The Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel

«Balam means jaguar, but it is also a common family name in Yucatan, so the title of the present work could well be translated as the Book of the Prophet Balam.» — Roys traduce el nombre del profeta: *balam* es jaguar y a la vez apellido corriente en Yucatán, de modo que el título podría leerse como Libro del Profeta Balam.

«During a large part of the colonial period, and even down into the Nineteenth Century, many of the towns and villages of northern Yucatan possessed Books of Chilam Balam, and this designation was supplemented by the name of the town to which the book belonged.» — Roys describe la difusión: durante buena parte de la colonia y aun en el siglo XIX muchos pueblos del norte de Yucatán tuvieron su Libro de Chilam Balam, y cada uno llevaba el nombre de su pueblo.

«Thus the Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel is named for a village in the District of Tekax, a short distance northwest of the well-known town of Teabo.» — Roys sitúa Chumayel en el distrito de Tekax, al noroeste de Teabo.

«This Prophet Balam lived during the last decades of the Fifteenth Century and probably the first of the Sixteenth Century * and foretold the coming of strangers from the east’ who would establish a new religion.» — Roys data al profeta Balam en las últimas décadas del siglo XV y probablemente las primeras del XVI, y le adjudica el anuncio de unos extranjeros del oriente que impondrían una religión nueva.

«The prompt fulfilment of this prediction so enhanced his reputation as a seer that in later times he was considered the authority for many other prophecies which had been uttered long before his time.» — Roys explica cómo el cumplimiento del anuncio volvió a Balam autoridad de profecías muy anteriores a él: la atribución viene después del hecho.

«Inasmuch as prophecies were the most prominent feature of many of the older books of this sort, it was natural to name them after the famous soothsayer.» — Roys deriva de ahí el nombre del género: como las profecías eran el rasgo más saliente de estos libros, se los nombró por el adivino famoso.

«The Books of Chilam Balam were written in the Maya language but in the European script which the early missionaries adapted to express such sounds as were not found in Spanish.» — Roys señala que los libros se escribieron en maya pero con la escritura europea que los misioneros adaptaron a los sonidos que el español no tenía.

«Many such passages were no doubt originally transcribed from older hieroglyphic manuscripts, some of which were still in existence in northern Yucatan as late as the close of the Seventeenth Century.» — Roys sostiene que muchos pasajes se transcribieron de manuscritos jeroglíficos más viejos, algunos de los cuales seguían existiendo en el norte de Yucatán a fines del siglo XVII.

«Although at first they rather admired the Maya for having a graphic system of their own, they were determined to destroy the old manuscripts and eradicate all knowledge of the glyphs from the minds of their converts.» — Roys consigna la doble actitud de los misioneros: admiración por el sistema gráfico maya y decisión de destruir los manuscritos y borrar el conocimiento de los glifos.

«The Indians had a great reverence for their hieroglyphic writing which was permeated with the symbols of their old religion, and the friars felt that if they could wipe out this knowledge and substitute for it the European system of writing, it would be an effective means for the complete Christianization of the native population.» — Roys explica el cálculo de los frailes: la escritura jeroglífica estaba impregnada de los símbolos de la religión antigua, y sustituirla por la europea sería el medio eficaz de cristianizar del todo.

«Diego de Landa, afterward bishop of Yucatan, burned twenty-seven hieroglyphic manuscripts at the famous auto de fe in Mani in 1562, and although many of the Spaniards severely criticized him for this, there is little doubt that other missionaries followed his example whenever they had the opportunity.» — Roys fecha en 1562 el auto de fe de Maní y los veintisiete manuscritos jeroglíficos quemados por Landa, y sostiene que otros misioneros hicieron lo mismo cuando pudieron.

«From a purely educational point of view the schools were a success, for after a time every village had its town clerk who could read and write, as well as many members of the more important native families; but the Spanish settlers complained in the latter part of the Sixteenth Century that many native schoolmasters and choir-masters were still practising idolatry in secret and that idols had even been found in the school-houses.» — Roys registra la queja de los colonos: las escuelas funcionaron, y maestros y maestros de coro seguían practicando la idolatría en secreto, con ídolos hallados en las propias escuelas.

«After Landa’s famous bonfire at Mani, it is needless to say that the surviving hieroglyphic manuscripts were kept concealed, although now and then one of them came to the notice of the Franciscans.» — Roys señala el efecto de la hoguera: los manuscritos jeroglíficos que quedaron se ocultaron, aunque de vez en cuando alguno llegaba a manos franciscanas.

«Seventy years after the Conquest, Aguilar wrote that “in these they painted in colors the count of their years, the wars, epidemics, hurricanes inundations, famines and other events.”» — Roys cita a Sánchez de Aguilar sobre lo que los mayas pintaban en aquellos libros: la cuenta de los años, las guerras, las epidemias, los huracanes, las inundaciones y las hambrunas.

«A comparison of these descriptions with the existing Books of Chilam Balam shows plainly that many portions of the latter are simply transcriptions of the old hieroglyphic manuscripts into European script.» — Roys sostiene que buena parte de los Libros de Chilam Balam son transcripción directa de los viejos manuscritos jeroglíficos a la escritura europea.

«Fewer people were now able to read the glyphs, and much as the clergy condemned the Books of Chilam Balam, they were not considered such prima facie evidence of the crime of idolatry as was anything written in hieroglyphics.» — Roys explica por qué la transcripción desplazó al jeroglífico: cada vez menos gente leía los glifos, y los libros en letra europea no eran prueba de idolatría como sí lo era lo escrito en jeroglíficos.

«Cogolludo later wrote of such meetings that ‘God knows what goes on there, and at the very least many of them end up in drunkenness.’» — Roys cita el juicio de Cogolludo sobre aquellas asambleas donde se leían las fábulas e historias de los libros.

«many passages of the latter were copied verbatim from Sixteenth and early Seventeenth Century originals.» — Roys fecha el material: la comparación con documentos legales mayas desde 1557 muestra que muchos pasajes se copiaron a la letra de originales del siglo XVI y de principios del XVII.

«Of these books the Chumayel, Tizimin and Mani manuscripts have the greatest value for the study of Maya civilization, although the others are not lacking in interest.» — Roys jerarquiza los libros conservados: Chumayel, Tizimín y Maní son los de mayor valor para el estudio de la civilización maya, sin que los otros carezcan de interés.

«Although it dates only from the year 1782, the language suggests the Seventeenth Century much more than it does the Eighteenth.» — Roys objeta que la fecha del manuscrito no da la fecha de su lengua: aunque está fechado en 1782, su lengua sugiere el siglo XVII.

«The book contains comparatively little of the intrusive European material which predominates in other Books of Chilam Balam written at so late a date.» — Roys señala como rasgo del Chumayel la escasez de material europeo intrusivo, comparado con otros libros de la misma época tardía.

«The drawings which illustrate the volume are quite European in character, although many of the ideas which they represent are purely Maya.» — Roys separa forma y contenido en los dibujos: la factura es europea y las ideas representadas son puramente mayas.

«As Professor Tozzer has noted, many words are separated arbitrarily into syllables, the same word sometimes being divided in several different ways on the same page.» — Roys recoge de Tozzer el rasgo que más estorba la lectura: las palabras se separan en sílabas de modo arbitrario, y la misma palabra se divide de varias maneras en una misma página.

«It has already been noted that the Chumayel is a compilation made from various earlier works, many of which were probably copied from still older books.» — Roys sostiene que el Chumayel es compilación de obras anteriores, muchas de ellas a su vez copiadas de libros más viejos, y de ahí deriva la corrupción ocasional del texto.

«The greatest difficulty of all is found in the numerous obsolete words and phrases which occur.» — Roys fija dónde está la mayor dificultad de la traducción: las palabras y frases obsoletas.

«For an explanation of the many proper names found in the Chumayel, especially those of deities, we are obliged to rely largely on the Spanish source material such as Landa, the Relaciones de Yucatan, Cogolludo, Aguilar and Lizana.» — Roys declara la dependencia de las fuentes españolas —Landa, las Relaciones de Yucatán, Cogolludo, Aguilar y Lizana— para explicar los nombres propios, sobre todo los de las deidades.

«It has been suggested that a modern Maya Indian should be of great assistance in translating these old books, but none of the few efforts which have been made along this line of inquiry have had much success.» — Roys objeta la idea de que un maya de hoy baste para traducir estos libros: los pocos intentos no han dado resultado.

«Dr. Redfield’s elucidation of the puzzling name of Ah Muzencab, the bee-god, from the explanation of one of these native sorcerers is an example of the results which may be looked for from this line of inquiry.» — Roys da como ejemplo de lo que sí rinde esa vía la elucidación por Redfield del nombre de Ah Muzencab, el dios abeja, obtenida de un hechicero nativo.

«Needless to say, it is difficult to persuade these native priests to explain their rituals.» — Roys consigna el muro: cuesta persuadir a los sacerdotes nativos, los h-menob, de que expliquen sus rituales.

«It seems likely that at least some of the obsolete words in the Books of Chilam Balam will be more fully explained by similar terms which have survived in the other languages.» — Roys deja abierta la vía del futuro: las palabras obsoletas se aclararán por términos emparentados que sobrevivan en las otras lenguas del tronco maya.

«The white guaje,® the ixculun <and> the gumbo-limbo! are his little hut,’ . . . The logwood tree is the hut pic of Yaxum,,’ the first of the men of the Cauich family.» — Arranca la traducción del capítulo I, el ritual de los cuatro rumbos del mundo, repartiendo árboles y chozas entre los primeros hombres de cada familia; la nota al pie de Roys advierte que falta un folio al principio del libro y por eso el texto abre a media frase.

«One folio is missing from the beginning of the book.» — Nota de Roys que sitúa la primera pérdida del manuscrito: falta el folio inicial.

«Martinez H. translates this sentence: “the first figure or idol is that of Ah Canul” (Martinez. H. 1921).» — Roys consigna la traducción divergente de Martínez Hernández para la misma frase, sin arbitrar entre las dos.

«The red flint stone is the stone of the red Mucencab.* The red ceiba tree of abundance ° is his arbor ° which is set in the east. The red bullet-tree ‘ is their tree. The red zapote ... The red-vine* . . . Reddish are their yellow turkeys. Red toasted <corn> is their corn.» — El ritual de los cuatro rumbos reparte por color: al este, pedernal rojo, ceiba roja de la abundancia como enramada, árbol de bala rojo, guajolotes y maíz rojos. Los corchetes en diamante marcan lo que Roys suple.

«The white flint stone is their stone in the north. The white ceiba tree of abundance is the arbor of the white Mucencab. White-breasted are their turkeys. White Lima-beans are their Lima-beans. White corn is their corn.» — La serie sigue al norte con el pedernal blanco, la ceiba blanca de la abundancia y el maíz, los frijoles y los guajolotes blancos.

«The black flint stone is their stone in the west. The black ceiba tree of abundance is their arbor. Black speckled corn is their corn. Black tipped camotes are their camotes. Black wild pigeons are their turkeys. Black akabchan ® is their green corn. Black beans are their beans. Black Lima-beans are their Lima-beans.» — Al oeste, pedernal negro, ceiba negra, maíz pinto negro, camotes de punta negra, palomas silvestres por guajolotes y frijoles negros. El impreso parte *akab-chan* —nombre maya de una variedad oscura de maíz, según la nota de Roys— en el corte de renglón, y la extracción por programa lo devuelve pegado: la forma con guion es la lectura propuesta, declarada aquí y no restituida dentro de las comillas.

«The yellow flint stone is the stone of the south. The ceiba tree of abundance, the yellow ceiba tree of abundance, is their arbor. The yellow bullet-tree is their tree. <Colored like> the yellow bullet-tree are their camotes. <Colored like> the yellow bullet-tree are the wild pigeons which are their turkeys. Yellow green corn is their green corn. Yellow-backed are their beans.» — Al sur cierra la serie con el pedernal amarillo, la ceiba amarilla de la abundancia y todo lo amarillo: árbol de bala, camotes, palomas, maíz tierno y frijoles.

«As shown in Appendix A, the bees are closely connected with the Bacabs and the four world-quarters, and Dr. Redfield finds the Muzencabs invoked in the uw hanli cab ceremony which is propitiatory of the gods of the bees.» — Nota de Roys que enlaza a las abejas con los Bacabs y los cuatro rumbos, y remite a la ceremonia *u hanli cab*, propiciatoria de los dioses de las abejas, según Redfield.

«One native priest explained that “the Mulzencab-ob were a class of supernatural bees dwelling at Coba. They report to Nohyumcab (Great-lord-of-the-hive) , their superior, everything that happens in the apiary.”» — Roys cita por carta de Redfield a un sacerdote nativo: los Muzencabob son abejas sobrenaturales que moran en Cobá y reportan al Nohyumcab cuanto ocurre en el colmenar.

«Another native priest, or h-men, stated that the Nohyumcab and the Ah Muzencab were two gods in the form of large bees who governed all the bees» — Roys recoge la versión de otro h-men: Nohyumcab y Ah Muzencab son dos dioses en forma de abejas grandes que gobiernan a todas las abejas; las dos explicaciones se consignan sin armonizar.

«Maya, imix yaxche. Imix is one of the Maya day-names, and the yaxche is the ceiba tree, the green tree and the first tree of the world.» — Roys explica el nombre de la ceiba de la abundancia: *imix* es uno de los nombres de día mayas y *yaxche* es la ceiba, el árbol verde y el primer árbol del mundo.

«Then he came<to > Uac-hab-nal‘ to pull the weeds along the leagues, when Mizcit Ahau came to sweep clean the leagues, when the land-surveyor came. These were long leagues that he measured.» — Sigue la cuadrilla del deslinde: quien desyerba las leguas y Mizcit Ahau que las barre; el texto insiste en que las leguas medidas eran largas.

«This appears to the translator to be a legend of the occupation of the country in ancient times. People came in bearing their household goods on their backs, as we know they had no beasts of burden. Then they were supposed to have surveyed and divided the land, after which they laid out the roads, cleared and cleaned them.» — Roys declara su lectura del pasaje como leyenda de la ocupación antigua del país, y marca que es suya: *the translator*. Añade el dato de que la gente cargaba sus bienes a la espalda porque no había animales de carga.

«The red wild bees ° are in the east. A large red blossom is their cup. The red Plumeria is their flower.» — El ritual reparte también las abejas silvestres por rumbo y color, cada una con su flor y su cáliz: roja al este, blanca al norte, negra al oeste y amarilla al sur.

«A Maya pun: a man who measures or a man of the Ppizte family.» — Roys señala el juego de palabras del nombre: Ah Ppizte es a la vez el que mide y el de la familia Ppizte.

«Then they swarmed at Oecuzamil' in great numbers among the magueys” of the land, the calabash trees of the land, the ceiba trees of the land and the chulul trees of the land. Kin Pauahtun‘ was their priest. He commanded the numerous army which guarded Ah Hulneb’ at Tantun in Cozumel, <also> Ah Yax-ac,°® Chinab,’ and Kinich Kakmo.» — El texto lleva el enjambre a Cozumel, con Kin Pauahtun por sacerdote al mando del ejército que guardaba a Ah Hulneb en Tantún.

«Ah Hulneb, the Archer, was one of the principal deities of Cozumel which was a center of pilgrimage not only from every part of Yucatan but from Tabasco as well.» — Roys identifica a Ah Hulneb, el Arquero, como una de las deidades principales de Cozumel, centro de peregrinación desde todo Yucatán y desde Tabasco.

«Kinich Kakmo means sun-eyed fire macaw. He was one of the founders of Izamal and was afterwards deified (Relaciones de Yucatan, I, p. 269). His shrine was visited by sufferers from pestilence, whom he cured. It is of interest to note that yellow fever patients are still given the ashes of a red parrot’s feathers as a remedy (Roys 1931, p. 63).» — Roys traduce Kinich Kakmo como guacamaya de fuego con ojo de sol, lo da por fundador deificado de Izamal y anota la pervivencia del remedio de cenizas de plumas de loro rojo contra la fiebre amarilla.

«Chac was formerly an important title, but at the time of the Spanish conquest the term merely designated four old men who represented the rain-gods in certain religious ceremonies (Landa 1928, p. 180).» — Roys data el desgaste del título: *chac* fue título importante y al tiempo de la conquista designaba solo a cuatro ancianos que representaban a los dioses de la lluvia.

«11 Ahau was the katun when they carried <burdens> on their backs. Then the land-surveyor first came; this was Ah Ppizte’ who measured the leagues.» — El capítulo I fecha en el katun 11 Ahau la llegada del medidor de tierras, Ah Ppizte, que midió las leguas; así narra el Chumayel la ocupación del país.

«Then Hapay Can? was brought to Chemchan.*? He was pierced <by an arrow> when he arrived at the bloody wall there at Uxmal.» — El capítulo II abre el ascenso de Hunac Ceel al poder con Hapay Can traído a Chemchán y atravesado en el muro sangriento de Uxmal.

«The name, Hapay Can, means sucking-snake. The Lacandon Indians believe in a certain evil spirit of this name “in the form of a snake who draws people to him with his breath ... At the end of the world Nohochchacyum (the head of the Lacandon Pantheon) will wear around his waist as a belt the body of Hapay Can”» — Roys traduce Hapay Can como serpiente que chupa y cita a Tozzer sobre la creencia lacandona en un espíritu de ese nombre que atrae a la gente con su aliento.

«In Appendix A evidence is presented that Chac-xib-chac, said by Landa to be one of the names of the Red Bacab, was probably in reality the Red Rain-god, who lived at the east of the world.» — Roys sostiene que Chac-xib-chac, que Landa da por nombre del Bacab Rojo, era en realidad el dios rojo de la lluvia del oriente del mundo.

«These are called God Impersonators, and the translator believes that they impersonated the five Maya rain-gods who, like the five Mexican Tlaloque, were set at the four cardinal points and at the center of the heavens.» — Roys lee el fresco del Templo del Chac Mool como personificadores de los cinco dioses mayas de la lluvia, puestos en los cuatro rumbos y en el centro del cielo, a la manera de los cinco Tlaloque mexicanos; lo da como creencia del traductor.

«It is called canhel in Maya, a word which Beltran defines as» — Roys nombra la insignia de que Chac-xib-chac fue despojado: *canhel*, que Beltrán define como dragón; el tramo se corta antes de las comillas del OCR.

«In the Chumayel text canhel is written cangel, although the g is almost never employed in writing a Maya word. Evidently the writer associated the word with the Spanish angel, and we are reminded of the so-called angel which Landa tells us was set on the back of the figure of Kan-u-uayab-haab, the spirit who ruled over the five unlucky days immediately preceding the Kan years.» — Roys explica la grafía *cangel* del Chumayel por asociación del escriba con el ángel español, y la enlaza con el ángel que, según Landa, se ponía a la espalda de Kan-u-uayab-haab, el espíritu de los cinco días aciagos.

«Then a glyph was writ-Fic. 2—Chac-xib-chac, the God Impersonator at Chichen Itza. Fresco, Temple of the Warriors. Drawing by Ann Axtell Morris. ten below his throat, was also written on the sole of his foot and written within the ball of the thumb of Ah Uooh-puc.» — El texto describe los glifos escritos en la palma, bajo la garganta, en la planta del pie y en la yema del pulgar de Ah Uooh-puc; el tramo arranca en la palabra partida por el corte de renglón del impreso, *written*.

«The Chacs were not gods. The only true God is our Lord Dios; they worshipped him according to the word and the wisdom of Mayapan.» — El propio texto del Chumayel niega la divinidad de los Chacs y afirma que el único Dios verdadero es el Señor Dios; es una de las capas cristianas del manuscrito, dicha en su boca.

«This appears to have been the procedure followed by one who wished to set himself up as a leader. At the time of the fall of Mayapan, Ah Kin Chel also “wrote on the fleshy part of his left arm certain letters of great importance in order to be esteemed”» — Roys enlaza los glifos escritos en el cuerpo con la práctica de quien quería erigirse en caudillo, y cita el caso de Ah Kin Chel a la caída de Mayapán.

«Ah Kin Coba/was their priest there in the fortress <of Mayapan>. Zulim Chan was at the west <gate>. Nauat: was the guardian” of the Be ee jee Fic. 3—Mexican warrior occupying the jaguar-seat. Fresco, Temple of the Warriors, Chichen Itza. (After Ann Axtell Morris.) _ The translator believes that this figure is also representative of the guardians of the gates at Mayapan mentioned in the Chumayel. south gate. Couoh was the guardian of the east gate.» — El texto reparte a los guardianes de las puertas de la fortaleza de Mayapán por rumbo: Zulim Chan al oeste, Nauat al sur, Couoh al este.

«Ah Mex Cuc, literally whiskered squirrel, is said to have had the surname Chan and to have been one of the four greatest men of the Maya» — Roys traduce Ah Mex Cuc como ardilla bigotuda y recoge la tradición que lo cuenta entre los cuatro hombres más grandes de los mayas.

«Here we have the beginning of what is evidently a migration legend referring to a much earlier period than the time of the Hunac Ceel episode.» — Roys marca dónde empieza la leyenda migratoria y la data en una época muy anterior al episodio de Hunac Ceel.

«Ppole was the port on the mainland from which travelers usually embarked for the Island of Cozumel (Aguilar 1900, p. 83). We have here a pun on the name, as ppol means to multiply or increase in numbers. The reference to taking the women of Ppole as their mothers is of interest, as it shows a recollection of the first Itz4 taking the women of the country as their wives. These invaders were probably largely men.» — Roys lee el juego de palabras de Ppole, que significa multiplicarse, y señala que la mención de tomar por madres a las mujeres de Ppole recuerda que los primeros itzáes, llegados casi solo hombres, tomaron a las mujeres del país.

«Then they arrived at Yobain, where the crocodile ® bewitched them through their maternal grandfather, Ah Yamazi, their ruler at the seashore. Then they arrived at Zinanche, where the devil bewitched them.° Zinanche was its name here.» — El itinerario sigue nombrando por el suceso: en Yobain el cocodrilo los hechizó por medio del abuelo materno, en Zinanché los hechizó el diablo; el tramo arranca cortando la palabra *bewitched* como la parte el impreso.

«Then they arrived at Caucel, where they all shivered with cold.” It was Caucel here, so they said.» — Otro eslabón del itinerario etimológico: en Caucel todos tiritaron de frío, y de ahí el nombre.

«These are the names of whatever towns there were and the names of the wells, in order that it may be known where they passed in their march to see whether this district was good, whether it was suitable for settlement here. They set in order the names of the district according to the command of our Lord God. He it was who set the land in order. He created everything on earth. He set it in order also.» — El texto declara para qué sirve la lista de topónimos: para saber por dónde pasaron al reconocer si el distrito era bueno y apto para poblarse; y adjudica el orden de la tierra al Señor Dios.

«But these were the people who named the district, who named the wells, who named the villages, who named the land because no one had arrived here in this neck of the land '° when we arrived here.”» — El texto pone el límite a esa adjudicación: fue esta gente la que nombró el distrito, los pozos, los pueblos y la tierra, porque nadie había llegado antes; el tramo arranca en *district* partido por el corte de renglón.

«Maya: ti u tzolahob u pop katun. Here we have an explanation of the phrase in the Tizimin Chronicle which Brinton (1882, p. 144) has translated: “then Pop (the first Maya month) was counted in order,” and on which some change in the annual calendar has been predicated. It was the mat (pop) of the katun that was counted in order.» — Roys enmienda la lectura de Brinton: lo que se contaba en orden no era el mes Pop sino el petate del katun.

«demanded one complete Plumeria flower.! Then he demanded a white mat. Then he demanded a mantle faced on two sides. Then he demanded a green turkey. Then he demanded a mottled snail.2 Then he demanded the gourds called homa.» — La serie de exigencias de Hunac Ceel: una flor entera de Plumeria, un petate blanco, una manta forrada por las dos caras, un guajolote verde, un caracol moteado y las jícaras llamadas homa. El tramo lleva pegadas las llamadas de nota del impreso y se releyó entero en el crudo antes de citarlo.

«Kikil,’* where they contracted dysentery. Kikil was its name here, so they said. Then they arrived at Panabhaa,.where they dug for water.” Then they came to Cucuchilhaa; they settled at the deep water.» — El itinerario migratorio nombra cada sitio por lo que allí ocurrió: en Kikil contrajeron disentería, en Panabhaa cavaron por agua, en Cucuchilhaa se asentaron en el agua honda.

«Then they arrived at Tizip, where their words and conversation were sinful. Then the rulers began to establish the country.» — El itinerario del capítulo II cierra en Tizip, donde las palabras y la conversación fueron pecaminosas, y ahí empiezan los señores a asentar el país.

«Then they went to Mani, where their language was forgotten by them. Then they arrived at Tioaan (Jam) ; three days they were submerged.» — El texto sigue nombrando por el suceso: en Maní se les olvidó la lengua y en Tioaan estuvieron sumergidos tres días.

«It is of interest to note a secondary meaning also given to the word. “Num pop, num sam: Trabajo y miseria. Num pop.l. num sam en ti numya mabal yan ten. Soy pobre miserable, no tengo tras que parar.l. ah numya pop en. Vocablos son antiguos.”» — Roys añade el sentido secundario que el diccionario de Motul da al petate: trabajo y miseria, con la entrada citada en español y marcada como vocablo antiguo.

«Then they established the land; then they established the country. Then they settled at Icheanziho. Then came the people of Holtun-Ake;* then came the people of Zabacna.» — El texto marca el asiento en Ichcaanzihoo y la llegada de los de Holtun-Ake y de Zabacna.

«A play on words: Ah May—amay (corner).» — Roys señala el juego de palabras entre el nombre Ah May y *amay*, esquina.

«Then began their reign; then began their rule. Then they began to be served ; then those who were to be thrown (into the cenote) arrived; then they began to throw them into the well that their prophecy might be heard by their rulers.» — El texto enlaza el reinado con el cenote: empiezan a arrojar hombres al pozo para que los señores oigan su profecía.

«It was a serious matter if none of those thrown into the cenote returned to declare the prophecy.» — Roys consigna la gravedad del silencio: si ninguno de los arrojados al cenote volvía a declarar la profecía, el caso era serio.

«It was Cauich, Hunac Ceel, Cauich was the name of the man there, who put out his head at the opening of the well/ on the south side.* Then he went to take it. Then he came forth to de» — El texto cuenta el golpe de Hunac Ceel: sacó la cabeza por la boca del pozo por el lado sur y salió a declarar la profecía; el tramo se corta en *declare* partido por el renglón.

«The eagle, they say, was his mother. Then, they say, he was sought on his hill.» — El texto adjudica a Hunac Ceel un origen dicho de oídas: el águila fue su madre y lo buscaron en su cerro.

«The stone platform from which victims were flung into the cenote is still to be seen on the south side.» — Roys coteja el relato con el sitio: la plataforma de piedra desde la que se arrojaba a las víctimas al cenote sigue a la vista del lado sur.

«Here the page has crumbled and Berendt’s copy has been followed. He gives this word as yancuntabi, and it is so translated. Yacuntabi would mean loved or guarded. It might be yeacuntabi, established.» — Roys declara una lectura dudosa: la página se desmoronó, sigue la copia de Berendt y ofrece las tres lecturas posibles sin decidir entre ellas.

«Then the face of the sun was eaten;* then the face of the sun was darkened; then its face was extinguished.» — El texto describe el eclipse como comerse la cara del sol, oscurecerse y extinguirse.

«“During lunar eclipses . . . They say that the moon is dying, or that it is being bitten by a certain kind of ant...” (Aguilar 1921, p. 204). A similar belief was held of solar eclipses.» — Roys cita a Aguilar sobre la creencia maya de que en el eclipse la luna muere o la muerde cierta clase de hormiga.

«An alternative translation would be: ‘They began to imagine the reverse side of the sun.”» — Roys ofrece la traducción alternativa del pasaje del sol sin decidir entre las dos.

«Katun 11 Ahau is set upon the mat, set upon the throne, when their ruler is set up. Yaxal Chac* is its face to their ruler. The heavenly fan, the heavenly wreath and the heavenly bouquet shall descend.’ The drum and rattle of the lord of 11 Ahau shall resound, when flint knives are set into his mantle.» — Abre el capítulo III, la profecía para el katun 11 Ahau: el katun puesto sobre el petate y el trono, con Yaxal Chac por rostro, el abanico, la guirnalda y el ramo celestes, y el tambor y la sonaja del señor del 11 Ahau.

«11 Ahau is the beginning of the count, because this was the katun when the foreigners arrived. They came from the east when they arrived. Then» — El texto explica por qué el 11 Ahau abre la cuenta: fue el katun de la llegada de los extranjeros por el oriente; el tramo se corta en el cambio de plana y sigue *Christianity also began*.

«Here the text is corrupt, it is corrected from page 133.» — Roys declara corrupto el texto en ese punto y dice de dónde toma la enmienda.

«This is a record of the things which they did. After it had all passed, they told of it in their <own> words, but its meaning is not plain. Still the course of events was as it is written.» — El comentario maya que sigue a la profecía declara su propio límite: contaron lo ocurrido con sus palabras, el sentido no queda claro, y aun así el curso de los hechos fue como está escrito.

«Still he who comes of our lineage will know it, one of us who are Maya men. He will know how to explain these things when he reads what is here.» — El texto se dirige a un lector futuro de la propia sangre: uno de nosotros, los hombres mayas, sabrá explicar esto cuando lo lea.

«Then he removed the stones ' of the land, the stones of the sowed land, the place of Itzam,” and they went into the water.* Then began the introduction of misery there at Chichen Itz4.» — El texto data ahí la entrada de la miseria en Chichén Itzá, después de que Hunac Ceel removiera las piedras de la tierra; el escaneo imprime *Itzá* como *Itz4*.

«They shall find their food among the trees; they shall find their food among the rocks, those who have lost their <usual> food * in katun 11 Ahau.» — La profecía del katun 11 Ahau anuncia el hambre: hallarán su comida entre los árboles y entre las piedras los que han perdido su alimento acostumbrado. La fórmula se repite casi igual en la profecía del katun 11 Ahau del capítulo XVIII, donde en vez de *their <usual> food* dice *their crops*; aquí se ancla en la primera aparición.

«priests of ours were to come to an end when misery was introduced, when Christianity was introduced by the real Christians. Then with the true God, the true Dios, came the beginning of our misery.» — El texto fecha el fin de sus sacerdotes en la entrada del cristianismo y llama a la llegada del Dios verdadero el comienzo de su miseria.

«It was the beginning of tribute, the beginning of church dues, the beginning of strife with purse-snatching,’ the beginning of strife with blow-guns, the beginning of strife by trampling on people, the beginning of robbery with violence, the beginning of forced debts, the beginning of debts enforced by false testimony, the beginning of individual strife, a beginning of vexation, a beginning of robbery with vio» — El texto enumera los comienzos: tributo, limosnas de iglesia, robo de bolsas, cerbatanas, atropellos, deudas forzadas y falso testimonio; el tramo se corta en *violence* partido por el corte de renglón.

«It was by Antichrist ° on earth, the kinkajous of the towns, the foxes of the towns,’ the blood-sucking insects of the town, those who drained the poverty of the working people.» — El texto nombra a los opresores con figuras de animal: el Anticristo en la tierra, los martuchas y las zorras de los pueblos, los insectos chupasangre que exprimían la pobreza de los trabajadores.

«Here we have a description of the oppression of the Indians during the colonial period, not only by the Spaniards but also by many of their own chiefs who held public office under the Spanish regime.» — Roys advierte que la opresión descrita no es solo española: también la ejercían jefes mayas con cargo público bajo el régimen colonial.

«Called antachristoil in the text. We suspect it merely means bad Christians here.» — Roys acota la lectura de *Anticristo* en el texto: sospecha que aquí solo significa malos cristianos.

«The history which I have written of how the mounds came to be constructed by the heathen." During three score and fifteen katuns they were» — El capítulo IV declara su propio asunto en primera persona: la historia de cómo los montículos llegaron a construirse por los gentiles, en setenta y cinco katunes; el tramo corta *constructed* en el renglón.

«On this day I have written how the great mounds/came to be built by the lineages and all the things which the rulers did. They were the ones who built the mounds. <It took> thirteen katuns and six years for them to construct them.» — El escriba fecha su propia escritura y da la cuenta de la obra: trece katunes y seis años para levantar los montículos.

«Fifteen four-hundreds were the scores of their mounds, and fifty <more>* <made> the total count of the mounds they constructed all over the land. From the sea to the base of the land * they created names for them as well as for the wells.» — El texto da la cuenta de los montículos y declara que ellos crearon los nombres de los montículos y de los pozos, del mar a la base de la tierra.

«When we find round numbers given in terms of fifty, one hundred or one thousand, a suspect the influence of European methods of counting on the mind of the Maya writer.» — Roys lee los números redondos como huella del cómputo europeo en la cabeza del escriba maya.

«A record of the katuns and years when the Province of Yucatan was first seized by the foreigners, the white men. It was, they say, in Katun 11 Ahau that they seized the port of Ecab. They came from the east when they arrived. They say they were the first to eat the pond-apple for breakfast, this was the reason they called them the foreigners who ate pond-apples;» — El capítulo V abre la memoria de la conquista: en el katun 11 Ahau los extranjeros tomaron el puerto de Ecab, y se les llamó los que comen anonas de laguna porque las desayunaron.

«It was on August 20th in the year 1541, I have made known the name of the year when Christianity began.» — El escriba fecha el comienzo del cristianismo y dice expresamente que él da a conocer el nombre de ese año.

«Few of the dates mentioned here are correct.» — Roys objeta las fechas del capítulo V sin corregirlas en el texto: pocas de las mencionadas son correctas.

«Izamal,° where the daughter of the true God, Lord of Heaven, descended, the Queen, the Virgin, the miraculous one.» — El texto pone en Izamal el descenso de la hija del Dios verdadero, Señor del Cielo, la Reina, la Virgen, la milagrosa.

«Here the worship of the Virgin of Izamal is ascribed to a time before the Spanish Conquest.» — Roys señala que el texto adjudica el culto de la Virgen de Izamal a un tiempo anterior a la conquista.

«They did not wish to join with the foreigners; they did not desire Christianity. They did not wish to pay tribute, did those whose emblems were the bird, the precious stone, the flat precious stone and the jaguar,” those with the three magic <emblems>.» — El texto explica la partida de los itzáes por negativa: no quisieron juntarse con los extranjeros, ni el cristianismo, ni pagar tributo; el tramo corta *Christianity* en el renglón.

«Complete was the month; complete, the year; complete, the day; complete, the night; complete, the breath of life as it passed also; complete, the blood, when they arrived at their beds, their mats, their thrones.» — La letanía de la plenitud antigua: completos el mes, el año, el día, la noche, el aliento y la sangre cuando llegaban a sus lechos, sus petates y sus tronos.

«In due measure did they recite the good prayers; in due measure they sought the lucky days, until they saw the good stars enter into their reign; then they kept watch while the reign of the good stars began. Then everything was good.» — El texto describe el orden antiguo como cuestión de medida: rezar en su medida, buscar los días buenos y velar hasta que entraran las estrellas buenas en su reinado.

«There was then no sickness; they had then no aching bones; they had then no high fever; they had then no smallpox; they had then no burning chest; they had then no abdominal pains; they had then no consumption; they had then no headache.» — La serie de negaciones con que el texto describe el tiempo anterior a la llegada: sin enfermedad, sin dolor de huesos, sin fiebre alta, sin viruela, sin ardor de pecho, sin dolor de vientre, sin tisis, sin dolor de cabeza.

«The foreigners made it otherwise when they arrived here. They brought shameful things/when they came. They lost their innocence in carnal sin; they lost their innocence in the carnal sin of Nacxit Xuchit,’ in the carnal sin of his companions.» — El texto adjudica el cambio a los extranjeros y nombra el pecado carnal de Nacxit Xuchit y sus compañeros.

«Nacxit was one of the Mexican names of Quetzalcoatl. Xuchit is an archaic form of the Aztec xochitl, which means flower. We are reminded here of the well-known erotic episode in the Quetzalcoatl legend.» — Roys identifica a Nacxit con uno de los nombres mexicanos de Quetzalcóatl y remite al episodio erótico de su leyenda.

«There were no more lucky days for us; we had no sound judgment. At the end of our loss of vision, and of our shame, everything shall be revealed.» — El texto cierra la queja: se acabaron los días buenos y el juicio sano, y al término de la ceguera y de la vergüenza todo será revelado.

«Lewd were the priests, when they came to be established here by the foreigners.» — El texto juzga a los sacerdotes puestos por los extranjeros; el tramo corta *established* en el renglón.

«However there is at last an agreement so that there may be peace between us and the foreigners. Otherwise there will be a great war.» — El capítulo V cierra con la alternativa: o el acuerdo que trae la paz con los extranjeros, o la guerra grande.

«The confusion of this narrative is probably due to the fact that while the writer was referring ostensibly to the Itza, he really had the Spaniards in mind.» — Roys explica la confusión del relato: el escriba hablaba en apariencia de los itzáes y tenía en la cabeza a los españoles.

«The months in a year are twelve 12 The count of the days in one year 365 The count of the nights in one year» — El capítulo VI, las notas sobre el calendario, alinea la cuenta europea: doce meses, trescientos sesenta y cinco días y otras tantas noches. Las cifras que van dentro de las comillas son la columna de la propia tabla, no el folio de la plana.

«It is significant to note that the Maya still preserved the idea of a night-count at this late date.» — Roys subraya el dato que a él le importa de esa tabla: los mayas conservaban todavía la idea de una cuenta de las noches.

«Yaax—January 12th. The time is good for gathering the ears of corn.» — La rueda de los uinales del capítulo VI adjudica a cada mes maya una fecha juliana y una faena: Yaax, el 12 de enero, es bueno para juntar las mazorcas.

«The uinal was the Maya month of twenty days.» — Roys define el uinal como el mes maya de veinte días.

«The base of the land is Cam-The heart of the peche land is Mani. Ichcaanzihoo (Me-Calkini rida) The head of the land is Naum Pech? at Zacnicte-cheen, Zoail, Motul.» — El escudo de armas de Yucatán del capítulo VII reparte el cuerpo del país: Campeche es la base de la tierra, Maní el corazón, y la cabeza está en Naum Pech; el tramo corta *Campeche* en el renglón. El escaneo entrevera las columnas del escudo y parte *Zooil* en el renglón, que la extracción devuelve como *Zoail*.

«When the eleventh day of June shall come, it will be the longest day.* When the thirteenth day of September comes, this day and night are precisely» — El capítulo VIII, las notas de astronomía, fija los solsticios y equinoccios por el calendario: el 11 de junio es el día más largo y el 13 de septiembre iguala día y noche; el tramo se corta en el cambio de plana.

«This date for the summer solstice indicates that the passage was originally written at a time when the Julian calendar was still current in Yucatan.» — Roys data el pasaje por su propio error: la fecha del solsticio de verano solo cuadra si se escribió cuando en Yucatán regía todavía el calendario juliano. El impreso pega la llamada de nota a la inicial, *4This*, y el tramo se releyó en el crudo.

«The cross probably indicates that this is Christian teaching.» — Roys lee la crucecita dibujada al margen como marca de que lo que sigue es enseñanza cristiana.

«This annulus in the center of the disk is white and indicates the course of the sun. Between the two rings the black spots indicate the face of the sun, which goes over the large black one and descends to the small black one. Thus its movement is uniform, and this is its course here on earth also.» — El texto describe el diagrama del curso del sol: el anillo blanco del centro marca su carrera y las manchas negras entre los dos aros, su cara.

«To the people on the sides of this half-section as pictured, the sun is not eclipsed ;” but for anyone who is in the middle it is eclipsed. It is in conjunction with the moon when it is eclipsed. It travels in its course before it is eclipsed. It arrives in its course to the north, very great. It is all the same with eclipses of the sun and moon before it arrives opposite to the sun.» — El texto explica el eclipse por la posición del observador: para los de los lados no hay eclipse y sí para el que está en medio, y el sol está en conjunción con la luna cuando se eclipsa.

«<This is> the explanation so that Maya people may know what happens to the sun and to the moon.» — El texto declara para quién se escribe la explicación: para que el pueblo maya sepa qué le pasa al sol y a la luna; el tramo corta *explanation* en el cambio de plana.

«Chibil, the Maya word for an eclipse, also means eaten. Aguilar tells us that the Maya believed that certain ants called vulab ate the sun or moon at the time of an eclipse (Aguilar 1921, p. 304). This passage in the Chumayel is evidently an attempt to correct such a belief, but it does not appear to have been entirely successful, as Dr. Redfield reports that many natives still believe that the moon is eaten by certain ants during an eclipse» — Roys señala que *chibil*, eclipse en maya, significa también comido, y lee el pasaje como intento de corregir la creencia de que unas hormigas se comen al sol o a la luna, intento que Redfield le reporta fallido.

«This is the language of Zuyua’ and the understanding for our lord, Sefior Governor Mariscal,? who has settled at Tzuc-uaxim to the east of Ichcanziho (Merida). This is the land where his garden and homestead were, where he settled.» — El capítulo IX abre el lenguaje de Zuyua, el acertijo con que se examina a los jefes, dirigido al señor Gobernador Mariscal asentado en Tzuc-uaxim.

«Zuyua is Nahuatl, a mythical place-name associated with the “Seven Caves” believed to be the origin of the Nahuas» — Roys identifica Zuyua como topónimo mítico náhuatl asociado a las Siete Cuevas, origen de los nahuas. El impreso pega la llamada de nota a la inicial, *1Zuyua*, y el tramo se releyó en el crudo.

«This is the examination * which takes jz) Fic. 13—The lord of the ka. Place in the katun which ends today. The tun (Chumayel MS.). time has arrived for examining the knowledge of the chiefs of the towns, <to see> whether they know how the ruling men came, whether they have explained the coming of the chiefs, of the head-chiefs, whether they are of the lineage of rulers, whether they are of the lineage of chiefs, that they may prove it.» — El capítulo IX declara para qué sirve el examen: probar si los jefes de los pueblos saben cómo vinieron los que mandan y si son del linaje de los señores.

«This is the first question which will be Fic. 14-The lord of the ka. @SKed of them: he shall ask them for his tun (Chumayel MS.). food “Bring the sun.” This is the word of the head-chief to them; thus it is said to the chiefs. “Bring the sun, <my> son, bear it on the palm of your hand to my plate. A lance is planted, a lofty cross, in the middle of its heart. A green jaguar is seated over the sun to drink its blood.” Of Zuyua is the wisdom.» — La primera pregunta del lenguaje de Zuyua: que traigan el sol en la palma de la mano, con la lanza y la cruz alta plantadas en su corazón y un jaguar verde sentado encima para beber su sangre.

«This is what the sun is which is demanded of them: a very large fried egg.» — La respuesta del acertijo: el sol pedido es un huevo frito muy grande.

«The gum of the copal (Protiwm copal Engl.) was the principal incense used by the Maya. The thick clouds of smoke may have suggested the convolutions of the brain.» — Roys explica la figura: el copal era el incienso principal de los mayas y las volutas espesas del humo pudieron sugerir las circunvoluciones del cerebro.

«This is what the large house is: it is a very large hat set on the floor.» — La respuesta del tercer acertijo: la casa grande de seis thiles es un sombrero muy grande puesto en el suelo.

«This is the coagulated blood on the rosette of the rattle, which is demanded of them: it is the gold in the middle, because it is blood which comes from the veins of the fatherless and motherless orphan.» — La sangre cuajada en la roseta de la sonaja resulta ser el oro del centro, y el texto da la razón: es sangre que sale de las venas del huérfano sin padre ni madre.

«This is what his little dog is which is demanded of him: it is his wife. This is what the soul of our holy mistress is: it is an enormous thick wax candle.» — Las respuestas del cuarto acertijo: el perrito es la esposa y el alma de la santa señora es una vela de cera enorme.

«The ear is left on the stalk, which is bent double so that the husk will completely shed the rain. Until the fall rains are over, the corn is said to keep better in this manner» — Roys explica la doblada del maíz que anota la rueda de los uinales: la mazorca se deja en la caña doblada para que la hoja escurra la lluvia; la capa de texto parte *than* en *han* al final de la nota.

«There was, however, another explanation of the eclipse. Accompanied by some information taken from European almanacs, we find in the Codex Perez (p. 27) the statement that eclipses of the sun and moon are caused by their being “covered” by the planets. Now the Maya Indians of San Antonio in southern British Honduras give the name, xulab, to the deity of the Morning Star who ranks only next to the Christian God in power. The writer is inclined to connect this name with the ants called xulab which by the Maya of northern Yucatan, are believed to eat the sun or moon. The San Antonio Indians have been influenced by both the Chols and Kekchis, and the idea in the north that the xulab-ants eat the moon may well be a misunderstanding of a theory imported from the south to the effect that eclipses were caused by certain planets.» — Roys añade al cierre de la plana otra explicación del eclipse, tomada de almanaques europeos por el Códice Pérez —que los planetas cubren al sol y a la luna— y conjetura que la creencia norteña de las hormigas xulab es malentendido de esa teoría venida del sur. Nota larga releída entera en el crudo, citada con la guarda anticosido desactivada.

«over it to drink its blood: it is a green chile-pepper, is the jaguar.» — Cierra el primer acertijo del lenguaje de Zuyua, ya en la plana siguiente: el jaguar verde que bebe la sangre del sol es un chile verde.

«In an eclipse of In an eclipse of the moon, it is not the sun, it is not eaten. It falsely apeaten. It falsely appears so, with sun pears so, with sun and moon on the <opposite>sides of the earth. and moon on the <same>side of the earth. they are in conjunction but are not A sign from God eaten. that» — Las dos leyendas del diagrama de eclipses del capítulo VIII. El escaneo entrevera renglón a renglón las dos columnas del impreso y la cita las conserva entreveradas: en el eclipse de luna no se la come nadie, solo lo parece con el sol y la luna en lados opuestos de la tierra; en el de sol, del mismo lado, están en conjunción y no se los come, y es señal de Dios. La extracción une además *ap-* con el *eaten* de la columna vecina y devuelve *apeaten*, palabra que no existe en el impreso.

«This is the heart of God the Father, of which they are told: it is a bead of precious stone. This is what the covering of thirteen layers is, which is mentioned. It is an enormous tortilla.» — Las respuestas del quinto acertijo: el corazón de Dios Padre es una cuenta de piedra preciosa y las trece capas envueltas son una tortilla enorme.

«Probably a reference to the thirteen heavens of the Maya cosmos.» — Roys lee las trece capas del acertijo como referencia a los trece cielos del cosmos maya.

«These are the words. If they are not understood by the chiefs of the towns, ill-omened is the star adorning the night. Frightful is its house. Sad is the havoc’ in the courtyards of the nobles. Those who die are those who do not understand; those who live will understand it.» — El texto pone el precio del examen: si los jefes no entienden, la estrella que adorna la noche es de mal agüero y mueren los que no entienden.

«This competitive test shall hang over the chiefs of the towns; it has been copied so that the severity may be known in which the reign is to end.» — El texto declara por qué se copia el examen: para que se sepa la severidad con que ha de acabar el reinado.

«They shall be hung by the neck; the tips of their tongues shall be cut off: their eyes shall be torn out.» — El castigo de los jefes que no responden: colgados del cuello, cortadas las puntas de la lengua y arrancados los ojos.

«But those who are of the lineage shall come forth before their lord on bended knees in order that their wisdom may be made known. Then their mat? is delivered to them and their throne as well.» — El reverso: los del linaje se presentan de rodillas para que se conozca su sabiduría, y entonces se les entrega su petate y su trono.

«Here, as among the Aztecs, the mat and throne are symbols of authority. Believing Cortez to be the returning Quetzalcoatl, Montezuma greeted him with these words: “My royal ancestors have said that you would come to visit your city and that you would sit upon your mat and chair when you returned”» — Roys equipara el petate y el trono mayas con los símbolos aztecas de autoridad y cita el saludo de Moctezuma a Cortés recogido por Seler.

«God shall be first, when all things are accomplished here on earth. He is the true ruler, he shall come to demand of us our government, those things which we hold sacred, precious stones, precious beads; and he shall demand the planted wine, the balché.* He who has none shall be killed.» — La capa cristiana del capítulo IX: Dios será primero, es el gobernante verdadero y vendrá a exigir el gobierno, las piedras y cuentas preciosas y el balché sembrado.

«But perhaps God will not desire all the things which have been written to come to pass.» — El texto deja abierta su propia profecía: quizá Dios no quiera que se cumpla todo lo que está escrito.

«<But> the unrestrained upstart of the day and katun, the offspring of the mad woman, the offspring of the harlot, , the son of evil, the two-day occupant of the mat, the two-day occupant of the throne, the rogue of the reign, the rogue of the katun, he shall be roughly handled, his face covered with earth, trampled into the ground, and befouled, as he is dragged along.» — El retrato del advenedizo: hijo de la loca y de la ramera, ocupante de dos días del petate y del trono, arrastrado con la cara cubierta de tierra.

«A very similar passage on page 106 states that these usurpers who ruled in Katun 3 Ahau were Itz4 (who called themselves “the Zuyua people.”) This suggests that our questionnaire was originally a method by which the Xius, a “West Zuyua people,” ousted ItzA chieftains from the towns over which they (the Xius) had gained control. We shall see on page 137 that the Itz4 also had a questionnaire of their own.» — Roys propone que el cuestionario fue el método con que los xiúes, gente de Zuyua del oeste, desplazaron a los jefes itzáes, y añade que los itzáes tenían el suyo.

«This is the flower of the night which is demanded of him: a star in the sky. This is the vile thing of the night: it is the moon.» — Las respuestas del diálogo: la flor de la noche es una estrella del cielo y la cosa vil de la noche es la luna.

«We know little of the Maya conception of the moon. It is certain, however, that in their later history they were greatly influenced by the Mexicans among whom the moon was associated with the rabbit, the symbol of drunkenness, and with Tlacolteotl, the goddess of sinful love.» — Roys declara el hueco de su propio saber sobre la luna maya y consigna la influencia mexicana que la asocia al conejo, símbolo de la embriaguez, y a Tlazoltéotl.

«It is to Bolon-ti-ku and Oxlahun-ti-citbil® that I count my beads.» — El examinado declara a quién reza con sus cuentas: a Bolon-ti-ku y a Oxlahun-ti-citbil, que Roys glosa como los nueve dioses y los trece padres, probablemente los de los nueve inframundos y los trece cielos.

«This is what he calls weeping: it is a drunken speech.» — El acertijo de la hija resuelto: la sangre verde es vino maya, el tronco y las ramas son el balché, y el llanto es un discurso de borracho.

«Balché, the native wine is made by steeping the bark or root of the balché tree (Lonchocarpus longistylus Pitt.) in a mixture of fermenting honey and water.» — Roys describe el balché: corteza o raíz del árbol puesta a remojar en miel fermentada con agua.

«The text reads “couoh tun” (lit. tarantula stone) here, but it is assumed that cocoh tun (stone hammer) is meant, and translated accordingly.» — Roys declara una enmienda de lectura: el texto dice piedra de tarántula y él supone martillo de piedra, y lo traduce así.

«“Son, bring me the bone of your father whom you buried three years ago. Great is my desire to see it.” “It is well, father.” This is what he wants, it is cassava baked in a pit.» — Otro acertijo de la serie: el hueso del padre enterrado hace tres años resulta ser yuca cocida en horno de tierra.

«“Son, bring me a very beautiful woman with a very white countenance. I greatly desire her. I will cast down her skirt and her loose dress before me.” “It is well, father.” This is what he asks for, it is a turkey-hen for him to eat.» — El acertijo de la mujer hermosa: lo pedido es una pava para comer, y echarle abajo la falda es desplumarla.

«The day shall come. On this day our lord, the first head-chief, trampled them under foot, when he arrived here in the land, in the land of Yucalpeten.» — El texto fecha el examen en el día en que el jefe supremo los pisoteó al llegar a la tierra de Yucalpetén.

«The jaguar, as they call it, does not exist,/ but let him bring it before him. This jaguar for which he asks is the chief’s horse which he wishes to eat. It is a horse raised about the house. This is the bead collar: it is its little bells. This is its crest: it is a red thread.» — El último acertijo desarma su propia figura: el jaguar alado no existe, es el caballo del jefe, con cascabeles por collar de cuentas e hilo rojo por cresta.

«The frequent mention of the language of Zuyua, a mythical place-name of the Nahua peoples, suggests that this interrogatory once abounded in terms familiar to the Toltec conquerors of Yucatan but not understood by the people of the country. In any case it came eventually to mean only mysterious words which were obscure to all but the ruling class. This example of the questionnaire has no doubt sadly degenerated. Nevertheless the mention of a number of things like the horse, known only to the Maya since the Spanish Conquest, indicates that this interrogatory continued to develop during the colonial period, although the Spanish rulers of the country were entirely unaware of its existence.» — Roys lee el lenguaje de Zuyua como resto degenerado de términos toltecas y fecha su desarrollo en la colonia, porque nombra cosas como el caballo, conocidas solo después de la conquista.

«It is most necessary to believe this. These are the precious stones which our Lord, the Father, has abandoned.* This was his first repast, this balché,* with which we, the ruling men revere him here.» — Abre el capítulo X, la creación del mundo, con una orden de creencia y las piedras preciosas que el Padre abandonó.

«Nevertheless, the first gods were perishable gods. Their worship came to its inevitable end. They lost their efficacy by the benediction of the Lord of Heaven, after the redemption of the world was accomplished, after the resurrection of the true God, the true Dios, when he blessed heaven and earth.» — El texto declara caducos a los primeros dioses: perdieron su eficacia por la bendición del Señor del Cielo tras la redención y la resurrección.

«Then was your worship abolished, Maya men. Turn away your hearts from your <old> religion.» — El texto se dirige a los hombres mayas en segunda persona para mandarles apartar el corazón de su religión antigua.

«This expresses admirably the religious attitude of the Maya who seem capable of superimposing Christianity on their old faith.» — Roys lee ese pasaje como muestra de la actitud religiosa maya, capaz de superponer el cristianismo a la fe antigua.

«It was <Katun> 11 Ahau when the Fic. 23—The lord of the Ah Mucencab? came forth to blindfold the The taco mavel MS); faces of the Oxlahun-ti-ku;? but they did not or blurred. know his name, except for his older sister and his sons.» — El capítulo X abre la creación del mundo con Ah Mucencab vendando los ojos de Oxlahun-ti-ku sin que supieran su nombre.

«Then Oxlahun-ti-ku was seized by Bolon-ti-ku.t Then it was that fire descended, then the rope descended, then rocks and trees descended.® Then came the beating of <things> with wood and stone.» — El texto narra la caída de los Trece Dioses a manos de los Nueve: descienden el fuego, la soga, las rocas y los árboles.

«Oxlahun-ti-ku, literally the Thirteen Gods, are probably the gods of the thirteen heavens of the Maya cosmos, but they are usually treated as a single god.» — Roys identifica a Oxlahun-ti-ku con los dioses de los trece cielos y advierte que se los trata como un dios solo.

«Bolon-ti-ku, or Nine Gods, appear to be treated as one god. We find them represented in the inscriptions, and it seems likely that they represent the nine underworlds and correspond to the Nine Lords of the Night of the Mexicans.» — Roys hace lo mismo con Bolon-ti-ku y lo pone en correspondencia con los nueve inframundos y los Nueve Señores de la Noche mexicanos.

«Then the black tree of abundance was set up <in Fic. 24—Lahun Chaan, associated with the planet Venus (Dresden Codex, p. 47). the west>* for the black-breasted pisoy* to sit upon. Then the yellow tree of abundance was set up <in the south>,° as a symbol of the destruction of the world, for the yellow-breasted pisoy to sit upon, for the yellow cock oriole to sit upon, the yellow timid mut. Then the green tree of abundance was set up in the center <of the world> as a record of the destruction of the world.» — Sigue el reparto de los árboles de la abundancia por rumbo y color, con su ave encima, y el verde en el centro del mundo como memoria de la destrucción.

«Like the Mexicans, the Maya believed that the present order was preceded by other worlds which had been destroyed. According to the former, the fourth of these worlds, or “Suns,” was destroyed by a great flood of water» — Roys sitúa la destrucción del Chumayel en la serie de mundos anteriores que también creían los mexicanos, cuyo cuarto sol acabó en diluvio según Seler.

«The red Piltec was set at the east of the world to conduct people to his lord. The white Piltec was set at the north of the world to conduct people/ to his lord. Lahun Chaan? was set <at the west> to bring things to his lord.» — El texto reparte a los Piltec y a Lahun Chaan por los cuatro rumbos como mensajeros del señor; el tramo corta *conduct* en el renglón.

«He came from the seventh stratum of the earth, when he came to fecundate Itzam-kab-ain,* when he came with the vitality of the angle between earth <and> heaven.» — El texto hace venir a Ah Uuc Cheknal del séptimo estrato de la tierra para fecundar a Itzam-kab-ain.

«The world was not lighted; there was neither day nor night nor moon. Then they perceived that the world was being created. Then creation dawned upon the world.» — El texto describe el momento anterior a la luz: sin día, sin noche y sin luna, hasta que la creación amaneció sobre el mundo.

«Itzam-kab-ain: literally, the whale with the feet of a crocodile. Martinez 1913, reprint p. 5. Beltran spells it Itzam-cab-ain, and defines it simply as whale, though it could mean literally Itzam-the-earth-crocodile. In either case, we are forcibly reminded of the fabled earth-monster which appears in the Dresden Codex (pp. 4 and 5) with the head of Itzamna between its jaws. The Mexicans believed that the gods created ‘‘in the water a great fish, which is called cipdctli and which is like a crocodile, and from this fish they made the earth”» — Roys traduce Itzam-kab-ain como la ballena con patas de cocodrilo y la enlaza con el monstruo de la tierra del Códice de Dresde y con el cipactli mexicano del que se hizo la tierra.

«Then descended greed from the heart of the sky, greed for power, greed for rule.» — El texto hace descender la codicia del corazón del cielo: codicia de poder y de mando.

«Then the Red Ruler was set up, he who was raised‘ upon the mat, raised upon the throne.» — El texto entroniza a los cuatro Señores por color, cada uno alzado sobre el petate y sobre el trono.

«The yax-cheel-cab, or first tree of the world is believed to be a giant ceiba which grows in the exact center of the earth and rears its branches through successive holes in the various heavens» — Roys describe el primer árbol del mundo como una ceiba gigante que crece en el centro exacto de la tierra y atraviesa los cielos.

«Suddenly on high fire flamed up. The face of the sun was snatched away, taken from earth.» — El texto marca el desastre: de pronto el fuego llameó en lo alto y la cara del sol fue arrebatada de la tierra.

«The ramon” fruit is their bread, the ramon fruit is their drink; the jicama cimarrona" is their bread, the jicama cimarrona is their drink; what they eat and what they drink.» — El texto da el alimento del hambre: el ramón y la jícama cimarrona por pan y por bebida.

«The root of the Jicama cimarrona (Calopogonium ceruleum Benth.) is eaten in time of famine.» — Roys apoya el dato con la etnobotánica: la raíz de la jícama cimarrona se come en tiempo de hambre.

«Then the water descended, it came from the heart of the sky for the baptism ° of the House of Nine Bushes. With it descended Bolon Mayel;’ sweet was his» — El texto hace descender el agua del corazón del cielo para el bautizo de la Casa de los Nueve Arbustos, con Bolon Mayel; el tramo se corta en el cambio de plana.

«Bolon Mayel means “the fragrant one.”» — Roys traduce Bolon Mayel como el fragante.

«Then there sprang up the five-leafed'® flower, the five drooping <petals>, the cacao <with grains like> a row of teeth, the ix-chabil-tok, the little flower,” Ix Macuil Xuchit,” the flower with the brightly colored™ tip, the lawrel™ flower, and the limping flower.» — La creación florida: brotan la flor de cinco hojas, el cacao con granos como hilera de dientes, Ix Macuil Xuchit, la flor de laurel y la flor coja.

«Then descended Ppizlimtec’ to take the flower; he took the figure of a humming-bird with green plumage on its breast, when he descended.» — El texto hace bajar a Ppizlimtec en figura de colibrí de pecho verde para tomar la flor.

«Then the five-petaled flower took him for her husband.° Thereupon the heart of the flower came forth to set itself in motion.» — La flor de cinco pétalos lo toma por marido y el corazón de la flor sale a ponerse en movimiento; el tramo arranca cortando *petaled* como lo parte el impreso.

«The five-petaled flower, or nicté, is without doubt the Plumeria. The red Plumeria and the white Plumeria are considered the father and mother respectively of Nohochacyum, the head of the Lacandon Pantheon» — Roys identifica la flor de cinco pétalos con la Plumeria y recoge de Tozzer que la roja y la blanca se tienen por padre y madre de Nohochacyum entre los lacandones.

«The flower® was his mat, the flower was his chair. He sat in envy, he walked in envy. Envy was his plate, envy was his cup. There was envy in his heart, in his understanding, in his thought and in his speech.» — El texto hace de la flor el petate y la silla del que reina, y llena de envidia su plato, su copa, su corazón y su habla.

«Here the flower, probably a Plumeria, is closely associated with the idea of carnal sin.» — Roys señala la asociación de la flor con el pecado carnal en este pasaje.

«Forgotten is his father, forgotten is his mother, nor does his mother know her offspring. The heart is on fire alone in the fatherless one who despises his father, in the motherless one. He shall walk abroad giving the appearance of one drunk, without understanding, in company with his father, in company with his mother. There is no virtue in him, there is no goodness in his heart, only a little on the tip of his tongue.» — El retrato del gobernante sin ley: olvida a su padre y a su madre, anda como borracho y solo tiene un poco de bondad en la punta de la lengua.

«But when the law of the katun shall have run its course, then God will bring about a great deluge again which will be the end of the world.» — El capítulo X cierra con el anuncio del diluvio: cumplida la ley del katun, Dios traerá otra vez el diluvio que será el fin del mundo.

«It seems likely that the Maya compiler has inadvertently written Bolon Chan for Lahun Chan. Bolon means nine, and lahun means ten. No personage by the name of Bolon Chan is known to the translator, while Lahun Chan is well known.» — Roys señala un desliz del compilador maya —Bolon Chan por Lahun Chan— y lo deja anotado en vez de corregir el texto.

«upon the earth, when the four gods, the four Bacabs, were set up, who brought about the destruction of the world.» — El texto describe la caída del cielo sobre la tierra cuando quedan puestos los cuatro dioses, los cuatro Bacabs, que causaron la destrucción del mundo; la frase viene de la plana anterior, donde dice *Then the sky would fall, it would fall down*.

«brains of the sky, so the head-chief may see how large they are. “It is my desire to see them; let me see them.”’ This is what he would say to them. This is what the brains of the sky are: it is copal gum.» — El segundo acertijo del lenguaje de Zuyua pide los sesos del cielo, y la respuesta es la goma de copal; el ancla arranca después del pie de figura que el escaneo intercala a media frase. El ancla anterior terminaba en el *ka-* de ese pie de figura y se descartó por eso.

«this is over, then our Lord Jesus Christ shall descend over the valley of Jehoshaphat beside the town of Jerusalem/ where he redeemed us with his holy blood.» — El capítulo X cierra con el descenso de Cristo sobre el valle de Josafat junto a Jerusalén; el tramo cruza la plana en *Jehoshaphat*.

«He shall descend to level off the world for the good and the bad, the conquerors <and> the captives.» — El texto pone el fin del juicio: nivelar el mundo entre buenos y malos, conquistadores y cautivos.

«Dominus vobiscum ended the words of their song when there was neither heaven nor earth. When the world was submerged, when there was neither heaven nor earth, the three-cornered precious stone*® of grace was born, after the divinity of the ruler was created,» — Abre el capítulo XI, el ritual de los ángeles, con una fórmula latina de la misa y el nacimiento de la piedra preciosa de tres esquinas de la gracia cuando no había cielo ni tierra.

«The following ritual is an example of the manner in which the Maya superimposed Christian doctrines on their own religious conceptions.» — Roys lee el capítulo XI como ejemplo de la superposición de doctrinas cristianas sobre las concepciones religiosas mayas; el tramo corta *superimposed* en el renglón.

«It is important to the interpretation of this chapter to note that among the Maya the Spanish word gracia, here literally translated as “grace,” is a ritualistic term employed to designate the young maize plant (information supplied by Dr. Redfield). Consequently the “three-cornered precious stone of grace” is doubtless also a liturgical term indicating a grain of corn.» — Roys da la clave de lectura del capítulo: *gracia* es entre los mayas término ritual para la planta tierna de maíz, según Redfield, de modo que la piedra preciosa de la gracia sería un grano de maíz.

«Then there were born seven tuns, seven katuns, hanging in the heart of the wind,° the seven chosen ones. Then, they say, their seven graces’ stirred also. Seven also were their holy images.» — El texto hace nacer siete tunes y siete katunes colgados del corazón del viento, con sus siete gracias y sus siete imágenes santas.

«Wither for the purpose of mystification or to add solemnity to the ritual, this chapter is filled with Spanish and Latin words and names heard in the Christian church serv» — Roys explica el latín y el español corruptos del capítulo por mistificación o solemnidad; el impreso imprime *Wither* por *Whether* y el tramo corta *service* en el renglón.

«Thereupon he became man in the second infinite precious stone of grace. Then there arrived in the second katun Alpilcon, as the angel was named when he was born.» — La serie de las gracias: en la segunda piedra preciosa infinita se hace hombre y nace el ángel Alpilcon.

«In all this abracadabra only the words, zipil na, appear to be Maya and might possibly be translated as “house of sin.” The reader is reminded that the sounds of d, f, g and r do not occur in the Maya language. Consequently the remainder appears to be a mixture of corrupted Latin and Spanish, and, it is to be suspected, meant little more to the Maya writer than “eena meena mina mo” does to the American child who recites the formula.» — Roys mide lo que esa jerigonza significaba: mezcla de latín y español corrompidos que al escriba maya le decía poco más que una retahíla infantil.

«“I am the beginning and I shall be the end.” Here are his words in their mighty en» — El texto pone en boca de Dios Padre la fórmula del principio y el fin; el tramo corta *entirety* en el renglón.

«Of these italicized words, Anuni is the only one which is not intended for Latin or Spanish. Possibly it is either a corrupted Nahuatl form or one taken from the Chol-Tzeltal group of languages.» — Roys separa lo latino y español de lo que no lo es, y deja abierta la procedencia de *Anuni*.

«Bolay’ was the name of the serpent of the second heaven. He was in the dust at the feet of Sustinal Gracia,® as he was called.» — El texto nombra a la serpiente del segundo cielo y la pone en el polvo a los pies de Sustinal Gracia.

«Apparently a corruption of some form of the Latin sustineo and gracia, in which case it would probably mean “sustaining grace,” or in other words, the maize plant which is our sustenance.» — Roys propone leer Sustinal Gracia como gracia sustentadora, es decir, la planta de maíz que nos sustenta.

«Here was the first heaven where God the Father was set up, grasping in his hand his stone, grasping his cangel, grasping his wheel’ on which are hung the four angels of the winds.» — El texto pone a Dios Padre en el primer cielo empuñando su piedra, su cangel y su rueda, de la que cuelgan los cuatro ángeles de los vientos.

«He set up the planets, Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Venus, which he said were held in the grasp of the god in heaven when he created them. This was the name of the heaven, cristalino.» — El texto adjudica al Dios cristiano el haber puesto los planetas Saturno, Júpiter, Marte y Venus, y nombra al cielo cristalino.

«Maya, cangeles ik. The reference is evidently to the so-called “angels,” one of whom was set on the back of the image of the Red Bacab in the ceremony pertaining to the year ascribed to the east. This “angel” was a sign of good rains and favorable crops. Easterly winds have always been favorably regarded by the Maya, and the translator believes that this cangel (Landa’s “angel” and Beltran’s “dragon’’) was a wind-spirit. It probably looked more like a dragon than an angel.» — Roys sostiene que el *cangel* —el ángel de Landa y el dragón de Beltrán— era un espíritu del viento y no un ángel.

«This passage confirms Baeza’s account of the misa milpera (quoted in Brinton 1890, p. 166), in which it is stated that the four Pauahtuns are identical with the winds and the four cardinal points from which they blow.» — Roys coteja el pasaje con la misa milpera que recoge Baeza, donde los cuatro Pauahtunes son idénticos a los vientos y a los rumbos de donde soplan. El impreso pega la llamada de nota a la inicial, *4This*, y el tramo se releyó en el crudo.

«We find in the Books of Chilam Balam of Ixil and Kaua a diagram on which the earth is enclosed within eleven spheres labeled Luna, Mercurio, Venus, Sol, Marte, Jupiter, Saturno, Firmamento (containing the fixed stars), Christalino, Primer Mobil and Cielo Empireo. It is, of course, the popular idea of Ptolmaic astronomy in vogue at the time, and was not unlike the native conception of thirteen heavens, of which the earth itself counted as the first.» — Roys identifica el esquema de las once esferas de los libros de Ixil y Kaua como la astronomía ptolemaica en boga entonces, y la halla no lejana de la concepción nativa de trece cielos.

«Then the world was created by God the ruler in the seventh katun, created in the darkness named Espiritu. St. Edendeus <and> St. Eluceo were the saints who witnessed the birth of him who was hidden within the stone,* hidden within the night.» — El texto fecha la creación del mundo en el séptimo katun, en la oscuridad llamada Espíritu, con dos santos por testigos del nacimiento del oculto dentro de la piedra.

«Little, if any, of this hocus-pocus is Maya, and it is the conjecture of the translator that its source was some itinerant Spanish fortune-teller or astrologer. Cf. Aguilar 1900, p. 80. The repetition of the word gracia suggests an incantation to make the corn row.» — Roys conjetura el origen de la retahíla del capítulo XI en algún adivino o astrólogo español ambulante, y lee la repetición de *gracia* como conjuro para el maíz.

«Then resounded eight thousand katuns at the word of the first stone of grace, the first ornamented’ stone of grace. It was the macaw that warmed it well behind the acantun.» — El texto hace resonar ocho mil katunes a la palabra de la primera piedra de la gracia, con la guacamaya calentándola detrás del acantún.

«How was the grain of maize born? How, indeed, father? Thou knowest. The tender green <shoot> was born in heaven.» — El texto pregunta por el nacimiento del grano de maíz y responde que el brote tierno nació en el cielo.

«The face of the sun shall be turned from its course, it shall be turned face down during the reign of the perishable men, the perishable rulers. Five days the sun is eclipsed, and then shall be seen the torch of <Katun> 13 Ahau, a sign given by God that death shall come to the rulers» — La profecía del katun 13 Ahau: el sol vuelto de su curso y boca abajo, cinco días eclipsado, y luego la antorcha del katun como señal de Dios de la muerte de los señores.

«The descendants <of the former rulers> are dishonored and brought to misery; we are christianized, while they treat us like animals.» — El texto dice la humillación en primera persona: deshonrados los descendientes de los antiguos señores, cristianizados y tratados como animales; el tramo corta *dishonored* en el renglón.

«Here as elsewhere Don Juan de Montejo is confused with his father, Don Francisco, the Spanish conqueror. The door of the old Montejo mansion in Merida faces north, not east, and it is the belief of the translator that this reference is not to the actual house of Montejo, but to the compartment, or so-called “‘house,” of the katun-wheel in which is pictured Katun 11 Ahau, the first katun of the Spanish Conquest in which Montejo ruled the country. The katun-wheel on page 132 of the Chumayel ascribes Katun 11 Ahau to the east.» — Roys objeta la lectura literal de la casa de Montejo: la puerta de la mansión de Mérida mira al norte, y él cree que el texto habla de la casa de la rueda de los katunes donde se pinta el 11 Ahau.

«Joshua was his second name. In his third person, his name for the third time was Mesister in Latin, Dei in the vernacular. Messiah was the name of God before the heavens and the earth were created. Messiah the Christ, was his name.» — La serie de nombres de Dios del capítulo XI: Josué el segundo, Mesister en latín y Dei en romance el tercero, y Mesías antes de que hubiera cielo ni tierra.

«The Red Pauahtun was Utcorusis. The White Pauahtun Corocalbo. The Black Pauahtun Corusi-provento. The Yellow Pauahtun Moses.» — El texto adjudica a cada Pauahtun un nombre latino o español corrupto y al amarillo lo llama Moisés; el escaneo entrevera las columnas del cuadro y parte *Utcorusis* en el renglón.

«This picture is probably taken bodily from some Spanish almanac.» — Roys adjudica la figura de la Muerte que reina sobre todo a un almanaque español copiado tal cual.

«Damascus was the name of the plain where our first father, Adam, was created by God. This was his name, his first name was Adam, after his soul entered <into him>, after Paradise was set up. After Adam had then been created, then was created our first mother, Eve, the first woman, the mother of the whole world.» — Abre el capítulo XII, el canto de los itzáes, con la creación de Adán en el llano de Damasco y la de Eva, madre del mundo entero.

«Kay (song) is written in the margin in what appears to be the hand of the compiler. From this point on, we find a genuine old Maya song almost unaffected by post-Conquest influences.» — Roys señala la palabra *kay*, canto, escrita al margen por el compilador, y declara que de ahí en adelante viene un canto maya antiguo casi sin influencia posterior a la conquista; el tramo corta *compiler* en el renglón.

«Noone. A tender boy’ was I at Chichen, when the evil man, the master of the army, came to seize the land.» — El canto de los itzáes habla en primera persona: era yo un muchacho tierno en Chichén cuando el hombre malo, el amo del ejército, vino a tomar la tierra.

«We have seen idolators referred to as “heretics” on page 79. Here we have a reference to an old legend related to the first Spanish settlers, probably by Gaspar Antonio. “Tt is told that the first inhabitants of Chichen Itz4 were not idolators until Kukulcan, a Mexican captain, entered these provinces. He taught idolatry, as they say it was he who taught them.” Relaciones de Yucatan, I, p. 270. This would be in the Tenth Century A.D. Cf. prophecy on p. 161. The story is hardly to be taken literally and probably refers to a change in the religion of Yucatan and the introduction of the Quetzalcoatl cult.» — Roys rastrea el estribillo del canto hasta la leyenda que los primeros pobladores de Chichén Itzá no eran idólatras hasta la entrada de Kukulcán, y lee el relato como memoria de un cambio de religión más que al pie de la letra.

«Is there perhaps anyone who by chance has awakened? Force was brought to bear for the second time.° Woe! For the third time was established the religious festival’ of our enemies," our enemies.» — El canto pregunta si alguien ha despertado y cuenta las veces: la segunda vez la fuerza, la tercera la fiesta religiosa de los enemigos.

«Who am I said to be among men?" I ama leafy covering.” Eya! Who am I among the people of Putun?'® You do not understand me.» — El cantor se pregunta quién es entre los hombres y entre la gente de Putún, y declara que no lo entienden.

«This is all of the song, the completion of the message of the Lord God.» — Cierra el canto de los itzáes declarándose mensaje completo del Señor Dios.

«Except, perhaps, for some of the prophecies which may have been sung, we have here a unique example of the old songs of the Maya. It was probably little understood in the Eighteenth Century when the Chumayel was compiled. The repeated refrain, Antan hereyao, here translated as “heresy was favored,” is likely to be the distortion of some old Toltec chant.» — Roys declara el valor del capítulo XII: ejemplo único de los cantos viejos de los mayas, probablemente ya poco entendido en el siglo XVIII cuando se compiló el Chumayel.

«Thus it was recorded <by> the first sage, Melchise<dek>,° the first prophet, Napuc Tun,’ the priest, the first priest. This is a song of how the uinal came to be created before the creation of the world.» — El capítulo XIII adjudica el registro de la creación del uinal a Melchisedec, el primer sabio, y a Napuc Tun, el primer profeta y primer sacerdote; el tramo corta el nombre como lo trae el impreso.

«Written Merchise in the Maya text. The presence of an r indicates a European word or name, but it does not follow that it was an r in Spanish. R and 1 sounded alike to the Maya ear, and in native documents we find the name Melchor written Merchor. We have already seen Bible names piously interpolated in native legends. The last syllable is here supplied by the translator.» — Roys declara su propia restitución del nombre: el texto maya escribe *Merchise* y la última sílaba la suple él.

«The uinal was created, the day, as it was called, was created, heaven and earth were created, the stairway’ of water, the earth, rocks and trees ; the things of the sea and the things of the land were created.» — El texto enlaza la creación del uinal con la del día, del cielo y de la tierra, la escalera de agua, las rocas, los árboles y las cosas del mar y de la tierra.

«On 6 Cib the first candle* was made; it became light when there was neither sun nor moon. On 7 Caban honey* was first created, when we had none.» — La serie de los días creadores: en 6 Cib la primera vela, luz cuando no había sol ni luna, y en 7 Caban la miel, que antes no se tenía.

«On 12 Ik the breath of life’ was created. The reason it was called Ik was because there was no death in it. On 13 Akbal he took water and watered the ground.» — La serie sigue: en 12 Ik el aliento de vida, llamado así porque en él no había muerte, y en 13 Akbal el agua con que se amasó el barro.

«On 1 Kan he first created anger because of the evil he had created. On 2 Chicchan occurred the discovery of whatever evil he saw within the town.» — En 1 Kan crea la ira por el mal que había creado, y en 2 Chicchan el descubrimiento del mal dentro del pueblo.

«On 3 Cimi he invented death; it happened that our Lord God invented the first death.» — En 3 Cimi inventa la muerte: el texto adjudica al Señor Dios la invención de la primera muerte.

«Then occurred the invention of the word of our Lord God, when there was no word in heaven, when there were neither rocks nor trees.» — El texto pone la invención de la palabra de Dios cuando no había palabra en el cielo ni rocas ni árboles.

«The uinal was created, the earth was created; sky, earth, trees and rocks were set in order; all things were created by our Lord God, the Father./ Thus he was there in his divinity, in the clouds, alone and by his own effort, when he created the entire world, when he moved in the heavens in his divinity.» — El capítulo XIII cierra atribuyendo la creación entera al Señor Dios Padre, solo y por su propio esfuerzo entre las nubes.

«Among the modern Jacalteca Indians it is still believed that the days were once men who lived on the earth. They were rulers who protected the village or divided the land» — Roys añade la creencia jacalteca moderna de que los días fueron hombres que vivieron en la tierra, gobernantes que protegían el pueblo o repartían la tierra.

«This is the name of the year when the foreigners arrived, the year One thousand five hundred and nineteen. This was the year when the foreigners arrived here at our town, <the town> of us, the Itzd, here in the land of Yucalpeten,” Yucatan, in the speech of the Maya Itza.» — El capítulo XIV fecha en 1519 la llegada de los extranjeros a la tierra de Yucalpetén.

«Yucalpeten is an attempt to turn into Maya the name Yucatan given by the Spaniards. The origin of the latter has been variously explained. The most plausible account is that of Ah Naum Pech, a contemporary of the Conquest. He states: ‘The Christian captains asked them in the Spanish language where they lived. They did not comprehend and merely replied, ‘We do not understand what you say.’ This they said, and <the Spaniards> called it Yucatan. It was the Land of the Turkey, the Land of the Deer”» — Roys recoge de Ah Naum Pech la explicación del nombre Yucatán como malentendido de los españoles, y anota que Yucalpetén es el intento maya de volverlo suyo.

«This was the reason they named him Don Lorenso Chable, because he gave well-roasted meat to the foreigners and all the captains.» — El texto explica el nombre de Don Lorenso Chable por la carne bien asada que dio a los extranjeros y a los capitanes.

«In the year 1648 yellow fever’ occurred and the sickness’ began <to afflict> us./ There was death by famine for five years, 1650, 1651, 1652, 1653 and 1654. Then the famine ended.» — La crónica del capítulo XIV enhebra las calamidades: fiebre amarilla en 1648 y cinco años de hambre de 1650 a 1654; el tramo corta *sickness* en el cambio de plana.

«This was the famous epidemic recorded in the French colony of Guadeloupe in this year. It broke out in Campeche in June and lasted for the next two years. Molina Solis 1910, p. 168. The Maya cimil can be translated as either sickness or death.» — Roys identifica la epidemia de 1648 con la registrada en Guadalupe, que estalló en Campeche en junio y duró dos años, y advierte que el maya *cimil* vale por enfermedad y por muerte.

«Chilam Balam lay stretched out in a trance in his room, while he received a revelation which seems to have descended from the roof of the house, and which only he understood. Finally all the others threw themselves on their faces, and Chilam Balam is said to have delivered the prophecy contained in this chapter.» — Roys describe, desde las versiones de Maní y Tizimín, cómo se daba la profecía: Chilam Balam tendido en trance recibía la revelación que solo él entendía, y los demás se echaban de bruces.

«In this prophecy we find inserted bodily the story of a certain Antonio Martinez, an adventurer who proobably lived long after the Spanish Conquest. His name does not appear in any of the Spanish histories of Yucatan.» — Roys señala el injerto del capítulo XV: la historia de Antonio Martínez, aventurero cuyo nombre no aparece en ninguna historia española de Yucatán.

«<Like> a jaguar is his head, long is his tooth,* withered’ is his body, <like> a dog» — La profecía de Chilam Balam retrata al que viene: cabeza de jaguar, diente largo, cuerpo marchito; el tramo se corta antes de la llamada de nota.

«The various Maya compilers of the Books of Chilam Balam appear to have been uncertain about this passage. The Chumayel text reads 9uoul which means withered or shriveled; the Mani version gives thul which could be translated: “like a rabbit;” while the Tizimin variant is tzwtzwi which means dove.» — Roys consigna sin arbitrar las tres lecturas divergentes del mismo pasaje: el Chumayel dice marchito, Maní dice como un conejo y Tizimín dice paloma.

«Who has passed here? Here are footprints. Measure it off with your foot.” So spoke the mistress of the world.» — El relato de la creación del uinal empieza con las huellas en el camino y la orden de medirlas con el pie, dicha por la señora del mundo.

«Throughout this passage everything that occurred is told in language which is a play of words on the name of the day. The day-name Oc is a homonym for the word meaning foot. Ix has a slight resemblance to the root of nixpahal meaning to tilt. Men means to make or to do something. The syllable eo of Eonab means to set something firmly on the ground. Nevertheless the Maya were not unaware of the relation between this day and the flint knife pictured by its glyph, for in another manuscript we find it associated with a flint, as well as-with the blood-letter and the warrior, both of whom employed this implement (Kaua, p. 21). The association of the day Ahau with hell (metnal) may be because of its resemblance to that of Cumhau (or Hun Ahau,) one of the names of the god of the underworld and whom the author of the Motul Dictionary identifies as “Lucifer, the prince of the devils.” Akbal is associated with the verb akzah, which means to water the ground. Chicchan resembles chictahal which means to find. The day-name Cimi and the Maya word meaning death are homonyms. Muluc resembles the verb mucchahal meaning to be buried or submerged.» — Roys da la clave del capítulo XIII: cada suceso está dicho con un juego de palabras sobre el nombre del día, y desglosa Oc, Ix, Men, Eonab, Ahau, Akbal, Chicchan, Cimi y Muluc. Nota larga releída entera en el crudo y citada con la guarda anticosido desactivada.

«Give yourselves up, my younger brothers, my older brothers, submit’ to the unhappy destiny of the katun which is to come. If you do not submit, you shall be moved from where your feet are rooted.” If you do not submit, you shall gnaw the trunks of trees and herbs.» — La profecía de Chilam Balam manda someterse al destino del katun que viene, y enumera lo que espera a quien no se someta: ser arrancado de donde tiene los pies y roer troncos y hierbas.

«The missionaries caused much suffering by forcibly moving country people from their homes and collecting them in towns to facilitate their conversion to Christianity» — Roys ata la amenaza del texto a un hecho: los misioneros movían por la fuerza a la gente del campo para juntarla en pueblos y convertirla.

«Many people fled to the forests to escape from the missionaries and Spanish officials» — Roys añade el reverso de esa medida: mucha gente huyó a los montes para escapar de misioneros y oficiales españoles.

«There is no reason or necessity for you to submit’ to the Archbishop. When he comes, you shall go and hide yourselves in the forest. If you surrender yourselves, you shall follow Christ, when he shall come.» — La profecía niega obligación ante el Arzobispo y manda esconderse en el monte cuando venga.

«After only fourteen years" of chieftainship, permanently the Son’ shall arrive, Don Antonio Martinez* and Saul. These were his names when he de» — La profecía injerta la llegada del Hijo, Don Antonio Martínez y Saúl, con los nombres con que salió del cielo; el tramo corta *departed* en el renglón.

«The Spanish historians do not mention this personage. There is an allusion in the prophecy for Katun 1 Ahau (p. 158), which might place him some time during the fifth and sixth decades of the Seventeenth Century. His other name, Saul, is given as Xaul in the Tizimin and Mani versions.» — Roys consigna la ausencia documental de Antonio Martínez en las historias españolas y fecha su posible época por una alusión de la profecía del katun 1 Ahau.

«Then I brought out the book of seven generations to read.» — El relato de Antonio Martínez cierra con el libro de las siete generaciones sacado para leer.

«Here the Tizimin and Mani versions read: “Then he brought out the book of seven generations for the priests to read.” Martinez suggests it was a book of seven folios.» — Roys consigna la variante de Maní y Tizimín, donde el libro se saca para que lo lean los sacerdotes, y la conjetura de Martínez Hernández de que eran siete folios.

«Five years shall run until the end of my prophecy, and then shall come the time for the tribute to come down. Then there shall be an end to the paying for the wars which our fathers raised <against the Spaniards>.» — La profecía se pone plazo a sí misma: cinco años hasta su término, y entonces baja el tributo y acaba el pago de las guerras de los padres.

«You shall not call the katun which is to come a hostile one, when/ Jesus Christ, the guardian of our souls, shall come. Just as <we are saved> here on earth, so shall he bear our souls to his holy heaven also. You are sons of the true God. Amen.» — El capítulo XV cierra mandando no llamar hostil al katun que viene, porque en él vendrá Cristo, guardián de las almas.

«Mani is the base of the land. Campeche is the tip of the wing of the land. Calkini is the base of the wing of the land. Itzmal is the middle of the wing of the land. Zaci is the tip of the wing of the land. Conkal is the head of the land.» — El mapa figurado del país: Maní la base, Campeche la punta del ala, Calkiní la base del ala, Izamal el medio, Zací la punta y Conkal la cabeza.

«It will be seen that the country is thought of as a vast bird whose wings extend from Campeche to Valladolid» — Roys lee la figura: el país se piensa como un ave enorme cuyas alas van de Campeche a Valladolid.

«What day did the Virgin conceive? Father, 4 Oc <was the day> when she conceived. What day did he come forth <from her womb>? On 3 Oc he came forth. What day did he die? On 1 Cimi he died. Then he entered the tomb on 1 Cimi. What entered his tomb? Father, a coffer of stone entered his tomb.» — El catecismo del capítulo XVI fecha la concepción, el nacimiento y la muerte de Cristo por días del calendario maya.

«Here the text reverts to pure Maya symbolism. The details of the crucifixion of Christ apparently recalled to the Maya mind some of the ceremonies connected with human sacrifice, in which the victim was probably considered the representative of the god.» — Roys lee la crucifixión narrada con días mayas como recuerdo de las ceremonias del sacrificio humano, donde la víctima representaba al dios.

«The balance of this chapter consists of a series of questions much resembling the series entitled The Interrogation of the Chiefs in Chapter IX. Here, however, no explanation is given as to the purpose of the catechism.» — Roys emparenta el catecismo del capítulo XVI con la interrogación de los jefes del capítulo IX y declara la diferencia: aquí no se dice para qué sirve.

«Son, where is the cenote?' All are drenched <with> its water.° There 1s no gravel on its bottom; a bow is inserted over its entrance.‘ <It is> the church.» — Uno de los acertijos del capítulo XVI: el cenote sin grava en el fondo y con un arco sobre la entrada resulta ser la iglesia.

«Son, have you seen the green water-holes in the rock? There are two of them ; a cross is raised between them. They are a man’s eyes.» — Otro acertijo: las dos pozas verdes en la roca con una cruz alzada entre ellas son los ojos de un hombre.

«Son, where is the food’’ which bursts forth, and the fold of the brain <and> the lower end of that which is inflated,’ and the dried fruit? It is the gizzard of a turkey.» — Otro acertijo del capítulo XVI: la comida que revienta, el pliegue del seso y el cabo de lo inflado son la molleja de un guajolote.

«Son, bring me here that which stops the hole in the sky and the dew, the nine layers of the whole earth.” It is a very large maize tortilla.» — El acertijo de lo que tapa el agujero del cielo y las nueve capas de la tierra: una tortilla de maíz muy grande.

«Like the Mexicans, the Maya appear to have conceived that the world consisted of nine layers. The uppermost was the surface of the earth, and the other eight were the underworlds; in the lowermost reigned the god of the under regions variously called Cumhau and Xibalba in Maya (Motul Dictionary) and Mictlantecuhtli in Nahuatl» — Roys describe la cosmología de nueve capas: la superior es la superficie de la tierra y las otras ocho son los inframundos, con su dios al fondo.

«This mutual confession was an ancient Maya custom and was usually practised in time of sickness when death was immi» — Roys fecha por el léxico el acertijo de la confesión mutua: la palabra para pecado ya era anticuada en el siglo XVI, y la práctica se usaba sobre todo ante la muerte cercana; el tramo corta *ancient* y *imminent* en los renglones.

«Then the rulers of the towns shall be asked for their proofs and titles of ownership, if they know of them.» — La profecía anuncia el examen de títulos y pruebas de propiedad a los señores de los pueblos.

«among the rocks and live like men; then towns shall be established <again>. There shall be no fox to bite them.» — La profecía sigue en la plana siguiente: saldrán del monte y de entre las peñas a vivir como hombres y se volverán a asentar los pueblos.

«13 Eonab <was the day> when the land was established.‘ 13 Cheneb*® was when they measured off by paces the cathedral,* the dark house of instruc» — El capítulo XVI abre midiendo a pasos la catedral, casa oscura de instrucción; el tramo se corta en el cambio de plana y la palabra sigue como *instruction*.

«Son, have you seen the rain of God? It passed beneath the mountains of God; it entered beneath the mountains of God, where there is a cross on the savannah.* There will be a ring in the sky where the water of God has passed.» — Acertijo del capítulo XVI: la lluvia de Dios que pasa bajo los montes de Dios y deja un anillo en el cielo.

«Son, what did you do with your companions who were coming close behind you? Here are my companions. I have not left them. I await the judgment of God when I shall come to die. This is a man’s shadow.» — Acertijo resuelto: los compañeros que vienen detrás y no lo dejan son la sombra del hombre.

«Son, where did you see the old women carrying their step-children and their other boys. Father, here they are. They are still with me so that I can eat. Ican not leave them yet. It is my thumb and the other fingers.» — Otro acertijo del mismo corte: las viejas que cargan a sus hijastros son el pulgar y los demás dedos.

«We can not but suspect that by the “mountain of God” the usual landmark consisting of a heap of stones surmounted by a cross is meant.» — Roys propone leer el monte de Dios como el mojón usual de piedras amontonadas con una cruz encima.

«Also <bring> the first sorcerers, there are four" of them. They are the gopher, the Spotted Agouti, the Mexican Agouti and the peccary.» — Acertijo del capítulo XVI: los primeros hechiceros resultan ser la tuza, el agutí pinto, la paca y el pecarí.

«The text gives this number as two.» — Roys declara su intervención: el texto dice dos y él traduce cuatro, y lo dice en la nota en vez de corregir en silencio.

«Son, go and bring me here <the girl> with the watery teeth.” Her hair is twisted into a tuft; she is a very beautiful maiden. Fragrant shall be her odor when I remove her skirt and her <other> garment. It will give me pleasure to see her. Fragrant is her odor and her hair is twisted into a tuft. It is an ear of green corn cooked in a pit.» — El acertijo de la muchacha hermosa de dientes de agua y cabello en moño: una mazorca de elote cocida en horno de tierra.

«Son, then go and get a cluster! of Plumeria flowers widely separated. <They should be> there where the sun is tomorrow. <What is meant is> roasted corn and honey.» — Otro acertijo: el racimo de flores de Plumeria separadas resulta ser maíz tostado con miel.

«Strung end to end are the precious stones, the red precious stones, representing the substance of heaven, the moisture of heaven.» — Abre el capítulo XVII, un conjuro: las piedras preciosas rojas ensartadas de punta a punta representan la sustancia y el rocío del cielo.

«How did I create your sun? <How did I> create your moon? How did I create your precious stones? I created you.» — El conjuro habla en primera persona de creador: cómo creé tu sol, tu luna, tus piedras preciosas, y te creé a ti.

«This very difficult passage differs in vocabulary and style from the rest of the MS. The spaces left in the text indicate that the Eighteenth Century compiler copied it from a defective original. Its unique style resembles that of Gates’ Ritual of the Bacabs, which was probably written in eastern Yucatan, judging from a comparison of the latter with the Titulos de Ebtun. The translator is familiar only with a few extracts from the Ritual of the Bacabs, but it is possible that the above passage has been copied from that manuscript. Cf. Tozzer 1921, p. 196. We suggest that this is an invocation to the growing corn.» — Roys declara el muro del capítulo XVII: vocabulario y estilo ajenos al resto del manuscrito, los huecos del texto indican un original defectuoso, y conjetura que es una invocación al maíz que crece.

«Among the various katun wheels, this one is unique in that the beginning of each prophecy is set down opposite the number of the katun to which it corresponds, 7.e. the day with its number on which the katun ends. Here the cross is set above Katun 13 Ahau, but in Landa’s wheel the cross is over Katun 11 Ahau, which is usually considered to be the first of the series, and indeed it begins with the day 1 Imix. It should be noted that on this wheel, although the succession of katuns is as usual to the right, the sequence of the directions, or world-quarters, East, North, West and South, is to the left.» — Roys señala lo propio de esta rueda de los katunes: cada profecía empieza frente al número del katun que le toca, y la sucesión de los rumbos va a la izquierda mientras la de los katunes va a la derecha.

«The katun is established at Uuc-yab-nal in Katun 4 Ahau. At the mouth of the well, Uuc-yab-nal,’ it is established .. . It shall dawn in the south.’ The face of <the lord of the katun> is covered; his face is dead. There is mourning for water; there is mourning for bread.? His mat and his throne shall face the west.” Blood-vomit is the charge <of the katun>.“ At that time his loin-cloth and his mantle shall be white.” Unattainable shall be the bread of the katun. The quetzal shall come; the green bird shall come. The kaw tree shall come; the bird shall come."® The tapir shall come. The tribute shall be hidden at the mouth of the well.» — La profecía del katun 4 Ahau: rostro cubierto y muerto del señor del katun, duelo por el agua y por el pan, vómito de sangre por carga, y el tributo escondido en la boca del pozo.

«Evidently a reference to the epidemic mentioned on p. 142 as occurring in the fifth tun of the Katun 4 Ahau last preceding the Spanish Conquest. This tun would fall between 1480 and 1485. This was probably the pestilence said by Landa to be characterized by a fever followed by the body swelling and being filled with worms. The blood-vomit and fever strongly suggest yellow fever, and the last symptom could refer to secondary infections such as abscesses and suppurations in which flies had laid their eggs.» — Roys identifica el vómito de sangre con una epidemia del quinto tun del katun 4 Ahau anterior a la conquista, y describe los síntomas que da Landa.

«It should be noted, however, that the medical historians do not believe that yellow fever occurred in America prior to the Spanish conquest.» — Roys pone el límite a su propia conjetura: los historiadores de la medicina no creen que la fiebre amarilla existiera en América antes de la conquista.

«Serapio Zumarraga, an aged Indian of Mani, knows the latter term (ox-multun-tzek) and explains it as three burial mounds for the Spaniards, mestizos and Indians. In ancient times the corresponding classes of society were nobles, commoners and slaves.» — Roys registra la explicación viva del símbolo: un anciano de Maní le da los tres montones de calaveras como tres montículos funerarios para españoles, mestizos e indios, donde antes iban nobles, plebeyos y esclavos.

«The Katun is established at Kinchil Coba,° Maya Cuzamil,° in Katun 13 Ahau. Itzamna, Itzam-tzab,’ is his face during its reign. The ramon shall be eaten. Three years shall be locust years, ten generations <of locusts>. The fan shall be displayed; the bouquet shall be displayed,* borne by Yaxaal Chacin the heavens. Unattainable is the bread of the katun in 13 Ahau. The sun shall be / eclipsed. Double is the charge of the katun: men without offspring, chiefs without successors.’ For five days the sun shall be eclipsed, then it shall be seen <again>.” This is the charge of Katun 13 Ahau.» — La profecía del katun 13 Ahau: Itzamná por rostro, tres años de langosta, el sol eclipsado cinco días, hombres sin descendencia y jefes sin sucesores.

«A record of the count of the katuns since the discovery of Chichen Itza occurred. It is written for the town in order that it may be known by anyone who wishes to be informed of the count of the katuns.» — El capítulo XIX, la primera crónica, declara para qué se escribe: para el pueblo, para que la sepa quien quiera informarse de la cuenta de los katunes.

«The most likely conclusion to be drawn from these circumstances is that for the long period before the fall of Mayapan our chronicles are compilations or reconstructions made by early Seventeenth Century Maya writers from the historical allusions contained in the katun-prophecies and the old folk-songs, supplemented no doubt by a certain amount of oral tradition.» — Roys propone su lectura de esas crónicas: para el periodo anterior a la caída de Mayapán son reconstrucciones hechas en el siglo XVII a partir de las alusiones de las profecías de los katunes y de los cantos viejos.

«The katun is established at Maylu, Zaci, Mayapan' in Katun 2 Ahau. The katun <stone> is on its own base. The rope shall descend; the poison of the serpent shall descend, pestilence <and> three piles of skulls. The men are of little use.2 Then the burden was bound on Buluc-chabtan.*? <Then there came up> a dry wind. The ramon‘ is the bread of <Katun> 2 Ahau. It shall be half famine and half abundance. This is the charge of Katun 2 Ahau.» — La profecía del katun 2 Ahau: la soga que baja, el veneno de la serpiente, la peste y los tres montones de calaveras, el ramón por pan, mitad hambre y mitad abundancia. El tramo lleva pegadas las llamadas de nota del impreso y se releyó entero en el crudo.

«The long gaps in these chronicles, sometimes covering more than two centuries, are puzzling. Besides the so-called second Chumayel chronicle which is really a historical folk-song, there are four which have come down to us, and they are uniform in the two following particulars. All four end about the second decade of the Seventeenth Century and none of them take on the character of a genuine chronicle except for the period following the destruction of Mayapan, which occurred about the middle of the Fifteenth Century. Subsequent to that event the entries are fairly frequent, but during the thousand years prior to that date, a period which the Mani, Tizimin and first Chumayel chronicles purport to cover, the historical entries are few and far between.» — Roys señala el hueco que él mismo no resuelve: las cuatro crónicas conservadas cubren con pocas entradas los mil años anteriores a la caída de Mayapán y se vuelven densas solo después. Nota larga releída entera en el crudo y citada con la guarda anticosido desactivada.

«8 Ahau was when Chakanputun was abandoned by the Itza men. Then they came to seek homes again. For thirteen folds of katuns had they dwelt in their houses at Chakanputun. This was always’ the katun when the Itza went beneath the trees, beneath the bushes, beneath the vines, to their mis» — La primera crónica registra la salida de los itzáes de Chakanputún tras trece dobleces de katunes y su entrada bajo los árboles, los matorrales y los bejucos; el tramo corta *misfortune* en el renglón.

«8 Ahau was when the Itza men again abandoned their homes because of the treachery’ of Hunac Ceel, because of the banquet? with the people of Izamal.’ For thirteen folds of katuns they had dwelt there, when they were ha out by Hunac Ceel because of the giving of the questionnaire» — La crónica adjudica la segunda expulsión a la traición de Hunac Ceel, al convite con la gente de Izamal y a la entrega del cuestionario.

«Maya, keban-than, variously defined as treachery, treason, plot, conspiracy, to accuse falsely and to slander. Hence the Itz4 may have been driven out because of some false accusation that Hunac Ceel made concerning them.» — Roys abre el abanico de sentidos de *keban-than* y deja la posibilidad de que la expulsión viniera de una acusación falsa, sin decidir.

«8 Ahau was when there was fighting with stones at Ich-paa Mayapan because of the seizure of the fortress. They broke down the city wall because of the joint government in the city of Mayapan.» — La crónica registra la pedrea en Mayapán, la toma de la fortaleza y el derribo de la muralla por el gobierno conjunto de la ciudad.

«4 Ahau was when the pestilence occurred; it was when the vultures entered the houses’ within the fortress.” 2 Ahau was when the eruption of pustules occurred. It was smallpox.» — La crónica encadena las pestes: la peste con los zopilotes entrando en las casas y luego el brote de pústulas, que era viruela; el tramo corta *entered* en el renglón.

«9 Ahau was when Christianity began, when baptism occurred. It was in this katun that Bishop Toral arrived here also. -It was when the hangings ceased in the year of our Lord 1546.» — La crónica fecha el comienzo del cristianismo y del bautismo, la llegada del obispo Toral y el cese de los ahorcamientos.

«4 Ahau was the name of the katun when occurred the birth of Pauahs, when the rulers descended.” Thirteen katuns they reigned; thus they were named while they ruled.» — Abre el capítulo XX, la segunda crónica, con el nacimiento de los Pauah y el descenso de los señores en el katun 4 Ahau.

«The following is a chant or song rather than an actual chronicle, and the events recorded are not set in chronological order. Nevertheless it has usually been included with the Maya chronicles because its content is largely historical. It emphasizes the fact already noted, that most of the historical events recorded by the Maya occurred either in a Katun 4 Ahau or a Katun 8 Ahau.» — Roys advierte que la segunda crónica es canto y no crónica, y que sus hechos no van en orden cronológico.

«Four divisions they were, when the four divisions of the nation, as they were called, went forth. From Kincolahpeten in the east one division went forth. From Nacocob in the north one division came forth. But one division came forth from Holtun Zuyua in the west. One division came forth from Four-peaked Mountain, Nine Mountains is the name of the land.» — La segunda crónica reparte las cuatro divisiones de la nación por rumbo: Kincolahpeten al este, Nacocob al norte, Holtun Zuyua al oeste y el Monte de Cuatro Picos.

«4 Ahau was the katun when their souls cried out! Thirteen katuns they ruled in their misery!» — La segunda crónica dice la derrota en exclamación: el katun en que sus almas gritaron y trece katunes de reinado en la miseria.

«11 Ahau was the name of the katun when the Maya men ceased to be called Maya. They were called Christians; their entire province <became subject> to St. Peter and the reigning King <of Spain>.» — La segunda crónica fecha el cambio de nombre: los hombres mayas dejaron de llamarse mayas y pasaron a llamarse cristianos.

«Of the five chronicles found in the Books of Chilam Balam this is the most puzzling. Much of its material is found in the others, but the dates and sequence of events are different. Here Hunac Ceel is said to have lived prior to the destruction of Chakanputun, and the fall of Mayapan is placed in Katun 1 Ahau, three katuns prior to its well established date in Katun 8 Ahau. Nevertheless a number of events are dated within the katun with an apparent precision not found in the other chronicles.» — Roys declara la tercera crónica la más desconcertante de las cinco y consigna sus discrepancias con las otras sin armonizarlas.

«1 Ahau was when the remainder of the Itzd were driven out of Chichen. It was the third tun of <Katun> 1 Ahau when Chichen was depopulated.» — La tercera crónica fecha en el tercer tun del katun 1 Ahau la despoblación de Chichén.

«Kin-ich Kak-moo, lit. sun-eyed fiery macaw, was a sort of sun-god whose rays descended and consumed sacrifices to him. This deity, whose idol was at Izamal, was a protector against disease» — Roys describe a Kinich Kakmó como una especie de dios solar cuyos rayos bajaban a consumir los sacrificios, y protector contra la enfermedad.

«5 Ahau was when foreigners arrived to eat men./ They were called foreigners without skirts... The land was not depopulated by them.» — La tercera crónica registra la llegada de extranjeros que comían hombres, llamados extranjeros sin faldas.

«Brinton and Martinez both consider these invaders to have been Caribs because of the cannibalism and nudity mentioned. Down to the middle of the Eighteenth Century Mosquito Indians in canoes from Rio Tinto, Honduras, were still making raids on the east coast of Yucatan. (MS. map of Yucatan by Juan de Dios Gonsalez, 1766.) It seems likely that similar incursions took place in pre-Columbian times.» — Roys consigna la adjudicación de Brinton y Martínez —que eran caribes— y la apoya en las incursiones misquitas documentadas hasta el siglo XVIII.

«This taking of the stone evidently refers to the Maya custom of setting up a monument every 7200 days to commemorate the katun that has just passed. Cf. Landa 1929, pages 94-98. Avendafio states that the thirteen katuns were ascribed to each of thirteen provinces in turn. Cf. Appendix D.» — Roys lee la toma de la piedra como la costumbre maya de levantar un monumento cada 7 200 días para conmemorar el katun cumplido.

«On this 18th day of August, 1766, occurred a hurricane. I have made a record of it in order that it may be seen how many years it will be before another one will occur.» — El escriba del Chumayel anota un huracán de 1766 y declara para qué lo registra: para que se vea cuántos años pasan hasta el siguiente.

«On this 20th day of January, 1782, there was an epidemic of inflammation here in the town of Chumayel. The swelling began at the neck and then descended. <It spread> from the little ones to the adults, until it swept the entire house, once it was introduced.» — El escriba registra la epidemia de inflamación de enero de 1782 en Chumayel: la hinchazón empezaba en el cuello y bajaba, y barría la casa entera.

«Katun 8 Ahau recurred approximately every 256 years, and for a thousand years every time a katun of this name occurred, the Itz4 were driven from their homes, no matter where they were living at the time.» — Roys enuncia la regularidad que ve en las crónicas: cada vez que volvía un katun 8 Ahau los itzáes eran echados de sus casas, viviesen donde viviesen.

«The episode referred to was the murder of the “‘rain-bringer’’ Napot Xiu, halach-uinic of Mani, by Nachi Cocom at a town called Otzmal in the latter’s territory. Following a severe drought Napot Xiu started on a pilgrimage to the Sacrificial Cenote at Chichen Itz4a to make an offering of human victims to the rain-god. Being obliged to pass through Nachi Cocom’s territory, the pilgrims stopped at Otzmal where they were entertained and subsequently murdered by the Cocom ruler.» — Roys narra el asesinato del traedor de lluvia Napot Xiu en Otzmal, camino del Cenote Sagrado, por el señor Cocom; el impreso encierra *rain-bringer* entre comillas dobles que el escaneo rinde como pares de apóstrofes.

«Here the chronology of the event is badly confused. It occurred in 1536 in a year 8 Cauac, while the year 4 Kan cited here began in 1545. We can only conclude that our Maya historian confused the time of the Otzmal murder with some similar occurrence which took place in the latter year.» — Roys declara confundida la cronología de ese asesinato en la crónica y no la enmienda en el texto: el hecho ocurrió en 1536 y el año que la crónica da empieza en 1545.

«The Maya text is not divided into sentences, and the present translation is based on a sentence arrangement which changes the meaning materially from that of Brinton’s translation, which is as follows:» — Roys declara que su traducción descansa en un arreglo de oraciones propio, porque el texto maya no va dividido en frases, y anuncia la traducción de Brinton que cita a continuación para que se comparen.

«This is the record which I have written down, I, Don Juan Josef Hoil.» — La notación firmada en que descansa la atribución del manuscrito: el propio escriba se nombra Don Juan Josef Hoil al cerrar el registro de la sequía.

«Juan Josef Hoil is considered the compiler of the Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel.» — Roys apunta al pie de esa firma la adjudicación: Juan Josef Hoil se tiene por el compilador del Libro de Chilam Balam de Chumayel.

«We have here a picture of the thirteen Lords of the Katuns. Qs 2 i The blurred faces may signify that they are blindfolded. The NS 3 < cs crowns, crosses and manner of drawing are purely European, <q > = te a but they doubtless represent the idols set up in honor of each NS e = B ~| katun. Unfortunately no pre-Conquest representation of these <q figures has come down to us.» — Roys describe la lámina de los trece Señores de los Katunes: caras borroneadas que quizá signifiquen que van con los ojos vendados, y coronas, cruces y dibujo puramente europeos que él lee como los ídolos de cada katun. El escaneo intercala dentro del texto las etiquetas verticales de la rueda —*Qs 2 i*, *NS 3 <*, *<q > = te*— y la cita las conserva.

«This is the day on which I purchased the book: J uly 1st, 1838. It cost me one peso in <my> poverty. This was the price <I paid> to the Senor Padre: <one> peso. This is the year of the purchase ... I have recorded it in order that it might be known that at this time it passed into my hands by purchase. I, Pedro de Alcantara Bricefio, resident of San Antonio.» — La nota de compra que fecha una mano del manuscrito: Pedro de Alcántara Briceño registra que compró el libro el 1 de julio de 1838 por un peso, en su pobreza.

«In Katun 18 Ahau the ship of the foreigners first appeared at Campeche. 1541 was the name of the year when they brought the news that the Maya men were to enter into Christianity, when the land of Tantun Cuzamil was established. They were there for half a year.» — La introducción histórica a las profecías fecha la primera nave extranjera en Campeche y la noticia de que los hombres mayas entrarían en el cristianismo; el escaneo imprime *18 Ahau* por *13 Ahau*.

«In the year 1537, on.a day named 9 Cauac, was when the nobles gathered at the town of Mani to discuss fully whether they should go and bring the foreigners to their settlements because the head-chief had been killed.» — La crónica registra la junta de los nobles en Maní para discutir si iban a traer a los extranjeros, porque habían matado al jefe supremo.

«It was when the foreigners arrived that the ‘“eceivers” received them.’ When they assembled at Campeche, when their ships came forth, then the nobles went to give gifts to them. There were thirteen “receivers of the foreigners.”» — El texto nombra a los que recibieron a los extranjeros y cuenta trece receptores; el tramo arranca tras el corte de renglón que parte la palabra.

«The council at Mani which discussed going to meet the Spaniards was also composed of thirteen members. Possibly they were to be the actual ambassadors. Among the Maya thirteen had a symbolic meaning.» — Roys hace notar la coincidencia numérica: trece los del consejo de Maní y trece los receptores, y recuerda el valor simbólico del trece entre los mayas; el tramo corta *composed* en el cambio de plana.

«<This is> a record of the wisdom of the book in which is set down the course of the katun. Here it is published in the land of Nitunoala, Chactemal, Tahuaymil, Holtun Itza, Chichinila,* in order that the charge of the course of the katun may be known, of each katun, whether it is good or bad.» — El libro de las profecías declara su propio oficio: dejar sabida la carga del curso de cada katun, si es buena o mala.

«Behold, within seven score years Christianity will be introduced amid the clamor of the rulers, those who violently seize land <during> the katun.» — La profecía pone plazo a la entrada del cristianismo: dentro de siete veintenas de años, entre el clamor de los que toman la tierra por la fuerza.

«The Padres shall arrive; the Bishop shall arrive, the Holy Inquisition, the word of God. <These things> shall be accomplished. No one shall cause them to cease. Amen.» — La profecía enumera lo que ha de venir: los padres, el obispo, la Santa Inquisición y la palabra de Dios, sin que nadie lo pueda detener; el tramo corta *Inquisition* en el renglón.

«Maya, uwaom che. The Spanish missionaries translated this as cross (Villagutierre 1701, p. 837). It was probably the symbolic tree of Maya mythology. According to the prophecy of Chilam Balam a bird was perched on it» — Roys objeta la traducción misionera de *uaom che* como cruz y propone el árbol simbólico de la mitología maya, con su ave encima según la profecía de Chilam Balam.

«Oh Itza! Your worship is of no avail with the true God who has descended. It is false in word and teaching. Niggard is the katun; scanty are its rains.» — La profecía desautoriza el culto antiguo ante el Dios verdadero que ha bajado y llama al katun tacaño y escaso de lluvias.

«Prepare yourselves to endure the burden of misery which is to come among your villages. This katun which has been established is/ a katun of misery, a katun of the importunity» — La profecía manda aparejarse para la carga de miseria que viene a los pueblos; el tramo se corta en el cambio de plana.

«Receive your guests, the bearded men, the bearers of the sign of God. Your elder brothers, the men of Tantun,* come. They shall ask of you an offering to God with them. Their priest was named Ah Miznilacpe. Their faces were <like> the puma, <like> Antichrist,» — La profecía manda recibir a los barbados portadores de la señal de Dios y a la vez les pone cara de puma y de Anticristo.

«You shall die; you shall live; but you may not understand the word of the living book.» — La profecía deja el límite dentro: morirás, vivirás, y con todo puede que no entiendas la palabra del libro vivo.

«They began to teach the holy faith and baptise us.” The foundations of the holy Cathedral were laid, the public house of God, the widely extended house of God» — La profecía del katun 9 Ahau registra la enseñanza de la fe, el bautizo y los cimientos de la catedral.

«These scattered hamlets were destroyed by the missionaries after the Conquest and their inhabitants forced to live together in the towns where they could more easily be christianized. The practise was criticized in the reports of the encomenderos, as it caused a serious diminution of the native population.» — Roys consigna el efecto medido de esa concentración: los encomenderos criticaron en sus informes la destrucción de los caseríos porque causó una merma seria de la población nativa.

«Here, however, the seven planets of medieval astronomy are plainly intended: Sun, Moon, Mercury, Venus, Mars, Jupiter and Saturn.» — Roys identifica los siete planetas de la profecía con los de la astronomía medieval y descarta que sea el lucero del alba.

«Then begins the lewdness of the wise men,’ the beckoning of carnal sin, the beckoning of the katun. The katun begins to Fic. 33—The lord of the katun. limp; it is all over the world. <Carnal sin> (Chumayel MS.) is its garment, carnal sin is its face, carnal sin is its... carnal sin is its sandal, carnal sin is its head, carnal sin is its gait.» — La profecía del katun 7 Ahau hace del pecado carnal la vestidura, el rostro, la sandalia, la cabeza y el andar del katun.

«Then the head-chiefs of the towns, the rulers of the towns, the prophets of the towns, the priests of the Maya men are hanged. Understanding is lost; wisdom is lost.» — La misma profecía anuncia el ahorcamiento de los jefes, señores, profetas y sacerdotes mayas, y la pérdida del entendimiento y de la sabiduría.

«These were the four lineages from heaven, the substance of heaven, the moisture of heaven,‘ the head-chiefs, ae rulers of the land: Zacaal Puc, Hooltun Balam, Hochtun Poot, Ah Mex-Cuc» — El texto nombra a los cuatro linajes venidos del cielo, sustancia y rocío del cielo, como jefes supremos y señores de la tierra; el escaneo entrevera la lista de nombres y el tramo se corta en el último.

«Red were the beards of the children of the sun, the bearded ones from» — La profecía del katun 11 Ahau describe a los que llegaron: barbas rojas, hijos del sol, los barbados; la frase sigue en la plana siguiente con *the east, when they arrived here in our land*.

«There cometh a white circle® in the sky, the fair-skinned boy from» — La profecía anuncia el círculo blanco en el cielo y al muchacho de piel clara; el tramo se corta antes del pie de figura que el escaneo intercala.

«were their names: Ah Moochan Xiu, Nahau Ez, Ah Oun Chinab, Napoot Cupul, Napot Che, Nabatun Itza, Ah-kin’ Euan from Caucel, Nachan Uc from Dibilkal? Ah-kin Ucan from Ekob, Nachi Uc, Ah-kul Koh, Nachan Motul, Nahau Coyi.» — La lista de los nobles que discutieron traer a los extranjeros, con los nombres tal cual los imprime la traducción de Roys; la misma lista aparece antes en el texto maya, donde las procedencias van en maya.

«Harsh is its face, harsh its tidings, to the ruler. There is affliction” of the offspring of woman and man, when it comes. Then begins the vexation by the devil in the world.» — La profecía del katun 5 Ahau: rostro duro y nuevas duras para el señor, aflicción de los hijos de mujer y hombre, y el diablo empezando a vejar el mundo.

«The charge, or burden, of the katun was its destiny, usually an unpleasant one.» — Roys define la carga del katun como su destino, casi siempre desagradable. El impreso pega la llamada de nota a la inicial, *1The*, y el tramo se releyó en el crudo.

«A space in the text indicates that the Maya compiler found the text he copied illegible. The space is followed by the words bot (to pay) and bat (hatchet, hail) which are not translated here.» — Roys lee el hueco del texto como señal de que el compilador maya no pudo leer su original, y deja sin traducir las dos palabras que siguen.

«The Plumeria flower is his chair, as he sits on his throne. He is publicly seen in the market-place on his mat, the two-day occupant of the throne, the two-day occupant of the mat.» — La profecía del katun 5 Ahau sienta al advenedizo sobre la flor de Plumeria y lo llama ocupante de dos días del trono y del petate.

«Behold, I am Katun 3 Ahau. My town of Ichcaanzihoo is founded. Behold, I am Caesar Augustus... . I receive my donation in the heart. of the forest» — La profecía del katun 3 Ahau habla en primera persona y se nombra César Augusto; el escaneo imprime la frase con un punto de más y el tramo se corta en el cambio de plana.

«There is a break in the text here indicating that one or more pages are missing.» — Roys marca en ese punto otra pérdida de una o más páginas del manuscrito.

«Then came Hunpic-ti-ax° as an affliction, the jaguar and Canul' for an affliction. These were the eaters of their food, the destroyers of their crops, the boboch,* the destroyer of food.» — La profecía del katun 1 Ahau nombra las plagas que vienen: Hunpic-ti-ax, el jaguar, Canul y el boboch, comedores de su comida y destructores de sus sembrados.

«After that there shall come another word, another teaching, but the Maya men shall not admit it to their hearts.» — La profecía anuncia la doctrina nueva y a la vez su rechazo: los hombres mayas no la admitirán en sus corazones.

«During the colonial period the most famous shrine in Yucatan was that of the Virgin of Izamal, where many cures were performed. Here, however, we are reminded of Zuhuy-kak, the Fire-Virgin, who was the goddess of little girls. She was said to be the deified daughter of a ruler, a member of an order of virgins or nuns who served the gods» — Roys pone al lado de la Virgen de Izamal a Zuhuy-kak, la Virgen de Fuego, diosa de las niñas y, según Lizana, hija deificada de un señor y miembro de una orden de vírgenes al servicio de los dioses.

«Maya, u cuyil cab, literally the moth in the hive. Any bee-keeper is familiar with the results of this phenomenon. A very similar phrase, yilkil cah, the moth of the town, has the figurative meaning: “a great rascal, like the moth of the town, who incites it to riot and destroys it” (Motul). It is an interesting commentary on the vicissitudes of civic life in ancient Yucatan.» — Roys glosa la figura de la polilla del pueblo como el gran bellaco que amotina y destruye, y la llama comentario interesante sobre la vida cívica del Yucatán antiguo.

«Then arrives the ruler to propound the riddle® to them. His face is that of a war-captain, of the son of God.» — La profecía del katun 1 Ahau hace llegar al señor que propone el acertijo, con cara de capitán de guerra y de hijo de Dios; el tramo corta *propound* en el renglón.

«The use of this word is of ethnological interest, as the riddle is supposed to have been absent from aboriginal culture in America, and first introduced by Europeans. Already in the Sixteenth Century Motul dictionary we find the word used here, naatal-nat, defined: “enigma, o que es cosi cosa dezirla.”» — Roys señala el alcance del dato: el acertijo se tenía por ausente de la cultura aborigen americana y por introducción europea, y el diccionario de Motul del siglo XVI ya trae la palabra.

«It is the end of receiving the money of Antichrist. Antichrist does not come; our Lord God does not desire it. The katun is not ruined’ here in our land by the natives of our land. This was the origin of Antichrist, it was avarice;? but before the coming of the mighty men* there was no robbery by violence, there was no greed and striking down one’s fellow man in his blood,» — La profecía data el origen del Anticristo en la avaricia y sostiene que antes de los hombres poderosos no había robo con violencia ni codicia.

«As a result of the five years of famine, 1650 to 1654, enormous numbers of Indians had left their towns and were scattered in the forests. In 1652 an unsuccessful attempt had been made by the Spanish authorities to bring them back to their homes, but it seems likely that during the following katun they gradually returned to their homes.» — Roys ata la profecía buena a un hecho fechado: tras el hambre de 1650 a 1654 mucha gente había huido a los montes y fue volviendo en el katun siguiente.

«There shall be neither the fox nor the kinkajou that will bite. Then penitence is sought of the town officials, <with the opening of> the golden gates and the town marriages in the official building.» — La profecía del katun 12 Ahau anuncia el fin de las mordidas de la zorra y el martucha, y las bodas de pueblo en la casa oficial.

«The hoof shall burn; the sand by the seashore shall burn; the bird’s nest shall burn." The rocks shall crack <with the heat>; drought is the charge of the katun.» — La profecía del katun 10 Ahau: arderán la pezuña, la arena de la orilla y el nido del pájaro, y la sequía es la carga del katun.

«The shield shall descend, the arrow shall descend <upon Chakanputun>* together with the rulers of the land. The heads of the foreigners to the land were cemented <into the wall>* at Chakanputun.’ There is an end of greed;» — La profecía del katun 8 Ahau: bajan el escudo y la flecha, y las cabezas de los extranjeros quedan cementadas en el muro de Chakanputún.

«This is the only mention of the episode of cementing human heads into a wall that we find anywhere. Possibly what is meant is that a tzompantli was erected, and the stakes transfixing the heads were set in a wall of masonry.» — Roys declara único ese episodio en la literatura maya y propone, sin afirmarlo, que se trate de un tzompantli con las estacas puestas en un muro de mampostería.

«Avendano saw at Tayasal a mask set in a stone column which he identified as Ah-Cocah-mut. “I came to recognize it, since I had already read about it in their old papers and had seen it in their Anahtes, which they use, which are books of the barks of trees, polished and covered with lime, in which by painted figures and characters, they have foretold their future events. By which means I knew that there was found in the said Peten Itza the said idol of Yaxchecab, that of Cocahmut, that of Ytzimna (Itzamna) Kauil, which means “horse of the devil’ (Bowditch, unpublished translation p. 67. Avendano, original MS., f. 29 r.).» — Roys apoya la serie de profecías en el testimonio de Avendaño, que reconoció en Tayasal una máscara por haber leído antes los libros de corteza de árbol donde se pronosticaban los sucesos por venir. Nota larga releída entera en el crudo y citada con la guarda anticosido desactivada.

«begin the tearing out of the eyes’ of the rogue who incites riot,° of the great rascal, of the great hawk of the town, of the fox of the town.» — La profecía anuncia el arrancamiento de ojos del alborotador, del gran bellaco, del gavilán y de la zorra del pueblo; el tramo arranca después del corte de renglón que parte *shall begin*.

«xtensive forest fires have never been reported from Yucatan, and we probably have here only an exaggerated description of extreme heat and drought.» — Roys acota la imagen del incendio: en Yucatán no se han reportado incendios forestales extensos y lee el pasaje como exageración del calor y la sequía. El escaneo corrompe la mayúscula inicial de *Extensive* en *#}x* y el ancla arranca después.

«There are kind head-chiefs, kind chiefs; kindness and joy is the law of the entire world. Poor men become rich. Abundance of bread is the word of the katun. It is a rich year;» — La profecía del katun 12 Ahau es de las pocas buenas: jefes bondadosos, ley de bondad y alegría en el mundo entero, pobres que se hacen ricos y abundancia de pan. El tramo se corta antes del pie de figura que el escaneo intercala a media frase.

«The quetzal shall come, the green bird shall come.’ Ah Kantenal® shall come. Bloodhe vomit shall come.* Kukulcan’? shall come YUIp with them for the second time. <It is> pA ZILLI the word of God. The Itza shall come.» — La profecía del katun 4 Ahau anuncia el regreso: vendrán el quetzal y el pájaro verde, Ah Kantenal, el vómito de sangre y Kukulcán con ellos por segunda vez. El escaneo intercala a media frase las letras sueltas del dibujo que acompaña la profecía —*he*, *YUIp*, *pA ZILLI*, *ie Sa fanart rsy ns*— y la extracción une *Blood-* con ese *he* y devuelve *Bloodhe*, que no existe en el impreso: la lectura propuesta es *Blood-vomit*.

«This statement is important as it enables us to date the beginning of the worship of Kukulcan at Chichen Itza which was accompanied by a number of new architectural features at that city.» — Roys declara lo que para él vale ese pasaje: permite fechar el comienzo del culto de Kukulcán en Chichén Itzá y los rasgos arquitectónicos nuevos que lo acompañan; el tramo corta *Kukulcan* en el renglón.

«the writer is inclined to doubt that the Kukulcan who came to Chichen Itza in the Tenth Century was the actual culture-hero, who is supposed to have lived about the Seventh Century. Like the Kukulcan mentioned in the Tizimin (p. 23) in connection with the Hunac Ceel episode about 1200 A.D., this was probably also a ruler who bore as a title the name of the deified hero.» — Roys pone su reserva a esa identificación: duda que el Kukulcán llegado en el siglo X fuera el héroe cultural mismo, y lo tiene por un señor que llevaba su nombre como título.

«Katun 2 Ahau is the twelfth katun. At Maya [uaz] Cuzamil' the katun is established. For half <the katun> there will be bread; for half <the katun> there will be water. <It is> the word of God. For half of it there will be a temple? for the rulers. <It is> the end of the word of God.» — La profecía del katun 2 Ahau reparte el katun por mitades: media de pan, media de agua, media con templo para los señores.

«Blood shall descend from the tree and stone. Heaven and earth shall burn. It is the word of God the Father, God the Son and God the Holy Spirit.» — La profecía del katun 13 Ahau, el juicio universal: sangre que baja del árbol y de la piedra, cielo y tierra ardiendo.

«A space is left in the text indicating that the Maya compiler was unable to read a few words in the manuscript which he was copying.» — Roys consigna otro hueco del manuscrito: el compilador maya no pudo leer unas palabras del original que copiaba.

«(Page 101 is left blank in the Chilam Balam of Chumayel. It contains a note in a modern hand stating that a page of the book is missing here. )» — Nota editorial que consigna una plana en blanco del manuscrito y la nota de mano moderna que dice que ahí falta una página del libro.

«The judgment of God for the righteous: ‘Come unto me ye blessed of my Father, inherit the eternal glory prepared by my Father for you since the beginning of the world. You have kept my commandments; you have done penance when you sinned against me. Therefore come ye to heaven.» — El capítulo XXIII, el juicio final, pone en boca de Dios el llamado a los justos, con la fórmula evangélica del Padre y la gloria eterna.

«The following is an account of the Christian Last Judgment apparently written by a Spanish missionary. The text seems to adhere too closely to the rules laid down by the Spanish writers on Maya grammar for it to have been written by an Indian. Nevertheless it is written in excellent Maya and probably dates from the Seventeenth Cen» — Roys adjudica el capítulo XXIII a la pluma de un misionero español por lo apegado que va a las reglas de las gramáticas mayas, y a la vez lo llama maya excelente del siglo XVII; los tramos cortan *Spanish* y *Century* en los renglones.

«There are three men, the true servants of God, well beloved of God. Elias, and Methuselah and Enoch are their names; they are living to this day.» — El texto nombra a los tres siervos vivos de Dios: Elías, Matusalén y Enoc.

«The sheep shall be set apart; they shall be on his right hand. The goats shall be set apart; they shall be on his left hand.» — El juicio reparte al modo evangélico: las ovejas a la derecha y los cabritos a la izquierda.

«Then a great cloud shall gather, black in the sky,’/down to the face of the earth. Like a trumpet is the joyful song of the Angels. It is beautiful beyond comparison. The true God shall arise, the Lord of heaven and earth.» — Cierra el juicio final con la nube negra que baja hasta la cara de la tierra y el canto de los ángeles como trompeta.

«Those who recorded it were the five priests, the holy priests who came into the presence of God. They recorded the charge of misfortune when the introduction of Christianity came. Here are their names written down: . Chilam Balam, the great priest. . Napuctun, the great priest. . Nahau Pech, the great priest. . Ah Kuil Chel, the great priest. . Natzin Yabun Chan, the great priest.» — El texto nombra a los cinco sacerdotes que registraron la carga de la desgracia: Chilam Balam, Napuctun, Nahau Pech, Ah Kuil Chel y Natzin Yabun Chan.

«These are fundamentally prophecies of the return of Kukulcan, or Quetzalcoatl, the Mexican culture-hero; but after the arrival of the Spaniards they were believed to be prognostics of that event and were in some instances adapted in later times to fit the facts of the actual occurrence.» — Roys sostiene que estas profecías son en el fondo del retorno de Kukulcán y que solo después de la llegada española se las tuvo por anuncio de ese suceso, adaptándolas a veces a los hechos.

«The prophecy of Ah Kuil Chel,* the priest. When the end of the katun shall come, lord, ye shall not understand when it comes. Who shall believe it at the rolling up of the mat of the katun?» — La profecía de Ah Kuil Chel pone la ignorancia como parte del anuncio: no entenderéis cuando llegue el fin del katun.

«It shall burn on earth; there shall be a circle in the sky. Kauil° shall be set up; he shall be set up in front in time to come. It shall burn on earth 3 the <very> hoof shall burn in that katun, in the time which» — La profecía de Napuctun: arderá la tierra, habrá un círculo en el cielo y Kauil será erigido; el tramo se corta antes del cambio de plana.

«The prophecy of Nahau Pech the great priest. At that time when the sun shall stand high® <in the heavens>, lord, when the ruler has had compassion, in the fourth katun* it shall come to pass, the tidings of God are truly brought.» — La profecía de Nahau Pech fecha la llegada de las nuevas de Dios en el cuarto katun, con el sol alto.

«You see your guests upon the road, oh Itza! It is the fathers of the land’ who will arrive.» — Nahau Pech nombra a los que vienen como huéspedes en el camino y padres de la tierra.

«Forsake those things which you have held sacred, oh Itzé; forget your perishable gods, your transitory gods.» — La profecía de Natzin Yabun Chan manda a los itzáes dejar lo que tuvieron por sagrado y olvidar sus dioses perecederos.

«You shall not desire another God <than> the true God according to your <own> words. You shall take to heart the word of my admonition.» — Natzin Yabun Chan cierra su profecía mandando no desear otro Dios que el verdadero.

«Hunabku: the only living and true god, and he was the greatest of the gods of the people of Yucatan. He had no form because they said that he could not be represented as he was incorporeal.”» — Roys cita la definición del diccionario de Motul: Hunabku, el único dios vivo y verdadero, sin forma porque siendo incorpóreo no podía representarse.

«The First Tree of the World’ is restored; it is displayed to the world. This is the sign of Hunab-ku on high. Worship it, Itz4.» — La profecía de Chilam Balam declara restaurado el Primer Árbol del Mundo y lo da por señal de Hunab-ku en lo alto.

«Believe in my word itself, I am Chilam Balam, and I have interpreted the entire message of the true God <of> the world; it is heard in every part of the world,» — Chilam Balam firma su profecía en primera persona y declara haber interpretado el mensaje entero del Dios verdadero.

«Here this mythological tree is said to be restored, apparently as the Christian cross.» — Roys lee la restauración del Primer Árbol del Mundo como identificación con la cruz cristiana.

«younger brothers’ native to the land. Their hearts are submerged <in sin>. Their hearts are dead in their carnal sins. They are frequent backsliders,? the principal ones who spread <sin>, Nacxit Xuchit? in the carnal sin of his companions, the two-day rulers.» — El cierre del capítulo XXIV: los hermanos menores nativos de la tierra con el corazón sumergido y muerto en el pecado carnal, y Nacxit Xuchit entre los que lo esparcen.

«Who will be the prophet, who will be the priest who shall interpret truly the word of the book? FINIS» — La traducción cierra con la pregunta que el libro deja abierta, seguida de la palabra FINIS del manuscrito.

«In the various prophecies believed to foretell the coming of the Spaniards, the Indians are called “the younger brothers,” and the new-comers, “the elder brothers.” That these terms originally signified the first inhabitants of Yucatan and the Itz4 invaders» — Roys explica los términos de parentesco de las profecías: a los indios se los llama hermanos menores y a los recién llegados hermanos mayores, y sostiene que en origen designaban a los primeros pobladores y a los invasores itzáes.

«These are the words which were composed to admonish the fatherless ones, the motherless ones.2 These words are to be treasured as a precious jewel is treasured.» — Abre el capítulo XXIV, las profecías de una religión nueva, declarando su destinatario y su valor: palabras para los huérfanos, que han de guardarse como joya preciosa. El tramo lleva pegada una llamada de nota del impreso y se releyó entero en el crudo.

«The raised wooden standard shall come.’ It shall be displayed to the world, that the world may be enlightened, lord.» — La profecía de Chilam Balam anuncia el estandarte de madera alzado que se mostrará al mundo para que el mundo se alumbre; el ancla arranca después de la marca marginal de folio del manuscrito que el escaneo intercala.

«Few religious ideas were more widely spread among the aboriginal peoples of America than that of the sacred character of the four cardinal points. The Plains Indians of North America are said to ascribe the origin of this conception to the apparent motions of the sun to the east, north, west and south,' and the same explanation would appear to hold good for the peoples of Central America. The Maya connected the idea with a system of color symbolism: red with the east, white with the north, black with the west and yellow with the south.» — Roys abre el apéndice A declarando el reparto de colores por rumbo entre los mayas: rojo al este, blanco al norte, negro al oeste y amarillo al sur; el tramo corta *peoples* en el renglón.

«The Kan years were ascribed to the east, the Muluc years to the north, the Ix years to the west and the Cauac years to the south, as shown by the calendar wheel of the Book of Chilam Balam of Ixil.» — Roys extiende el reparto a los años portadores: los Kan al este, los Muluc al norte, los Ix al oeste y los Cauac al sur.

«From Landa we learn that ‘among the multitude of gods worshipped by these people they adored four, each of whom was called Bacab. These, they said, were four brothers whom God, when he created the world, placed at its four quarters to hold up the sky, so that it should not fall. They also state that these Bacabs were saved when the world was destroyed by a deluge.» — Roys cita a Landa sobre los cuatro Bacabs, hermanos puestos por Dios en los cuatro rumbos para sostener el cielo y salvados cuando el mundo se destruyó por diluvio.

«In the east was Chacal Bacab, literally the Red Bacab, whose name was Cantzicnal,? and Landa also ascribes to him the names Chace Pauahtun and Chac-xib-chac. In the north was Zac-cimi,? as Zacal Bacab, or the White Bacab, was named, and he is also called Zac Pauahtun and Zac-xib-chac. In the west was Hozan-ek, or Ekel Bacab, the Black Bacab, also called Ek Pauahtun and Ek-xib-chac. In the south was Hobnil, or Kanal Bacab, the Yellow Bacab, to whom Landa also gives the names, Kan Pauahtun and Kan-xib-chac.» — Roys da la lista completa de los Bacabs con sus nombres por rumbo y color según Landa.

«Connected with the worship of these Bacabs were four stones, the Red, White, Black and Yellow Acantuns, which were anointed with the blood of the worshippers.» — Roys enlaza el culto de los Bacabs con los cuatro Acantunes de color, ungidos con la sangre de los adoradores.

«In the Motul Dictionary the word bacab is defined as “representante,” possibly indicating that the Bacabs were the representatives of the gods.» — Roys apoya en el diccionario de Motul la lectura de los Bacabs como representantes de los dioses.

«It seems likely that the four Pauahtuns were not quite the same as the Bacabs. Brinton gives an account of the misa milpera, or cornfield mass, as described by Baeza in a report written in 1813.° Here it is stated that “they are identical with the winds, and the four cardinal points from which they blow,” and we find this confirmed in Chapter XI of the Chumayel which contains the Ritual of the Angels.» — Roys separa a los Pauahtunes de los Bacabs y apoya la distinción en la misa milpera de Baeza y en el ritual de los ángeles del capítulo XI.

«In the modern ceremonies the red, white and black wind-spirits are identified with St. Dominic, St. Gabriel, and St. James; only the Yellow Pauahtun has the name of a Maya deity. This is Ix-Kan-le-ox, the goddess named for the yellow ramon» — Roys registra la mezcla viva: en las ceremonias modernas los espíritus del viento rojo, blanco y negro llevan nombres de santos y solo el Pauahtun amarillo conserva nombre de deidad maya.

«Possibly they occupied the same position in the heavens that the Bacabs did on the earthly plane.» — Roys propone, sin afirmarlo, que los Pauahtunes ocuparan en el cielo el lugar que los Bacabs tenían en el plano terrestre.

«The author of the Motul Dictionary considers them to be one person and states that Chaac ‘“‘was a gigantic man who taught agriculture and whom they later considered the god of bread, water, thunder and lightning.”» — Roys consigna la divergencia sin arbitrarla: el autor del Motul tiene a los Chacs por una sola persona, mientras Landa da cuatro nombres por rumbo.

«Although they have been considered New Year’s ceremonies, in each case the Bacabs and other personages belong to the year which is ending, and not to the coming year for which they are said to be the augury.» — Roys objeta el rótulo usual de esas ceremonias: los Bacabs y los demás personajes pertenecen al año que termina y no al que empieza, del que se dicen augurio.

«Chichen Itz4 was at one time not only the greatest and most powerful city in Yucatan, but it was a sacred city as well, a center of pilgrimage to which people flocked from every part of the peninsula and from foreign countries also to make offerings of gold, incense, copper, precious stones and human victims.» — Roys abre el apéndice B declarando lo que fue Chichén Itzá: la ciudad más poderosa y a la vez ciudad sagrada, centro de peregrinación con ofrendas de oro, incienso, cobre, piedras preciosas y víctimas humanas.

«The sacred well served no utilitarian purpose; the city obtained its water from another more convenient cenote and several artificial wells.» — Roys separa el uso del culto: el pozo sagrado no tenía función utilitaria y la ciudad sacaba su agua de otro cenote y de pozos artificiales; el tramo corta *utilitarian* en el renglón.

«Besides killing people in their towns, they had two infamous sanctuaries at Chichen Itz4 and Cozumel, where they sent an infinite number of wretched people to be sacrificed. At the former they were flung headlong down a precipice, and at the latter they tore out their hearts.» — Roys cita a Landa sobre los dos santuarios de sacrificio: en Chichén Itzá se despeñaba a las víctimas y en Cozumel se les sacaba el corazón.

«Into this well it was their custom to cast living men as a Sacrifice to the Gods in times of drought; and it was their belief that they did not die, although they never saw them any more.» — Landa, citado por Roys, describe la costumbre de arrojar hombres vivos al pozo en tiempo de sequía y la creencia de que no morían aunque no se los volviera a ver.

«Landa employs the term, herramientas, which means iron or steel tools, but he must have meant merely hard metal tools in general. It would seem that he was too well informed about the Indians to believe that they ever had iron or steel.» — Roys enmienda la lectura de Landa: *herramientas* debe entenderse como herramientas de metal duro en general, no de hierro o acero.

«It was the custom of the lords and nobles of all these provinces of Valladolid to fast for sixty days without raising their eyes during this time even to look at their wives or those who brought them their food.» — El informe de Valladolid de 1579, citado por Roys, describe el ayuno de sesenta días de los señores antes de la ofrenda del cenote.

«After she recovered consciousness, she said that down below there were many of her nation, both men and women, and that they received her; but when she raised her head to look at any of them, they struck her with heavy blows on the back of the neck so that she should keep her head bowed.» — El mismo informe recoge lo que declaraba la mujer sacada del cenote: abajo había muchos de su nación que la recibían y le golpeaban la nuca si alzaba la cabeza.

«We have seen in the Chumayel,® however, that one man at least did not flee in terror from the cenote when none of the messengers to the gods returned.» — Roys contrasta el relato del informe con el del Chumayel: al menos un hombre no huyó aterrado del cenote cuando ninguno de los mensajeros volvió.

«There can be but one interpretation of this terse statement: Hunac Ceel cast himself into the cenote and returned from its depths bringing the desired prophecy.» — Roys declara su lectura del pasaje de Hunac Ceel: se arrojó él mismo al cenote y volvió de sus honduras con la profecía.

«On account of this famine the Xiu who are Lords of Mani resolved to make a solemn sacrifice to the idols, bearing certain slaves, both men and maidens, to be thrown into the well of Chichen Itza, and to reach which they have to pass by the town of the Lords Cocomes, their principal enemies, and so thinking that at such a time ancient passions would not be renewed in this land, they (the Xiu) sent to them (the Cocom) asking them to let them (the Xiu) pass through their land. And the Cocomes deceived them with a fair reply, and giving them shelter all together in one great house they set fire to it and slew those who escaped, and for this reason there were great wars.» — Landa, citado por Roys, narra la matanza de los peregrinos xiúes por los cocomes camino del cenote, origen de grandes guerras.

«The conquest of Chichen Itz4 by Hunac Ceel and his allies is without doubt one of the most interesting and puzzling episodes in Maya history. It might well be called the Trojan War of Yucatan, for tradition ascribes as its cause the theft of the wife of a powerful ruler by the chieftain of another great and famous city.» — Roys abre el apéndice C llamando al episodio de Hunac Ceel la Guerra de Troya de Yucatán, por el robo de la mujer de un señor poderoso; el tramo corta *without doubt* en el renglón.

«As in the case of its classical counterpart, the immediate cause of the trouble may have been the abduction of the wife, but the struggle doubtless originated in political jealousies of long standing and the desire of one city to obtain control of economic resources previously enjoyed by another.» — Roys acota su propio símil: el rapto pudo ser la causa inmediata, y el conflicto venía de celos políticos viejos y del deseo de controlar recursos económicos.

«It has never been satisfactorily explained just who the Itz4 were. Although their connection with the history of Yucatan began at a very early period, the native literature always refers to them as a people apart.» — Roys declara sin resolver la cuestión de quiénes eran los itzáes, y consigna que la literatura nativa los trata siempre como pueblo aparte.

«They were feared and hated, but at the same time regarded as holy men. They spoke the Maya language, but are called ah-nunob which means “those who speak our language brokenly.”» — Roys consigna la ambivalencia con que la literatura maya trata a los itzáes: temidos y odiados y a la vez tenidos por hombres santos.

«They told Father Fuensalida, a Spanish missionary who visited them in 1618, that they had come there from Chichen Itza. According to their story, in a certain Katun 8 Ahau one of their rulers at Chichen Itza stole the bride of another more powerful chieftain during the wedding festivities. Fearing the consequences of the act, the offender and his subjects abandoned their city and retired to Lake Peten.» — Roys recoge la versión que los propios itzáes dieron a Fuensalida en 1618: uno de sus señores robó la novia de otro más poderoso durante la boda y por miedo abandonaron Chichén Itzá.

«Why it was Hunac Ceel and his Mexican captains who avenged the offense by the sack of Chichen Itza, and why the Maya chronicles ascribe the trouble to the treachery of Hunac Ceel, is a problem which the writer is unable to solve.» — Roys declara sin resolver el nudo del episodio: por qué fue Hunac Ceel quien vengó la ofensa y por qué las crónicas le adjudican a él la traición.

«Unfortunately we are nowhere told who or what Hapay Can was. The translation of the name is Sucking-snake.» — Roys consigna el vacío sobre Hapay Can y solo traduce el nombre: serpiente que chupa.

«Either Hapay Can was an idol at Chichen Itza to which the people of Izamal were sacrificed, or else it was the title of an important personage, perhaps a God Impersonator, at Chichen Itz4 who was maintained in state by tribute from Izamal.» — Roys ofrece las dos lecturas posibles de Hapay Can —ídolo de Chichén al que se sacrificaba gente de Izamal, o título de un personaje mantenido con tributo de Izamal— y no arbitra entre ellas.

«We can find no confirmation for the possibility that there was a sacred serpent at Chichen Itza which was actually fed with human victims.» — Roys ficha la negativa: no halla confirmación de que en Chichén Itzá hubiera una serpiente sagrada alimentada con víctimas humanas.

«After the end of the Twelfth Century we hear nothing more of Chichen Itz4 as an important political power, but its sacred cenote continued to be a center of pilgrimage down to the time of the Spanish Conquest.» — Roys separa el poder político del prestigio sagrado: Chichén Itzá deja de contar como potencia tras el siglo XII y su cenote sigue siendo centro de peregrinación hasta la conquista.

«Foretelling the future was the profession of a special branch of the priesthood, the members of which were called chilans. The word means mouthpiece, spokesman or interpreter, and it was the chilans who delivered to the people the responses of the gods.» — Roys abre el apéndice D definiendo a los chilames: rama del sacerdocio dedicada a predecir, cuyo nombre significa boca, portavoz o intérprete, y que entregaban al pueblo las respuestas de los dioses.

«They were held in such high esteem that they were carried on men’s shoulders when they went abroad.» — Roys consigna la estima de los chilames: se los llevaba en hombros cuando salían.

«He retired to a room in his home where he lay prostrate® in a trance while the god or spirit, perched on the ridgepole of the house, spoke to the unconscious chilan below. Then the other priests assembled, probably in the reception hall of the house, and listened to the revelation with their faces bowed down to the floor.» — Roys describe el procedimiento de la profecía según el manuscrito de Tizimín: el chilam tendido en trance mientras el dios le hablaba desde el caballete de la casa y los demás sacerdotes escuchaban con la cara contra el suelo.

«Broadly speaking, Maya prophecies fall into four classes: day-prophecies, year-prophecies, katun-prophecies and special prophecies of the return of Quetzalcoatl, or Kukulcan as he was called by the Maya.» — Roys clasifica las profecías mayas en cuatro: de día, de año, de katun y las especiales del retorno de Quetzalcóatl o Kukulcán.

«Every one of the 260 days of the tzolkin, or tonalamatl, is specified as being lucky or unlucky, and many of them are followed by further prognostications telling whether the day is suitable for certain undertakings, lucky for certain professions and trades, auspicious for sowing certain crops, ete.» — Roys describe el pronóstico de los días del tzolkin: cada uno se declara bueno o malo y muchos llevan además pronósticos por oficio y por siembra.

«Although these almanacs are perhaps the most constant feature of the various Books of Chilam Balam, no series of this sort occurs in the Chumayel.» — Roys ficha la ausencia como dato: los almanaques de días son el rasgo más constante de estos libros y en el Chumayel no hay ninguna serie de esa clase.

«As in the words of the minor Hebrew prophets, a surprisingly large proportion of the predictions are unfavorable. Drought, famine, pestilence are freely foretold, to say nothing of war, political upheavals, the sacking of towns and the captivity of the inhabi» — Roys compara el tono de las profecías de año con el de los profetas menores hebreos y enumera lo que anuncian: sequía, hambre, peste, guerra, saqueo y cautiverio; el tramo corta *unfavorable* e *inhabitants* en los renglones.

«As the Maya commentator himself tells us on page 78 of the Chumayel, they are essentially historical in character.» — Roys apoya en el propio comentarista maya el carácter histórico de las profecías de los katunes; el tramo corta *Chumayel* en el cambio de plana.

«A katun of the same name recurred after approximately 256 years, consequently at the end of that time history was expected to repeat itself.» — Roys enuncia la mecánica del ciclo: el katun del mismo nombre vuelve a los 256 años y con él se esperaba que la historia se repitiera.

«offer excellent grounds for believing that this belief was so strong at times as to actually influence the course of history.» — Roys sostiene que esa creencia llegó a influir en el curso de los hechos, y apoya el juicio en los sucesos de las crónicas de Maní, Tizimín y Chumayel.

«These ages are thirteen in number; each age has its separate idol and its priest, with a separate prophecy of its events. These thirteen ages are divided into thirteen parts, which divide this kingdom of Yucathan and each age, with its idol, priest and prophecy, rules in one of these thirteen parts of this land, according as they have divided it; I do not give the names of the idols, priests or parts of the land, so as not to cause trouble, although I have made a treatise! on these old counts with all their differences and explanations, so that they may be evident to all, and the curious may learn them, for if we do not know them, I affirm that the Indians can betray us face to face.» — Avendaño, citado por Roys, describe los libros de corteza de árbol donde estaban las edades y sus profecías, y da su razón para aprenderlas: sin ese saber los indios los pueden traicionar cara a cara.

«All of them give the name of the katun, the place where it is “established” and a deity who is called “the face of the katun.”’ The last named, however, is not described as an idol, but is said to be in the sky, or heavens.» — Roys desglosa la forma fija de la profecía de katun: nombre del katun, lugar donde se establece y la deidad que es su rostro, que no se describe como ídolo sino en el cielo.

«Of the prophecies themselves, more of them are unfavorable than favorable, but we do not find the complete pessimism which prevails in the year-prophecies.» — Roys mide el tono: en las profecías de katun hay más desfavorables que favorables, sin el pesimismo completo de las de año.

«The first of these two series is evidently the older, as it takes little account of the events which occurred after the Spanish Conquest, although it does mention the actual conquest. Also its language is somewhat more symbolic than that of the other.» — Roys data las dos series de profecías de katun: la primera es la más vieja y su lenguaje es más simbólico.

«Only in an eighth prophecy, ascribed to Ah Xupan Nauat, do we find a statement obviously inspired by the event itself. Here the arrival of the white men is foretold as occurring in the eighth year of Katun 13 Ahau. If Katun 13 Ahau began in 1519, this is altogether too accurate a prediction of Montejo’s landing on the east coast of Yucatan in 1527 to be credited to a man said to have lived under Hun Uitzil Chace at Uxmal about the Eleventh Century A.D.» — Roys objeta la autenticidad de una sola de las profecías: la de Ah Xupan Nauat es demasiado exacta sobre el desembarco de Montejo para atribuirla a alguien del siglo XI.

«Chilam Balam lived at Mani during the reign of Mochan Xiu.1. In Katun 2 Ahau’ he predicted that in the Katun 13 Ahau following, bearded men would come from the east and introduce a new religion.» — Roys sitúa a Chilam Balam en Maní bajo Mochan Xiu y fecha su anuncio de los barbados del oriente y de la religión nueva.

«What Chilam Balam had in mind was the return of Quetzalcoatl and his white-robed priests, but after the Spaniards landed in Yucatan in Katun 13 Ahau according to schedule, he never ceased to be regarded as the most famous of the Maya prophets.» — Roys separa lo anunciado de lo cumplido: lo que Chilam Balam tenía en mente era el retorno de Quetzalcóatl y sus sacerdotes de blanco, y el desembarco español en el katun previsto lo consagró como el profeta más famoso.

«The latter, coming as they do from a purely native source, are of especial importance, since practically all our knowledge of the Maya religion comes from the» — Roys declara por qué le importan las referencias a ceremonias de estos textos: vienen de fuente puramente nativa; la frase se corta en el cambio de plana y sigue *accounts of the Spanish missionaries who were obviously prejudiced*.

«To anyone who knew them only through these Spanish translations, they would appear to be inspired by missionary propaganda; but an examination of the Maya text leads to a conviction» — Roys objeta la lectura de las profecías del retorno por las traducciones españolas: solo por ellas parecerían propaganda misionera, y el examen del texto maya lleva a convencerse de su carácter genuino; la frase se corta en el cambio de plana.

«Although chieftainship in Yucatan was not’ always hereditary in the strictest sense of the word, it was only considered legitimate when confined to certain families, and a proper rank was most essential.» — Roys abre el apéndice E acotando la herencia del mando en Yucatán: no era estrictamente hereditario y solo se tenía por legítimo dentro de ciertas familias.

«Maya society, broadly speaking, was divided into two classes, nobles and commoners. The former were called almehen, and the latter, mazeual. Al designates the son of a woman and mehen a man’s son. Consequently the word almehen means one who had a father and a mother, both presumably persons of distinction.» — Roys explica la división de la sociedad maya y la etimología de *almehen*: el que tuvo padre y madre, ambos de distinción.

«Oddly enough, the term parallels its Spanish equivalent, hidalgo, which is the abbreviation of hijo de algo, the son of somebody.» — Roys señala el paralelo con *hidalgo*, hijo de algo; el tramo corta *equivalent* en el renglón.

«For example, pic-sacab (literally innumerable generations) is defined in the Sixteenth Century Motul Dictionary as: ‘“‘by inheritance from one’s ancestors, by caste, by lineage, by family or from far back.”» — Roys apoya en el diccionario de Motul la permanencia de la casta: *pic-oacab* se define por herencia de los antepasados, por casta, por linaje y de tiempo atrás.

«So in spite of certain communistic aspects of Maya society, it was anything but democratic.» — Roys cierra el argumento: pese a ciertos rasgos comunitarios, la sociedad maya era todo menos democrática.

«From the time of the fall of Mayapan down to the Spanish Conquest we find two classes of chieftains in Yucatan, the halach-uinic and the batab. The former, literally the real man, was the governor, or head-chief, of a district, and the latter was the local municipal executive officer.» — Roys distingue las dos clases de jefes: el halach-uinic, gobernador de distrito, y el batab, ejecutivo municipal.

«Landa would have us believe that the office of head-chief was hereditary. “Tf when the lord died there were no sons <old enough> to rule and if he had brothers, the eldest of the brothers governed or else the one who was most at liberty <to do so>. These instructed the heir in their usages and festivals in view of the time when he should become a man; and even when the heir was <old enough> to govern, these brothers continued in command all during their lives. If there were no brothers, the priests and leading people chose a man who was capable.’’*® It is difficult to reconcile this account with what we find to have been the actual practise.» — Roys objeta a Landa sin llamarlo falso: la regla de sucesión que describe no cuadra con la práctica documentada.

«So far as we can learn, the powers of the halach-uinic appear to have been very broad. Certainly he took the lead in formulating both foreign and domestic policy, but we get the general impression that he had an advisory council composed of the more important batabs and priests.» — Roys mide el poder del halach-uinic: amplio en política exterior e interior, con un consejo asesor de batabs y sacerdotes principales.

«The towns of his territory paid him tribute in the form of grain, fowls, honey, game, cotton cloth, precious stones and sometimes even slaves.» — Roys enumera el tributo que los pueblos pagaban al jefe supremo: grano, aves, miel, caza, manta de algodón, piedras preciosas y a veces esclavos.

«We find no mention of gold in this connection, probably because gold was not produced in Yucatan.» — Roys ficha la ausencia del oro en el tributo y la explica porque en Yucatán no se producía.

«The batab’s power could hardly have been arbitrary, for he was subject to influence and probably even pressure at times from three different» — Roys acota el poder del batab: estaba sujeto a presión de tres frentes distintos; el tramo se corta antes del guion del renglón.

«Furthermore we learn that he had two or three advisers called ah-cuch-cab who could veto his decisions in the village council.» — Roys registra el contrapeso del consejo: dos o tres ah-cuch-cab podían vetar las decisiones del batab.

«New light is cast on the traditions of caste and chieftainship among the Maya by the chapter in the Chumayel which the translator has entitled “The Interrogation of the Chiefs.”” This formality took place at the beginning of each katun? and was a sort of civil service examination conducted by the halach-uinic with the object of weeding out from the ranks of legitimate chieftainship the upstarts, pretenders and those who had obtained office under false pretenses.» — Roys declara qué aporta el capítulo IX del Chumayel: la interrogación de los jefes era una especie de examen de servicio civil al comenzar cada katun, para depurar a los advenedizos.

«Nevertheless three important facts are brought out in this chapter. The first is that there was a firmly established tradition of such an examination; the second, that the proof of legitimacy was considered to be certain knowledge supposed to have been handed down from father to son in families eligible to chieftainship; the third, that this occult knowledge was known as the “language of Zuyua.”» — Roys resume los tres hechos que él extrae del capítulo IX: la tradición del examen, la prueba de legitimidad por un saber transmitido de padre a hijo, y el nombre de ese saber oculto, el lenguaje de Zuyua.

«The name Zuyua is inseparably connected with the Toltec penetration of Yucatan, which left a number of Nahuatl words in the Maya language. Many such words are those associated with ideas of political power and social stand» — Roys ata el nombre Zuyua a la penetración tolteca y a los nahuatlismos del maya ligados al poder político y a la posición social; el tramo corta *standing* en el renglón.

«The foregoing indicates that only members of those families in which certain Toltec traditions had been handed down were eligible to chieftainship.» — Roys deriva de ahí la condición del mando: solo eran elegibles las familias donde se habían transmitido ciertas tradiciones toltecas.

«It is uncertain whether such families were actually of Mexican descent, but confirmation of the long-standing Nahua affiliations of the ruling families is found in Landa’s account of the annual festival in honor of Kukulean, or Quetzalcoatl, at Mani, the capital of the Province of the Xius.» — Roys deja sin decidir si esas familias descendían de mexicanos, y apoya la filiación náhuatl de las familias dominantes en la fiesta anual de Kukulcán en Maní.

«During the last five days of the month of Xul everything was as it had been when the entire country was united under the rule of Mayapan.» — Roys describe la tregua de la fiesta de Kukulcán: en los últimos cinco días del mes Xul todo volvía a ser como cuando el país estaba unido bajo Mayapán.

«Landa tells us that when they arrived in Yucatan, their only weapon was the dart and throwing-stick,’ or atlatl, which points strongly to a Nahua origin.» — Roys apoya el origen náhuatl de los Xiú en el arma con que Landa los hace llegar, el dardo y el átlatl; el tramo corta *arrived* en el renglón.

«Kukulcan again founded another city by arrangement with the native lords of the land, in which he and they should live and where all the affairs and business should be conducted .. . and they surrounded it with a very broad wall of dry stone of about half a quarter of a league, leaving only two narrow gates. The wall was not very high. Within this they constructed their temples ... and the houses for the lords, among whom he divided the entire country, giving towns to each according to the antiquity of his lineage and his personal importance. Kukulcan ... called it Mayapan, which means the standard of the Maya» — Landa, citado por Roys, cuenta la fundación de Mayapán por Kukulcán, amurallada y con las casas de los señores, y traduce el nombre como el estandarte de los mayas.

«After the departure of Kukulcan the lords agreed in order to perpetuate the government that the house of the Cocoms should have the chief command, either because it was the oldest or richest, or because its head was at that time the most valorous man.» — Landa da la razón de la primacía cocom tras la partida de Kukulcán: por ser la casa más antigua, o la más rica, o por el valor de su cabeza.

«Descent from a Nahua culture-hero would be ascribed to a Mexican family rather than to one of Maya origin.» — Roys razona la filiación: el descender de un héroe cultural náhuatl se le adjudicaría a una familia mexicana y no a una de origen maya.

«The Chel family was descended from Mo-Chel, the noble son-in-law of one of the principal priests at Mayapan. He is said to have foreseen the destruction of the capital, and he fled with some followers to Tecoh near Izamal, where he established an independent state, taking the title of Ah Kin» — Roys traza el origen de los Chel: Mo-Chel previó la destrucción de Mayapán, huyó a Tecoh y fundó un estado independiente con el título de Ah Kin Chel.

«In the prophetic literature of the Maya we find the names of certain animals mentioned in such manner as to suggest that they stand as the symbols for something else and that the reference is not to the actual animals.» — Roys abre el apéndice F con su hipótesis de lectura: en la literatura profética los nombres de animales están por otra cosa y no por los animales mismos.

«At first sight it seems strange to find the comparatively harmless fox, kinkajou, weasel and opossum classed with the jaguar and puma. We can not but suspect that these fauna-names are referable to certain persons and that the prophecies tell of a time when the people will be freed of the presence of these unwelcome individuals.» — Roys apoya la hipótesis en la extrañeza del conjunto: la zorra, el martucha, la comadreja y el tlacuache junto al jaguar y al puma, y sospecha que nombran a ciertas personas.

«There was probably also a religious aspect to the office of halach-uinic judging by the definition of the term given by the Motul Dictionary:» — Roys señala el matiz religioso del cargo de halach-uinic por la definición del diccionario de Motul, que lo pone junto a obispo, oidor, gobernador y comisario; el tramo corta *religious* en el renglón.

«From this we infer that these animals represent certain persons in authority, and such a conclusion is amply confirmed by the following passage: “In the ninth year of Katun 6 Ahau the puma (coh) and the jaguar (balam) claw one another’s backs. The puma (coh) is a leon.’ These are the head-chiefs» — Roys apoya su lectura de los nombres de animales en un pasaje de Maní que los identifica expresamente con los halach-uinicob.

«Consequently it seems permissible to draw an analogy between the halachuinics symbolized by these animals and the tecuhtli, or so-called “lords,” of the Nahua peoples of Mexico.» — Roys propone la analogía entre los halach-uinicob simbolizados por esos animales y los tecuhtli mexicanos; el tramo corta *halach-uinics* en el renglón. El impreso parte *halach-uinics* justo en su guion léxico y la extracción por programa lo devuelve pegado; la forma con guion es la lectura propuesta y no se restituye dentro de las comillas.

«Seler has convincingly shown that the Mexican “king” delegated many of his functions to these men, and that the institution reached its highest development when the latter were set to supervising the collection of tribute and enforcing other rights which their own state had acquired over a conquered people.» — Roys resume de Seler la institución mexicana: el rey delegaba funciones en esos señores, sobre todo la recaudación de tributo sobre un pueblo conquistado.

«Seler goes on to quote from the unpublished Sahagun manuscript a list of mantles worn by persons of high rank in Mexico. A number of these are described as representing the skins of animals which we have seen mentioned in the Maya prophecies, such as the jaguar, kinkajou, puma, wild-cat and coyote.» — Roys trae de Seler la lista de mantas de rango en México con pieles de los mismos animales que nombran las profecías mayas.

«The jaguar, it is true, appears frequently in the older Maya art, indeed it goes back to some of the earliest monuments; but before the appearance of an intrusive Nahua culture in Yucatan this animal is always connected with the priesthood.» — Roys fecha el cambio de sentido del jaguar: en el arte maya viejo va siempre ligado al sacerdocio.

«Only in the Toltec temples do we begin to find it a symbol of the warrior class, as in the reliefs of the Temple of the Tigers and the platform just to the east of it at Chichen Itza.» — Roys sitúa en los templos toltecas el momento en que el jaguar pasa a símbolo de la clase guerrera.

«Among the Mexicans the jaguar was the strong and brave animal par excellence, the companion of the eagle. Indeed “Eagle and Jaguar” was the conventional designation of brave warriors.» — Roys da la fórmula mexicana: águila y jaguar era la designación convencional de los guerreros valientes.

«The coyote was regarded in a two-fold aspect. He was the god of singing and dancing, but as a beast of prey he was also a symbol of the warrior.» — Roys consigna el doble aspecto del coyote: dios del canto y de la danza y, como fiera, símbolo del guerrero.

«If it seems a little strange to find the coyote serving as a symbol of bravery, we can not but feel that a considerable stretch of the imagination was required to consider the kinkajou in the same light. And yet such was the case.» — Roys reconoce lo forzado de la figura del martucha como símbolo de valentía y a la vez la consigna como dato.

«This leaves the so-called “burrowing opossum” to be accounted for. It must be confessed that neither in Maya nor Mexican art have we found the opossum playing the réle assigned to him in the Books of Chilam Balam.» — Roys ficha la excepción que no puede explicar: ni en el arte maya ni en el mexicano halla al tlacuache en el papel que los Libros de Chilam Balam le dan.

«Although the meaning of the jaguars and eagles at Chichen Itza has long been known, we should be tempted to ascribe a religious or mythological significance to the other animals found in the reliefs and frescos of that city, if it were not for the information contained in these manuscripts. Asvit is, they take on the character of historical and political figures.» — Roys declara lo que su lectura cambia: sin estos manuscritos se adjudicaría un sentido religioso a los animales de los relieves, y con ellos pasan a figuras históricas y políticas.

«According to the early Spanish writers a considerable proportion of the Maya of northern Yucatan embraced Christianity quite willingly after the Spanish occupation of the country. Whether or not this was true, the Books of Chilam Balam convince us that their faith was genuine, once they were converted.» — Roys abre el apéndice G declarando genuina la fe cristiana de los mayas, aun en los libros que los misioneros miraban mal.

«They simply superimposed it upon their old religion, just as they had previously superimposed the Quetzalcoatl cult of the Nahua invaders upon the original Maya faith.» — Roys formula su tesis del apéndice G: el cristianismo se superpuso a la religión antigua igual que antes el culto de Quetzalcóatl se había superpuesto a la fe maya original.

«They sometimes called their old deities perishable gods (hauay kuob),? but they continued to worship them surreptitiously.» — Roys consigna la doble cuenta: llamaban dioses perecederos a los antiguos y seguían adorándolos a escondidas; el tramo corta *perishable* en el renglón.

«The Spanish missionaries did their best to prevent this Americanization of Christianity. The historian Cogolludo bitterly deplores the lapses of the Indians into idolatry, but he appears to be still more horrified at their attempts to combine the new religion with the old.» — Roys mide la reacción misionera: Cogolludo deplora las recaídas en la idolatría y se horroriza más aún de los intentos de combinar las dos religiones.

«Falsely pretending and saying that he was another Moses? he deceived the people of his town, persuading them that what he did was revealed to him by the Holy Spirit. For this purpose he hid a boy in his house to speak to him at night and say what he wished him to. When the Indians heard this, as they were ignorant of the fraud, they blindly allowed themselves to be deceived.» — El caso de Andrés Chi en 1597, citado de Cogolludo: se decía otro Moisés y escondía a un muchacho que le hablaba de noche como si fuera el Espíritu Santo.

«Not only have the names of saints replaced in many cases those of the Maya deities in the old native ceremonies which survive, but in parts of Yucatan, particularly in the Territory of Quintana Roo, many nominal Catholics are at heart poly» — Roys lleva el proceso al presente: los nombres de santos han reemplazado a los de las deidades mayas y muchos católicos nominales son de corazón politeístas; el tramo corta *polytheists* en el cambio de plana.

«The present psychology of the Maya Indian is the result of centuries of conflict between European and native religious concepts. During this time each reacted upon the other unceasingly, and the Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel is perhaps one of the most illuminating documents we have to illustrate the history of the process.» — Roys cierra el apéndice G declarando qué es para él este libro: uno de los documentos más esclarecedores del proceso de siglos entre lo europeo y lo nativo.

«Events not mentioned in the Chumayel are enclosed in parentheses.» — Nota del sumario cronológico que declara su convención: lo que no está en el Chumayel va entre paréntesis.

«In the above table it is the end of the katun that is dated, as the katun is named for the day on which it ends.» — Roys declara cómo se lee su tabla: la fecha es la del fin del katun, porque el katun lleva el nombre del día en que termina.

«Although there is only a variation of about three years between the two correlations so far as the katun count of the Books of Chilam Balam is concerned, they differ by about 259 years in their interpretations of the Initial Series dates of the monuments in terms of European chronology.» — Roys consigna la discrepancia entre las dos correlaciones sin arbitrar: tres años en la cuenta de los katunes y unos 259 en la lectura de las Series Iniciales.

«These two statements are indefinite in several important respects. No date in the Long Count is given as a starting point. No current Maya day, month, year or katun is given as the end of either of these periods.» — Roys declara el límite de su propio argumento: las dos cifras del Chumayel no dan punto de partida en la Cuenta Larga ni día, mes, año o katun de término.

«To this extent the Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel tends to support the former correlation against the latter.» — Roys cierra el apéndice H con la conclusión acotada: hasta ahí el Chumayel apoya una correlación sobre la otra.

«The former pretended to be the Pope and supreme pontiff and the latter, a bishop, and they announced themselves to be such among the Indians. Also they caused themselves to be venerated, deceiving the wretched Catholic Indians with their infernal doctrine. They said mass at night dressed in the sacred vestments of the church which no doubt the sacristans had given them. They profaned the holy chalices and consecrated oils, baptized boys, confessed adults and gave them communion, while they worshipped the idols which they placed on the altar.» — El caso de 1610 citado de Cogolludo: dos indios que se hacían pasar por papa y por obispo, decían misa de noche con los ornamentos de la iglesia y ponían los ídolos sobre el altar.

«‘This is indeed a mass which your companion (one of the two Spanish priests) does not say.’» — El testimonio de 1641 sobre la misa de los rebeldes en Hubelná: los indios idólatras decían que esa sí era misa, a diferencia de la de los frailes españoles.

«Its association with ideas pertaining to military affairs is shown by certain expressions found in the Motul dictionary. “Zabim-be, ah-zabim-be: a look-out, sentinel and spy, when no battle-line has been formed; also to keep a look-out.» — Roys apoya en el diccionario de Motul el sentido militar de la comadreja: *zabim-be* es el vigía, centinela y espía cuando no hay batalla formada.

«Ah May it was who fixed the corners» — El texto adjudica a Ah May el fijar las esquinas de la tierra; la cita se corta antes de la llamada de nota, que el escaneo imprime como dos asteriscos.

«of the land, he who set the corners in their places; the sweeper who swept the land was Mizcit Ahau.» — Sigue la misma frase tras la llamada de nota: quien pone las esquinas en su sitio, y Mizcit Ahau como el barredor que barrió la tierra.

«I have cited Thomas Hearne’s prayer because for me it is the epitome of scholarship: zeal for research and humility in the face of success.» — J. Eric S. Thompson abre la semblanza de Roys con la oración de un subbibliotecario de la Bodleiana y declara en ella su idea del oficio: celo por la investigación y humildad ante el éxito.

«Zeal and humility in research are the links between Hearne with his fullbottomed wig at his Bodleian table and Ralph Roys in his study on the shores of what was called the South Seas in Hearne’s time.» — Thompson enlaza por esos dos rasgos a Thomas Hearne con Roys en su estudio frente al Pacífico. El impreso parte *full-bottomed* en el corte de renglón y la extracción por programa lo devuelve pegado; la forma con guion es la lectura propuesta y no se restituye dentro de las comillas.

«Roys was born in Greenville, Michigan, descended on both sides from families who had left Old England for New England long before Thomas Hearne’s time.» — Thompson sitúa el origen familiar de Roys en Greenville, Michigan.

«He arranged with the Polish Catholic priest for lessons in Polish grammar.» — Thompson cuenta que Roys no se conformó con el polaco oído en el aserradero y buscó gramática con el sacerdote católico polaco.

«Yucatec Maya is still widely spoken in Yucatan, but the subject matter, the vocabulary, and to some extent the sentence structure of those colonial documents were as different from the spoken Maya of today as Chaucer is from The New Yorker.» — Thompson mide la distancia entre el maya colonial de los documentos y el maya hablado hoy con un símil de Chaucer y The New Yorker.

«he had the good fortune to meet William Gates, then a disciple of Madam Katherine Tingley and a member of the Aryan Theosophical Society’s colony at Point Loma, Cali» — Thompson nombra la filiación teosófica del coleccionista que puso las fuentes mayas en manos de Roys; el tramo se corta en el guion de fin de renglón de *California*.

«It was Gates who discovered and acquired Ritual of the Bacabs, which, fifty years later, was to be translated and published by Roys in the Civilization of the American Indian Series of the University of Oklahoma Press.» — Thompson traza la cadena que va del hallazgo de Gates a la traducción de Roys cincuenta años después.

«Roys early realized that translation of obscure or corrupt passages in one book was often greatly aided by examination of the parallel passages in other sources.» — Thompson enuncia el método que sostiene toda la traducción: el pasaje oscuro se aclara por comparación con los pasajes paralelos de los otros libros.

«When it came to writing Maya manuscripts, the Maya scribes of the colonial period played poker with deuces wild.» — Thompson describe con un símil de póquer la libertad con que los escribas mayas puntuaban y dividían las palabras.

«All the way through the reader may note in the footnotes the cautious approach which was always combined with sound judgment.» — Thompson lee las notas al pie del volumen como muestra de cautela y buen juicio.

«It is, however, necessary to emphasize that these are far more than translations;» — Thompson advierte que estos volúmenes son mucho más que traducciones; la frase sigue tras el punto y coma.

«The arrival of the Spaniards radically changed the Maya way of life.» — Thompson resume el efecto de la llegada española sobre la vida maya.

«Roys by careful patient questioning in remote corners was often able to relocate them, for he well knew that folk memory, particularly in a conservative land, may often come to the rescue when formal history is in disarray.» — Thompson declara el valor de la memoria oral de los pueblos cuando la historia escrita falta.

«The encomienda system, forcing the Mayas to work for their new masters and pay them tribute, also gravely affected the old ways.» — Thompson suma la encomienda a las causas del cambio: trabajo forzado y tributo para los nuevos amos.

«Moreover, newly introduced diseases, notably smallpox, wiped out entire settlements.» — Thompson cierra la serie con las enfermedades nuevas y la viruela, que borraron poblados enteros.

«This was work which called for perseverance in a hard, tedious job — jogging along those shadeless thorny trails at the height of the dry season is no picnic—and the hard-earned specialized know]- edge of where to ask what.» — Thompson describe el trabajo de campo de Roys para la geografía política de Yucatán: perseverancia, veredas sin sombra en plena seca y el saber de a quién preguntar qué.

«Roys was a generous colleague; he would go to great effort to help other students in the field — a great scholar and gentleman, kindhearted and modest.» — Thompson cierra la semblanza con el retrato personal de Roys.

«Among the various avenues of approach to the investigation of Maya civilization, the study of the native literature of Yucatan is, next to the actual archeological exploration of the remains, one of the most promising, for it contains much of what the Indians remembered of their old culture after the Spanish Conquest.» — Roys abre el Preface situando el estudio de la literatura nativa de Yucatán, después de la exploración arqueológica, como una de las vías más prometedoras hacia la civilización maya.

«Not only do they contain a wealth of historical and ethnological information invaluable to the student of the pre-Columbian career of the Maya, but they also furnish a record of the reactions of the native mind to the European culture and of the manner in which the latter was adapted to suit its new environment.» — Roys señala la doble utilidad de estos textos: información histórica y etnológica del pasado precolombino, y registro de cómo la mente nativa reaccionó a la cultura europea y la adaptó.

«The translation of the Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel depends primarily upon the reading given to the badly punctuated and often misspelled Maya text, and such a reading is based upon an extensive comparison with other similar texts.» — Roys declara de qué depende su traducción: de la lectura que se dé a un texto maya mal puntuado y a menudo mal escrito, lectura que a su vez se apoya en la comparación extensa con otros textos.

«The difficulties of translation are not to be underestimated, but they can be greatly lessened by such a comparison.» — Roys no minimiza la dificultad, y pone el límite de su propio método: la comparación la aminora, no la suprime.

«That I have been able to avail myself of the assistance afforded by the manuscripts of the Berendt Linguistic Collection, so often referred to in these pages, is due to the collaboration of the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania and to the kindness of Dr. Horace H. F. Jayne, Director, who has supplied me with the necessary photostats.» — Roys declara de dónde salen los fotostatos de la Berendt Linguistic Collection que usa en todo el volumen.

«Professor Alfred M. Tozzer, whose previous extensive survey of Maya literature was the indispensable preliminary to the present work, has given cordial assistance; both he and the Peabody Museum of American Archeology and Ethnology have cooperated generously with the loan of material necessary to the work.» — Roys reconoce el estudio previo de Tozzer sobre la literatura maya como preliminar indispensable de este trabajo.

«Mr. Juan Martinez Hernandez has again, as in the past, come to my aid in the elucidation of obscure phrases and badly written» — Roys agradece a Juan Martínez Hernández la elucidación de frases oscuras; el tramo se corta antes del folio de la plana.

«The manner of editing the Maya text is that suggested by Professor Otis J. Todd, who has assisted me in adapting the methods of classical scholars to this newer field of endeavor.» — Roys atribuye a Otis J. Todd el método de edición: adaptar a este campo los procedimientos de los filólogos clásicos.

«For a number of the text-figures, Alice P. Roys has made copies from photographs and other reproductions.» — Roys acredita a Alice P. Roys las copias de varias figuras del texto.

«The Franciscan missionaries concentrated the Mayas in towns, where they could be more easily catechized and watched, for, left to themselves in remote» — Thompson explica la concentración franciscana en pueblos por el control y la catequesis; la frase cruza el corte de chunk y sigue *clearings in the woods, they reverted rapidly to old pagan ways, including human sacrifice*.

«Plate 1. a and b, Puma and squirrel from the frieze of the Temple of the Warriors at Chichen Itza. c, The four trees and birds set at the cardinal points to commemorate the previous destruction of the world. Sculptured panel of the Temple of the Wall Panels at Chichen Itza. (After Ruppert.)» — La lista de ilustraciones describe la lámina 1: el puma y la ardilla del friso del Templo de los Guerreros, y el panel esculpido con los cuatro árboles y aves de los puntos cardinales que conmemoran la destrucción anterior del mundo.

«24. Lahun Chaan, associated with the planet Venus. (Dresden Codex, p. 47)» — La lista de figuras identifica a Lahun Chaan con el planeta Venus y remite al Códice de Dresde; el mismo pie se reimprime al pie de la figura en la plana 120, y aquí se ancla en su primera aparición.

«Human sacrifice scene. Temple of the Warriors at Chichen Itza. (Restored by Ann Axtell Morris.» — La lista de figuras registra la escena de sacrificio humano del Templo de los Guerreros restaurada por Ann Axtell Morris; el impreso parte *Restored* en el corte de renglón.

«At the present time we have photographic reproductions of the Books of Chilam Balam of Chumayel, Tizimin, Kaua, Ixil,.Tekax and Nah as well as copious extracts copied from the Mani and Oxkutzcab manuscripts. The latter were made by Dr. Hermann Berendt and are now in the Berendt Linguistic Collection of the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania.» — Roys enumera las reproducciones fotográficas y los extractos de Berendt sobre los que trabaja.

«Consequently a complete transcription and translation of the texts can only be made with the aid of these copies.» — Roys declara la dependencia de su trabajo respecto de las copias de Berendt, hechas cuando los manuscritos estaban en mejor estado.

«Brinton was the first to make a translation of any considerable portion of the Chumayel.» — Roys sitúa a Brinton como primer traductor de una porción considerable del Chumayel, sobre la copia de Berendt.

«It is possible that the priest was Don Diego Hoil, the son of the writer.» — Roys conjetura, sin afirmarlo, que el sacerdote que vendió el libro en 1838 fue Don Diego Hoil, hijo del compilador.

«When Bishop Carrillo died in 1897, the book passed into the hands of Don Ricardo Figueroa, and through the efforts of Sr. Molina it was loaned in 1910 to George B. Gordon, Director of the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania, who photographed it the same year.» — Roys traza la cadena de manos del manuscrito hasta la fotografía de Gordon en 1910.

«After Figueroa’s death the manuscript was removed in 1915 to the Cepeda Library in Merida, but when Dr. Morley visited the Library in 1918 it had disappeared and its whereabouts is still unknown.» — Roys consigna la desaparición: el manuscrito se trasladó a la Biblioteca Cepeda de Mérida en 1915 y en 1918 Morley ya no lo encontró.

«As Dr. Morley has already noted, “In view of its doubtful fate, it is nothing short of providential that two photographic copies of it exist, the one made by Maler in 1887, a copy of which is in the Gates collection, and the other made by Gordon in 1910.’”» — Roys cita el juicio de Morley sobre la suerte del manuscrito: dadas las dudas sobre su destino, la existencia de las dos copias fotográficas es providencial.

«He could hardly be the Don Juan Josef Hoil who signed the manuscript in 1782, however.» — Roys descarta al abuelo Juan José Hoil de la familia viva de Chumayel como el firmante de 1782; la identificación queda abierta.

«It seems likely that the Don Juan Josef Hoil who wrote the Chilam Balam of Chumayel was the father of Don Diego, the curate, and of Dofia Guadelupe.» — Roys propone como probable que el Don Juan Josef Hoil del manuscrito fuera padre del cura Don Diego y de Doña Guadelupe, y deja dicho que la comprobación está en los archivos parroquiales; el escaneo imprime *Dofia* por *Doña*.

«Like the other Books of Chilam Balam, the Chumayel manuscript is written in the European script which the Sixteenth Century Spanish missionaries adapted to the Maya language of Yucatan. It differs only in a few particulars from ordinary Spanish script.» — Roys abre la nota prefatoria al texto maya: el Chumayel está escrito en la letra europea que los misioneros del siglo XVI adaptaron al maya y difiere poco de la española corriente.

«The letters d, f, g, q and r are not employed in writing Maya words, as the sounds which they represent do not occur in Maya.» — Roys declara qué letras no se emplean al escribir palabras mayas, por no existir sus sonidos.

«The writer is indebted to Dr. M. J. Andrade for the following description: “These sounds are very familiar to those who have studied the Indian languages of North America, where they are at present represented respectively by the phonetic symbols p’, t’, ts’, tc’ and k’. They are the so-called glottalized or fortis sounds.» — Roys cede la descripción fonética a Manuel J. Andrade, que da los sonidos glotalizados o fortis con los símbolos p’, t’, ts’, tc’ y k’.

«On the whole they may best be compared with the corresponding sounds of the Dakota Sioux, although with many Maya speakers they are so weak that the untrained ear can not distinguish them from the unemphatic sounds.» — Andrade compara los fortis mayas con los del dakota sioux y advierte que en muchos hablantes son tan débiles que el oído no entrenado no los distingue.

«In writing the double vowels, Maya writers are frequently inconsistent, although the compiler of the Chumayel is less so than most of them.» — Roys consigna la inconsistencia de los escribas al escribir las vocales dobles, y sitúa al compilador del Chumayel entre los menos inconsistentes.

«Since a consistent notation is desirable in the present edition of the Maya text, the writer has followed that of Pio Perez for which there is precedent among both Maya writers and the Spanish authors of Maya grammars, vocabularies and dictionaries.» — Roys declara la notación que fija para esta edición: la de Pío Pérez, con precedente entre escritores mayas y entre los autores españoles de gramáticas y diccionarios.

«Only one abbreviation is generally used in the Maya manuscripts: this is the character y, which stands for yetel, a word having the double meaning of “with” and “and.”» — Roys identifica la única abreviatura corriente de los manuscritos mayas, el signo que vale por *yetel*, con el doble sentido de *con* y *y*.

«Inasmuch as an excellent photographic reproduction of the original manuscript of the Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel has been published by the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania and is accessible to the student, it has been considered advisable in the present edition to divide the Maya text into such chapters, paragraphs, sentences and words as are called for by the meaning of the subject-matter, and to begin sentences and proper names with capital letters.» — Roys justifica su intervención editorial —dividir en capítulos, párrafos, oraciones y palabras, y poner mayúsculas— por la existencia del facsímil accesible al estudioso.

«The text is often divided into short phrases by colons or dashes.» — Roys describe la puntuación del manuscrito por dos puntos o rayas, a veces inconsistente y a veces correspondiente al sentido.

«In the Chumayel manuscript a garbled phrase is often accompanied by a vacant space, indicating that the copyist was not able to read all the words of his source at that point.» — Roys lee el espacio en blanco junto a una frase corrupta como señal de que el copista no pudo leer su fuente en ese punto.

«In the case of such a correction, however, the reader is referred to a foot-note in which the corrected word or phrase is given as it is actually written in the manuscript.» — Roys fija la regla de su aparato: toda corrección remite a una nota al pie donde la palabra o frase aparece tal como está en el manuscrito.

«In transcribing the photographic reproduction of this lost manuscript, the Berendt copy of the original has been used constantly for comparison. This has been especially helpful in deciphering badly written and faded portions of the text, and is indispensable where the edge of a page has crumbled away after the Berendt copy was made.» — Roys declara el uso constante de la copia de Berendt para descifrar lo mal escrito, lo desvaído y lo perdido por desmoronamiento del borde.

«It is needless to say that a critical text can be established with much more assurance for those portions of the Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel for which parallel passages can be found in other manuscripts.» — Roys acota el alcance de su texto crítico: es más seguro justamente donde hay pasajes paralelos en otros manuscritos.

«Such corresponding passages are not absolutely the same. The phraseology differs slightly. Some contain a certain amount of material omitted by others, and an archaic word or phrase in one may be replaced in another by a more modern expression or sometimes even by a Spanish word.» — Roys consigna que los pasajes paralelos no coinciden: cambia la fraseología, uno omite lo que otro trae, y una voz arcaica se reemplaza por otra moderna o por una española.

«Nevertheless the language is sufficiently similar to indicate that they are drawn from a single original source.» — Roys deriva de esa semejanza que los pasajes paralelos vienen de una sola fuente original.

«In any case the garbled phrase will be found in the foot-note, and the reader is at liberty to draw his own conclusions.» — Roys deja al lector la decisión: la frase corrupta va siempre en la nota al pie y quien lea saca sus conclusiones.

«Certain abbreviations have been employed in the notes to the Maya text. These are to be explained as follows: Ber.=Copy of the Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel by Dr. Hermann Berendt.» — Roys declara las siglas de su aparato de notas, empezando por Ber. para la copia de Berendt.

«In the present rendition of the Maya text it will be seen that marginal notations have been made showing the corresponding page numbers of the University of Pennsylvania Museum reproduction of the manuscript.» — Roys explica las notaciones marginales que dan la página correspondiente del facsímil de Pensilvania.

«Some of the folio numbers have disappeared, owing to the crumbling away of the corner of the sheet, but the sequence of the text enables us to apply them in the following table.» — Roys explica por qué su tabla de folios es reconstrucción: los números se perdieron con el desmoronamiento de la esquina de la hoja y la secuencia del texto permite reponerlos.

«We now come to the mistakes found in the manuscript. Juan Josef Hoil was on the whole an unusually careful copyist, and the writer is inclined to» — Roys llama a Juan Josef Hoil copista inusualmente cuidadoso; la frase se corta en el cambio de plana y sigue *ascribe most of the errors to his sources*.

«Pictures of the eighteen months will be found in the translation.» — Nota de Roys al texto maya del capítulo VI: los dibujos de los dieciocho meses se reproducen en la traducción.

«Notation in a different hand.» — Nota de Roys al capítulo VI: la anotación del bautizo de Micaela Castañeda está escrita en otra letra, es decir, la añadió otra mano al manuscrito.

«(Picture of a conventional coat of arms accompanied by the following legends in Maya. A reproduction of the picture will be found in the translation.» — Descripción editorial del escudo de armas de Yucatán que abre el capítulo VII; Roys describe la imagen en inglés dentro del texto maya y remite a la reproducción.

«(Picture of two men. The hands of one are bound and he wears a prisoner’s wooden collar [copoochecal]. The other leads him by a rope at» — Descripción editorial de la lámina del capítulo VIII: dos hombres, uno atado y con collar de madera de prisionero, llevado por el otro con una cuerda; el tramo se corta en el guion de fin de renglón de *attached*. El término maya entre corchetes, *copoo-checal*, va partido por el renglón y la extracción lo devuelve pegado.

«The Maya compiler appears to have been unable to read this phrase.» — Roys lee el hueco del manuscrito como incapacidad del compilador maya para leer su fuente en ese punto, y lo consigna sin corregir.

«The Maya compiler has left a space here to indicate a lacuna.» — Roys consigna la convención del propio manuscrito: el espacio en blanco marca una laguna.

«A space in the text indicates a lacuna.» — La misma nota se repite en la plana siguiente del texto maya; aquí se ancla en la segunda aparición, que lleva artículo.

«The Mani and Oxcutzcab versions confirm this correction.» — Roys apoya una enmienda de lectura en las versiones de Maní y Oxkutzcab, y dice de dónde sale.

«This entry is written in a different hand, cf. p. 53. The 5 in the date is somewhat doubtful.» — Roys marca la entrada de Pedro Briceño como de otra mano y deja en duda una cifra de la fecha, sin resolverla.

«Here the copyist has made an error. No. 2 should be Bolon Ahau, and No. 3 should be Uuc Ahau.» — Roys señala un error del copista en el frontispicio de los katunes y da la lectura que él considera correcta.

«padre: very badly written; the reading is doubtful.» — Roys declara dudosa una lectura por lo mal escrita que está la palabra en el manuscrito.

«One or more pages missing here.» — Roys marca en el texto maya la pérdida de una o más páginas del manuscrito.

«One or more pages are missing here, and there is a break in the text.» — Roys consigna otra pérdida de hojas con corte del texto, y en la nota siguiente que, salvo unas pocas palabras ilegibles, esa página del manuscrito está en blanco.

«Parallel versions of this passage are found in the Mani MS,» — Roys remite a las versiones paralelas de Maní para este pasaje del texto maya.

«of this manuscript contains no Maya Text. The picture with its accompanying legends in Latin and Spanish will be found in the translation.» — Roys advierte que esa página del manuscrito no lleva texto maya: solo la imagen con sus leyendas en latín y español, que van a la traducción.

«See katun-wheel heading Chap. XVIII for translation. Here the translations of the preceding items are arranged in their place on the wheel.» — Roys explica cómo dispuso las leyendas de la rueda de los katunes: las traducciones van colocadas en su sitio sobre la rueda.

«Here the editor has followed the examples of Brinton and Martinez in correcting the text to conform with the context» — Roys declara el criterio de una enmienda: sigue a Brinton y a Martínez al corregir el texto para que concuerde con el contexto.

«(Picture of a face within a circle, perhaps intended for the sun or some other heavenly body. Six crosses radiate from the circle which is also surrounded by short rays.» — Descripción editorial de una imagen del manuscrito, con la reserva expresa de Roys sobre lo que representa: quizá el sol u otro cuerpo celeste.

«(Picture of a katun-wheel accompanied by the following legends. )» — Roys describe la rueda de los katunes que abre el capítulo XVIII en el texto maya.

«(THE PROPHECY OF CHILAM BALAM AND THE STORY OF ANTONIO MARTINEZ)» — Título que Roys da al capítulo XV, que junta la profecía de Chilam Balam con la historia de Antonio Martínez; el mismo título se reimprime sobre la traducción y aquí se ancla en su primera aparición, la del texto maya.

«IV (THE BUILDING OF THE MOUNDS) Ti haab de mil quinientos quarenta y uno.» — Título que Roys da al capítulo IV en el texto maya —la construcción de los montículos— seguido del año que abre el capítulo; los títulos de capítulo son del editor y no del manuscrito, y el mismo título se reimprime sobre la traducción.

«(Picture of crowned head purposely darkened or blurred. )» — Descripción editorial del frontispicio del capítulo XXII: la cabeza coronada del primer katun aparece oscurecida o borroneada a propósito en el manuscrito.

«Avendafio y Loyola, Andres de 1696 Relaciédn de las dos entradas que hizé a Peten Itza. MS. (Translated by C. P. Bowditch: MS. in Peabody Museum: the greater part of Bowditch translation published in Means 1917.)» — Entrada bibliográfica de la Relación de Avendaño de 1696, manuscrita, con la traducción de Bowditch en el Peabody y la publicación parcial en Means; el escaneo corrompe *Relación* y *hizo*.

«Bacabs, Ritual of the MS. Medical incantations and prescriptions; described in Toz» — Entrada del Ritual of the Bacabs en la bibliografía, entonces todavía manuscrito, que Roys mismo traduciría y publicaría en 1965; los tramos cortan *prescriptions* y *Tozzer* en los renglones.

«Berendt, Carl Hermann 1866-67 Vocabulario del dialecto (de Maya) de Peten. MS. (Berendt Linguistic Collection, No. 42-5. English translation in Means 1917, pp. 188-191.)» — Entrada bibliográfica de Berendt, cuya colección lingüística y cuyas copias del Chumayel sostienen buena parte de esta edición.

«Modern forms of names differing from those given in the Maya text and other place-names not found in the text but mentioned in the foot-notes or appendices are inserted in parentheses. ‘Towns located from description only are marked with an asterisk.» — Leyenda de la lámina 2, el mapa del norte de Yucatán según el Chumayel: declara que las formas modernas van entre paréntesis y que un asterisco marca los pueblos situados solo por descripción.

«Brinton, Daniel Garrison 1882» — Muestra de la bibliografía: la entrada de Brinton, primer traductor de una porción considerable del Chumayel.

«Gates, William E. 1910 Commentary upon the Maya-Tzental Codex Pérez. (Harvard Univ., Peabody museum ~ papers, v. 6, No. 1:) *Cam» — Muestra de la bibliografía: la entrada de William Gates, el coleccionista teosófico que puso las fuentes mayas en manos de Roys; el tramo corta *Cambridge* por la intercalación del escaneo.

«Morley, Sylvanus Griswold 1911 The historical value of the books of Chilam Balam. In American Journal of Archeology, 2d ser., v. 15, pp. 195-214.» — Muestra de la bibliografía: el artículo de Morley sobre el valor histórico de los Libros de Chilam Balam.

«San Francisco, Diccionario de MS. 17th century; original missing. Copy by Juan Pio Perez. Gates reproduction. Copy by Hermann Berendat. Berendt Linguistic Col., No. 8.» — Muestra de la bibliografía: el diccionario de San Francisco, del siglo XVII y con el original perdido, conservado en copias de Pío Pérez y de Berendt; el tramo corta *missing* en el renglón.

«Tekax, Book of Chilam Balam of MS. Gates reproduction.» — Muestra de la bibliografía: el Libro de Chilam Balam de Tekax, citado solo por la reproducción de Gates.

«Acantun, a stone, 111, 114, 171» — Muestra del índice: la entrada del acantún, la piedra erigida, con sus tres remisiones.

«Lizana, Bernardo de 1893 Historia de Yucatan. Devocionario de Ntra. Sra. de Izamal, y conquista espiritual. Mexico. (Reprint of original edition of 1633, Valladolid.)» — Muestra de la bibliografía: la entrada de Lizana, una de las fuentes españolas de las que Roys declara depender para los nombres de deidades.

«Peresianus, Codex 1864 Manuscrit dit Mexicaine no. 2 de la Bibliothéque Impériale. Photographié par ordre de S. E. M. Duruy, Ministre» — Muestra de la bibliografía: la entrada del Códice Peresiano, uno de los manuscritos pictóricos que Roys coteja; el tramo se corta donde el escaneo entrevera las columnas.

«CARNEGIE INST. WASHINGTON PUB. 438——R. L. ROYS» — La cabecera que la lámina 1 conserva de la primera edición, con el número de publicación de la Carnegie Institution of Washington; el escaneo rinde la raya como dos guiones.

«Balam, family name, defined, 3» — Muestra del índice: la entrada del apellido Balam, con remisión a la plana donde Roys lo define.

«Chac-xib-chac, rain-god, 67, 171, 172» — Muestra del índice: Chac-xib-chac indexado como dios de la lluvia, con las tres remisiones que sostienen la adjudicación de Roys.

«Chilam Balam, Christianity prophesied by, 150 command of, 165 great priest, 164» — Muestra del índice: el racimo de subentradas de Chilam Balam, que reúne lo que el volumen le adjudica; el escaneo entrevera las columnas.

«God Impersonators, 67, 68, 180» — Muestra del índice: los personificadores de dioses, término con que Roys lee el fresco del Templo del Chac Mool.

«Ichcanzihoo, place-name, see also Merida, 86, 88, 146, 154» — Muestra del índice: Ichcaanzihoo con remisión a Mérida, la equivalencia que el volumen sostiene en todo el cuerpo.

«Kan-u-uayab-haab, 67 Kan-xi» — Muestra del índice: Kan-u-uayab-haab, el espíritu de los cinco días aciagos que Roys enlaza con el cangel; el tramo corta la entrada siguiente.

«Pio Perez, J., 11, 145, 155, 166» — Muestra del índice: Pío Pérez, cuya notación adopta Roys para el texto maya.

«Santurn, planet, 110, 150» — Muestra del índice: la entrada de Saturno como planeta, que el escaneo imprime *Santurn*.

«Yellow fever, 120, 158 possible pre-Columbian epidemic of, 133» — Muestra del índice: la fiebre amarilla con la subentrada de su posible epidemia precolombina, que Roys discute con reserva en el cuerpo.

«Day-prophecies, 182, 187 Death-god, 65» — Muestra del índice: las profecías de día, la clase que Roys distingue de la profecía propiamente dicha, junto a las entradas vecinas.

«Manikin scepter, 67 Mantle» — Muestra del índice: el cetro maniquí, la figura con que Roys identifica el canhel.

«Naat, defined, 187, 178 Nabatun Itza, 146 Nabula, place-name, 73» — Muestra del índice: *naat*, el término del cuestionario de los jefes, con las remisiones impresas en orden invertido.

«Ticul,. place-name, 73 Ticul dictionary, 167» — Muestra del índice: el diccionario de Ticul, una de las autoridades léxicas del aparato; el escaneo imprime una coma de más en la entrada anterior.

«Uayom-chich, 66, 74 Wind, 107, 109, 110, 117, 124 Uayumhaa (Uayma), place-name, 72 Wind-spirits, 171» — Muestra del índice: el escaneo entrevera las dos columnas del índice y la cita las conserva entreveradas, con los espíritus del viento entre ellas.

«Lonmias: probably Hieronymus is intended.» — Nota de Roys al texto maya del ritual de los ángeles: propone leer *Lonmias* como Hieronymus, y la restitución queda declarada en la nota.

«C; cuitunil is probably intended.» — Nota de Roys al aparato del texto maya: propone una lectura y la marca como probable, sin corregir el texto.

«Redrawn and slightly restored, and with the coloring as it originally stood, so far as possible, given on the basis of a new and minute examination of the codex itself.» — Muestra de la bibliografía: la entrada de una reproducción de códice que declara su propia intervención, redibujada y ligeramente restituida sobre un nuevo examen minucioso del original.

«The ethno-botany of the Maya. The Tulane University of Louisiana. Middle American Research Series.» — Muestra de la bibliografía: la etnobotánica maya del propio Roys, el trabajo que Thompson cuenta como origen de su pericia en los nombres de plantas.

Crítica de fuentes (criterios de inclusión y descarte) — Roys declara la regla de su edición —toda corrección remite a una nota con la palabra tal como está en el manuscrito— y acota dónde su texto crítico es más seguro: justo donde hay pasajes paralelos en otros libros de Chilam Balam. Lee además las crónicas anteriores a la caída de Mayapán como reconstrucciones del siglo XVII hechas con las alusiones de las profecías y los cantos viejos.

Cadena de transmisión (quién tomó de quién) — El saber que legitima al jefe se transmite de padre a hijo dentro de las familias elegibles, y Roys lo nombra: el lenguaje de Zuyua. El propio texto encadena las copias —el Chumayel compilado de obras anteriores, copiadas a su vez de libros más viejos— y el compilador se nombra al firmar.

Secreto (lo que se jura no fijar por escrito) — El lenguaje de Zuyua funciona como saber reservado: quien no lo entiende muere, quien lo entiende vive, y Roys lo lee como términos que acabaron significando solo palabras misteriosas para todos salvo la clase gobernante.

Prodigio (prodigium, portentum, ostentum) — La señal que anuncia el katun es portento visible: el círculo blanco en el cielo, el sol eclipsado cinco días, el fuego que llamea en la tierra, la sangre que baja del árbol y de la piedra.