One might just as logically argue that the workers' left-revolutionism is "false consciousness" and their conservative leanings "true consciousness." It is only a matter of special pleading either way—in other words, of observer bias. As we have seen, some of the composers were politically reactionary, others revolutionary, others apolitical or apathetic.» — Gilmore rechaza el regreso a la tesis del rito de rebelión y a la falsa conciencia, y pregunta quién decide qué conciencia es falsa; el arranque va descabezado.

«Growing equality between the sexes will eventually tear down many of the remaining barriers that separate men and women in the small pueblos. In some big cities like Cadiz, younger women are begin» — Gilmore pronostica la caída de las barreras entre los sexos y anota el caso de Cádiz; la frase cruza de plana.

«ning to find a voice in the carnival discourse by participating in song recitals (Mintz 1997:2,00). In the twenty-first century everything that I have written about will doubtless end or change greatly.» — las jóvenes gaditanas que empiezan a tener voz en la copla, y el pronóstico de que todo lo descrito acabará o mudará; el arranque va descabezado.

«These transcendent themes represent concerns that are more than parochial Spanish, or Andalusian; they express the central dilemma of all human life, for male and female,» — Gilmore declara universales los dos ejes del libro; la frase cruza de plana y acaba *rich and poor*.

«rich and poor. Such concerns stem from the inevitable: whatever we wish for we also fear; whatever we fear we also wish.» — la fórmula con que Gilmore funda esa universalidad: lo que se desea se teme y lo que se teme se desea; el arranque va descabezado.

«Carnival, in order to be enjoyed, requires that rules and rituals be parodied, and that these rules and rituals already be recognized and respected.» — epígrafe del volumen tomado de Umberto Eco, según lo atribuye la misma plana a su texto *Frames of Comic Freedom*, en *Carnival!*

«The metaphor is probably the most fertile power possessed by man.» — epígrafe del volumen atribuido en la plana a José Ortega y Gasset, *The Dehumanization of Art*.

«That which we are capable of feeling, we are capable of saying.» — epígrafe del volumen atribuido en la plana a Miguel de Cervantes, *El Amante Liberal*, en las *Novelas Ejemplares*.

«This book is dedicated to my family, for whom it's carnival 365 days a year» — dedicatoria del volumen.

«4 Woman Degraded: Chirigota Satires 37 5 Woman Redeemed: Estudiantil Laments 57 6 Macho Man and Matriarch 74 7 Who Wears the Pants? 91 8 Up and Down: The Geometry of Sex 107 9 Here and There: The Geography of Sex 12,4 i o The Mayete as Carnival Caricature 139 11 Copla Politics: Ideology and Counterpoint 155 12, Bars, Bards, and Bawds 172.» — el índice del volumen, con el folio impreso de cada capítulo; sirve de contraprueba de los títulos, porque la plana de apertura del capítulo 10 imprime *The Muyete as Carnival Caricature* donde el índice lee *Mayete* —la forma que el cuerpo usa 134 veces— y porque el capítulo 7, que el digest rotula *Macho Man and Matriarch*, se titula aquí *Who Wears the Pants?* El OCR rinde los dos como *2,* y los unos como *i*.

«13 Carnival Evolving 189 14 Conclusions: Meanings of Carnival, Carnivals of Meaning 2.05 Notes 215 Bibliography 2.2.5 Index 241» — cierre del índice: las notas abren en el folio 215, la bibliografía en el 225 —que el OCR rinde *2.2.5*— y el índice en el 241; de ahí se mide que el folio impreso es la plana del troceo menos doce.

«A Spanish assistant, Maria del Carmen Medina, also did some interviewing for me in the towns of Las Cabezas de San Juan, Pedrera, Aznalcóllar, Los Corrales, Cines, Alcalá de Guadaira, and Cazalla de la Sierra, all of which are in Seville Province.» — el prefacio nombra a la asistente española que hizo parte de las entrevistas y los siete pueblos donde trabajó.

«In Seville, Salvador Rodríguez Becerra, perhaps the leading expert in Andalusian folklore and culture, also assisted me in my attempts to decipher some of the more obscure references and Andalusianisms in the often garbled texts.» — agradecimientos: Gilmore declara quién le ayudó a descifrar los andalucismos de unos textos que él mismo llama confusos.

«Back in the United States, a special debt of gratitude is due to Anne Jones Weitzer, who provided masterful editorial assistance, turning a lot of academic jargon into readable English. I am also indebted to Gladys Topkis, anthropology editor at Yale University Press, who provided so much encouragement and direction» — agradecimientos a la asistencia editorial y a la editora de antropología de Yale University Press.

«My field trips to Spain were supported at various times by generous grants from the following agencies and foundations, public and private: the National Institutes of Health, the National Science Foundation,» — las agencias que financiaron el trabajo de campo; la lista sigue en la plana siguiente, donde el troceo pega el folio a la palabra partida y fabrica *Founp*.

«Applying Antonio Gramsci's ideas about the workings of the "contradictory consciousness" of the proletariat (192.9-1935), most Marxists see carnival as "a contrary image of society," as sublimated "class struggle" (Le Roy Ladurie 1979) —that is, as a contested event pitting the upholders of the political status quo against their working-class opponents (Cohen 1993 ).» — Gilmore resume, nombrándolos, a los autores de la lectura marxista que va a ampliar: Gramsci, Le Roy Ladurie y Abner Cohen.

«carnival rhetoric in medieval France, he notes, is that "it was essentially ambivalent; it closely combined praise and abuse, it glorified and humiliated» — la fórmula de Bakhtin sobre la retórica carnavalesca medieval francesa, citada por Gilmore de la traducción de 1984.

«We must stress... that the carnival is far distant from the negative and formal parody of modern times. Folk humor denies, but it revives and renews at the same time. Bare negation is completely alien to folk culture» — Bakhtin sobre la diferencia entre el humor popular y la parodia moderna, en la cita que Gilmore reproduce; los puntos suspensivos son de la cita impresa.