Society and Culture in Early Modern France
Society and Culture in Early Modern France: Eight Essays
Source entries are currently shown in Spanish; English-first entries arrive with the next cataloguing pass.
El volumen reúne ocho ensayos y declara de quién tratan: «These essays are about peasants and even more about artisans and the menu peuple of the cities. The very rich, the powerful, the learned, and the priestly are described primarily in relation to the lives of the "modest"-as they reacted to them, conflicted with them, or shared their activities and beliefs. The interaction between Society and Culture and the balance between tradition and innovation are thus explored only for certain segments of the social order, and then through a set of case studies rather than systematically» «Davis — Society and Culture in Early Modern France (1975) · p. 15». Davis declara además que lo que enlaza los casos no es un sistema sino una serie de preguntas encadenadas: «The cases are linked, however, by a ramifying chain of historical concerns» «Davis — Society and Culture in Early Modern France (1975) · p. 15».
La apuesta de método que enuncia en la introducción es que la vida asociativa y el comportamiento colectivo son materia cultural y no solo episodios de otra historia — «It was also a matter of recognizing that forms of associational life and collective behavior are cultural artifacts» «Davis — Society and Culture in Early Modern France (1975) · p. 16» —, de modo que un rito de iniciación de oficiales o una asonada se leen como se lee un texto: «A journeymen's initiation rite, a village festive organization, an informal gathering of women for a lying-in or of men and women for storytelling, or a street disturbance could be "read" as fruitfully as a» «Davis — Society and Culture in Early Modern France (1975) · p. 16» —la frase continúa en la plana siguiente: *diary, a political tract, a sermon, or a body of laws*—. Y en el mismo sentido invierte el uso corriente del impreso: «Further, I began to understand that a book or a proverb not only could speak for its author or reader, but could be a clue to relationships among groups of people and among cultural traditions» «Davis — Society and Culture in Early Modern France (1975) · p. 17».
Sobre la estructura social, Davis declara dos reglas. La primera es contra la determinación por un solo atributo: «But second, I have not assumed that either context or any single attribute of these peasants and city people-whether their sex, or their relation to property and production-in itself determined their behavior» «Davis — Society and Culture in Early Modern France (1975) · p. 17»; y la contrapartida es que a esa gente la ve obrando, «but I have seen them as actors, making use of what physical, social, and cultural resources they had in order to survive, to cope, or sometimes to change things» «Davis — Society and Culture in Early Modern France (1975) · p. 17». La segunda es el gráfico de muchas dimensiones: «I picture a many-dimensional chart in which the axes of measurement represent qualitatively different kinds of power, property, and control, as well as other variables-such as sex and age-that can determine social organization» «Davis — Society and Culture in Early Modern France (1975) · p. 17».
De ahí sale el proceso que dice que el lector verá repetirse: «Social hierarchies are simplified, or the "low" raised up a little to be more like the "high," but the remaining boundaries are more firmly drawn and an effort is made at tighter control over the whole social order» «Davis — Society and Culture in Early Modern France (1975) · p. 18».
Cinco de los ocho ensayos son reimpresiones, y la obra lo declara en los agradecimientos: «Of the eight essays in this volume, five have been published before in slightly different form» «Davis — Society and Culture in Early Modern France (1975) · p. 10»; el primero apareció como «Chapter I first appeared as "Strikes and Salvation at Lyons" in Archiv fur Reformationsgeschichte, vol. LVI» «Davis — Society and Culture in Early Modern France (1975) · p. 10» (el OCR rinde los unos como I y como r, y los ceros como o: la lectura propuesta del año que sigue es 1965).
1546 claims · 1 source · 1 attribution
Attribution
recorded, never asserted«Davis — Society and Culture in Early Modern France (1975) · p. 3»
The chain of the work
the processed witness, in emeraldClaims
1546 entries — the work's own voice, with its passage«So Chapter I considers what sorts of social experience might help form Protestant consciousness among male artisans, and how or whether their fight against the Catholic clergy might connect with economic conflict.» — en la introducción Davis enuncia la pregunta del primer ensayo: qué experiencia social puede formar una consciencia protestante entre los artesanos varones, y si su pleito con el clero católico se enlaza o no con el conflicto económico.
«What, then, prompted Protestant allegiance among some groups of urban women-the subject of Chapter 3-with their different patterns of geographical mobility, literacy, skill, and employ?» — y la del tercero, que traslada la misma pregunta a las mujeres urbanas, con otros patrones de movilidad, alfabetización, oficio y empleo.
«So too, Chapter 4 examines a wide range of political and social uses for both carnivalesque topsy-turvy and festive organization, including their relation to the socialization of youth; but it stops short of analyzing the meaning of symbols in cultural play.» — Davis acota el cuarto ensayo en la introducción: cubre los usos políticos y sociales del mundo al revés carnavalesco y de la organización festiva, y se detiene antes de analizar el sentido de los símbolos en el juego cultural.
«This then becomes the issue in Chapter 5, at least for the complex case of sex-role reversal in rite and festivity.» — y encarga ese análisis al quinto, sobre la inversión de papeles sexuales en rito y fiesta.
«can one go on to discover some order even in the extreme popular violence with which sixteenth-century crowds defended their religion?» — la pregunta que pasa de la recreación popular a la violencia, y que el sexto ensayo contesta afirmativamente.
«They turn out to generate some interesting questions about our own role as scholarly interpreters of the historical past.» — Davis declara que los proverbios y los errores populares acaban interrogando el papel del propio intérprete académico del pasado.
«Thus, research became not simply a matter of scouring libraries for popular playlets, poems, and pamphlets and of sifting criminal and judicial records, welfare rolls, notarial contracts, and militia and financial lists for mentions of artisans and the poor.» — la enumeración de fuentes que Davis declara haber peinado para gente casi toda iletrada: obritas teatrales, poemas y panfletos, y de otro lado los expedientes criminales y judiciales, los padrones de socorro, los contratos notariales y las listas de milicia y de hacienda.
«First, I have tried to be especially attentive to the context of a change, an occurrence, or a decision.» — la primera de las reglas que Davis declara seguir.
«The Protestant Reformation erases this axis in some regions and makes "clergy" roughly equivalent to other professions. It also leads to a simplification of the criteria used to relate male and female, while sharpening the boundary between the superior and the subject sex.» — lo que Davis atribuye a la Reforma en el eje del control de los recursos expresivos y emocionales: lo borra en algunas regiones y a la vez endurece el límite entre los sexos.
«Lyon was large and it was prosperous. Its population grew to up to 6o,ooo by the mid-sixteenth century; its wholesale industries expanded; its annual fairs became a center for the European money market.» — el primer ensayo abre situando Lyon: el troceo imprime la cifra de población como 6o,ooo (lectura propuesta: 60,000).
«Protests ranged from the violent grain riots of unskilled laborers and their wives to the well-organized pressure of master craftsmen and merchants for tax reform and a less exclusive town Consulate.» — y el abanico de protestas que Davis consigna, de los motines del grano de los jornaleros y sus mujeres a la presión organizada de maestros y mercaderes.
«Approximately one-third of the inhabitants were converted to its doctrine and then, after a successful Calvinist uprising in 1562, the rest were compelled to attend its services.» — lo que Davis consigna del avance protestante en la ciudad y del giro de 1562, cuando la asistencia al culto se vuelve obligatoria.
«The printing industry of Lyon provides an excellent case study by which to examine the interrelations between "social forces" and Reformation in the city.» — por qué Davis elige la imprenta de Lyon como caso.
«Its personnel of about 6oo included men of most social levels: the great merchant-publishers, who were on the town Consulate; the independent publisher-printers, who were among the "notables" of the town; the lesser master craftsmen and printers' journeymen, who were lumped together with other artisans as menu peuple-the little people.» — y cómo escalona su personal, de los grandes mercaderes-editores del Consulado a los oficiales impresores contados entre el menu peuple; el troceo imprime la cifra como 6oo (lectura propuesta: 600).
«A natural guess, in anticipation of the evidence, is that most of the Lyon Protestants in the printing industry were lined up on one side of the economic battle. But this turns out not to be the case.» — Davis enuncia la conjetura previsible sobre los protestantes de la imprenta lionesa y la niega.
«I have examined evidence of group behavior and of books printed, as well as the lives of a few hundred individual publishers, masters, and journeymen, and have found that Protestantism took hold early on all levels and by the mid-rsso's had won the commitment of the large majority of men in the printing industry.» — y declara la base con que la niega: conducta de grupo, libros impresos y las vidas de unos cientos de editores, maestros y oficiales; el troceo imprime la década como mid-rsso.s (lectura propuesta: 1550).
«Economic opponents were ordinarily religious allies, even within a single printing shop.» — la formulación breve del hallazgo, que es la que encadena este ensayo con los siguientes.
«Only around 1565 does some correlation between religion and economic position appear, with publishers and masters more likely to stay in the Reformed Church than journeymen.» — y el momento en que Davis data la aparición de una correlación entre religión y posición económica.
«Are these assertions true for the printers' journeymen? What were they actually like? How can we account for their interest in Protestantism and their ability to differentiate between religious considerations and economic ones?» — y convierte esas atribuciones en las preguntas del ensayo, en vez de heredarlas.
«In answering these questions, we will see that "social forces" is a broad and slippery term.» — lo que Davis declara que el ensayo hará con la propia noción de fuerzas sociales.
«It can refer to circumstances or events that shape a man's attitude toward many things-his wife, his wealth, his chances for wisdom. But it can also refer to certain specific goals a man consciously adopts in regard to his job or his superiors and to specific steps he takes to achieve these goals.» — y los dos sentidos que distingue dentro del término.
«They came to Lyon from all over-from rural villages, from other cities, even from outside France. Almost all of them were doing something different from their fathers before them, and they were doing it in a trade that was relatively new and without traditions.» — y de dónde vienen: casi todos hacen algo distinto de lo que hacía su padre, en un oficio nuevo y sin tradiciones.
«It is not surprising that they tried to create traditions for themselves and did what they could to feel less lost and lonely.» — de donde Davis deriva el impulso a fabricarse tradiciones propias.
«They worked together, three and four to a press; and pressmen coordinated their labor with typesetter and proofreader.» — la descripción del trabajo compartido en el taller.
«journeymen were men who spent several years and often all their adult lives working for wages as pressmen, typesetters, and proofreaders.» — quiénes son los oficiales impresores según Davis: asalariados de por vida como prensistas, cajistas y correctores.
«As the journeymen themselves said, "[we) can't be compared to other artisans who work independently.» — según Davis, los propios oficiales enunciaban así su diferencia con los demás artesanos; el troceo imprime el corchete de la edición como *[we)*.
«They were bothered by the gulf between them and their masters. Not only was there an economic gulf, but they were being cut off from administrative responsibility.» — el foso que Davis les atribuye con sus maestros: económico y a la vez de exclusión de la responsabilidad administrativa.
«How wrong this was, the workers said, in the printing industry where "above all other Arts, the Masters and Journeymen are or ought to be only one body together, like a family and fraternity.» — la fórmula con que, según Davis, los trabajadores objetaban: en la imprenta maestros y oficiales son o deben ser un solo cuerpo, como una familia y una cofradía.
«Instead they formed a secular brotherhood of their own and called it a Company8-the Company of the Griffarins» — lo que Davis consigna del desenlace: los oficiales abandonan la cofradía de impresores compartida con los maestros en el convento carmelita y fundan una hermandad seglar propia.
«The title was variously pronounced Golfarin, Gorfarin, Gourfarin, and Griffarin. Golfarin is an old French word for "glutton." This was an accusation often thrown at the journeymen by their masters, who resented their demands for a higher food-salary. From Golfarin, the name became most frequently Griffarin, a neologism suggesting claws or talons, and thus the power of the Company.» — la nota al pie con la etimología que Davis propone para el nombre: de Golfarin, *glotón* en francés antiguo y reproche de los maestros por la demanda de más salario en comida, a Griffarin, neologismo de garras.
«The parish churches serving the printing quarter were dominated either by the "nonchalant" sons of nobles from nearby provinces or by canons who belonged to the Consular families of Lyon.» — quiénes servían, según Davis, las parroquias del barrio de la imprenta.
«He preached eloquently for Catholic orthodoxy and for a new system of urban poor relief. He squeezed money for a new hospital out of his rich friends and relatives, yet was also familiar to men in several printing ateliers.» — lo que Davis atribuye al dominico Santo Pagnini, que predicaba la ortodoxia y a la vez un sistema nuevo de socorro urbano y era conocido en los talleres.
«He told them he was as much a priest as any man, that Heaven was God's church and the earth His carpet, that one could say sacramental words anywhere.» — según Davis, lo que un armero pobre predicaba a los oficiales en la década de 1530; el troceo imprime el decenio como 153o.s.
«The kind of religious experience that printing workers sought afterward is expressed in the public processions they organized in 1551. They acted independently of the clandestine pastors who were meeting with less obstreperous Protestants in small conventicles.» — Davis lee las procesiones públicas de 1551 como la forma de experiencia religiosa que los trabajadores buscaban, y marca que iban por su cuenta, aparte de los pastores clandestinos.
«Their numbers and the activistic fellowship of their singing not only helped them brave arrest, but also allayed more profound fears of death and human isolation.» — lo que Davis atribuye a ese canto en número: no solo valor ante la detención, sino alivio del miedo a la muerte y al aislamiento.
«Partly they were proud of their skills; about two-thirds of them could read and write.» — la cifra de alfabetización que Davis les atribuye.
«Their learning may not have gone very deep-"lightly tinted with letters" is how one disgusted editor described them-but then the journeymen were comparing themselves with their fathers or other artisans, not with scholars.» — y el término de comparación que Davis restituye: un editor los despachaba como levemente teñidos de letras, pero ellos se medían con sus padres y con otros artesanos.
«their pride was rooted in a conviction shared by masters, publishers, and many others that printing was of enormous value to Christian society.» — de dónde deriva Davis el orgullo: de una convicción compartida con maestros y editores sobre el valor de la imprenta para la sociedad cristiana.
«A few hundred armed journeymen led other artisans and their wives up the streets singing the Psalms in French and» — y describe el acto: unos cientos de oficiales armados encabezando a otros artesanos y sus mujeres calle arriba; la frase sigue en la plana siguiente, donde el troceo intercala antes la nota al pie sobre el nombre Griffarin.
«even interspersing their Psalms with insults shouted at the noble canon-counts at the Cathedral of Saint Jean.» — la continuación del mismo acto: los salmos entreverados de insultos a los canónigos-condes de la catedral de Saint Jean.
«Printers' journeymen had a second trait, which all the authorities called "impudence," but which we can describe as confidence or pride.» — el segundo rasgo que Davis les adjudica, y el cambio de nombre que propone para lo que todas las autoridades llamaban impudencia.
«Minerva, "the Mother of Printing and Goddess of Knowledge," was the central figure in a festival they organized, and the journeymen proclaimed themselves to be the men who made her honor shine» — la figura central de la fiesta que organizaron, según Davis: Minerva como madre de la imprenta y diosa del conocimiento, y los oficiales proclamándose quienes hacen brillar su honor.
«Nor were they embarrassed by the fact that others had the capital while they did the work. Rather, they said, "the name Printer should truly be reserved for [us, since we] perform the greatest part of printing.» — según Davis, la réplica de los oficiales al reparto entre capital y trabajo: el nombre de Impresor les corresponde a ellos, que hacen la mayor parte.
«but the printers' journeymen believed that they labored not out of coercion, as slaves, but "as free men working voluntarily at an excellent and noble calling.» — y cómo se distinguían del castigo corporal reservado a quien hace trabajo físico: no obran por coacción como esclavos sino como hombres libres en una llamada excelente y noble.
«They might be among the highest paid workers in Lyon (along with carpenters' journeymen and painters' journeymen), but no matter, they thought they deserved better, especially when, as they put it, the publishers and master printers were "daily acquiring great and honorable wealth at the price of [our] sweat and marvelous toil-yea even at the price of [our] blood.» — la consecuencia práctica que Davis extrae de esa confianza: aun siendo de los mejor pagados de Lyon, se creían merecedores de más, y formulaban el agravio como riqueza de los editores al precio del sudor y la sangre ajenos.
«Indeed, among the oaths sworn by initiates into the Company of the Griffarins was one "to maintain the right order of the Printing Industry.ma They were the ones who knew what that order was and they were prepared to fight for it.» — y el juramento de iniciación que cita: mantener el recto orden de la industria de la imprenta, siendo ellos quienes sabían cuál era ese orden.
«showed no guilt about their militant disobedience in setting up their journeymen's organization, in arranging work stoppages or industrywide strikes, in taking days off when they needed them, in appealing the king's edicts to the Parlement of Paris in the face of specific royal prohibitions.» — Davis consigna la ausencia de culpa en la desobediencia: organización propia, paros, huelgas de industria, días libres tomados y apelación de los edictos reales al Parlamento de París; la frase arranca en la plana anterior con el sujeto *They*.
«During the same years, Protestant preachers and booklets in Lyon were saying again and again that the Catholic clergy treated laymen below their worth.» — lo que, según Davis, predicadores y folletos protestantes repetían en Lyon en esos mismos años.
«Already in IS24 a Protestant preacher had proclaimed with Paul the message of the New Testamentonly God has authority over our hearts. "Must we always have over us a schoolmaster with a whip in his hand?" he asked, "as if we didn't have enough sense to conduct ourselves? Must we always be apprentices?» — según Davis, la formulación de un predicador protestante en 1524 —el troceo imprime el año como IS24—: solo Dios tiene autoridad sobre los corazones, y la pregunta de si hace falta un maestro de escuela con látigo.
«Others went on to urge all Christians to test the lies of the clergy themselves against the Scripture which they could read in the vernacular.» — y el paso siguiente que otros daban, según Davis: cotejar por cuenta propia las mentiras del clero contra la Escritura en lengua vulgar.
«If a few Protestant worries began to be voiced in the IS so's about whether the simple and untutored could understand the Bible without help, nevertheless in the same years a Protestant play, probably performed on a Lyon street corner, made fun of a stupid Catholic priest who frets over the heretics. "Why you will see an artisan, a shoemaker or a locksmith, a goldsmith or a dressmaker who knows the Testament of Jesus Christ by heart. Oh, what error! Oh, what poison!» — Davis consigna a la vez el recelo protestante sobre si los simples podían entender la Biblia sin ayuda y una comedia protestante de calle que se burla del cura asustado por el artesano que sabe de memoria el Testamento; el desacuerdo queda sin armonizar.
«But did they actually study the Scripture with care in those years when few of them were involved in organized conventicles? It is hard to know.» — el límite que Davis pone a su propia afirmación sobre los oficiales impresores.
«Certainly some of the pastors with whom they were to have dealings doubted their seriousness and their understanding of doctrine.» — y consigna la duda de los propios pastores sobre la seriedad y el entendimiento doctrinal de los oficiales.
«But that they had the right to such "celestial bread" (as one printer called his publications of the Gospel in French), the proud printers' journeymen were sure.» — y lo que en cambio les atribuye por cierto: la seguridad de tener derecho a ese pan celestial, expresión con que un impresor llamaba a sus ediciones del Evangelio en francés.
«may go far toward explaining the social and vocational distribution of the Lyon Protestants in the period up to I567» — lo que Davis propone que explica el reparto social y vocacional de los protestantes lioneses hasta 1567 —el troceo imprime el año como I567—: la confianza nacida del orgullo de oficio y del propio valor frente al clero.
«The Calvinist movement as a whole drew from rich and poor-from Consular families, notable families, and families of the menu peuple-in numbers roughly proportional to their distribution in the population at large.» — la medida que Davis da del reclutamiento calvinista por posición social: proporcional al peso de cada grupo en la población.
«If there is no significant correlation between socioeconomic position and religion in those years, there is one, however, between vocation and religion.» — y la correlación que sí halla: no con la posición socioeconómica sino con el oficio.
«These were metiers in which skills were involved, and often in which there was some novelty-e.g. new technology (as in printing), new claims for prestige (as in painting and jewelry and goldsmith's work), and even recent arrival in Lyon (as in the manufacture and finishing of silk cloth).» — qué oficios estaban sobrerrepresentados según Davis: los que pedían destreza y a menudo tenían algo de novedad, sea técnica, de prestigio o de llegada reciente a la ciudad.
«In contrast, very few grain merchants, vintners, butchers, bakers, or ropemakers of any status became Protestants.» — y el contraste: casi ningún tratante de grano, vinatero, carnicero, panadero o cordelero.
«Sharing an interest in Protestantism within a craft did not preclude fighting on economic matters.» — la formulación general del hallazgo: compartir el protestantismo dentro de un oficio no impedía pelear por lo económico.
«There journeymen, masters, and publishers cooperated under the very nose of the Inquisition to produce quantities of heretical editions.» — el caso que Davis llama más paradójico: en la imprenta, oficiales, maestros y editores cooperaban ante la Inquisición para producir ediciones heréticas.
«Nevertheless these conspirators were clashing with each other about, for instance, the masters' using unpaid apprentice labor to take the place of journeymen at the press and the composing table.» — y a la vez pleiteaban por el uso de aprendices sin paga en el puesto de los oficiales.
«By "secularistic" I mean to suggest a wide but interrelated group of phenomena: the explaining, planning, and justifying of events in this-worldly terms; the use of nonreligious sanctions and techniques to influence social action; and the assumption by laymen of increasing responsibility in directing social activities formerly directed by the clerical estate.» — la nota al pie en que Davis define el término con que explica el fenómeno: explicar y justificar los hechos en términos de este mundo, usar sanciones y técnicas no religiosas, y que los laicos asuman actividades antes dirigidas por el estamento clerical.
«They were not trying to get higher wages when they sang Psalms publicly in the streets of Lyon.» — la prueba con que Davis sostiene esa diferenciación: el canto público de salmos no perseguía salario.
«Nor did they imagine that their strikes were going to end "the eight or nine hundred years of tyranny of the canon-counts of Saint Jean.» — ni las huelgas, según Davis, se proponían acabar con lo que los propios oficiales llamaban ocho o nueve siglos de tiranía de los canónigos-condes.
«They did not even employ the apparatus of the Griffarins as such-its oaths and punishments-to enforce religious conformity within the Company.» — y el dato que Davis pone del lado del mismo argumento: el aparato de juramentos y castigos de la Compañía no se usó para imponer conformidad religiosa.
«In the I54o's, when more and more of its members became Protestant sympathizers, the Company stopped paying for a common mass.» — lo que Davis data en la década de 1540 —el troceo imprime I54o's—: la Compañía deja de pagar una misa común al hacerse protestantes cada vez más de sus miembros.
«This had the practical advantage of maintaining labor unity between the large majority of Protestant Griffarins and the small number of Griffarins who remained Catholic in the late I55o's.» — y la ventaja práctica que le atribuye: mantener la unidad laboral entre la mayoría protestante y la minoría católica de los Griffarins.
«The printing workers were men of quite wide experience. Many of them had moved from city to city, and their own circle in Lyon was cosmopolitan.» — la primera fuente que Davis da de esa actitud secularista.
«And then they were living in a city that had a laic tradition of its own-one bred of centuries of conflict between town Consulate and ecclesiastical seigneurs, and reinforced in the Ipo's and I530's when the Consulate had taken over responsibility for secondary education and poor relief in the city.» — y la segunda: una tradición laica propia de Lyon, nacida del pleito secular entre Consulado y señores eclesiásticos y reforzada cuando el Consulado tomó a su cargo la enseñanza secundaria y el socorro a los pobres.
«Even the menu peuple of Lyon had inherited from the early days of the commune a vague but secularistic notion of their right to rebellion in times of oppression.» — y lo que Davis atribuye incluso al menu peuple: una noción vaga pero secularista de su derecho a rebelarse en tiempos de opresión.
«To be sure, they blamed their difficulties on "the immoderate and excessive desire" of their masters for gain. And they must also have thought that "avarice" was susceptible to religious controls.» — lo que sí les atribuye: cargar la culpa al deseo inmoderado y excesivo de ganancia de los maestros, y suponer que la avaricia admitía freno religioso.
«But that would take a long time, "human nature being more inclined to evil than to good," as they said soberly in another connection.» — y el plazo con que los propios oficiales lo acotaban, según Davis, con la fórmula sobre la naturaleza humana más inclinada al mal que al bien.
«Meanwhile, they set the wage scale that they wanted and would work for no master who paid less; they refused to work for a master who had unjustly fired a Griffarin; they walked out of a shop if a master refused to accede to a request made three times; they beat up apprentices whom the master put on their jobs; and for those journeymen who would not join the Company of the Griffarins they reserved a vile name (Forfant) and a painful punishment-hamstringing.» — el repertorio de acción directa que Davis enumera, hasta el nombre vil —Forfant— y el castigo de desjarretar al que no entraba en la Compañía.
«In this secularistic context and with their ability to observe daily affairs realistically, the printers' journeymen did not conclude that a change in religious institutions and practices was essential for» — lo que Davis niega que los oficiales concluyeran; el troceo corta la frase aquí y la continuación, en la misma plana, dice *change in relations between them and their masters*.
«For revolutionary in the full sense the printers' journeymen were not. Radical though their notion was about the relative importance of labor to capital, they still thought of their industry in terms of right ordering and allowed something of an elite to grow up within the Company of the Griffarins itself.» — el límite que Davis pone a la radicalidad de los oficiales: pensaban la industria en términos de recto orden y dejaron crecer una élite dentro de la propia Compañía.
«Slightly fantastic though their image was of the golden age of printing, when they said gentlemen had worked as printers' journeymen,29 no egalitarian or communistic millennium in the future danced before their eyes.» — y el segundo límite: la edad de oro de la imprenta que imaginaban miraba atrás, sin milenio igualitario ni comunista por delante.
«They did not draw upon the Bible to justify their secular demands-either in public statements before king and Consulate or in frank sworn testimony by individual Griffarins.» — el dato que Davis subraya: ni en las declaraciones públicas ni en el testimonio jurado usaban la Biblia para fundar sus demandas seculares.
«They justified their claims only in terms of the kind of work they did, and they "sanctified" them by an awe-inspiring but profane initiation rite of their own creation.» — y con qué las fundaban: la clase de trabajo que hacían, santificada por un rito de iniciación propio que Davis llama profano.
«It is true that in the early I 5 30's they led popular demonstrations for urban poor relief. From time to time they also beat up scabs for the dyers' journeymen in return for similar services toward their own Forfants.» — la excepción que Davis consigna a su desinterés por lo secular fuera del oficio: manifestaciones por el socorro urbano y palizas a esquiroles en reciprocidad con los oficiales tintoreros.
«It was only in regard to changing the religious life in Lyon that they habitually felt themselves part of a larger movement.» — y el único terreno en que, según Davis, se sentían parte de un movimiento mayor.
«Despite the jubilant enthusiasm in 1562 when Lyon was "reduced to the Gospel" or in 1564 when psalm-singing men, women, and children dug the foundations for a Reformed temple, the religious expectations of the printers' journeymen were disappointed.» — el giro del ensayo: pese al júbilo de 1562 y de 1564, Davis consigna la decepción de las expectativas religiosas de los oficiales.
«Out of 95 men who served as surveillants (or monitors, as they called their elders) and deacons of the Church up to I565, seven were publishers, one was a paper merchant, two were master printers, and none was a printers' journeyman.» — la cuenta con que Davis lo sostiene: de noventa y cinco vigilantes y diáconos del Consistorio hasta 1565, siete editores, un mercader de papel, dos maestros impresores y ningún oficial.
«The noble and Catholic canon-counts of Saint Jean were shocked by the extent to which artisans and foreigners did play a role in the Consistory;33 but the proud printers' journeymen, with somewhat different standards of rank and order, were surely sorry to be thus cut off from special vocation.» — y el contraste que Davis monta: a los canónigos-condes les escandalizaba cuántos artesanos y extranjeros había en el Consistorio, mientras los oficiales, con otra medida del rango, lamentaban quedar fuera.
«Another source of trouble was the Consistory's standards of moral behavior. No one, whether banker or shoemaker, liked being haled before the Consistory and denied the Holy Supper for drunkenness, gourmandism, wifebeating, flirting, and the like.» — la segunda fuente de conflicto según Davis: la disciplina moral del Consistorio, que privaba de la Santa Cena por embriaguez, glotonería, golpear a la mujer o coquetear.
«But at least many members of the Church felt guilty about what they had done; with the printers' journeymen this was often not the case. Though they could discipline themselves around the press or in organizing a strike, there were many sensual impulses they saw no harm in indulging.» — y la diferencia que Davis marca: muchos fieles sentían culpa, los oficiales impresores a menudo no.
«We can already see this difference in religious sensibility in the 155o's, when the printers' journeymen were out singing Psalms in the streets while more introspective Protestants in the conventicles were striving for "the witness of good life and conversation.» — donde Davis data esa diferencia de sensibilidad: en los años cincuenta, los oficiales cantando salmos en la calle mientras los protestantes más introspectivos buscaban en los conventículos el testimonio de buena vida.
«The workers learned only in the 156o's that their pastors classed them with the "epicureans," who "seek carnal liberty under the false title of Gospel.» — y lo que los trabajadores supieron después: que sus pastores los clasificaban entre los epicúreos que buscan libertad carnal bajo el falso título del Evangelio.
«Even then many printers' journeymen saw nothing wrong in the old custom of rousing sleepyheads on the Feast of the Innocents with a spanking-and maybe a kiss for the girls-even though the Consistory of Geneva called this» — la costumbre que los oficiales no veían mal, según Davis: despertar a los dormilones en la fiesta de los Inocentes con azotes —y un beso para las muchachas—, que el Consistorio de Ginebra llamaba lascivia.
«Viret, the city's leading pastor, explained that "special vocation" in the Church could not disturb too much "rank and order" in society.» — lo que Davis atribuye al pastor principal de la ciudad, Pierre Viret: la vocación especial en la Iglesia no podía perturbar demasiado el rango y el orden de la sociedad.
«The Griffarins have conceived a mortal hatred for other printers' journeymen whom they call Forfants ... because they work for lower wages .... They have plotted to exterminate them .... This is in itself atrocious, enormous, barbarous-thus to take away the means by which these poor journeymen [i.e. the Forfants] can earn their living at moderate and reasonable wages. But in addition this leads to monopolies, which are pernicious to the public. It holds the master printers in subjection and raises the cost of books whose use is very necessary.» — según Davis, los términos en que los pastores protestantes hablaban de los Griffarins: odio mortal a los Forfants por trabajar más barato, plan de exterminio, y de ahí al monopolio que encarece los libros y sujeta a los maestros.
«What is significant about these remarks is not the assumptions upon which they rest. The traditional dutiful servant turns up as regularly in Catholic writing of the time as he does in Pastor Viret's books.» — lo que Davis dice que no es lo significativo del pasaje: el criado obediente aparece igual en la escritura católica de la época.
«The difference lies not in how Catholic and Protestant clerics thought, but in what they did. The Catholic clergy of Lyon did nothing about strikes in the printing industry.» — dónde sitúa Davis la diferencia: no en cómo pensaban los clérigos de uno y otro bando sino en lo que hacían.
«It did not say anything on the subject; it did not urge any particular government action; it certainly invoked no spiritual penalties against striking journeymen.» — y qué omitió el clero católico de Lyon: ni pronunciamiento, ni petición de medida de gobierno, ni pena espiritual contra los huelguistas.
«Nothing can better illustrate the free play that the Lyon Catholic Church allowed to secular forces at this date than the strike that occurred within its own bosom-that of the perpetual chaplains at the Cathedral of Saint Jean.» — el ejemplo con que Davis mide la tolerancia católica a las fuerzas seculares: una huelga dentro de la propia catedral, la de los capellanes perpetuos.
«The chaplains struck against the canon-counts for an increase in the distributions given them after daily masses-that is, they refused to say their responses at the great annual festival in June.» — en qué consistió la huelga de los capellanes, según Davis: negarse a decir sus respuestas en la gran fiesta anual de junio para obtener más distribuciones.
«As there were no Forfants, the canon-counts had to chant responses themselves with the simple priests, a scandal unheard of in the long history of this eminent chapter.» — y el desenlace: sin esquiroles, los canónigos-condes tuvieron que cantar las respuestas ellos mismos con los curas simples.
«Although the canon-counts thundered that these upstarts were really conducting a "monopoly" against God, no spiritual punishment was used against any of them. None of the rebels was unfrocked, demoted, or removed from the cathedral. They won their increase, too.» — y la asimetría que Davis remarca: se les acusó de monopolio contra Dios, pero ninguno fue degradado ni expulsado, y ganaron el aumento.
«Such laxity* was not at all the style of the energetic Protestant ministers and members of the Consistory, who were trying to impart to all relationships at least the outward character of the holy community.» — el contraste que Davis traza con los ministros protestantes y el Consistorio, empeñados en dar a toda relación al menos el carácter exterior de la comunidad santa.
«Before 1560, at least three views on the printing strikes were prevalent in Protestant circles-one pro-journeymen, one promasters and publishers, and one urging compromise.» — el estado de la opinión protestante sobre las huelgas antes de 1560, según Davis: tres posturas conviviendo.
«Earlier the Griffarins had had only royal lieutenants and urban sergeants from whom to conceal their doings. Now surveillants and pastors were investigating them» — lo que cambia con el Consistorio: antes se ocultaban de tenientes reales y sargentos urbanos, ahora también los investigan vigilantes y pastores.
«Before 1560 the only punishments that members of the Griffarins anticipated if they were caught were imprisonment and whipping. Now there was the danger of being denied the Lord's Supper.» — y el castigo nuevo que se añade a la cárcel y los azotes: quedar privado de la Cena.
«This was a serious penalty in those years, for it put the soul in jeopardy. It was much easier for Satan to torment people cut off from the sacrament, Lyon Protestants were being told, and those who remained unreconciled to God and His Church would ultimately be cut off not only from the Lord's Supper and the company of the faithful, but also from eternallife.» — por qué Davis lo llama pena grave: se decía en Lyon que a quien queda fuera del sacramento le es más fácil a Satanás atormentarlo, y que el irreconciliado acaba cortado también de la vida eterna; el troceo imprime *eternallife* por la unión de dos palabras.
«In short, strikes had become relevant to salvation.» — la frase con que Davis cierra el giro del ensayo y que le da el título.
«The story of the Company of the Griffarins was unearthed by the Consistories mostly in the course of two inquiries-one following the death of a Protestant Forfant after a fight with a group of Protestant Griffarins, the other following the unsuccessful attempt of several refugee Griffarins to maintain their organization in Geneva.» — cómo llegó a saberse la historia de la Compañía, según Davis: dos pesquisas del Consistorio, una por la muerte de un Forfant protestante y otra por el intento de mantener la organización en Ginebra.
«There was much to be shocked at: the economic "monopolies," of course; but also the initiation ceremonies in which godfathers poured water and wine on the journeyman's head and gave him a new and usually coarse name, and the profane song in which the name of the Lord began and the name of the Holy Ghost ended each verse (in a version some Griffarins imagined to be more proper, the words "fat Margot" were substituted for the Holy Ghost).» — de qué se escandalizaban, según Davis: el monopolio, y también el rito de iniciación con agua y vino sobre la cabeza y nombre nuevo, y el canto profano que abría con el nombre del Señor y cerraba con el del Espíritu Santo —en una versión que algunos Griffarins tenían por más decente, sustituido por *fat Margot*.
«The Reformed Church was jealous, and with reason, of any special group in a Reformed society that tried to possess too exclusively the loyalty of its members.» — y cómo Davis describe el recelo de la Iglesia Reformada hacia cualquier grupo especial que reclamara la lealtad exclusiva de sus miembros.
«They had to choose between their Company and their Consistory, which was insisting that all members renounce their oaths.» — la disyuntiva en que Davis pone a los Griffarins protestantes a mediados de los años sesenta.
«The Company was the one group to which they belonged that had given them traditions and identity; a sense of fellowship, of participation, and of some control over their worldly destiny; and even material aid when they were sick or out of work.» — lo que la Compañía era además de un instrumento de fines seculares, según Davis: tradiciones, identidad, compañerismo, participación, control del destino mundano y auxilio material.
«Its ceremonies could help them cope with fears about life, but not with fears about death.» — el límite que Davis pone a lo que la Compañía podía dar.
«Anabaptism was out, not only because the loyalty it exacted from its members was even more exclusive than that of the Reformed Church,47 but also because the printers' journeymen were not in sympathy with Anabaptist views of society. Anyway there was virtually no Anabaptist proselytizing in Lyon.» — por qué Davis descarta el anabaptismo como salida para ellos: lealtad aún más exclusiva, desacuerdo con su visión de la sociedad y prácticamente ningún proselitismo en Lyon.
«What about Spiritual Libertinism? Possibly, if it had had some organization and had been more than a stirring among eccentric editors and professional men in the city.» — y por qué descarta el libertinismo espiritual: le faltaba organización y no pasaba de una agitación entre editores y profesionales excéntricos.
«Henceforth their pride would be expressed only through Minerva, the Mother of Printing, who presided over their secular festivals.» — y adónde se repliega su orgullo, según Davis: a Minerva, madre de la imprenta, que presidía sus fiestas seculares.
«The movement away from the Reformed Church began in 1566. By 1572 it was almost complete. The psalm-singing printers' journeymen became in the late sixteenth century Catholic politiques who regretted that France should tear herself to pieces for the sake of religion.» — el desenlace que Davis data: los oficiales cantores de salmos acaban siendo *politiques* católicos que lamentan que Francia se despedace por religión.
«the Consistories were extremely uneasy about the "sect"-like qualities of the Company of the Griffarins, by which they meant the way it divided men from other» — lo que más inquietaba a los consistorios según Davis: las cualidades de secta de la Compañía, es decir el modo en que separaba a los hombres de otras lealtades; la frase sigue en la plana siguiente con *loyalties*.
«For instance, an oath was taken putting loyalty to one's fellow Griffarin above loyalty to a father or brother who happened to be a Forfant.» — el ejemplo que Davis da de esa separación: el juramento que ponía la lealtad al compañero Griffarin por encima de la del padre o el hermano que fuera Forfant.
«The only real alternative was the Mother Church.» — la única alternativa que le queda a los oficiales según Davis; la frase que sigue dice que volvieron a ella con tibieza.
«pion, the great Jesuit preacher Emond Auger, would not agree that "low and ignorant artisans" should read and judge the Gospels.» — la reserva con que vuelven: ni el gran predicador jesuita Emond Auger, su campeón más eficaz, admitía que artesanos bajos e ignorantes leyeran y juzgaran los Evangelios; el troceo parte *champion* entre dos planas y deja aquí *pion*.
«The vicar of the Bishop of Tournai is abusing my little book on the poor [De subventione pauperum]," the great Spanish humanist Juan Luis Vives wrote to a friend in I527; "he rules that it is heretical and Lutheran.» — el segundo ensayo abre con lo que, según Davis, Juan Luis Vives escribió a un amigo en 1527: que el vicario del obispo de Tournai declaraba herético y luterano su librito sobre los pobres.
«A few years later the mendicant orders of Ypres were saying the same thing about the poor-relief system which the magistrates of that Flemish city had recently established: "Forbidding [anyone] to ask for alms ... is evil, vicious, and in conformity with a principle of Luther which has been condemned.» — y el mismo reproche en boca de las órdenes mendicantes de Ypres contra el sistema de socorro de los magistrados flamencos: prohibir pedir limosna es principio de Lutero, condenado.
«The eminent theologians at the Sorbonne thought the Ypres scheme was at least "salutary and pious," but they went on to warn in I53I that the magistrates must not prohibit public begging and alms-giving in the streets; any attempt to appropriate ecclesiastical revenues for poor relief "would be the part not of good Catholics, but of impious heretics, Waldensians, Wycliffites or Lutherans.» — y la postura intermedia de los teólogos de la Sorbona según Davis: el plan de Ypres es saludable y piadoso, pero prohibir la mendicidad pública o tomar rentas eclesiásticas sería cosa de herejes impíos, valdenses, wiclefitas o luteranos.
«Not long after, the Dominican prior and Inquisitor of Lyon, one Nicolas Morin, raised the same issue there. In I532 he wrote an attack on a passionate sermon8 in which the French cleric and humanist Jean de Vauzelles had urged the notables of Lyon to introduce sweeping new welfare measures. The book was filled with errors, Morin said, "and pernicious to Catholic piety." Lyon had much more to fear from a host of heretics and unfaithful than it did from an abundance of poor strangers.» — y el cuarto testimonio: el prior dominico e inquisidor de Lyon, Nicolas Morin, atacando en 1532 el sermón de Jean de Vauzelles, y sosteniendo que Lyon tenía más que temer de los herejes que de los pobres forasteros.
«In the sixteenth century the magistrates of Ypres said they were astonished to be called Lutherans when all they cared about was helping the poor.» — la réplica de los magistrados de Ypres que Davis consigna: se asombraban de que los llamaran luteranos.
«Perhaps the trouble is that we have not sufficiently convinced ourselves of how and why European religious sensibility had changed in regard to begging and the charitable act even without the impact of Reformed teachings on these subjects.» — la primera de las cuatro sospechas con que Davis reordena la cuestión: que no hemos entendido cómo cambió la sensibilidad religiosa europea sobre la mendicidad y el acto caritativo aun sin la enseñanza reformada.
«Perhaps also we have not inquired closely enough whether certain assumptions underlying the new poor laws do not flow as naturally from Erasmian views of education, order, and charity as they do from Protestant ones about works and church polity.» — la tercera: si los supuestos de las nuevas leyes de pobres no se siguen tan naturalmente de la visión erasmiana de la educación, el orden y la caridad como de la protestante.
«And finally perhaps we must ask once again whether businessmen and lawyers on European town councils did not, irrespective of their religious convictions, bring their vocational experiences to bear on the difficulties of urban life.» — y la cuarta: si hombres de negocios y juristas de los concejos no llevaban su experiencia de oficio al problema urbano, con independencia de sus convicciones religiosas.
«I want now to make such an inquiry about the institution of the Aum6ne-Generale of Lyon during the early 153o's.» — el objeto que Davis se fija para el ensayo: la Aumône-Générale de Lyon en los años treinta del siglo XVI; el troceo imprime el decenio como 153o's.
«But what makes Lyon especially useful for analysis is that during the 153o's she was a Catholic city, whose clergy ran the spectrum from the Catholic reformer through the nonchalant canon; that she had important circles of humanist activity;» — por qué Davis elige Lyon: en los años treinta era ciudad católica con un clero que iba del reformador al canónigo indolente, y tenía círculos humanistas importantes.
«Lyon's population was already growing by 1490, and it had very likely doubled by the mid-sixteenth century. In the 153o's between 4o,ooo and 45,000 people were living within its expanded city walls.» — la medida demográfica con que Davis abre el análisis: población doblada hacia mediados de siglo y entre cuarenta y cuarenta y cinco mil habitantes en los años treinta; el troceo imprime la primera cifra como 4o,ooo.
«humanists other than Vives played a role in reforming poor relief on the Continent.» — la segunda sospecha de Davis, cuyo arranque queda en la plana anterior: que no se ha visto hasta qué punto humanistas cristianos distintos de Vives intervinieron en la reforma del socorro en el continente.
«Chances looked good in a city with four annual fairs-a city the Italian banking houses had already made a center for the European money market, and where new shops were opening in printing, in the metal trades, and in finishing textiles.» — por qué venían a Lyon, según Davis: cuatro ferias al año, la banca italiana que la había hecho centro del mercado europeo del dinero, y talleres nuevos de imprenta, metal y acabado textil.
«So they came-the children of peasants from the Lyonnais, Burgundy, and Savoie; young artisans from Flanders, Germany, and Italy, from Dijon and Troyes and Paris.» — de dónde venían, según Davis: hijos de campesinos del Lyonnais, Borgoña y Saboya, artesanos jóvenes de Flandes, Alemania e Italia, de Dijon, Troyes y París.
«But poverty was also the plight of the skilled journeymen whose wages were two or three times that much, and poverty could sometimes grip their masters as well.» — lo que Davis subraya contra la imagen corriente: la pobreza no era solo del que no tenía oficio, alcanzaba al oficial cualificado y a veces al maestro.
«For instance, 79 families in which the husband was still alive were added to the relief rolls of the Aumone-Generale in a fifteen-month period of the 153o's (see Table 1). Only 41 percent of these men were unskilled; the rest were artisans.» — la cuenta con que lo sostiene: de setenta y nueve familias con marido vivo inscritas en quince meses, solo el 41 por ciento eran de hombres sin oficio.
«This was the case partly because the incomes of artisans had to stretch to feed so many mouths. "Poor householders and artisans heavily burdened with children,» — la razón que Davis da, con la fórmula de las propias ordenanzas de la Aumône-Générale sobre los artesanos cargados de hijos.
«Is it surprising that the master weaver Pierre les Combes with his five children should need help even though he had two looms and a journeyman and one of his own sons to keep them busy? Or that the notary Andre Gouzebaud had sold most of his furniture to feed his seven children and pregnant wife?» — los dos casos con que Davis lo ilustra desde el archivo: el maestro tejedor Pierre les Combes, con cinco hijos, dos telares y un oficial, y el notario André Gouzebaud, que vendió casi todos sus muebles para alimentar a siete hijos y a su mujer encinta.
«Some trades, such as construction, just stopped during the damp, cold winters of Lyon; others were "reduced to nothing" by foreign competition. An expanding industry like printing had its troubles, too, for demand was not always translated promptly into orders, and the presses of small shops were quieted from time to time.» — la estacionalidad y la fragilidad de los oficios que Davis consigna: la construcción parada en el invierno lionés, otros oficios reducidos a nada por la competencia extranjera, y las prensas de los talleres chicos calladas por temporadas.
«By the early 153o's citizens were claiming that plague was "sprouting" in Lyon every year.21 Visitors noticed that the Lyonnais always suffered with colds and pleurisy. Printers' journeymen complained that presswork gave them arthritis.» — el cuadro sanitario que Davis reúne: la peste brotando cada año según los propios vecinos, los catarros y pleuresías que notaban los visitantes, y la artritis que los oficiales impresores atribuían al trabajo de prensa.
«About 30 percent of them died there, and the families of the others suffered temporary loss of income.» — la cifra de mortalidad en el Hôtel-Dieu que Davis extrae del archivo y su efecto sobre el ingreso familiar.
«Of course, the rich got sick and had babies as well, but on the poor the economic effects were devastating.» — y la asimetría que marca: los ricos también enfermaban y parían, pero el efecto económico caía sobre los pobres.
«In normal years an unskilled worker in Lyon paid more than half a day's wage for a weekly supply of low-quality bread for himself alone; but there were several years between I500 and I53I when grain, and accordingly bread, cost three to six times that price.» — la medida del hambre que Davis da en jornales de pan.
«This was largely the fault of a primitive agriculture and inadequate transportation, but (as food rioters believed and recent research has confirmed) hoarding by grain speculators made matters worse.» — a qué lo atribuye: agricultura primitiva y transporte insuficiente, y el acaparamiento de los especuladores de grano, que los amotinados creían y la investigación reciente confirma.
«Poverty was not usually shamefaced, did not remain quietly sick behind closed shutters; instead it poured into the streets with begging, noise, crime, threat of disease, and rioting.» — cómo describe Davis la visibilidad de esa pobreza: no se quedaba enferma tras las contraventanas sino que se volcaba a la calle.
«But what the poor craftsman or day laborer was much more likely to do when times were hard was send his children out to beg. Even the Consulate was turning out foundlings from the Hotel-Dieu at the age of seven to ask alms in the street, with a sign explaining their plight.» — lo que Davis dice que hacía el artesano o jornalero pobre en los malos tiempos: mandar a mendigar a los hijos; hasta el Consulado sacaba a los expósitos del Hôtel-Dieu a los siete años con un cartel que explicaba su caso.
«So townsmen complained of "the great number of little children crying and hooting with hunger and cold day and night through the town, making a marvellous racket in the churches, disturbing the devotion of the people .... Oh, what confusion, heartbreak and scandal.» — la queja de los vecinos que Davis cita: el gran número de niños llorando y aullando de hambre y de frío día y noche por la ciudad, alborotando las iglesias y estorbando la devoción.
«The presence of many children among city beggars may well have been a new development, one associated with the population growth of the late fifteenth century. In any case, as we shall see, it was an important factor in welfare reform and in humanist interest in poor relief.» — la hipótesis que Davis propone con su límite dentro: la abundancia de niños entre los mendigos pudo ser novedad ligada al crecimiento demográfico, y fue factor de la reforma asistencial y del interés humanista por ella.
«Making noise and scandal in"the streets along with the children were the professional beggars, men and women who rarely if ever worked for wages and who used all their skill to collect alms.» — quiénes acompañaban a los niños en la calle, según Davis: mendigos profesionales que rara vez trabajaban a jornal y ponían toda su destreza en recoger limosna.
«these terms from Jean de Vauzelles' sermon give a glimpse of the rich vocabulary of opprobrium that the higher orders throughout Europe had evolved to describe its vagrants and vagabonds, its bums, tramps, and loafers.» — lo que Davis extrae del vocabulario del sermón de Jean de Vauzelles: el rico repertorio de oprobio que los órdenes superiores de Europa habían fabricado para sus vagabundos.
«Legislation against them began in Europe even before the Black Death/8 but by the fifteenth century the magistrates of Basel could detail 25 distinct categories of phony beggars, and they missed a few that were current in France.» — la data que Davis pone a la legislación contra ellos y la cifra que atribuye a los magistrados de Basilea: veinticinco categorías distintas de mendigo falso, y aun así faltaban algunas usuales en Francia.
«There were those who pretended to have epilepsy and those who pretended to have been bitten by mad dogs; there were men who pretended to be hangmen on expiatory pilgrimages, and women who pretended to be penitents, begging by day as Mary Magdalene and then "moonlighting" later at Mary Magdalene's former trade.» — el catálogo de simulaciones que Davis enumera de esa fuente, hasta la que fingía ser penitente y mendigaba de día como Magdalena para volver de noche al oficio anterior de la Magdalena.
«Compare Hieronymus Bosch's painting of the conjurer playing the old shell game while his partner works the audience lifting purses.» — la comparación visual que Davis propone para esa zona entre mendicidad y timo: el cuadro de Hieronymus Bosch del prestidigitador con el juego de los cubiletes mientras su socio vacía las bolsas del público.
«the numbers of beggars and vagabonds on the streets of Lyon were constantly being swelled by strangers seeking almsvagrants passing through, beggars coming at fair time, and beggars following the royal court, which stayed in Lyon, for instance, in I524-25.» — de dónde venían los refuerzos, según Davis: vagabundos de paso, mendigos de feria y mendigos que seguían a la corte real.
«Every June there occurred the big religious festival of the year, the Pardon of Saint Jean Baptiste, and the cloister of the cathedral was jammed with mendicants from nearby provinces, "running, jumping, shouting and singing," to the annoyance of the canon-counts.» — la fiesta que concentraba mendigos según Davis: el Perdón de San Juan Bautista en junio, con el claustro de la catedral atestado de mendicantes corriendo, saltando, gritando y cantando.
«Sometimes they came in orderly processions, all barefoot and dressed in white as penitents calling "rain, rain" in the country dialect of the Lyonnais.» — cómo llegaban los del campo en un caso: en procesión ordenada, descalzos y vestidos de blanco como penitentes, llamando *lluvia, lluvia* en el dialecto del Lyonnais.
«Sometimes, as in the terrible spring of 1531, they came from as far away as Burgundy "in great troops and boatloads without any government among them.» — y cómo en otro: en la primavera de 1531, desde tan lejos como Borgoña, en grandes tropeles y barcadas sin gobierno alguno.
«it is hardly surprising that ecclesiastical and lay sentiment had long since hardened against the professional beggar, but the point is that it was now turning against all beggars in the city.» — el giro que Davis marca en el sentimiento eclesiástico y laico: endurecido desde antiguo contra el mendigo profesional, ahora se vuelve contra todo mendigo de la ciudad.
«For the humanist Vives, as well as for the Venetian Senate in its poor law of 1528 and the town council of Avignon later in the sixteenth century, welfare reform was also a health measure.» — lo que Davis consigna como convergencia: para Vives, para el Senado veneciano de 1528 y para el concejo de Aviñón, la reforma asistencial era también medida sanitaria.
«Thus, a revulsion against mendicancy could grow independently of any religious critique of the merits of charitable acts.» — y la conclusión que extrae de ahí: el rechazo de la mendicidad podía crecer sin ninguna crítica religiosa al mérito de las obras de caridad.
«No one remembered experiencing anything so horrible as the spring famine of 1531. More than 1,500 country folk and at least 4,500 inhabitants of the city were in desperate need.» — la cifra del hambre de 1531 que Davis da: más de mil quinientos campesinos y al menos cuatro mil quinientos habitantes de la ciudad en necesidad desesperada.
«The beggars' art had its discomforts, too: some asked alms almost naked even in winter; others rubbed their skins with chemicals to give the impression of disease.» — y las incomodidades del arte, según el mismo catálogo: pedir casi desnudo en invierno, frotarse la piel con químicos para fingir enfermedad.
«In fact, rats and fleas do not need mendicants to thrive and migrate; but the spread of other diseases may well have been facilitated by crowds of beggars, and these in turn may have lowered» — el paréntesis en que Davis separa la creencia de la época del mecanismo: ratas y pulgas no necesitan mendigos para prosperar y migrar; la frase sigue en la plana siguiente con *la resistencia de la población a la peste*.
«At first the inhabitants tried to feed people in the old way-individual handouts outside their houses. But all that happened, said Vauzelles, was that some of the starving gorged themselves so suddenly that they suffocated and died, while others threw themselves upon the donors so violently that the food was lost and they became afraid to give.» — lo que Davis consigna del auxilio a la antigua durante el hambre de 1531, según Vauzelles: unos hambrientos se atragantaban hasta ahogarse y otros se echaban sobre quien daba con tal violencia que la comida se perdía y el donante acababa temiendo dar.
«Under these circumstances, for Vauzelles, compassion was transformed into fear and horror, and the fruits of compassion were death, not life.» — la formulación con que Davis resume el giro de Vauzelles: la compasión vuelta miedo y horror, y sus frutos vueltos muerte.
«had lost its identity, "so thickly sown with poverty that it resembled rather a hospital of the famished.» — y lo que Vauzelles decía de la ciudad misma, según Davis: sembrada de pobreza hasta parecer más bien un hospital de hambrientos.
«It was only when the Consulate and notables had set up an organization, a precursor of the Aumone-Generale, with all food distributed regularly in specified places, with everyone off the streets in temporary log cabins-only then could Vauzelles talk of charity in the city, of Jesus "by a new rebirth ... enveloped in the misery of these poor and receiving a greater welcome than in his town of Bethlehem.» — cuándo podía Vauzelles hablar otra vez de caridad, según Davis: solo con la distribución regular en sitios señalados y la gente fuera de la calle, en cabañas de troncos; entonces Jesús, por un nuevo renacimiento, quedaba envuelto en la miseria de esos pobres.
«And since people do such execrable things when they are starving, Vauzelles concluded that it was better to prevent people from ever falling into such hunger than to lift them out of it.» — la conclusión que Davis atribuye a Vauzelles: más vale impedir que la gente caiga en tal hambre que sacarla de ella.
«Poverty was threatening not only physical and spiritual health, but also property and power.» — el tercer frente que Davis añade a la salud física y espiritual.
«The Consulate promised concessions to restore order, but a few weeks later it was busier with whipping and hanging the rebel leaders than with reducing the price of bread.» — y cómo respondió el Consulado, según Davis: prometió concesiones y semanas después azotaba y ahorcaba a los cabecillas en vez de bajar el precio del pan.
«For a day the rioters had been masters of the city.» — la razón que Davis da de esa prioridad del castigo sobre la prevención.
«Nicolas Volcyr's hair-raising description of the Peasants' Revolt in Alsace was being read among the Consular families, and Champier was imagining that the same thing could happen in Lyon.» — el miedo que Davis documenta entre las familias consulares: la descripción de Nicolas Volcyr de la revuelta campesina de Alsacia, leída en esas casas, y Champier imaginando lo mismo en Lyon.
«Champier was so insulted at the attack on his house that he wrote a book on the rebeine of I529, reminding the poor how he had persuaded the Consulate, in speeches decked out with Hebrew, Greek, Egyptian, and Roman examples, to put a tariff on wine rather than on grain or flour.» — lo que Champier hizo tras el ataque a su casa, según Davis: escribir un libro sobre la rebeine para recordar a los pobres que él había convencido al Consulado, con ejemplos hebreos, griegos, egipcios y romanos, de gravar el vino y no el grano.
«If Champier stood alone among his contemporaries in believing that the rioters' disobedience was the result of heresy (and my own research has shown that what Protestant sympathizers there were among the poor were not in the mob, but in the special troops set up to restore order and requisition grain by force from private granaries),» — Davis acota la tesis de Champier sobre la herejía como causa del motín con su propia investigación: los simpatizantes protestantes entre los pobres no estaban en la turba sino en las tropas que restablecían el orden y requisaban grano.
«But punishment was no answer-"a hungry people cannot fear the gibbet," said Jean de Vauzelles-and the autumn of I530 was to see well-armed and disciplined artisans-printers' and dyers' journeymen-marching through the streets and posting placards about the cost of living.» — la frase de Jean de Vauzelles que Davis usa de bisagra —un pueblo hambriento no puede temer la horca— y lo que siguió en el otoño de 1530: oficiales impresores y tintoreros armados y disciplinados desfilando y fijando carteles sobre el costo de la vida.
«Blaming the rather high price of grain on speculators and conniving magistrates, about two thousand inhabitants, most of them unskilled laborers, women,» — a qué culpaban los amotinados de 1529 según Davis y quiénes eran: unos dos mil habitantes, en su mayoría jornaleros sin oficio, mujeres —la frase sigue en la plana siguiente: *y muchachos adolescentes, que saquearon el granero municipal*.
«and boys in their teens, looted the municipal granary, the Franciscan monastery nearby, and the homes of several wealthy men, including that of Lyon's earliest humanist, the physician and former Consul Symphorien Champier.» — la continuación: saquearon el granero municipal, el convento franciscano y las casas de varios ricos, entre ellas la del médico y ex cónsul Symphorien Champier, primer humanista de Lyon.
«The temporary aumone of I53I was repeated briefly in I532. If the notables did not immediately make the aumone permanent, it was because they were considering at many a Consulate meeting how they would finance such a novel and large-scale venture and whom among the "great multitude of poor" they could afford to support.» — por qué la aumône temporal de 1531 tardó en hacerse permanente, según Davis: los notables discutían cómo financiar algo tan nuevo y grande y a cuántos de la gran multitud de pobres podían sostener.
«But all the conditions that were making life intolerable for the inhabitants of this expanding and cosmopolitan city had come to a head early in the I530's and finally led in I534 to the establishment of an organization "to nourish the poor forever.» — y la fecha en que Davis sitúa la fundación, con la fórmula que la declara: nutrir a los pobres para siempre.
«The new organization involved a dramatic shift of funds and power from ecclesiastical to lay hands, and a change in the act of charity.» — lo que Davis dice que fue la nueva organización: un traslado de fondos y de poder de manos eclesiásticas a laicas, y un cambio en el acto mismo de caridad.
«It was a reformatio of a kind, but one that was created not by a religious party but by a coalition of notables: Catholics and Protestant sympathizers, and all of them goaded on by Christian humanists, who like Vives believed that cities had been founded "for the increase of charity and human fellowship.» — y quién la hizo, según Davis: no un partido religioso sino una coalición de notables católicos y simpatizantes protestantes, azuzados por humanistas cristianos que, como Vives, tenían las ciudades por fundadas para acrecentar la caridad y el trato humano.
«Only two of them were clerics, and those two were the only important literary figures in the Lyonnais clergy of their day.» — lo que Davis subraya del reparto: solo dos clérigos en la coalición, y eran las dos únicas figuras literarias de peso del clero lionés.
«One was the priest and doctor of laws Jean de Vauzelles/8 now in his thirties, descended from an old communal family of notaries, holder of a priory and of an important judicial post under the noble canon-counts of Saint Jean, one of the many proteges of Marguerite de Navarre.» — el retrato que Davis da de Jean de Vauzelles: sacerdote y doctor en leyes, de vieja familia comunal de notarios, con priorato y cargo judicial bajo los canónigos-condes, y protegido de Marguerite de Navarre.
«it was the Italian language and letters rather than the classical ones that he knew well and adored.» — y el matiz que Davis pone a su humanismo: sabía y adoraba las letras italianas más que las clásicas.
«his edition with commentaries of Holbein's Pictures of Death, from which the artist had banished the gruesome touches of the earlier danse macabre as Vauzelles wanted to banish disgusting sores and wounds from the streets of Lyon.» — el paralelo que Davis traza entre su edición comentada de las Imágenes de la Muerte de Holbein —de donde el artista había desterrado lo truculento de la danza macabra— y su voluntad de desterrar llagas y heridas de las calles de Lyon.
«An opponent of persecution and a literary friend of Protestant sympathizers such as Etienne Dolet, he nevertheless held with Erasmus to a Catholic view of the merit of true charity.» — la posición de Vauzelles que Davis consigna: contrario a la persecución y amigo literario de simpatizantes protestantes como Étienne Dolet, sostenía con Erasmo una visión católica del mérito de la caridad verdadera.
«And as for the Lutherans, he was shocked by their impetuous iconoclasm and destructiveness, and thought Luther a scourge sent to rid the church of hypocrisy.» — y su juicio doble sobre los luteranos, que Davis no armoniza: escandalizado por su iconoclasia, tenía a Lutero por azote enviado para limpiar de hipocresía a la Iglesia.
«Almost all his published works, however, were in French, inexpensive, and intended to communicate to a wide public the simple essentials of the Gospel and to move them by stylistic and pictorial devic» — qué publicaba Vauzelles, según Davis: casi todo en francés y barato, para comunicar a un público amplio lo esencial del Evangelio y moverlo con recursos de estilo y de imagen; la frase se corta aquí y sigue en la plana siguiente con *to live according to the teachings and example of Christ*.
«In Santo Pagnini of Lucca, 52 Vauzelles' colleague in welfare re-form, we see a rather different blend of humanist interests with Catholic orthodoxy: a Dominican of the convent at Fiesole, a doctor of theology, master of Greek and Hebrew at the encouragement of Savonarola, celebrated and eloquent orator in Florence, and finally protege of the Medici.» — el retrato del otro clérigo de la coalición, Santo Pagnini de Lucca: dominico de Fiesole, doctor en teología, maestro de griego y hebreo por aliento de Savonarola, orador célebre en Florencia y protegido de los Médicis.
«He taught Greek and Hebrew in Rome until Leo X's death; then he made his way to France, settling in 1526 in Lyon, where he was told by Italian residents that there were "many people infected with heresy" against whom he must raise his voice.» — cómo llegó a Lyon según Davis, y para qué lo llamaban los residentes italianos: había allí mucha gente infectada de herejía contra la que debía alzar la voz.
«Though already in his mid-fifties, Pagnini plunged actively into the life of his new city, preaching in Latin, French, and Italian; squeezing money for the plague hospital out of his rich Florentine relatives; making friends with French literary figures like Champier; and publishing Hebrew grammars and dictionaries, a new translation of the Bible from Hebrew sources, and a defense of Catholic doctrine drawing heavily on the early Church Fathers.» — lo que Davis le atribuye en la ciudad nueva: predicar en latín, francés e italiano, sacar dinero a sus parientes florentinos para el hospital de la peste, y publicar gramáticas y diccionarios hebreos, una traducción de la Biblia desde el hebreo y una defensa de la doctrina católica apoyada en los Padres.
«Though he himself had made unpublished translations of the Odyssey and part of the Iliad, he criticized people who were more ardent for the "fables of poets" than for the Scripture. Scholastic disputes about "instances, relations, quiddities and formalities" had nothing at all to do with salvation.» — la tensión que Davis consigna sin armonizar en Pagnini: traductor inédito de la Odisea y parte de la Ilíada, reprochaba el ardor por las fábulas de los poetas, y despachaba las disputas escolásticas sobre instancias, relaciones, quididades y formalidades como ajenas a la salvación.
«To those who argued that it was impossible to support such a big expense and that the poor should now be chased out of the city, he said this was like sending Jesus from Anne to Caiaphas.» — el argumento con que, según Davis, replicaba a quienes querían expulsar a los pobres: eso era mandar a Jesús de Anás a Caifás.
«Furthermore, the new system would cost them less than handing out alms at their doors, especially since once the king had heard about it he would surely grant the city tax exemptions.» — y el argumento de costo: el sistema nuevo saldría más barato que la limosna a la puerta, y el rey concedería exenciones al enterarse.
«To those who could think only of the danger of an uprising, he said they were washing their hands of the matter like Pilate. And besides, the only way to end the threat of riot was to end starvation.» — y el que dirigía a los que solo pensaban en el motín: se lavaban las manos como Pilatos, y el único modo de acabar con la amenaza era acabar con el hambre.
«To his fellow humanists in the audience, he said that the new organization was even more important than their pet projects of a university and parlement for Lyon.57 Not only would they clear the city streets of the clamorous poor, but they would also put themselves in mystic communion with the Church Triumphant.» — lo que decía a los humanistas del auditorio, según Davis: la nueva organización importaba más que sus proyectos de universidad y parlamento para Lyon, y los ponía en comunión mística con la Iglesia Triunfante.
«And finally, in words reminiscent of Erasmus' Enchiridion: "Charity is certainly much more agreeable to God than fasts, prayers, abstinence or austerity of life.» — y el remate que Davis empareja con el Enchiridion de Erasmo: la caridad es mucho más grata a Dios que los ayunos, las oraciones, la abstinencia o la austeridad de vida.
«This use of vernacular eloquence on behalf of welfare reform was an important contribution of the Christian humanists.» — lo que Davis cuenta como aportación propia de los humanistas cristianos: el uso de la elocuencia en lengua vulgar a favor de la reforma asistencial.
«in late May I53I 56 exhorted them by flattery, promises, and prophetic threats to continue the organized charity they had just begun and to extend its scope» — qué hizo Vauzelles por la Aumône-Générale, según Davis: un sermón a cónsules y notables a fines de mayo de 1531 que los exhortaba con halago, promesas y amenazas proféticas a continuar y ampliar la caridad organizada.
«Pagnini, who had acted as the Consulate's go-between in the affair, told the Consuls that "just because Messieurs the Archbishop and Canon-Counts won't give as much as» — qué hizo Pagnini un año después, según Davis, cuando el Consulado estaba desmoralizado por la baja promesa de la Iglesia; la frase sigue en la plana siguiente: *el año pasado no es razón para parar. Cada cual debe cumplir su deber*.
«In 1516, however, one nominalist theologian did say something new-the Scotsman John Major, a Conciliarist and distinguished professor at the University of Paris.61 He thought it would be a good idea for secular governments to provide for their impotent poor and prevent all begging.» — lo que Davis atribuye al nominalista escocés John Major en 1516: que los gobiernos seculares proveyeran a sus pobres impedidos y prohibieran toda mendicidad.
«This view was buried in a traditional discussion of alms-giving in Major's "Fifteenth Distinction, Seventh, Eighth, and Ninth Questions on the Fourth Book of Peter Lombard's Sentences.» — dónde estaba enterrada esa opinión, según Davis: en una discusión tradicional de la limosna dentro de las cuestiones de Major sobre el cuarto libro de las Sentencias de Pedro Lombardo.
«If the magistrates of Ypres referred to Major in their brief to the Sorbonne at the end of r 5 30, it was because some scholar had just told them how to impress that important body.» — por qué los magistrados de Ypres lo citaron, según Davis: algún erudito acababa de decirles cómo impresionar a la Sorbona.
«They were to be disappointed. Major himself had recently left the Sorbonne, and evidently he had been unable to convince even his fellow theologians of his point of view. The Sorbonne disapproved of that part of the Ypres ordinances which forbade all public begging.» — y el desenlace: Major ya no estaba en la Sorbona y no había convencido siquiera a sus colegas; la Sorbona desaprobó la parte de las ordenanzas de Ypres que prohibía toda mendicidad pública.
«Vauzelles and Pagnini in contrast were trying to persuade as many people as they could to create a new social form.» — el contraste que Davis marca entre el canonista y los dos humanistas lioneses.
«In his sermon he offered to write out a plan for it and gave right there some of its essentials, such as training and education for poor children, enforced work for healthy beggars, a central treasury, and administration by laymen.» — los elementos que Vauzelles adelantaba en el sermón, según Davis: formación y educación para los niños pobres, trabajo forzoso para el mendigo sano, tesorería central y administración laica.
«Let us stress that this is what these two humanist clerics wanted; for in Ypres the mendicant orders had objected to just this, as the Augustinian Lorenzo de Villavicenzo was to do years later.» — lo que Davis subraya del punto: eran dos clérigos humanistas quienes querían la administración laica, contra lo que las órdenes mendicantes objetaban en Ypres y contra lo que haría años después el agustino Lorenzo de Villavicenzo.
«In IS 34 the archbishop of Lyon was to hear only by letter from the Consuls that "in his benign absence" (he had been living in Paris for many years), they had set up a new order for the poor, to which they hoped that he "as principal protector of the poor" and "guide for others" would contribute generously.» — el dato con que Davis muestra la ausencia de los jefes de la Iglesia: en 1534 el arzobispo de Lyon se enteró por carta de que en su benigna ausencia —vivía en París hacía años— se había creado un orden nuevo para los pobres.
«Nor had the Franciscans acted as a guide for others. They carried on their traditional distribution of free medicine to the poor, but they made no move to introduce in Lyon the low-cost loans (or mons pietatis) that their Italian colleagues had championed some decades before and that a papal bull of ISIS had said were not usurious.» — lo que Davis consigna de los franciscanos: mantenían el reparto tradicional de medicina gratuita pero no trajeron a Lyon los montes de piedad que sus colegas italianos habían defendido y que una bula de 1515 declaraba no usurarios.
«To the priest Vauzelles, lay administration of the aumone was a potential avenue of true charity. "Follow the apostles," he said; "do not disdain to be the commissioners and agents for the poor.» — lo que la administración laica era para el sacerdote Vauzelles, según Davis: una vía posible de caridad verdadera, con el mandato de no desdeñar ser comisarios y agentes de los pobres.
«Among them were influential lawyers, with good laymen's memory for the long struggle that their commune had been carrying on against the jurisdictions of its medieval seigneurs-the archbishop and noble canon-counts of Saint Jean.» — qué aportaban los juristas a la coalición, según Davis: la memoria laica del largo pleito de la comuna contra las jurisdicciones del arzobispo y los canónigos-condes.
«Such a one was Mathieu de Vauzelles, Jean's brother and a doctor of laws from the University of Pavia. Already partially educated to the needs of the poor by his work reforming the Hotel-Dieu, he was one of the few notables to urge prevention over repression even before the famine of IS3I.» — el caso de Mathieu de Vauzelles, hermano de Jean y doctor en leyes por Pavía, ya educado por su trabajo de reforma del Hôtel-Dieu y de los pocos notables que urgían prevención antes que represión aun antes del hambre de 1531.
«The contribution of lawyers to welfare reform was based on more than influence and judicial insight. They were also building up libraries of classical and humanist works (as were their colleagues in other French cities), giving each other copies of Erasmus' works,70 and frequenting the same literary milieu as Jean de Vauzelles.» — y lo que Davis añade sobre esos juristas: formaban bibliotecas de obras clásicas y humanistas, se regalaban ejemplares de Erasmo y frecuentaban el mismo medio literario que Jean de Vauzelles.
«Most of the notables whom Jean de Vauzelles and Pagnini harangued were merchants and industrial entrepreneurs, dealing in books, banking, textiles, and spices.» — quiénes eran la mayoría de los notables a los que arengaban, según Davis: mercaderes y empresarios del libro, la banca, el textil y la especiería.
«What they did have was an understanding of accounting and of economic expansion that enabled them to see possibilities in the humanists' proposals that Vives and Vauzelles had not perceived.» — y qué aportaban ellos, según Davis, con menos trato con las letras humanistas que los juristas: un entendimiento de la contabilidad y de la expansión económica que les hacía ver en las propuestas posibilidades que ni Vives ni Vauzelles habían visto.
«Thus from the beginning the Aumone-Generale involved all the nations upon which the developing economy of the city was based.» — lo que Davis subraya del reclutamiento: desde el principio la Aumône-Générale implicó a todas las naciones sobre las que se levantaba la economía de la ciudad.
«For instance, Mathieu de Vauzelles was later to say that if his Holiness the Pope would just see to it that more ecclesiastical property was reallocated for the relief of the poor, "all these new and damnable sects would be easily ... appeased and reduced.» — lo que Davis atribuye después a Mathieu de Vauzelles: que si el Papa destinara más bienes eclesiásticos al socorro de los pobres, esas sectas nuevas y condenables quedarían apaciguadas y reducidas.
«In some cases, we cannot categorize the notables according to religious belief. During the I52o's Jean Broquin had had for his stepfather a banker who was one of Lyon's earliest converts to the ideas of Guillaume Farel; years later Jean's own son was to become a Calvinist. Yet Broquin's mother remained a Catholic and he himself died in I539, when religious lines were still fluid.» — el límite que Davis pone a su propia clasificación, con el caso Broquin: padrastro converso a las ideas de Guillaume Farel, hijo calvinista, madre católica y él muerto en 1539, cuando las líneas religiosas seguían fluidas.
«We know what this merchant thought about poor relief, but not about predestination.» — la formulación con que Davis deja el caso sin arbitrar.
«Johann Kleberger of Nuremberg is a good example. He gave more money to the Aumone-Generale than any other individual in Lyon, including the archbishop.» — el caso contrario que Davis ofrece: Johann Kleberger de Núremberg, que dio a la Aumône-Générale más que ningún otro particular de Lyon, el arzobispo incluido.
«He had known Ulrich von Hutten, had his portrait painted by Durer, corresponded with Erasmus, and quarreled with his former father-in-law, the humanist patrician Willibald Pirckheimer.» — las relaciones que Davis le atribuye: conocía a Ulrich von Hutten, se retrató con Durero, se carteaba con Erasmo y riñó con su ex suegro, el patricio humanista Willibald Pirckheimer.
«That his religious sentiments had finally settled in a Protestant mold is clear from his marriage in the mid-I53o's to a woman who was a friend of Calvin and who had barely escaped the heretic's stake at which her first husband was burned in Paris in I535» — la prueba con que Davis sitúa su protestantismo: el matrimonio con una amiga de Calvino que había escapado por poco de la hoguera en que ardió su primer marido.
«The Klebergers maintained their contacts with Geneva, but Johann, who had no taste for martyrdom, had a quiet Catholic burial in Lyon when he died in I546.» — y la contradicción que Davis consigna sin armonizar: mantenían contactos con Ginebra y Johann, sin gusto por el martirio, tuvo entierro católico discreto.
«The large majority of them were Catholic at the time, and most remained so all their lives» — la respuesta de Davis a su propia pregunta por la religión de los juristas y mercaderes de la coalición; el paréntesis que sigue, cortado por el cambio de plana, acota que solo un tercio de los habitantes de Lyon eran protestantes comprometidos en el punto más alto del movimiento, en 1560.
«It was not a "united front" of clearly defined parties, but a cooperative effort of men who came from different places and whose personal religious views covered some range» — cómo define Davis la coalición: no un frente unido de partidos definidos sino un esfuerzo cooperativo de hombres de distinta procedencia, cuyas creencias personales cubrían cierto arco; la frase sigue en la plana siguiente y remata con la ciudad como *una visión de paz*, en palabras de Vauzelles.
«They did not have to start from scratch, of course. Despite important innovations, in some respects they were continuing medieval developments.» — el límite que Davis pone a la novedad de la reforma lionesa.
«The forms in which wealth was redistributed to the poor during the later Middle Ages-such as giving away food, money, clothes, and fuel; free medical service; price-fixing; and tax policies that favored the poor-all persisted throughout the sixteenth century.» — qué formas de redistribución persistieron, según Davis: comida, dinero, ropa y combustible, servicio médico gratuito, tasación de precios y política fiscal favorable a los pobres.
«In both the Middle Ages and the sixteenth century clerical and secular authorities had no intention of using welfare services to change the social order.» — lo que Davis niega de las autoridades de ambas épocas: ninguna se propuso cambiar el orden social con los servicios de socorro.
«Communal ownership of property-the extreme case of redistribution of wealth-was practiced only in such places as monasteries, Anabaptist communities, and experimental communities (started by the Spanish cleric Quiroga under the influence of More's Utopia) among the Indians in the New World» — dónde se practicaba la propiedad común, según Davis: monasterios, comunidades anabaptistas y las comunidades experimentales que el clérigo español Quiroga fundó entre los indios del Nuevo Mundo bajo la influencia de la Utopía de Moro.
«Even as a way of life for the saintly, communal ownership had little appeal to the laymen of the busy city from which the W aldensians had departed three hundred years before.» — y el desinterés que Davis atribuye a los laicos de la ciudad de la que habían partido los valdenses tres siglos antes.
«As one old-timer among the Consuls said, "There are many poor now living [on Waldo's former street], but not voluntary ones as they were then.» — la frase de un cónsul veterano que Davis cita sobre la calle de Valdo: hay muchos pobres allí ahora, pero no voluntarios como entonces.
«Rather than sharing poverty, the journeymen of Lyon were more likely to form compagnonnages to better their standard of living within the current framework of property ownership.» — y qué hacían en cambio los oficiales de Lyon, según Davis: formar compagnonnages para mejorar su nivel de vida dentro del marco vigente de propiedad.
«The suggestion is there, whether the urban welfare schemes succeeded or failed.» — y el límite con que Davis lo enuncia: la sugerencia está ahí, hayan prosperado o fracasado los planes.
«the poor are on the cross of adversity as much for the salvation of those who aid them charitably as for their own salvation," but they must not be so wretched that they fill the city with their complaints and their corpses.» — cómo se inserta esa idea en el marco católico viejo, según el sermón de Vauzelles: los pobres están en la cruz de la adversidad tanto para la salvación de quien los socorre como para la suya, pero no deben estar tan míseros que llenen la ciudad de quejas y de cadáveres.
«Medieval poor relief, though sometimes very generous, was even more fragmented and spotty than today's.» — el juicio de Davis sobre el socorro medieval en cuanto a administración.
«At Lyon as elsewhere, there were random individual gifts in the streets and at doorways, handouts at funerals and other anniversaries, doles from monasteries and certain cathedral chapters, aid at hospitals (the Hotel-Dieu was the only important one in Lyon), sporadic action by the Consulate, and aid from confraternities to their poor members in times of hardship.» — y el inventario de sus formas dispersas en Lyon: dádivas en la calle y a la puerta, repartos en funerales y aniversarios, limosnas de monasterios y cabildos, hospitales, acciones esporádicas del Consulado y auxilio de las cofradías a sus miembros.
«Only at the cathedral of Saint Jean was a weekly dole administered, and the elasticity of its funds was limited by old foundations that read, for instance, "provide a supper every Holy Thursday to thirteen poor people, who will then go pray at my tomb.» — el único reparto semanal que Davis registra y la rigidez de sus fondos, atados a fundaciones que mandaban dar cena cada Jueves Santo a trece pobres que luego rezaran ante la tumba del fundador.
«In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, laymen in certain towns in Flanders and northern France (Louvain, Mons, Douai, Lille, Saint-Omer, Bethune, and others) had set up within each parish collection and distribution tables for the poor. However useful the work of these Tables des Pauvres, they did not centralize poor relief. The parishes' tables acted independently of each other, and ordinarily the echevinage had no supervision over them.» — el precedente flamenco y del norte de Francia que Davis consigna, y su límite: las Tables des Pauvres de cada parroquia obraban por separado y sin supervisión del echevinage.
«If sixteenth-century poor laws did not spring from a new attitude toward property, their ambitious goal-to find practical means to eliminate all begging and death by starvation-did imply something new» — dónde sitúa Davis la novedad de las leyes de pobres del siglo XVI: no en una actitud nueva hacia la propiedad sino en el fin ambicioso de acabar con toda mendicidad y con la muerte por hambre; la frase sigue en la plana siguiente diciendo que ahora hay condiciones de vida que la sociedad no debe ni se atreve a tolerar.
«by the end of the Middle Ages administrative initiative in redistributing income to the poor was already passing in one way or another into the hands of laymen-government bodies and lay confraternities.» — adónde estaba pasando la iniciativa administrativa del socorro a fines de la Edad Media, según Davis.
«There were limits to what they could do, however, since some of the poor, such as the unskilled dayworkers, had no confraternity to join. In any case the lay confraternities could not supply overall administrative leadership for the city.» — el límite de las cofradías laicas según Davis: los jornaleros sin oficio no tenían ninguna a la que entrar, y ninguna podía dar dirección administrativa a la ciudad entera.
«For instance, the Confraternity of the Trinity with its 1,700 members was unable to administer the school it had founded in 1519, so much in demand were its services; and in 1527 it turned the school over to the Consulate.» — el ejemplo con que Davis lo muestra: la Cofradía de la Trinidad, con mil setecientos miembros, no pudo administrar su propia escuela y la entregó al Consulado en 1527.
«Thus it was the lay government that was to build on its medieval activities-quarantining and other sanitary measures, taking care of the Rhone Bridge, provisioning the town with grain and wood, and fixing the weight or price of bread-and to gain control of all public welfare services.» — sobre qué actividades medievales levantó el gobierno laico su control del socorro, según Davis: cuarentenas y medidas sanitarias, el puente del Ródano, el abasto de grano y leña, y el peso o el precio del pan.
«The Consulate had already taken over administration of the H6tel-Dieu from the church in the late fifteenth century, not long after Lyon's fairs had been instituted. The priest and the nuns were kept on, of course, along with the other personnel; but their activity was now supervised by the Consuls.» — el precedente que Davis señala: el Consulado ya había tomado del clero la administración del Hôtel-Dieu a fines del siglo XV, conservando al sacerdote y a las monjas bajo supervisión consular.
«Henceforth, all charitable distributions in Lyon, and most charitable services, were to be performed by a new government body, the Aumone-Generale, or by the hospitals run by the Consulate.» — el efecto que Davis atribuye a la fundación: todo reparto caritativo pasa a un cuerpo de gobierno nuevo o a los hospitales del Consulado.
«However, all the various alms given out at Saint Jean and other churches and monasteries during the year were now to be paid as a lump sum to the Aumone. No one was to give any handout of any kind in front of his house or in any public place (though no penalty was created for doing so), but contributions were to be given to an Aumone-Generale cannister or collector. All begging was prohibited88 under pain of whipping and banishment.» — el régimen nuevo que Davis describe: las limosnas de iglesias y monasterios pagadas a la Aumône en un solo monto, nada de dádivas a la puerta —aunque sin pena señalada—, y toda mendicidad prohibida bajo azotes y destierro.
«For the first time in the history of Lyon a list was drawn up, based on house-to-house visits by officers of the Aumone, of all the poor inhabitants and the state of their need.» — lo que Davis llama primera vez en la historia de Lyon: el padrón de todos los pobres y del estado de su necesidad, levantado casa por casa.
«Fortunately, the Consulate had recently enlarged its staff (Fran<;:ois Rabelais was physician there at the time the Aumone was formed).» — el dato que Davis intercala: François Rabelais era médico del Hôtel-Dieu cuando se formó la Aumône.
«The ticket was neatly printed, with blank spaces left so that all the officers of the Aumone had to do was fill out the name, the amount, and the length of time of the aid.» — cómo era el vale de socorro según Davis: impreso con huecos para el nombre, la cantidad y el plazo.
«I suspect that the confiscation of ecclesiastical funds for the poor in Protestant areas would have made little difference to welfare services in those cities if it had not been accompanied by such administrative reform.» — la conjetura que Davis enuncia como conjetura: sin la reforma administrativa, la confiscación de fondos eclesiásticos en las zonas protestantes habría cambiado poco los servicios.
«The major economic advantage of centralization was that aid could flow to many more people and more equitably than before, and that greater or lesser expenditures could be made in different times and places as needs changed (more results for each sou given).» — la ventaja económica que Davis atribuye a la centralización: más gente socorrida y con más equidad, y gasto ajustable en tiempo y lugar según la necesidad.
«Vauzelles himself had an imprecise understanding of this, for in I53I he had claimed merely that a "premeditated system" would cost no more than spontaneous handouts in the street.» — y el límite que pone al entendimiento de Vauzelles: en 1531 solo afirmaba que un sistema premeditado no costaría más que las dádivas espontáneas.
«Welfare reform in sixteenth-century towns thus extended accounting and measuring into an enlarged area of social life. If this had not happened, the premeditated systems would not have lasted a month.» — lo que Davis dice que la reforma asistencial extendió: la contabilidad y la medición a un área ampliada de la vida social.
«The records of the Hotel-Dieu and Aumone-Generale reported in one place and in detail all income and expenditure. Admittedly, the accounting system was single- not double-entry, and in the early days there were some mistakes in addition.» — el contraste documental que Davis traza con el cabildo de Saint Jean, y el límite que pone al elogio: contabilidad de partida simple y errores de suma al principio.
«How much bread does a man eat in a day? Answer: a pound and a hal» — la clase de medición nueva que Davis atribuye a los rectores, con su respuesta: libra y media de pan al día.
«The answers to these questions, compiled by 1529, provided the first systematic death records in» — lo que Davis deriva de esas cuentas: los primeros registros sistemáticos de defunción de Lyon, compilados hacia 1529.
«Then in r534, the rectors of the Aumone-Generale asked the vicars in each parish to keep a list of everyone they buried, thus anticipating the king's ordinance to this effect by almost thirty years.94 Their reason? They wanted to be sure that no family was collecting for deceased persons.» — y el paso siguiente que data en 1534: pedir a los vicarios la lista de sus enterrados, anticipando en casi treinta años la ordenanza real, para que ninguna familia cobrara por difuntos.
«If all this came from the businessmen, humanist sensibilities did contribute something distinctive to the orderliness of the new system, particularly in the distribution of alms.» — dónde sitúa Davis la aportación humanista frente a la de los hombres de negocios: en el orden del reparto mismo.
«In I 5 39 the reglements of the Aumone-Generale were printed by Sebastien Gryphius, the celebrated publisher of humanist texts. Possibly Vauzelles was the editor.» — quién imprimió los reglamentos en 1539, según Davis: Sébastien Gryphius, editor célebre de textos humanistas; deja en conjetura que Vauzelles fuera el editor.
«There in the office of the Aumone are the poor of Lyon, in queues as orderly as any could have been in the sixteenth century. One beadle has his long stick just in case, but he does not need to use it. Only one crutch is in evidence, no gaping wounds, only tattered clothes show poverty.» — lo que Davis lee en el grabado del reparto dominical: colas ordenadas, un bedel con su vara larga sin necesidad de usarla, una sola muleta, ninguna llaga abierta y solo los harapos como signo de pobreza.
«This picture is unlike Pieter Cornelisz's Acts of Mercy or Bruegel's Caritas or any related northern European work of art of the late fifteenth or sixteenth century that I have seen, for such works, meant to depict only the virtue of charity, are picturesque genre studies, with the importunate and pathetic poor clustered around busy donors out in the street or in a temple.» — con qué lo contrasta Davis: las Obras de Misericordia de Pieter Cornelisz, la Caritas de Bruegel y las obras nórdicas afines, estudios de género pintorescos con el pobre importuno y patético arracimado en torno al donante.
«The Lyon distribution scene thus breaks with the traditional pattern to show the order and harmony that the humanist Vauzelles hoped would be achieved and that in part was being achieved in poor relief.» — y qué le atribuye a la estampa lionesa: romper ese patrón para mostrar el orden y la armonía que el humanista Vauzelles esperaba.
«It also illustrates what has been said earlier about the level of subsistence that welfare reformers hoped to guarantee: the poor of Lyon are shown as rather sturdy and not wholly unattractive human beings.» — y el segundo sentido que Davis le da: el nivel de subsistencia que los reformadores querían garantizar, con los pobres pintados robustos y no del todo desagradables.
«The sixteenth century was to give much greater stress to these techniques of treating poverty than the centuries before it.» — el segundo camino contra la pobreza que Davis distingue del reparto: crear fuentes nuevas de riqueza y de oportunidad económica.
«It took the accelerated technological innovations and the geographical discoveries of the fifteenth century to lead authorities to think in terms of "new sources of wealth," though they were still a good way from the insights of Francis Bacon, not to speak of "production possibility curves.» — qué hizo falta, según Davis, para pensar en fuentes nuevas de riqueza, y el límite con que lo acota: aún estaban lejos de Francis Bacon y más de las curvas de posibilidades de producción.
«In Lyon, it was the successful introduction of printing in the 1470's that made the Consuls and notables finally aware of how employment and prosperity were connected with new industry.» — el caso lionés: la imprenta de los años setenta del siglo XV enseñó a cónsules y notables el nexo entre industria nueva, empleo y prosperidad.
«By 1528 the Consulate was telling the king that without new manufactures in woolen cloth or silk, the populace would have a hard time supporting itsel» — y la consecuencia que Davis data en 1528: el Consulado decía al rey que sin manufacturas nuevas de paño o seda el pueblo tendría difícil sostenerse.
«If the orphanage educational program had limited itself to this, however, it would have gone no further than fellowships for the gifted Negro to attend Yale and Princeton go in solving the problem of the blacks in the slums of American cities.» — la comparación con que Davis mide el alcance de la enseñanza de huérfanos, tomada de su propio presente: becas para el negro dotado en Yale y Princeton frente al problema de los negros en los barrios pobres norteamericanos.
«Most of the male orphans were apprenticed to artisans at the expense of the Aumone, sometimes in highly skilled trades-printing, smelting, painting, sword gilding, embroidering, and the like.» — qué hacía además la Aumône, según Davis: poner a la mayoría de los huérfanos varones de aprendices con artesanos, a veces en oficios muy cualificados.
«An analysis of the apprenticeships of 3 r boys in the first nine months of the operation of the Aumone shows that the overwhelming majority of them were placed in trades more remunerative or skilled than those of their fathers» — la cuenta con que lo mide: de treinta y un muchachos colocados en los primeros nueve meses, la mayoría abrumadora fue a oficios más remunerados o más cualificados que el del padre.
«All the girls were dowered when they married, which was a way of helping their husbands get started. Before marriage, though, some of them were put out as serving girls, and increasing numbers were trained to work in two industries new to Lyon.» — y qué se hacía con las niñas: dotarlas al casarse, colocar a algunas de sirvientas antes y formar a un número creciente en dos industrias nuevas en Lyon.
«The establishment of the silk industry was proposed in 1535 by the Piedmontese Etienne Turquet, who had been active in founding the municipal school as well as the Aumone-Generale. The town instantly financed him to the sum of 500 ecus, and :Mathieu de Vauzelles saw to it that various privileges were bestowed by the king.» — quién propuso la industria de la seda, según Davis, y con qué apoyo público: el piamontés Étienne Turquet, financiado al instante con quinientos escudos.
«The Aumone-Generale, of which Turquet was now a rector, then rented several buildings in Lyon and paid the wages of Italian silk winders or spinners to teach their skill not only to the orphan girls, but also to girls in the quarter and especially to the daughters of families on the relief rolls.» — y el mecanismo que Davis describe: la Aumône alquiló edificios y pagó a hilanderas italianas de seda para enseñar el oficio a las huérfanas y a las hijas de las familias socorridas.
«Thus Turquet rapidly increased his labor supply,and many poor girls learned a skill better paid than domestic service.» — el doble efecto que Davis consigna, sin armonizarlo: Turquet aumentó deprisa su mano de obra y muchas muchachas pobres aprendieron un oficio mejor pagado que el servicio doméstico.
«It would be interesting to know whether other European cities used their poor-relief systems to aid expansion of manufacture.» — la pregunta que Davis deja abierta sobre otras ciudades europeas.
«Vauzelles had also promised in I 53 I that the rogues and vagabonds would stop their mischief, because they would be forced to work or to leave town.» — lo que Vauzelles había prometido en 1531, según Davis, y que la Aumône trató de cumplir.
«The work provided was digging ditches for the new fortification system and cleaning filth from the streets. It was often performed in chains and paid for only in food and drink.» — en qué consistía ese trabajo forzoso según Davis: cavar fosos de las fortificaciones y limpiar la inmundicia de las calles, a menudo encadenados y pagados solo en comida y bebida.
«If the rogues were disobedient they were put for a while in a special "correction" tower maintained by the Aumone, and if they were caught begging they were whipped and run out of town.» — y el castigo: una temporada en la torre de corrección de la Aumône, y azotes y expulsión si se les pillaba mendigando.
«In evaluating this program and its relation to humanist assumptions, we must remember first of all that it could have been worse. In Rouen the healthy beggars worked in the shadow of the gallows, in Troyes under a strappado.» — la primera acotación que Davis pone al juzgarlo: pudo ser peor, y lo mide con Ruan, donde los mendigos sanos trabajaban a la sombra de la horca, y Troyes, bajo la garrucha.
«Moreover, in the seventeenth century the tower in Lyon became a so-called hospitalhalf prison, half workhouse-for permanently enclosing the healthy beggars.» — y lo que vino después, según Davis: la torre convertida en el siglo XVII en hospital —mitad cárcel, mitad taller— para encerrar de manera permanente al mendigo sano.
«But in the I53o's, when the Lyonnais notables were deciding what to do about the healthy beggars, they seemed as concerned about saving money as they were about making the "rogues repent.» — el matiz con que Davis lee a los notables de los años treinta: parecían tan preocupados de ahorrar dinero como de hacer arrepentirse a los bribones.
«Second, the widespread notion that the administrators of urban charities were unable to distinguish between the professional beggar and the temporarily unemployed worker is not borne out by the evidence.» — la segunda acotación de Davis, contra una idea difundida: que los administradores no distinguían al mendigo profesional del obrero temporalmente sin trabajo.
«in 1534 a thoughtful lawyer in Rouen told authorities there that it was hard for a man accustomed to one craft to take just any job when he was unemployed. If he could not find work in his craft, he should not for that be considered "of evil nature and condition.» — el testimonio con que lo sostiene: un jurista de Ruan advertía en 1534 que al hombre hecho a un oficio le costaba tomar cualquier trabajo, y que no debía tenérsele por ello de mala naturaleza y condición.
«And consider this example from Lyon: the beadles evict two unknown men for begging in the streets; a relative comes to the rectors, explains that they are artisans who want to find work in their craft; the rectors let them return as long as they promise not to beg.» — y el caso lionés que Davis narra desde el archivo: los bedeles expulsan a dos desconocidos por mendigar, un pariente explica que son artesanos que buscan trabajo en su oficio, y los rectores los dejan volver.
«Third, in no place in Europe were the laws on healthy beggars and vagabonds much better.» — la tercera acotación de Davis, comparativa.
«Even in Spain, where sympathy for the deserving beggar was quite widespread, whipping and even the galleys threatened the vagrant.» — y el caso español que cierra la comparación: con simpatía difundida por el pobre merecedor, el vagabundo seguía amenazado con azotes y con galeras.
«Still when all allowances are made, we may ask why the humanist conscience, with its conviction that education can change character to some degree, did not envisage better rehabilitation for the healthy vagabond.» — la pregunta que Davis mantiene después de todas las atenuantes.
«A I 53 5 English proposal for poor relief offered essentially the same solution, even though the English humanist who drafted it clearly understood how a healthy working man might fall willy-nilly into permanent vagabondage.» — el dato que la agrava: un proyecto inglés de 1535 daba la misma solución, aunque su redactor humanista entendía cómo un hombre sano podía caer sin querer en vagabundeo permanente.
«The humanist could answer, of course, that education works best on the young: in Vauzelles' words, "once hooked by vile habits, one can not shake them.» — la respuesta que Davis pone en boca del humanista, con la fórmula de Vauzelles: una vez enganchado por los hábitos viles, no se sacuden.
«I doubt that any of them were so tamed, but to have conceived a better program would have required understanding the beggars.» — lo que Davis objeta a ese programa: para concebir uno mejor habría hecho falta entender a los mendigos.
«It would have meant more than acquaintance with their picturesque customs and jargons, such as one finds in entertaining and satirical English rogue literature; it would have meant going beyond even the wonderful sympathy and irony of Spain's Lazarillo de Tormes to a relativistic social examination that could serve as a basis for policy.» — qué habría hecho falta, según Davis: más que el trato con sus costumbres y jergas pintorescas de la literatura inglesa de pícaros, y más aún que la simpatía e ironía del Lazarillo de Tormes; un examen social relativista que sirviera de base a una política.
«This was conceivable in the sixteenth century: Bernardino de Sahagun and Alonso de Zorita tried to do it for the Aztecs.» — y por qué dice que era concebible en el siglo XVI: Bernardino de Sahagún y Alonso de Zorita lo intentaron con los aztecas.
«For some reason France produced less rogue literature than England, and few French authorities bothered to consider with Montaigne how hard it was to deflect beggars from behavior to which they were accustomed and which they found gra tifying.» — y cómo explica el hueco francés: menos literatura de pícaros que en Inglaterra, y pocas autoridades dispuestas a considerar con Montaigne lo difícil que era apartar al mendigo de una conducta que le gratificaba.
«The Aumone-Generale would eliminate the next generation of vagabonds; for now, it would stop the begging, and one might hope, as Sir Thomas More said of the unpleasant work of the bondsmen in Utopia» — el reparto de tiempos que Davis extrae de esa respuesta humanista, con la esperanza que toma de lo que Tomás Moro dice de los siervos de Utopía; la frase sigue en la plana siguiente: los mendigos sanos *domados por la larga fatiga* de limpiar cloacas y cavar fosos.
«We can see in retrospect that many professional beggars and vagabonds had skills of a kind (we certainly reward the skills of persuasion well enough today!); they traveled together and stayed together; they had partnerships for their "business"; they had initiation ceremonies and status ranks and "courts of miracles.» — lo que Davis dice que se ve en retrospectiva de los mendigos profesionales: tenían destrezas, viajaban y paraban juntos, tenían sociedades para su negocio, ritos de iniciación, rangos de estatus y cortes de los milagros.
«In other words, they had ways to defend themselves against powerlessness and alienation. They were very poor, but no one was promising them a greater income from public works.» — cómo lo lee Davis: tenían con qué defenderse de la impotencia y la alienación, y nadie les ofrecía más ingreso por obra pública.
«In some ways they would be harder to "rehabilitate" than the isolated suspicious "unemployables" and semiemployed of our own cities, because they belonged to a subculture in which Fran<;ois Villon, for instance, had been glad to live.» — y la comparación que hace con el presente: serían más difíciles de rehabilitar que los inempleables aislados y recelosos de nuestras ciudades, porque pertenecían a una subcultura en que François Villon había vivido a gusto.
«Indeed, the professional beggars in Lyon thought the rectors of the Aumone were at fault, not themselves, and agreed with those who demonstrated the day that rector Jean Broquin was buried: "The poor can rejoice because now their enemy is dead .... The devils will take messeigneurs of the Aumone, and they've caught the first one now.» — el testimonio con que Davis cierra: los mendigos profesionales de Lyon tenían por culpables a los rectores, y celebraban el entierro de Jean Broquin diciendo que su enemigo había muerto y que los diablos se llevarían a los señores de la Aumône.
«Others simply did not like to see beggars beaten and raised tumults among the bystanders against the beadles who did so.» — y otros alborotaban a los transeúntes contra los bedeles que apaleaban mendigos.
«None of this means, however, that the majority of the menu peuple in Lyon really honored the status of beggar, deserving or undeserving. For instance, the printers' journeymen said contemptuously of the men who refused to join their trade union, "They'll work for beggar's pay." And when, during one of their strikes, they were classified in a public cry as "vagabonds," who must go back to work or leave town within twenty-four hours, they appealed the cry to the king as "ignominious and scandalous.» — el límite que Davis pone a esa solidaridad: los oficiales impresores despreciaban a quien trabajaba por paga de mendigo, y cuando un pregón los llamó vagabundos apelaron al rey por ignominioso y escandaloso.
«They did not like surprise visits from rectors who wanted to make certain that the children they were collecting for were really theirs and still alive, any more than present-day relief recipients like midnight raids from welfare agents.» — y el paralelo con el presente que Davis traza: las visitas por sorpresa para comprobar que los hijos por los que se cobraba eran suyos y seguían vivos, como las redadas nocturnas de los agentes de asistencia de hoy.
«They were not happy about being forbidden to spend money at taverns or on cards and dice if they wanted to receive their dole, any more than today's recipients are happy to sell some of their belongings to qualify for relief.» — y el segundo paralelo: la prohibición de gastar en la taberna o en cartas y dados para seguir cobrando.
«Journeymen who were out on strike could never collect from the Aumone and simply depended on the "common purse" of their compagnonnage to tide them over.» — lo que Davis consigna del huelguista: no cobraba nunca de la Aumône y dependía de la bolsa común de su compagnonnage.
«Such groups had to accept as a fact of life the unwillingness of all authorities to view higher real wages as a possible solution to poverty.» — y el hecho que esos grupos debían dar por sentado, según Davis: ninguna autoridad veía el salario real más alto como solución posible a la pobreza.
«During the years 1534 to rs6r, at any one time slightly more than five percent of the total population were receiving a weekly handout» — la medida que Davis da del alcance del socorro: algo más del cinco por ciento de la población total recibía reparto semanal en un momento dado.
«Some of the deserving poor were also sorry to see begging outlawed, and were deterred from continuing to beg only by the» — lo que Davis consigna del otro lado: algunos pobres merecedores lamentaban la prohibición y solo los frenaba —sigue la frase en la plana siguiente— la amenaza de ser borrados del padrón cuando los pillaran.
«They could object to the rectors when their weekly distribution was too little» — la asimetría que Davis consigna dentro del socorro; la frase sigue tras el corte del troceo diciendo que los rectores tenían siempre la última palabra y que insistir podía llevar a la torre.
«About three hundred children were being cared for at any one time at the new children's hospitals, while the rectors were supervising the treatment of many more of their "adoptifs" as apprentices or servants.» — la cifra de niños atendidos que Davis da, además de los adoptivos colocados de aprendices o criados.
«The reorganized Hotel-Dieu, which had eighty patients in early 1524, was able to cope with three or four times that many in later decades without a significant rise in the death rate.» — la medida del Hôtel-Dieu reorganizado: de ochenta enfermos a tres o cuatro veces esa cifra sin subida apreciable de la mortalidad.
«These services relieved the worst pressures of poverty a little and may have diminished the incidence of certain infectious diseases.» — el balance con su límite dentro que Davis hace de esos servicios.
«Pledges of weekly or monthly contributions were obtained from individual inhabitants, from the archbishop and all the religious establishments except the mendicants, and from the foreign "nations" residing in Lyon.» — de dónde salía el dinero de la Aumône, según Davis: promesas semanales o mensuales de vecinos, del arzobispo y de todas las casas religiosas salvo las mendicantes, y de las naciones extranjeras.
«Finally, money came in from canisters all over town, from wills, from court fines, and even from lotteries, which were prohibited to relief recipients but permitted for donors.» — y las demás fuentes, con la asimetría que Davis remata: loterías prohibidas a los socorridos y permitidas a los donantes.
«Vauzelles assured his listeners during the 1531 famine that under the new plan "you will promptly see yourselves relieved of all the foreign poor with whom you are now so heavily burdened.» — lo que Vauzelles prometía sobre los pobres forasteros, según Davis.
«Hadn't the Bible said there was to be no distinction between Greek and Jew? Hadn't the early bishops of Lyon sent messengers all the way to Burgundy to invite the poor to come to the city for alms?» — cómo objetó el inquisidor Morin esa promesa, según Davis: con la Escritura, que no distingue entre griego y judío, y con los primeros obispos de Lyon, que mandaban mensajeros a Borgoña a invitar a los pobres.
«The mendicant orders of Ypres made similar objections and so did Friar Domingo de Soto of Salamanca in regard to urban relief experiments in Spain.» — y quiénes objetaban lo mismo en otras partes: las órdenes mendicantes de Ypres y fray Domingo de Soto de Salamanca.
«And the answer is that a major purpose of the Aumone was to hold the city together "even though," to quote its ordinances, "its people be the most mixed with different nations of any in France.» — la respuesta de Davis sobre el trato al forastero, con la fórmula de las propias ordenanzas: mantener unida a la ciudad aunque su gente sea la más mezclada de naciones de toda Francia.
«The distinctions made were between residents and nonresidents, and were never intentionally used to restrict the labor supply, a restriction which could have put some of the industrial entrepreneurs among the rectors and Consuls out of business. Rather the policy was intended to protect the city from professional beggars and to prevent its treasury from being exhausted immediately.» — qué distinción se hacía en realidad, según Davis, y qué fin tenía: proteger a la ciudad de los mendigos profesionales y no agotar el tesoro, nunca restringir la mano de obra.
«Thus all poor travelers, pilgrims, and hungry peasants were registered and given one and only one distribution, a so-called passade. If they were ill, they were treated and fed at the Hotel-Dieu as long as necessary; otherwise they were ordered to leave.» — el régimen del forastero de paso: registro y un solo reparto, la passade, con cura y comida en el Hôtel-Dieu si estaba enfermo.
«Thus there were guards set up at the docks and bridges to keep out professional beggars and other poor, such as old women or widows with children, suspected of coming to Lyon only to get on the relief rolls.» — y los guardias en muelles y puentes contra los mendigos profesionales y las viejas o viudas con hijos sospechosas de venir solo por el padrón.
«Over the years, however, thousands of unemployed artisans and young women from the country came to Lyon, found jobs, maybe left and returned again-all without being molested.» — el dato que Davis pone del otro lado: miles de artesanos sin trabajo y muchachas del campo llegaron, hallaron empleo y fueron y vinieron sin ser molestados.
«With their limited finances and more primitive economy, of course, their law was less a violation of charity than the residence requirements (some almost as long as theirs) made for public relief today.» — y la comparación con que Davis lo mide: con sus finanzas limitadas, aquella ley violentaba menos la caridad que los requisitos de residencia del socorro público de hoy.
«requirement, not for medical care, or for the orphanage, or for emergency aid, but for weekly distributions.» — la restricción que Davis llama mucho más grave, y su alcance exacto: el requisito de residencia regía el reparto semanal, no la atención médica, el orfanato ni la ayuda de urgencia; la frase arranca en la plana anterior.
«Similar policies toward peasants, travelers, and newcomers are found in the many European cities in which welfare reform occurred, though the rapidity with which new residents were admitted to the rolls varied.» — lo que Davis consigna de las demás ciudades europeas con reforma asistencial.
«At any rate, no city had to feel that it was breaking completely with Christian precedent in helping residents ahead of nonresidents: the notion that "charity begins at home" had been long incorporated into the canonists' analysis of how to allocate scarce funds among numerous applicants.» — y por qué ninguna ciudad rompía con el precedente cristiano al preferir al residente: los canonistas ya habían incorporado que la caridad empieza por casa al repartir fondos escasos.
«Moreover, the welfare reformers did not completely neglect the question that Domingo de Soto posed: where are the people whom you turn back going to go for help? Other towns would follow the example of reform and the burden could then be shared.» — cómo respondían los reformadores a la pregunta de Domingo de Soto sobre adónde irían los rechazados: otras ciudades seguirían el ejemplo y la carga se repartiría.
«Thus Vauzelles had rushed his sermon into print in Lyon in 1531 and sent it to a Catholic friend in Toulouse, Jean Barril, who had it printed there.» — el ejemplo de propagación que Davis da: Vauzelles imprimió deprisa su sermón y lo mandó a un amigo católico de Toulouse, Jean Barril, que lo hizo imprimir allá.
«And thus the ordinances of the Aumone-Generale were published in 1539 as "an exemplary work for other cities and communities." The work must have been sought after, because Gryphius made two impressions in the same year.» — y la declaración que llevaban las ordenanzas de 1539: obra ejemplar para otras ciudades y comunidades, con dos impresiones de Gryphius el mismo año.
«These books influenced not only town councils but also kings. Urban models were behind the 1531 placard of Charles V for the Netherlands and behind Charles IX's order in 1566 that all French towns and parish organizations support their poor.» — lo que Davis atribuye a esos libros: el placard de Carlos V de 1531 para los Países Bajos y la orden de Carlos IX de 1566 a todas las villas francesas.
«For various reasons national legislation did not succeed in France, and most poor relief was to come for some time as it had in Lyon-from the cities.» — y el límite que consigna en Francia: la legislación nacional no prosperó y el socorro siguió viniendo de las ciudades.
«He received his title of Inquisitor in 1532, and his maiden effort in this capacity was A Treatise of Catholic Erudition ... confuting a pernicious little book which uses as a cover a zealous plea for alms for the poor of Lyon.» — cómo describe Davis la réplica de Morin: su estreno como inquisidor fue un tratado de erudición católica contra un librito pernicioso que se cubre con un celoso alegato de limosna.
«Though never mentioning Vauzelles' name, Morin must have known he was the author. The sermon was printed anonymously because Vauzelles never put anything more than his device on any of his works,145 but it had been given publicly and Morin could not have failed to hear of it.» — el anonimato del sermón y por qué Davis sostiene que Morin sabía quién lo escribió.
«One would hardly know from Morin's 16o-page Latin attack on Vauzelles' short piece that the subject was poor relief.» — el juicio de Davis sobre el ataque de Morin en cuanto a su asunto.
«Though evidently moved by the events of 1531, Morin in describing the temporary aumone showed no awareness of its novelty or social significance. His mechanical use of biblical formulas-"And they gathered the people, sanctified the church, and assembled the elders"146-made the reality of reform dissolve into the distant past.» — y en qué lo funda: al describir la aumône temporal no mostró conciencia de su novedad, y su uso mecánico de fórmulas bíblicas disolvía la realidad de la reforma en un pasado remoto.
«Indeed, can we not discern an international movement for welfare reform in Europe during the decades after 1520, when Vives' book is published in several countries and translated into German, Italian,» — la pregunta con que Davis propone leer todo esto como movimiento internacional de reforma asistencial tras 1520; la enumeración sigue en la plana siguiente con las traducciones y con los estatutos de Ypres, Núremberg, Lyon, París, Chartres y Brujas impresos.
«lated by William Marshall into English; when the statutes of Nuremberg, Lyon, Paris, Chartres, and Bruges appear in print; when the Benedictine Juan de Medina describes the reform in Salamanca, Zamora, and Valladolid and pleads for others to follow?» — la continuación del mismo inventario: los estatutos de Ypres traducidos al inglés por William Marshall, los de varias ciudades impresos, y el benedictino Juan de Medina describiendo la reforma de Salamanca, Zamora y Valladolid.
«Morin did not even take up Vauzelles' concrete proposals. As he said himself, "I have neither the vocation nor the talent for this kind of examination.» — y la propia declaración de Morin que Davis cita: no tenía ni vocación ni talento para esa clase de examen.
«When Pagnini came to see the Consulate, it was to talk about poor relief; when Morin came, it was to tell the city it owed the convent some back rent.» — el contraste con que Davis cierra el retrato de los dos religiosos.
«What bothered this correct doctor of theology about the exhortation was its "popular idiom," its freewheeling use of biblical examples, and especially its Erasmian sentiments.» — qué molestaba a Morin del sermón, según Davis: el idioma popular, el uso libre de los ejemplos bíblicos y sobre todo lo erasmiano.
«Morin is the closest one comes in Lyon to Noel Beda (whom he praised in the Treatise), to the hardcore Sorbonne opposition to Erasmus.» — dónde coloca Davis a Morin en el mapa de la época: lo más cercano en Lyon a Noël Béda y a la oposición dura de la Sorbona contra Erasmo.
«He was undoubtedly unhappy about Pagnini, who continued to say, in the face of doubts from the august Faculty of Theology, that Greek and Hebrew letters helped in interpreting Scripture.» — lo que Davis supone de su trato con Pagnini, que seguía sosteniendo ante las dudas de la Facultad de Teología que el griego y el hebreo ayudan a interpretar la Escritura.
«It was true that Vauzelles, carried away and composing in haste from his not very good memory, had called Hannah Elkanah; had forgotten that Simeon had never been to Egypt; and then had sent the work directly to the printer without checking his references (the printer did not check them either).» — lo que Davis concede a Morin: Vauzelles, escribiendo deprisa y de memoria, llamó Elcaná a Ana, olvidó que Simeón nunca estuvo en Egipto y mandó la obra a la imprenta sin cotejar las referencias.
«For the sake of the alms given, said Vauzelles, "God had cured the sick, made the dumb to speak, the lame to walk," etc. No, said Morin, there was precisely one miracle.» — y el ejemplo de esa corrección: donde Vauzelles enumeraba curaciones por la limosna, Morin contaba exactamente un milagro.
«Morin also took very literally Vauzelles' ironic reference to the Waldensians, but ignored his genuine criticism of Luther.» — y lo que Davis le reprocha en cambio: tomar al pie de la letra la ironía sobre los valdenses y pasar por alto la crítica genuina a Lutero.
«Now this idea of "faith formed by charity" had been developed earlier by the Franciscans and, as Lucien Febvre has shown, was currently "familiar to many a devoted reader of Erasmus.» — de dónde viene esa idea de la fe formada por la caridad, según Davis, apoyada en Lucien Febvre: desarrollada antes por los franciscanos y entonces familiar a muchos lectores devotos de Erasmo.
«Nor did his brief comments on the foreign poor-"We must turn our face from no one"-provide any guidance for the notables» — lo que Davis reprocha a los comentarios de Morin sobre el pobre forastero —no hay que apartar el rostro de nadie—: no daban guía a los notables, que, sigue la frase tras el corte del troceo, discutían horas a quiénes exactamente podían alimentar.
«But Vauzelles had erred most perniciously in talking of charity and ceremonies. "The experience [of the new order for giving]» — dónde estaba, según Morin, el error más pernicioso de Vauzelles; la frase citada se completa en la plana siguiente: la experiencia del nuevo orden de dar traerá pronta fe.
«Morin returned to a more clearly traditional position when he defended ceremonies and masses for the dead against Vauzelles, who had cried, "It is to the living, to the living and not to the dead that are owed the alms which resurrect.» — dónde se pone Morin en terreno tradicional, según Davis: al defender ceremonias y misas por los difuntos contra la frase de Vauzelles de que la limosna que resucita se debe a los vivos y no a los muertos.
«Vauzelles surely knew he was sticking his neck out, for a provincial Church Council at Lyon, which he had attended a few years back, had prohibited anyone's speaking against masses for the dead.» — el riesgo que Davis atribuye a esa frase: un concilio provincial de Lyon al que el propio Vauzelles había asistido prohibía hablar contra las misas de difuntos.
«Vauzelles won. He went about his business at the chapter of Saint Jean unmolested. And he made sarcastic remarks about the Pharisees and Jews who were always asking where a man had received his degree in theology» — el desenlace del pleito según Davis, y el sarcasmo de Vauzelles sobre los fariseos que preguntaban dónde se había graduado uno en teología.
«And the Aumone-Generale won. Morin's attack had been too irrelevant to excite support. Most of the clergy appear to have been rather glad to be relieved of their responsibility.» — y el desenlace institucional: el ataque de Morin no levantó apoyo y el clero parecía más bien contento de quedar relevado de la carga.
«Chapters and Benedictine houses calmly made over all their old foundations for alms and grain distributions to the Aumone-Generale and agreed to pay a further specified sum each week.» — qué hicieron cabildos y casas benedictinas, según Davis.
«The archbishopric was sued in I537 for 250 livres arrears in its pledge, and when ordered by the seneschal to pay, it paid.» — el episodio con que Davis mide la nueva relación de fuerzas: el arzobispado demandado por atrasos y obligado a pagar por el senescal.
«By 1540 Jean de Vauzelles could rejoice at the extent to which the laity was involved in this great Christian work-from the would-be Consuls who served as rectors free of charge, to the women who passed the cup in church and the master craftsmen who went door-to-door collecting; from the storekeepers who kept canisters on their counters, to the notaries recommending the Aumone to those about to draw up their wills.» — de qué podía alegrarse Vauzelles hacia 1540, según Davis: la amplitud de la participación laica, de los rectores gratuitos a las mujeres que pasaban la copa en la iglesia, los maestros que colectaban de puerta en puerta, los tenderos con su cepillo en el mostrador y los notarios que recomendaban la Aumône al testar.
«Possibly Vauzelles' hope that money would be redirected from masses for the dead toward the Aumone was partially realized for a few decades in the wills of prosperous Catholics. This is a problem that needs further study.» — la conjetura que Davis deja abierta y declara pendiente de estudio.
«What is clear is that, despite tactics which made many donations virtually obligatory, the Aumone still invited spontaneous action and innovation.» — el límite que Davis pone al carácter obligatorio de las donaciones.
«A merchant opens a theater for religious drama; he agrees to give a percentage of the receipts from every performance to the Aumone.» — el primer caso de esa innovación espontánea: un mercader abre un teatro de drama religioso y cede a la Aumône un porcentaje de la taquilla.
«He also donates the profits from a sermon by Gregory Nazianzen on helping the poor167 (the first edition in French of that Church Father, with whom Pirckheimer and Erasmus had been occupied a few years before).» — y el de Gryphius, que cedía las ganancias de las ordenanzas y de un sermón de Gregorio Nacianceno sobre socorrer a los pobres, primera edición francesa de ese Padre.
«The Aumone-Generale also had an impact on the physicians. Champier suggests a system of licensing for physicians, surgeons, and apothecaries to raise the level ofmedical practice in Lyon.» — el efecto que Davis le atribuye sobre los médicos, con la propuesta de Champier de licenciar a médicos, cirujanos y boticarios.
«Two other humanist physicians publish French translations of medical and surgical works for the benefit of journeymen in surgery and pharmacy. If such work was partly motivated by literary and professional considerations, the decade of welfare reform inspired its social dimension.» — y el de otros dos médicos humanistas que traducen obras médicas y quirúrgicas al francés para los oficiales de cirugía y farmacia, con la acotación de Davis sobre sus motivos mezclados.
«For instance, every year at Easter there was an enormous Procession of the Poor-not of the donors, as one was to see much later in Paris in the Counter-Reformation charitable confraternities, but of the recipients.» — el rasgo católico con que Davis explica que los laicos lo tuvieran por caridad genuina: una Procesión de los Pobres anual, de los socorridos y no de los donantes, al revés de lo que se vería después en las cofradías de la Contrarreforma parisina.
«The procession was intended partly to show the public where their money was going, as the ordinances said, and partly to arouse their good will. Furthermore, Catholics could count on the poor praying for the souls of their benefactors.» — y para qué servía, según las ordenanzas y según Davis: enseñar adónde iba el dinero, despertar buena voluntad, y dar a los católicos con quién contar para que rezaran por sus almas.
«A seated woman with three children pressed round her neck and body holds in her free hand a purse from which the money is pouring. On her head is perched a pelican which is striking its breast so that pelican children can drink its blood.» — la descripción que Davis hace del emblema de la Aumône: una mujer sentada con tres niños, la bolsa derramando dinero y un pelícano sobre la cabeza hiriéndose el pecho para que beban sus crías.
«The woman is, of course, a charity figure; the pelican, an old symbol both for Christ and for charity.» — y la lectura del emblema que da: la mujer es figura de la Caridad, y el pelícano es símbolo antiguo a la vez de Cristo y de la caridad.
«And as natives and foreigners had worked together to form the Aum6ne, so its emblem amalgamates diverse artistic traditions. The seated charity with children was a recent Italian invention used by Michelangelo (whom Pagnini had known in Italy); the pelican on the head of a standing charity had first appeared in France toward the end of the fifteenth century.» — el paralelo que Davis traza entre la composición de la coalición y la del emblema: la caridad sentada con niños era invención italiana reciente usada por Miguel Ángel, y el pelícano sobre la cabeza había aparecido en Francia a fines del siglo XV.
«charity is the mark by which one knows the true disciples of Jesus ... the truest witness we have of our faith.» — la fórmula con que, según Davis, uno de los primeros proselitistas clandestinos de Lyon podía responder al emblema desde la doctrina protestante.
«And evidence shows that individual Protestants contributed to the Aumone, collected for it, served as rectors, and received relief, in the years up to the First Religious War.» — lo que la evidencia muestra, según Davis, sobre la participación protestante en la Aumône hasta la primera guerra de religión.
«Its basic institutions and policies were sufficiently acceptable to them so that in I56263, when the Huguenots were masters of the town, they were to change the Aumone-Generale very little.» — y la prueba que añade: con los hugonotes dueños de la ciudad en 1562-63, la Aumône apenas cambió.
«Some Protestants, such as Kleberger, had a humanist background and had assimilated humanist views about social rehabilitation even though they were convinced that there was no training or job by which one could rehabilitate oneself in God's eyes.» — la tensión que Davis consigna sin armonizar en los protestantes humanistas: asimilaban la idea de rehabilitación social estando convencidos de que ninguna formación ni oficio rehabilita a los ojos de Dios.
«As Pastor Viret was to say from Switzerland: "Though still detained by Anti-Christ and living in the disorder of the papists, [the Lyonnais] have so well provided for their poor that mendicity is abolished .... Perhaps God will have pity on them and next they'll chase out the really great hypocrites and loafers [that is, the» — lo que el pastor Viret decía desde Suiza, según Davis: detenidos aún por el Anticristo y viviendo en el desorden de los papistas, los lioneses han proveído tan bien a sus pobres que la mendicidad está abolida.
«Usually we talk about the breakup of alliances in terms of irreconcilable views on doctrine and the effects of persecution. Here we can see the failure in terms of priorities and organizational energy.» — el desplazamiento de explicación que Davis propone para el fin de esas coaliciones: no doctrina irreconciliable y persecución, sino prioridades y energía organizativa.
«The early Protestant militants, the proselytizers risking their lives, never saw the Aumone-Generale as more than a short step in the right direction.» — cómo veían la Aumône los militantes protestantes según Davis.
«They were eager to build the new Jerusalem as soon as possible, whereas the more patient Protestants who helped create the Aum6ne-Generale wanted to ameliorate Lyon even before the Lord saw fit to release her from the papists.» — y el contraste de tiempos que Davis marca entre esos militantes y los protestantes pacientes que ayudaron a crear la Aumône.
«tal body would harden hearts and lead to indifference.160 But the laity of Lyon had come to believe that the Aum6ne-Generale was a genuine expression of charity.» — la objeción de las órdenes mendicantes de Ypres —dar a un cuerpo de gobierno endurecería los corazones— y la respuesta de los hechos según Davis: los laicos de Lyon llegaron a tener la Aumône por expresión genuina de caridad.
«Thus in the early 155o's, Protestant pastors were urging the conventicles to set up a secret charity of their own169 while other Protestants were serving as rectors of the Aum» — el dato con que Davis cierra esa divergencia, sin armonizarla: a principios de los años cincuenta unos pastores urgían a los conventículos a montar una caridad secreta propia mientras otros protestantes servían de rectores de la Aumône.
«In 1537, the rectors, most of them Catholic, included in their annual aid to prisoners five sous for "Francois' wife, who is a prisoner for heresy.» — el caso con que Davis mide hasta dónde la Aumône siguió siendo general: en 1537 los rectores, católicos en su mayoría, dieron cinco sueldos a la mujer de François, presa por herejía.
«Yet a rectorate half-Catholic and half-Protestant insisted that the policy of the Aum6ne was to give to people "indifferently, having regard only to whether there is need.» — y la norma que un rectorado mitad católico y mitad protestante sostuvo cuando algunos hugonotes dejaron de dar por discriminación: dar indiferentemente, atendiendo solo a si hay necesidad.
«Then in the summer of 1563, only a few weeks after the clergy and the mass had been restored, Catholic contributions resumed to the Aum6ne, even though it was still administered by Protestant rectors.» — y el dato del verano de 1563: restaurados el clero y la misa, las contribuciones católicas volvieron a una Aumône todavía administrada por rectores protestantes.
«Unlike Nicolas Morin, they thought that misery was a greater danger than heresy to the life of Lyon.» — y la frase con que distingue a esa coalición de Nicolas Morin.
«The context for welfare reform, it seems to me, was urban crisis, brought about by a conjuncture of older problems of poverty with population growth and economic expansion.» — la conclusión que Davis enuncia como propia y con su matiz: el contexto de la reforma asistencial fue una crisis urbana nacida de la coyuntura entre problemas viejos de pobreza, crecimiento demográfico y expansión económica.
«Protestant cities and Catholic cities and cities of mixed religious composition initiated rather similar reforms, usually learning from each other's efforts.» — lo que Davis consigna de la distribución confesional de esas reformas.
«Lyon is an example of a religious coalition for welfare reform dominated by Catholics. Is Nuremberg an example of welfare reform by a religious coalition dominated by Protestants?» — y la pregunta comparativa que deja abierta sobre Núremberg.
«solidarity, but that the principle of "indifferent" giving by the Aum6ne-Generale survived the Religious Wars at all is a tribute to the coalition that founded the Aum» — el juicio doble con que Davis cierra el ensayo: la estampa no es bonita frente a ninguna medida real de solidaridad humana —así arranca la frase en la plana anterior— y aun así el principio de dar indiferentemente sobrevivió a las guerras de religión, lo que atribuye a la coalición fundadora.
«For the Catholics, I speculate that the path was often opened as it was in Lyon-by Christian humanists following an Erasmian program for reform.» — la conjetura que Davis marca como conjetura sobre el camino católico hacia esas reformas.
«But I am not at all sure that most of the differences in welfare systems can be explained by simple religious variables or will even break along religious lines.» — el límite que Davis pone a la explicación por variables religiosas.
«For instance, the poor laws of Catholic Lyon and Ypres prohibited all begging; the Elizabethan Poor Law allowed some licensed begging (Article X). Protestant Geneva insisted upon the principle of voluntary donation to welfare institutions; Catholic Lyon moved in the direction of obligation, whereas Catholic Paris instituted for a while a "taxe des pauvres.» — los contraejemplos con que lo sostiene: Lyon e Ypres católicas prohíben toda mendicidad y la ley isabelina admite mendigos con licencia; Ginebra protestante insiste en el donativo voluntario y París católica instituye por un tiempo una tasa de pobres.
«What explains the vigor of voluntary philanthropic institutions in Protestant England and Catholic Spain? And how do we account for the variation in lay or clerical control of welfare activities?» — las dos preguntas que Davis deja abiertas sobre Inglaterra protestante y España católica y sobre el control laico o clerical.
«The rectors and agents of the Aumone-Generale of Lyon were all laymen until the Protestant period of 1562-63, when deacons and surveillants were used; only in 1575, in the spirit of Counter-Reformation, was one canon-count from Saint Jean added to the board of rectors.» — el dato lionés con que las acompaña: rectores y agentes todos laicos hasta el período protestante, y un canónigo-conde añadido al consejo apenas en 1575, en espíritu de Contrarreforma.
«Moreover, the really meaningful criticism of welfare schemes, some of it made by the poor themselves, did not concern itself with heresy.» — y dónde sitúa la crítica que sí tiene peso, incluida la de los propios pobres.
«The Dominican de Soto based his entire argument on principles of natural law and observations about the unequal distribution of wealth and poverty throughout Spain.» — sobre qué fundaba su argumento el dominico de Soto, según Davis.
«Printers' journeymen in Lyon called the rectors incompetent to judge need fairly, not as laymen, but as friends or relatives of employers.» — y la objeción de los oficiales impresores de Lyon, que Davis distingue con cuidado: tachaban a los rectores de incompetentes para juzgar la necesidad no por laicos sino por amigos o parientes de los patronos.
«Humanist circles in Lyon were interested in welfare reform partly for self-preservation like everybody else: like Champier, one might get his house pillaged.» — el primer motivo que Davis atribuye al interés humanista, sin adornarlo.
«Their aesthetic commitment to classical ideals of beauty, order, and harmony made them especially unable to tolerate the noise, disorder, and human "ugliness" on the city streets.» — el primero de los tres rasgos propiamente humanistas que Davis distingue.
«Second, their interest in educational reform made them especially aware of what happened to children who were badly educated by their life as permanent or occasional beggars. They noticed the children and had the impulse to retrain them.» — el segundo: la reforma educativa los hacía reparar en los niños mal criados por la mendicidad y querer reeducarlos.
«I have tried to show how the vocational experience of businessmen and lawyers and certain humanist concerns could provide these insights. And businessmen and lawyers are found throughout the town councils of Europe. Humanists, or at least their writings, have some impact on every European city.» — lo que Davis declara haber intentado mostrar, y por qué lo cree generalizable: hombres de negocios y juristas están en los concejos de toda Europa, y los escritos humanistas llegan a cada ciudad.
«Also, I think we should remember how few attacks on welfare» — lo que Davis pide recordar sobre el peso real de la acusación de herejía; la frase se corta aquí en el troceo y sigue en la plana siguiente: por cada Nicolas Morin o Lorenzo Villavicenzo hubo diez villas católicas que instituyeron el orden nuevo sin oposición de los frailes.
«reform were based on its association with Protestant heresy. For every Nicolas Morin or Lorenzo Villavicenzo, there were ten Catholic towns that instituted the new order without opposition from the friars.» — la continuación de esa cuenta: por cada Nicolas Morin o Lorenzo Villavicenzo, diez villas católicas instituyeron el orden nuevo sin oposición de los frailes.
«The Lyonnais, moved by love and fear, tried to make of their growing city a place where strangers might live as brothers. Erasmus had asked, "What else is a city but a great monastery?» — lo que Davis atribuye a los lioneses movidos por amor y miedo, junto a la pregunta de Erasmo que cita: qué otra cosa es una ciudad sino un gran monasterio.
«And so a humanist said of Lyon in 1539 that since the poor had been so cared for, the city seemed "compared to past times, almost a true monastery and congregation of good brothers, though it be the most mixed with diverse nations of any people in this kingdom.» — el testimonio humanista de 1539 con que lo remata: cuidados así los pobres, la ciudad parecía casi un verdadero monasterio y congregación de buenos hermanos, siendo la más mezclada de naciones del reino.
«Thus to estimate the number of inhabitants given distributions by the Aumone, we must fall back upon the weekly accounts of how much bread and how much money were given at the five distribution points.» — y el sustituto con que trabaja: las cuentas semanales de pan y dinero repartidos en los cinco puntos.
«it is clear that the Aumone-Generale was unable to keep pace with the population increase in Lyon in those years (roughly from 45,000 to 6o,ooo), and that the increased stress on aid in money, whatever freedom of choice it gave the poor, did not keep pace with inflation.» — lo que Davis concluye del apéndice: la Aumône no siguió el ritmo del crecimiento de la población ni el de la inflación.
«Despite all the variation in practice, it is worthwhile trying to estimate the number of inhabitants helped, if only to find the order of magnitude.» — la declaración de método con que Davis acota su propia estimación.
«On the basis of Table 6 we can say very roughly that slightly more than five percent of the inhabitants were being helped by the Aumone at any one time. Since many people were aided for only a few months in the year, the percentage of the population helped at all during one year was, of course, higher.» — la cifra que da y su matiz: algo más del cinco por ciento socorrido en un momento dado, y un porcentaje mayor a lo largo de un año.
«Much comparative study needs to be done on this problem, but these estimates suggest the order of magnitude of assistance given by urban welfare organizations apart from hospitals, workhouses (or public works), and orphan training programs.» — la deuda comparativa que Davis declara, y qué queda fuera de la cifra: hospitales, talleres y programas de aprendizaje de huérfanos.
«Given the financial resources of sixteenth-century towns and their assumptions about poverty, how should we evaluate the figure of five percent?» — y la pregunta con que cierra el apéndice, sin contestarla.
«gether on it shows the extent to which it rested on values and insights common to both groups.» — dónde sitúa Davis el hecho decisivo del ensayo: que protestantes y católicos trabajaran juntos en la reforma del socorro muestra cuánto descansaba en valores e intuiciones comunes a ambos grupos; la frase arranca en la plana anterior.
«had to speak. If one wanted a "vision of peace," one could not be silent.» — la fórmula con que Davis cierra el ensayo, con el vocabulario de Vauzelles: si se quería una ciudad sin queja clamorosa había que hablar, y si se quería una visión de paz no se podía callar.
«The distribution rolls of the Aumone-Gem!rale have unfortunately disappeared, as have the censuses of the poor and their needs.» — la pérdida documental que Davis declara al abrir el apéndice: desaparecieron los padrones de reparto y los censos de pobres y de sus necesidades.
«Looking back on the birth and progress of the Calvinist heresy in the course of his own lifetime, the Bordeaux jurist Florimond de Raemond remarked on how much easier it was to entrap women into heresies than men. The Church Fathers had warned us of this long before. Women were weak and imbecile. They could be as precious as pearls or as dangerous as venomous asps.» — el tercer ensayo abre con lo que, según Davis, el jurista bordelés Florimond de Raemond observaba mirando atrás: que a las mujeres se las atrapaba en las herejías más fácilmente que a los hombres, siendo débiles e imbéciles y a la vez preciosas como perlas o peligrosas como áspides.
«Very often in our religious quarrels, de Raemond went on, their distaffs spun more evils than could ever be wrought by the partisan slash of seditious swords.» — y la fórmula con que lo remataba, según Davis: en las querellas religiosas sus ruecas hilaron más males que el tajo partidista de las espadas sediciosas.
«He knew this from his own experience, for during a few misguided years in the 156o's he had been part of the Huguenot movement» — y el dato que Davis pone junto a esa opinión: de Raemond había militado unos años en el movimiento hugonote.
«De Raemond was not the only Catholic male to try to discredit the Protestant cause by associating it with the weak will and feeble intellect of the female. Protestant polemicists returned the compliment by characterizing Catholic women as at best ignorant and superstitious and at worst whorish and frenzied.» — la simetría que Davis marca en la polémica: los católicos desacreditaban la causa protestante por la voluntad débil de la mujer y los polemistas protestantes devolvían el cumplido pintando a la católica ignorante y supersticiosa o putañera y frenética.
«Most modern historians of the Reformation go them one better: they scarcely mention women at all.» — y el reproche que Davis dirige a los historiadores modernos de la Reforma.
«Few social studies exist, however, that try to look systematically at the role of women in religious change in the sixteenth century.» — el hueco que Davis declara y que el ensayo se propone llenar.
«Did the Reformation have a distinctive appeal to women? If so, what was it and to what kinds of women? What did Protestant women do to bring about religious change? And what innovations did the Reformation effect in the lives of women of different social classes?» — las cuatro preguntas con que Davis abre el ensayo.
«Weber's assumptions remind us uncomfortably of the Church Fathers and Florimond de Raemond, but in any case we will want to ask whether such criteria could apply to a religion as disciplined as Calvinism.» — la objeción que Davis le opone: esos supuestos recuerdan incómodamente a los Padres y a Florimond de Raemond, y queda por ver si valen para una religión tan disciplinada como el calvinismo.
«We may note in passing, however, that both of them invoke psychological solutions but do not address themselves to the actual content and organization of the new religious movements.» — la objeción común que Davis dirige a esas hipótesis: invocan soluciones psicológicas y no se ocupan del contenido ni de la organización de los movimientos religiosos.
«It is usually argued that it was life within the family that changed most for Protestant women, and for the better.» — el tercer grupo de hipótesis que Davis expone, sobre las consecuencias de la Reforma.
«Not only the elimination of clerical celibacy but also the definition of marriage as the school of character is supposed to have led to greater friendship and more equal partnership between Protestant spouses than was possible between Catholic spouses of the same period.» — y qué se le atribuye a la vez al fin del celibato clerical y a la definición del matrimonio como escuela del carácter.
«Less attention has been paid, however, to the changed roles of women within the life, liturgy, symbolism, and organization of the Reformed Church.» — dónde ve Davis el hueco: en los papeles cambiados de la mujer dentro de la vida, la liturgia, el simbolismo y la organización de la Iglesia Reformada.
«Some speculation has been made about the social and psychological origins of Protestant opposition to Mariolatry,9 but how did banning the cult of Mary affect attitudes toward women and sexual identity?» — y la pregunta que deja abierta sobre el efecto de proscribir el culto de María en las actitudes hacia las mujeres y en la identidad sexual.
«The growing cities of sixteenth-century France, ranging from ten thousand inhabitants in smaller places to sixty thousand in Lyon and a hundred thousand in Paris, were the centers of organization and dissemination of Protestantism.» — el marco urbano del ensayo, con las cifras de población que Davis da para las ciudades francesas.
«The decades in question here are especially those up to the Saint Bartholomew's Day Massacre of 1572-the years when it still seemed hopeful, in the words of a female refugee in Geneva, that the new Christians might deliver their cities from the tyranny and cruelty of the papist Pharaohs.» — el corte temporal que Davis fija y el testimonio con que lo dice: una refugiada en Ginebra esperaba que los nuevos cristianos libraran sus ciudades de la tiranía de los faraones papistas.
«After 1572, the Huguenot party continued to battle for survival, but it was now doomed to remain a zealous but small minority.» — y lo que Davis data después de 1572 para el partido hugonote.
«And then the babies began and kept appearing every two or three years. The wealthy woman, with her full pantry and her country refuge in times of plague, might well raise six or seven children to adulthood. The artisan's wife might bury nearly as many as she bore, while the poor woman was lucky to have even one live through the perils of a sixteenth-century childhood.» — el escalonamiento por clase de la mortalidad infantil que Davis describe: la rica podía criar seis o siete, la mujer del artesano enterraba casi tantos como paría, y la pobre tenía suerte si uno llegaba a crecer.
«Remarriage was common, of course, and until certain restrictive edicts of the French king in the I56o's a widow could contract it quite freely.» — lo que Davis consigna del volver a casarse y de los edictos reales de los años sesenta que lo restringieron.
«At this stage of life, women outnumbered and outlived men,11 and even the widow sought after for her wealth might prefer independence to the relative tutelage of marriage.» — y la situación de la viuda pasados los cuarenta, con el matiz que Davis añade: aun buscada por su riqueza, podía preferir la independencia a la tutela relativa del matrimonio.
«Indeed, Robert Mandrou says that his little housewives might be liberated either by Protestantism or by the trans» — el caso extremo que Davis señala en Mandrou: sus amitas de casa podían liberarse igual por el protestantismo que —sigue la frase en la plana siguiente— por el catolicismo transformado de la Contrarreforma, sin que importara cuál.
«With the death rate so high, the cities of sixteenth-century France depended heavily on immigration for their increasing populations.» — la dependencia de la inmigración que Davis atribuye a las ciudades francesas.
«Here, however, we find an interesting difference between the sexes: men made up a much larger percentage of the young immigrants to the cities.» — y la asimetría por sexo que encuentra en esa inmigración.
«The female immigrants, on the other hand, clustered near the bottom of the social ladder and came mostly from villages and hamlets in surrounding provinces to seek domestic service in the city.» — dónde se agolpaban las inmigrantes, según Davis, y de dónde venían.
«The picture drawn in Renaissance courtesy books and suggested by the quotation from Robert Mandrou -that of women remaining privily in their homes-is rather far from the facts revealed by judicial records and private contracts.» — lo que Davis opone al cuadro de los libros de cortesía y a la cita de Mandrou: los registros judiciales y los contratos privados dicen otra cosa.
«The wife of the wealthy lawyer, royal officer, or prosperous merchant supervised the productive activities of a large household but might also rent out and sell rural and urban properties in her own name, in her husband's name, or as a widow.» — lo que Davis atribuye a la mujer de la casa acomodada: supervisaba la producción de una casa grande y podía arrendar y vender bienes rústicos y urbanos en nombre propio.
«The wives of tradesmen and master craftsmen had some part in running the shops, not just when they were widowed but also while their husbands were alive: a wife might discipline apprentices (who sometimes resented being beaten by a woman's hand), might help the journeymen at the large looms, might retail meats while her husband and his workers slaughtered cattle, might borrow money with her husband for printing ventures, and so on.» — y a la del tratante o maestro artesano: disciplinar aprendices —que a veces se ofendían de ser golpeados por mano de mujer—, ayudar a los oficiales en los telares grandes, despachar carne o tomar dinero prestado para empresas de imprenta.
«In addition, a significant proportion of women in artisanal families and among the menu peuple had employ on their own. They worked especially in the textile, clothing, leather, and provisioning trades, although we can also find girls apprenticed to pinmakers and gilders.» — los oficios propios que Davis atribuye a una proporción significativa de mujeres de familias artesanas y del menu peuple.
«They sold fish and tripe; they ran inns and taverns. They were paintBrs and, of course, midwives. In Paris they made linen; in Lyon they prepared silk. They made shoes and gloves, belts and collars.» — y el inventario de esos oficios, que Davis levanta del archivo; el troceo imprime *paintBrs* por painters.
«In Paris, one Perette Aubertin sold fruit at a stall near the Eglise des Mathurins while her husband worked as a printer. In Lyon, one Pernette Morilier made and sold wimples while her husband worked as a goldsmith.» — los dos casos nominales que da: Perette Aubertin vendiendo fruta en París mientras su marido trabajaba de impresor, y Pernette Morilier haciendo y vendiendo tocas en Lyon mientras el suyo era orfebre.
«And in an extraordinary document from Lyon, a successful merchant-shoemaker confesses that his prosperity was due not so much to his own profits as to those made by his wife over the preceding 25 years in her separate trade as a linen merchant.» — y el documento que Davis llama extraordinario: un mercader-zapatero próspero confiesa que su prosperidad se debía menos a sus ganancias que a las de su mujer en veinticinco años de comercio propio de lienzos.
«If all else failed, a woman could dig ditches and carry things at the municipal construction sites. For this last, she worked shoulder to shoulder with unskilled male day workers, being paid about one-half or two-thirds as much as they for her pains.» — y el último recurso, con la brecha salarial medida: cavar fosos y acarrear en las obras municipales, hombro con hombro con los jornaleros y cobrando la mitad o los dos tercios.
«Even a modest artisanal family was likely to have a wretchedly paid serving girl, perhaps acquired» — el escalón de abajo que Davis describe: hasta la familia artesana modesta tenía una criadita miserablemente pagada, sacada acaso —sigue la frase en la plana siguiente— de uno de los hospitales de huérfanos abiertos entonces en muchas ciudades.
«There was service in the bath-houses, which sometimes slid into prostitution. Every city had its filles de joie, whom the town council tried to restrict to certain streets and» — los oficios que Davis consigna en el margen: el servicio en casas de baños, que a veces resbalaba a la prostitución, y las filles de joie que el concejo trataba de recluir en ciertas calles; la frase sigue en la plana siguiente diciendo que se les impedía solicitar clientes frente a la iglesia parroquial.
«This economic activity of women among the menu peuple may explain in part the funny nicknames that some of them had.» — de dónde salían los apodos de esas mujeres, según Davis.
«Most French women in the sixteenth century kept their maiden names all their lives: when necessary, the phrase "wife of" or "widow of" so-and-so was tacked on.» — el dato onomástico que Davis consigna: casi todas conservaban su apellido de soltera toda la vida, con un *mujer de* o *viuda de* añadido cuando hacía falta.
«Certain women, however, had sobriquets: Ia Capitaine des vaches (the Captain of the cows) and Ia reine d'Hongrie (the queen of Hungary) were nicknames given to two women who headed households in Lyon; Ia Catelle was a schoolmistress in Paris; Ia Varenne, a midwife in Le Mans; and Ia Grosse Marguerite, a peddler of Orleans.» — y la lista de apodos que levanta del archivo: la Capitana de las vacas y la reina de Hungría, cabezas de casa en Lyon; la Catelle, maestra en París; la Varenne, partera en Le Mans; la Gorda Margarita, buhonera de Orleans.
«But in all cases, we can assume not only that these women were a little eccentric but also that these names were bestowed on them in the course of public lifein the street, in the marketplace, or in the tavern.» — lo que Davis infiere de esos apodos: se ponían en la vida pública, en la calle, en el mercado o en la taberna.
«The public life of urban women did not, however, extend to the civic assembly or council chamber. Women who were heads of households do appear on tax lists and even on militia rolls and were expected to supply money or men as the city government required. But that was the extent of political participation for the citoyenne.» — el límite que Davis pone a esa vida pública: las cabezas de casa figuraban en los padrones fiscales y aun en los de milicia, y ahí acababa la participación política de la ciudadana.
«Male artisans and traders also had little say in these oligarchical city governments, but at least the more prosperous among them might have hoped to influence town councillors through their positions as guild representatives.» — la comparación con que lo acota: los artesanos y tratantes varones tampoco pesaban en esos gobiernos oligárquicos, pero los más prósperos podían influir como representantes de gremio.
«In short, the political activity of women on all levels of urban society was indirect or informal only.» — la conclusión de Davis sobre la actividad política de las mujeres urbanas en todos los niveles.
«The wives of poor and powerless journeymen and day laborers, when their tables were bare because the city fathers had failed to provide the town with grain, might have tried to change things by joining with their husbands and children in a well-timed grain riot.» — y cómo la ejercían las mujeres de los oficiales y jornaleros pobres, según Davis: uniéndose con marido e hijos a un motín del grano bien calculado cuando el concejo no había abastecido la ciudad.
«In the families of the urban elite the women had at least a vernacular education-usually at the hands of private tutors-in French, perhaps in Italian, in music, and in arithmetic.» — qué educación tenían las mujeres de la élite urbana, según Davis.
«A Latin education among nonnoble city women was rare enough that it was remarked-"learned beyond her sex," the saying went-and a girl like Louise Sarrasin of Lyon, whose physician-father had started her in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin by the time she was eight, was considered a wondrous prodigy.» — lo raro que era el latín en una mujer no noble, con la fórmula de época —docta más allá de su sexo— y el caso de Louise Sarrasin de Lyon, iniciada por su padre médico en hebreo, griego y latín a los ocho años.
«It was women from these wealthy families of bankers and jurists who organized the important literary salons in Paris, Lyon, Poitiers, and elsewhere.» — qué hacían esas mujeres con esa educación, según Davis.
«An examination of contracts involving some 1,200 people in Lyon in the 156o's and 1570's to see whether those people could simply sign their names19 reveals that, of the women, only 28 percent could sign their names.» — la medida de alfabetización que Davis levanta por programa propio: en unos mil doscientos contratantes de Lyon, solo el veintiocho por ciento de las mujeres firmaba con su nombre.
«These were almost all from the elite families of well-off merchants and publishers, plus a few wives of surgeons and goldsmiths. All the other women in the group-the wives of mercers, of artisans in skilled trades, and even of a few notaries-could not sign.» — y quiénes eran esas firmantes, frente a las mujeres de merceros, artesanos cualificados y aun de algún notario, que no firmaban.
«This is in contrast to their husbands and to male artisans generally, whose ability to sign ranged from high among groups like printers, surgeons, and goldsmiths, to moderate among men in the leather and textile trades, to low-although still well above zero-among men in the food and construction trades.» — el contraste con los varones que Davis escalona por oficio, sin dejar de anotar que aun el escalón más bajo está muy por encima de cero.
«Tradesmen might have done business with written accounts; tradeswomen more often had to use finger reckoning, the abacus, or counting stones.» — y el efecto práctico que le atribuye: la tratante echaba cuentas con los dedos, el ábaco o piedras de contar.
«Only at the bottom of the social hierarchy, among the unskilled workers and urban gardeners, were men and women alike. As with peasants, there were few of either sex who were literate.» — dónde sitúa Davis la igualdad entre los sexos en esta materia.
«Nunnery schools received only a small number of lay girls, and these only from fine families. The municipal colleges set up in the first half of the sixteenth century in Toulouse, Nimes, and Lyon were for boys only;» — dónde no podían aprender, según Davis: las escuelas de monjas tomaban pocas seglares y de buenas familias, y los colegios municipales eran solo de varones.
«But in Lyon, where I have found only five female teachers from the I490's to the I56o's, I have come upon 87 schoolmasters for the same decades.» — la cuenta propia con que Davis lo mide en Lyon: cinco maestras frente a ochenta y siete maestros en los mismos decenios.
«Thus, in the first half of the sixteenth century, the wealthy and well-born woman was being encouraged to read and study by the availability to her of printed books; by the strengthening of the image of the learned lady, as the writings of Christine de Pisan and Marguerite de Navarre appeared in print; and by the attitude of some fathers, who took seriously the modest educational programs for women being urged by Christian humanists like Erasmus and Juan Luis Vives.» — las tres cosas que, según Davis, empujaban a leer a la mujer rica y bien nacida: los libros impresos, la imagen fortalecida de la dama docta con Christine de Pisan y Marguerite de Navarre en letra impresa, y padres que tomaban en serio los programas educativos de Erasmo y Juan Luis Vives.
«Reading and writing for women of the menu peuple was more likely to be ridiculous, a subject for farce.» — y el contraste que remata el punto: en la mujer del menu peuple, leer y escribir era más bien cosa de farsa.
«urban society, although both male and female literacy may have risen from the mid-fifteenth century under the impact of economic growth and the invention of printing, the literacy of the men increased much more than that of the women.» — la conclusión de Davis sobre el rango medio de la sociedad urbana: aunque la alfabetización de ambos sexos pudo subir desde mediados del siglo XV, la de los hombres subió mucho más; la frase arranca en la plana anterior.
«All this shows how extraordinary was the achievement of Louise Labe, the one lowborn female poet of sixteenth-century France.» — cómo mide Davis el caso de Louise Labé.
«Her message to women in I 55 5 was "to lift their minds a little above their distaffs and spindles ... to apply themselves to science and learning ... and to let the world know that if we are not made to command, we must not for that be disdained as companions, both in domestic and public affairs, of those who govern and are obeyed.» — el mensaje de Labé a las mujeres en 1555, según Davis: alzar el ánimo un poco por encima de la rueca y el huso, aplicarse a la ciencia y al saber, y hacer saber al mundo que si no están hechas para mandar no por eso han de ser desdeñadas como compañeras, en lo doméstico y en lo público, de quienes gobiernan.
«In regard to the sacramental life of the church, the women behaved very much like their husbands.» — lo que Davis consigna de la vida sacramental de las mujeres en vísperas de la Reforma francesa.
«Among the rest of the population attendance was infrequent, and it was by no means certain that all the parishioners would even get out once a year to do their Easter duty of confession and communion.» — y la asistencia que atribuye al resto de la población, con el cumplimiento pascual ni siquiera asegurado.
«Those big city parishes were doubling and even tripling in size in these decades, and yet the French Church took virtually no steps to increase accordingly its personnel in charge of pastoral functions or even to guarantee confessors who could understand the language and dialect of the parishioners.» — la parte de culpa que Davis carga al clero: las parroquias urbanas doblaban y triplicaban su tamaño y la Iglesia francesa apenas aumentó el personal pastoral ni garantizó confesores que entendieran la lengua y el dialecto de los feligreses.
«Every two or three years the husband appeared before the cure with the new baby, bringing with him one or two godfathers and up to five godmothers. The wife was most likely at home, waiting till she was ready to get up for her "churching," or purification after childbirth» — el rito del bautismo tal como Davis lo describe, con el marido llevando al cura el niño y hasta cinco madrinas, y la mujer en casa esperando sus relevailles.
«On the one hand, female religious life was less well organized than male religious life; on the other, the occasions in which urban women participated jointly with men in organized lay piety were not as frequent as they might have been.» — la asimetría que Davis marca en el lado organizativo de la piedad católica.
«But the heart of lay religious activity in France in the early sixteenth century was in the lay confraternities organized around crafts or around some devotional interests. Here laymen could support common masses, have their own banquets (whose excesses the clergy deplored), and mount processions on their own saints' days-with "blessed bread," music, costumes, and plays.» — dónde sitúa Davis el corazón de la vida religiosa laica: las cofradías de oficio o de devoción, con sus misas comunes, sus banquetes y sus procesiones con pan bendito, música, disfraces y representaciones.
«For instance, out of 37 confraternities at Rouen in the first half of the sixteenth century, only six mention female members, and these in small proportion.» — la cuenta con que Davis mide la presencia femenina en las cofradías de Ruan.
«Women were formally excluded from the important Confraternity of the Passion at Paris, and some confraternities in other cities had similar provisions. Young unmarried men were often organized into confraternities under the patronage of Saint Nicholas; young unmarried women prayed to Saint Catherine, but religious organizations of female youth are hard to find.» — y las exclusiones y ausencias que consigna: la Cofradía de la Pasión de París cerrada a las mujeres, cofradías de mozos bajo San Nicolás, y ninguna organización religiosa de mozas, aunque rezaran a Santa Catalina.
«From a family of Lyon ropemakers, barber-surgeons, and butchers, in which some of the women were literate and some (includ» — de qué familia venía Louise Labé, según Davis, y cómo estaba repartida en ella la alfabetización; la frase sigue en la plana siguiente, donde dice que su propia madrastra no leía.
«Even the convents lacked vitality as centers of organization at this time. Fewer in number than the male religious houses in France and drawing exclusively on noble or wealthy urban families for their membership» — el juicio de Davis sobre los conventos como centros de organización, y de qué familias se nutrían.
«Nor in France during the first part of the sixteenth century do we hear of any new female experiments with communal living, work, and spiritual perfection like the late medieval Beguinages or the imaginative Ursuline community just then being created in an Italian city.» — y la ausencia que consigna: ningún experimento femenino nuevo de vida en común, trabajo y perfección, como las beguinas tardomedievales o la comunidad ursulina que se creaba entonces en Italia.
«Thus, before the Reformation the relation of Catholic lay women to their saints was ordinarily private or informally organized.» — la conclusión de este tramo.
«The most important occasions for invoking the saints were during pregnancy and especially during childbirth. Then, before her female neighbors and her midwife, the parturient woman called upon the Virgin-or, more likely, upon Saint Margaret, patron of pregnant women-that God might comfort her peril and pain and that her child might issue forth alive.» — cuáles eran las ocasiones más importantes de invocar a los santos, según Davis, y a quién se llamaba: a la Virgen o, más probablemente, a Santa Margarita, patrona de las embarazadas, ante las vecinas y la partera.
«Why, they're half theologians," said the Franciscan preachers contemptuously. They own Bibles the way they own love stories and romances. They get carried away by questions on transubstantiation, and they go "running around from ... one [female] religious house to another, seeking advice and making much ado about nothing.» — cómo lo recibían los predicadores franciscanos, según Davis: son medio teólogas, tienen Biblias como tienen historias de amor y novelas, se arrebatan con la transubstanciación y andan de una casa religiosa a otra pidiendo consejo y haciendo mucho ruido por nada.
«What the good brothers expected from city women was not silly reasoning but the tears and repentance that would properly follow a Lenten sermon replete with all the rhetorical devices and dramatic gestures of which the Franciscans were masters.» — y qué esperaban de ellas en cambio, según Davis: no razonamientos bobos sino las lágrimas y el arrepentimiento que debían seguir a un sermón de cuaresma.
«Even a man who was more sympathetic than the Franciscans to lettered females had his reservations about how far their learning should take them.» — el límite que Davis marca también en los favorables a las mujeres letradas.
«A male poet praised the noble dame Gabrielle de Bourbon in the 152o's for reading vernacular books on moral and doctrinal questions and for composing little treatises to the honor of God and the Virgin Mary.» — el ejemplo: un poeta alaba en los años veinte a Gabrielle de Bourbon por leer libros en lengua vulgar de moral y doctrina y componer tratadillos a honor de Dios y de la Virgen.
«and masses to be said for the future repose of their souls. A chambermaid or male weaver might invest many months' salary in such arrangements.» — lo que Davis lee en los testamentos: junto a las procesiones del funeral, las misas por el reposo futuro del alma, en que una camarera o un tejedor podían invertir muchos meses de salario.
«love affairs but also from rich contact with the women in the neighborhoods in which they lived.» — el efecto doble que Davis atribuye a la clausura de las monjas: las cortaba de los amores ilícitos y también del trato rico con las mujeres del barrio en que vivían.
«were being prompted by vernacular devotional literature and the Bible to speculate on theology.» — qué empujaba a especular en teología a las mujeres que leían o que estaban en círculos donde se leía en voz alta, según Davis: la literatura devocional en lengua vulgar y la Biblia.
«The Christian humanist Erasmus was one of the few men of his time who sensed the depths of resentment accumulating in women whose efforts to think about doctrine were not taken seriously by the clergy.» — lo que Davis atribuye a Erasmo entre los hombres de su tiempo.
«If you keep on as you've begun, geese may do the preaching sooner than put up with you tongue-tied pastors. The world's a stage that's topsy-turvy now, as you see. Every man must play his part-or exit.» — la réplica de la dama docta en uno de los Coloquios de Erasmo, según Davis: los gansos predicarán antes que aguantarlos a ustedes, pastores con la lengua atada; el mundo es un escenario puesto al revés y cada cual ha de hacer su papel o salir.
«We can find her in a little play dated around 1550. The heroine is not a learned lady but a pure and simple woman who knows her Bible. The villain is not a teasing, harmless abbot but a lecherous and stupid village priest.» — la imagen nueva de la mujer cristiana en la literatura calvinista popular, según Davis, y el reparto de la obrita de hacia 1550.
«And in the play she does, quoting Scripture to oppose the adoration of Mary and the saints and to oppose the power of the popes. The priest can only quote from glosses, call her names, and threaten to burn her.» — lo que la mujer hace en la obra y lo que le queda al cura: citar glosas, insultarla y amenazarla con la hoguera.
«Wherever one looks in the Protestant propaganda of the 154o's to the 156o's, the Christian woman is identified by her relation to Scripture.» — la regla que Davis extrae de la propaganda protestante de esos dos decenios.
«Her sexual purity and control are demonstrated by her interest in the Bible, and her right to read the New Testament in the vernacular is defended against those who would forbid it to her, as to such other unlearned persons as merchants and artisans.» — y cómo se articula esa identificación: la pureza sexual queda probada por el interés en la Biblia, y el derecho a leer el Nuevo Testamento en lengua vulgar se defiende como el de los mercaderes y artesanos.
«You say that women who want to read the Bible are just libertines? I say you call them lewd merely because they won't consent to your seduction. You say it's permitted to women to read Boccaccio's Flamette or Ovid's Art of Love ... which teach them to be adulterers, and yet you'll send a woman who's reading a Bible to the flames. You say it's enough for a woman's salvation for her to do her housework, sew and spin? ... Of what use then are Christ's promises to her? You'll put spiders in Paradise, for they know how to spin very well.» — el alegato del panfleto *The Way to Arrive at the Knowledge of God* que Davis cita: se permite a la mujer leer la Flamette de Boccaccio o el Arte de amar de Ovidio y se la manda a la hoguera por leer una Biblia; si basta con coser e hilar, las arañas estarán en el Paraíso.
«Those who say it's not for women To look at Holy Writ Are evil men and infamous Seducers and antichrist. Alas, my ladies. Your poor souls Let them not be governed By such great devils.» — la copla que Davis consigna de la primera guerra de religión, cantada por la reina de Navarra: quienes dicen que no es de mujeres mirar la Escritura son hombres malos e infames, seductores y anticristo.
«Noble churchmen were horrified at the intemperance with which Protestant females abused them as godless men.» — lo que Davis consigna de la reacción de los eclesiásticos nobles.
«the story of one Marie Becaudelle, a servant of La Rochelle who learns of the Gospel from her master and argues publicly with a Franciscan, showing him from Scripture that he does not preach according to the Word of God.» — el caso que Davis toma del Libro de los mártires de Jean Crespin: Marie Becaudelle, criada de La Rochelle, aprende el Evangelio de su amo y disputa en público con un franciscano.
«A bookseller's wife disputes doctrine in a prison cell with the bishop of Paris and with doctors of theology. An honest widow of Tours talks to priests and monks with the witness of Scripture: "I'm a sinner, but I don't need candles to ask God to pardon my faults. You're the ones who walk in darkness." The learned theologians did not know what to make of such monstrous women, who went against nature.» — y los otros dos casos de la misma fuente: la mujer de un librero disputando en la cárcel con el obispo de París, y la viuda de Tours diciendo a curas y frailes que no necesita velas para pedir perdón a Dios y que son ellos quienes andan en tinieblas.
«limits, for "women must not apply their minds to curious questions of theology and the secret matters of divinity, the knowledge of which belongs to prelates, rectors and doctors.» — el límite que ese mismo poeta ponía a Gabrielle de Bourbon: las mujeres no deben aplicar el ánimo a cuestiones curiosas de teología ni a los asuntos secretos de la divinidad, cuyo conocimiento toca a prelados, rectores y doctores.
«To this challenge to the exclusion of women, the Catholic theologians in mid-century responded not by accommodating but by digging in their heels.» — cómo respondieron los teólogos católicos a mediados de siglo, según Davis.
«It wasn't safe, said an important Jesuit preacher, to leave the Bible to the discretion of "what's turning around in a woman's brain.» — la fórmula de un predicador jesuita que Davis cita.
«To learn essential doctrine," echoed another cleric, "there is no need for women or artisans to take time out from their work and read the Old and New Testament in the vernacular. Then they'll want to dispute about it and give their opinion ... and they can't help falling into error. Women must be silent in Church, as Saint Paul says.» — y la de otro clérigo: ni mujeres ni artesanos necesitan apartarse del trabajo para leer el Antiguo y el Nuevo Testamento en lengua vulgar, porque querrán disputar y dar su opinión y no podrán sino errar.
«Interestingly enough, when a Catholic vernacular Bible was finally allowed to circulate in France at the end of the sixteenth century, it did not play an important role in the conversion or devotional life of Catholic leaders like Barbe Acarie and Saint Jeanne Fran~Yoise de Chantal.» — el dato que Davis pone al lado, sin armonizarlo con lo anterior: cuando al fin circuló una Biblia católica en lengua vulgar, no pesó en la conversión ni en la devoción de Barbe Acarie ni de Jeanne Françoise de Chantal.
«Thus, into a pre-Reformation situation in which urban women were estranged from priests or in tension with them over the matter of their theological curiosity, the Protestant movement offered a new option: relations with the priestly order could be broken, and women, like their husbands (indeed with their husbands), could be engaged in the pure and serious enterprise of reading and talking about Scripture.» — la opción nueva que Davis dice que el movimiento protestante ofrecía a las mujeres urbanas: romper con el orden sacerdotal y entrar, con sus maridos, en la empresa pura y seria de leer y hablar de la Escritura.
«It is worth noting how different is this appeal to women from that which Max Weber considered most likely to win females over to a new religion. Rather than inciting to orgy and emotion, it was summoning to intellectual activity and self-control.» — el contraste que Davis marca con la hipótesis de Max Weber: no incitación a la orgía y a la emoción, sino llamada a la actividad intelectual y al dominio de sí.
«France never became a Protestant kingdom, of course, and even in cities where the movement was strong only one-third to one-half of the population might be ardent Calvinists.» — el límite cuantitativo con que Davis abre la respuesta sobre la recepción.
«City men who became caught up in Protestantism ranged from wealthy bankers and professionals to poor journeymen, but they were generally from the more skilled and complex, the more literate, or the more novel trades and occupations.» — de qué oficios salían los varones protestantes urbanos, según Davis.
«A printer, a goldsmith, or a barber-surgeon was more likely to disobey priests and doctors of theology than was a boatmaster, a butcher; or a baker.» — y la formulación breve del mismo hallazgo.
«The Protestant women belonged mostly to the families of craftsmen, merchants, and professional men, but they were by no means exclusively the literate women in these circles.» — de qué familias salían las calvinistas, con la salvedad que Davis subraya.
«For all the female martyrs who answered the Inquisitors by citing Scripture they had read, there were as many who could answer only by citing doctrines they had heard.» — y la prueba de esa salvedad: por cada mártir que respondía citando lo leído había otra que solo podía citar lo oído.
«It is also clear that in Lyon in the 157o's, more than a decade after the Reformed Church had been set up, a significant percentage of Reformed women still could not write their names.» — el dato que Davis mide en Lyon sobre la escritura entre las mujeres reformadas.
«For this last group, then, the Protestant path was not a way to express their new literacy but a way finally to associate themselves with that surge of male literacy already described.» — y qué significaba para ese grupo la vía protestante, según Davis.
«tous. In the first place, the men were more likely already to be literate; and anyway, the only natural order the men were being asked to violate was the separation between the learned and unlearned.» — por qué Davis considera menos trascendente el mismo mensaje dirigido a artesanos y pequeños mercaderes varones: ya eran más letrados y el único orden natural que se les pedía violar era la separación entre doctos e indoctos.
«A preliminary examination of women arrested for heresy or killed in Catholic uprisings in many parts of France, of women among the Protestant suspects in Toulouse in 1568-69, and of a very large sample of Protestant women in Lyon (about 750 women) yields three main observations.» — la base documental que Davis declara para sus tres observaciones: mujeres detenidas por herejía o muertas en alzamientos católicos, sospechosas de Toulouse en 1568-69 y una muestra grande de unas setecientas cincuenta protestantes de Lyon.
«First, there is no clear evidence either that the wives mainly followed their husbands into the movement or that it worked the other way around.» — la primera observación, enunciada como ausencia de evidencia.
«We can find women converted by their husbands who became more committed than their men; we can find wives who converted while their husbands remained "polluted in idolatry" and husbands who converted while their wives lagged behind.» — y los casos de uno y otro signo que consigna sin armonizar.
«Second, the Protestant women seemed to include more than a random number of widows, of women with employ of their own-such as dressmakers, merchants, midwives, hotel-keepers, and the like-and of women with the curious nicknames associated with public and eccentric personalities.» — la segunda observación: entre las protestantes había más viudas, más mujeres con oficio propio y más mujeres con los apodos ligados a la vida pública de lo que daría el azar.
«But finally, the Protestant movement in the sixteenth century did not pull in the small but significant group of genuinely learned women in the city-neither the patronesses of the literary salons nor the profane female poets.» — la tercera observación, que es una negativa.
«Louise Labe, who pleaded with women to lift their heads above their distaffs, always remained in the church that invoked the Virgin, although one of her aunts, a female barber, joined the Calvinists.» — y el caso con que la ilustra, sin armonizar la contradicción familiar: Louise Labé siguió en la Iglesia que invoca a la Virgen mientras una tía suya, barbera, se hizo calvinista.
«They do not indicate a prior experience of mere futility and waste or restrictive little family worlds.» — lo que Davis dice que esas observaciones no indican, en respuesta a las hipótesis de Stone y Mandrou.
«Rather, Protestant religious commitment seems to have complemented in a new sphere the scope and independence that the women's lives had already had.» — y lo que sí propone en su lugar, con su matiz de conjetura.
«Women already independent in the street and market now ventured into the male preserve of theology.» — la formulación breve de esa propuesta.
«After 1562 the Reformed Church of France started to settle into its new institutional structures and the promise of Protestantism began to be realized for city women.» — dónde data Davis el cumplimiento de la promesa protestante para las mujeres de ciudad.
«Special catechism classes in French were set up for women, and in towns under Huguenot control efforts were made to encourage literacy, even among all the poor girls in the orphanages, not just the gifted few. In certain Reformed families the literate husbands finally began teaching their wives to read.» — en qué consistió: catecismo en francés para mujeres, esfuerzos por alfabetizar hasta a las huérfanas pobres en las villas hugonotas, y maridos letrados enseñando a leer a sus mujeres.
«Consider Marie Dentiere. One-time abbess in Tournai, but expelled from her convent in the 152o's because of heresy, Dentiere married a pastor and found her way to Geneva during its years of religious revolution.» — el caso de Marie Dentière que Davis pone como ambición mayor: ex abadesa en Tournai expulsada por herejía, casada con un pastor y llegada a Ginebra en sus años de revolución religiosa.
«There, according to the report of a nun of the Poor Clare order, Marie got "mixed up with preaching," coming, for instance, to the convent to persuade the poor creatures to leave their miserable life.» — lo que de ella cuenta, según Davis, una clarisa: se metía a predicar y llegaba al convento a persuadir a las pobres criaturas de dejar su vida miserable.
«If God has done the grace to some poor women to reveal to them by His Holy Scriptures some good and holy thing, dare they not write about it, speak about it, and declare it, one to the other? ... Is it not foolishly done to hide the talent that God has given us?» — el alegato de Dentière contra quienes tenían por temerario que las mujeres publicaran sobre la Escritura: si Dios ha hecho la gracia de revelarles algo bueno y santo, por qué no habrían de escribirlo, hablarlo y declararlo.
«Our ex-Calvinist jurist Florimond de Raemond gave several examples, both from the Protestant conventicles and from the regular Reformed services as late as 1572, of women who while waiting for a preacher to arrive had gone up to pulpits and read from the Bible.» — los ejemplos que Davis toma de Florimond de Raemond: mujeres que subían al púlpito a leer la Biblia mientras llegaba el predicador, en conventículos y aun en servicios reformados regulares hasta 1572.
«Finally, in some of the Reformed Churches southwest of Paris-in areas where weavers and women had been early converts-a movement started to permit lay persons to prophesy. This would have allowed both women and unlearned men to get up in church and speak on holy things.» — el movimiento que Davis consigna al suroeste de París: permitir que profetizaran los legos, lo que habría dejado hablar en la iglesia a mujeres y a hombres sin letras.
«Jean Calvin, Theodore de Beze, and other members of the Venerable Company of Pastors did not welcome these developments. The social thrust of the Reformation, as they saw it, was to overthrow the hierarchical priestly class and administer the church instead by well-trained pastors and sound male members of the Consistories. That was enough topsy-turvy for them.» — cómo recibieron eso Calvino, Teodoro de Beza y la Venerable Compañía de Pastores, según Davis, y dónde ponían ellos el límite del mundo al revés.
«now the Reformed pastors quoted it against Protestant women who wanted to preach publicly or have some special vocation in the church.» — la simetría que Davis subraya: el mismo dictamen de Pablo que los críticos católicos esgrimían contra los protestantes que leían la Biblia lo esgrimen ahora los pastores reformados contra las mujeres que querían predicar.
«Pierre Viret explained in rs6o that the elect were equal in that they were called to be Christian and faithful-man and woman, master and servant, free and serf.» — en qué eran iguales los elegidos según la explicación de Pierre Viret que Davis cita.
«But the Gospel had not abolished within the church the rank and order of nature and of human society. God created and Christ confirmed that order. Even if a woman had greater spiritual gifts than had her husband, she could not speak in Christian assembly.» — y en qué no: el Evangelio no abolió el rango y el orden de la naturaleza y de la sociedad, de modo que ni con dones espirituales mayores que los del marido podía una mujer hablar en la asamblea.
«Her task, said Pastor Viret, was merely to instruct her children in the faith when they were young; she might also be a schoolteacher to girls if she wished.» — y la tarea que Viret le dejaba.
«herself only to other females. Later women did not.» — el límite que Dentière guardaba —la ficción modesta de dirigirse solo a otras mujeres— y que, según Davis, las que vinieron después no guardaron.
«And when a female-even a member of the royal family, like Renee de France-tried to go beyond this and meddle in the affairs of the Consistory, the ministers could be very blunt. As a pastor wrote to Calvin about Renee, "She is turning everything upside-down in our ecclesiastical assembly .... Our Consistory will be the laughing-stock of papists and Anabaptists. They'll say we're being ruled by women.» — lo que un pastor escribía a Calvino sobre Renée de France, según Davis: lo pone todo patas arriba en la asamblea eclesiástica y el Consistorio será el hazmerreír de papistas y anabaptistas, que dirán que nos gobiernan mujeres.
«Women had been incited to disobey their priests: were they now going to be allowed to disobey their pastors? The pastors quelled them rather easily, and the noisy women subsided into silence or, in a few cases, returned to the Catholic Church.» — la pregunta con que Davis formula el problema y el desenlace que consigna: los pastores las acallaron con facilidad.
«Interestingly enough, during the 156o's, when so many urban churches needed pastors, even a few men of artisanal background were scooped in as ministers of the Word. Consistories were dominated by wealthy merchants and professional men but usually included one or two prosperous master craftsmen.» — el contraste que Davis monta con los varones: en los años sesenta hasta algunos de origen artesano entraron de ministros, y los consistorios solían incluir uno o dos maestros prósperos.
«But the women, no matter how rich or well read, were just wives: together with men in a new relation to the Word-but unequal nevertheless.» — la fórmula con que Davis cierra ese contraste.
«It cannot be said that the French Calvinist women expressed much bitterness about this role. Radical sects of the Anabaptist type did not form in France, as they did in the Netherlands or in Germany, where-in a less professional, less bookish, less hierarchical order-women were allowed to prophesy or speak in tongues along with men.» — el límite que Davis pone a su propio hallazgo, comparando con los Países Bajos y Alemania, donde en un orden menos profesional, menos libresco y menos jerárquico se permitía a las mujeres profetizar o hablar en lenguas.
«What is notable about Calvinist women is not that they were subsequently discontented but that the Reformed solution gave a certain style to their activities on behalf of the Gospel.» — dónde sitúa Davis lo notable de las calvinistas.
«No Calvinist woman showed (or was allowed to show) the organizational creativity of the great Catholic females of the Counter-Reformation-of an Angela Merici, for instance, who conceived and set up an extraordinary new order for nonenclosed women in Brescia in the 1530's.» — la primera de las dos cosas que no hicieron, según Davis, con el término de comparación católico: Angela Merici y su orden de mujeres no enclaustradas en Brescia.
«Nor did Reformed women outside the circles of the nobility publish as much as did Catholic women of the same social milieu. After Marie Dentiere's Letter to the Queen of Navarre with its "Defense of Women" in 1538 (which, incidentally, caused a scandal in Geneva because of its sharp criticism of pastors), no book by a woman was printed in Geneva for the rest of the century.» — la segunda: fuera de la nobleza publicaron menos que las católicas de su mismo medio, y tras la Carta a la reina de Navarra de Dentière no se imprimió en Ginebra libro de mujer en todo el siglo.
«Nor, apart from later witchcraft trials, did the French Reformation ever turn against troublemaking women with the fury of the Jacobins during the French Revolution, who guillotined feminists such as Olympe de Gouges» — el segundo término de comparación que Davis usa, hacia adelante: la Reforma francesa nunca se volvió contra las mujeres díscolas con la furia de los jacobinos, que guillotinaron a feministas como Olympe de Gouges.
«Now we can understand better why Louise Labe would not have flourished under the discipline of a Calvinist Consistory or have been readily attracted to the Huguenot movement.» — el caso que Davis retoma con lo anterior ya montado.
«But the public and independent identity of Louise Labe was based on behavior that was unacceptable in a modest and brave Reformed woman. The books Louise read and wrote were lascivious; her salons an impure gathering of the sexes; and her literary feminism impudent.» — en qué era inaceptable esa identidad para una reformada modesta, según Davis: libros lascivos, salones de mezcla impura de los sexos y feminismo literario impudente.
«She was talked of in Geneva as a lewd female who had corrupted the wife of a Lyon surgeon, persuading her to abandon her Christian husband for the sake of pleasure.» — lo que de ella se decía en Ginebra, según Davis.
«A Catholic deacon in Lyon, Guillaume Paradin, himself a humanist and literary man, thought Louise virtuous, angelic of face, and with an understanding superior to her sex. Calvin said she was a strumpet. There was some truth in both evaluations.» — los dos juicios sobre Louise Labé que Davis pone uno junto a otro sin arbitrar —el del diácono humanista Guillaume Paradin y el de Calvino— y lo que dice de los dos.
«An examination of a few other areas of Protestant reform reveals the same pattern as in reading Scripture and preaching: city women revolted against priests and entered new religious relations that brought them together with men or likened them to men but left them unequal.» — el patrón que Davis declara hallar en los demás terrenos de la reforma protestante.
«The new Calvinist liturgy, with its stress on the concerted fellowship of the congregation, used the vernacular-the language of women and the unlearned-and included Psalms sung jointly by men and women.» — qué traía de nuevo la liturgia calvinista, según Davis: la lengua vulgar, que es la de las mujeres y los sin letras, y los salmos cantados en común por hombres y mujeres.
«When they heard the music of male and female voices filtering from a house where a conventicle was assembled, all they could imagine were lewd activities with the candles extinguished.» — lo que los observadores católicos imaginaban al oír esas voces, según Davis.
«without law, without order, without harmony." "The minister begins. Everybody follows-men, women, children, servants, chambermaids .... No one is on the same verse .... The fine-voiced maidens let loose their hums and trills ... so the young men will be sure to listen. How wrong of Calvin to let women sing in Church.» — el juicio católico sobre el servicio reformado que Davis cita de París en los años sesenta: sin ley, sin orden, sin armonía, con las doncellas de buena voz soltando sus trinos para que los mozos escuchen.
«To Protestant ears, it was very different. For laymen and laywomen in the service the common voice in praise of the Lord expressed the lack of distance between pastor and congregation.» — cómo sonaba lo mismo del lado protestante, según Davis.
«The Catholic priests had stolen the Psalms; now they had been returned.» — la fórmula con que Davis resume esa lectura protestante del canto.
«hypocritical papists, who no sooner left the mass than they were singing love songs.» — qué añadían los cantos en los conventículos, según Davis: coraje y un sentido de pureza frente a los papistas hipócritas que salían de misa cantando canciones de amor.
«The Protestant faithful were firmly in control of their sexual impulses, they believed, their dark q.nd sober clothes a testimonial to their sincerity.» — lo que los fieles protestantes creían de sí mismos, según Davis, y el signo que lo declaraba: la ropa oscura y sobria; el troceo imprime *dark q.nd sober*.
«And when the women and men sang together in the great armed street marches of the rs6o's, the songs were a militant challenge to the hardened Catholics and an invitation to the wavering listeners to join the elect.» — qué eran esos cantos en las marchas armadas de los años sesenta, según Davis.
«They had had a role smaller than men's in the organized lay ceremonial life of the church, and the confraternities had involved them rather little. Previously, nuns had been the only women to sing the office.» — qué había antes para las mujeres, según Davis: menos papel en la vida ceremonial laica, poca cabida en las cofradías y solo las monjas cantando el oficio.
«For Protestant tradesmen, many of whom were immigrants to the city, the new liturgical fellowship provided religious roots they had been unable to find in the inhospitable parishes.» — qué daba la nueva comunión litúrgica a los tratantes protestantes, muchos inmigrantes.
«For Protestant women, who were not as likely to have been immigrants, the new liturgy provided roots in religious organizations with men.» — y qué a las mujeres, que rara vez eran inmigrantes.
«But this leveling, this gathering together of men and women, had its limits. Singing in church did not lead women on to preaching or to participating in the Consistory any more than Bible-reading had.» — el límite que Davis pone a esa nivelación.
«In Geneva, special seats were assigned to minimize the mingling of the sexes. And in some Reformed churches the sexes were separated when communion was taken: the men went up first to partake of the Holy Supper.» — las medidas con que Davis lo muestra: asientos en Ginebra para reducir la mezcla de los sexos, y comunión en que los hombres suben primero.
«Psalms were added to the religious life of the Protestants and saints were taken away-from prayer, image, and invocation.» — el segundo cambio litúrgico que Davis consigna.
«Here the matter of sex was indifferent: Saint Damian departed as did Saint Margaret; Saint Nicholas departed as did Saint Catherine.» — y cómo lo mide por sexos: se fue San Damián como Santa Margarita, San Nicolás como Santa Catalina.
«Protestant men and women affirmed before the Inquisition that one must not call upon the Virgin, for, blessed though she was, she had no merit.» — lo que unos y otras declaraban ante la Inquisición sobre la Virgen, según Davis.
«Indeed, like the armed march of the psalm-singers, the iconoclastic riot was a transfer of the joint political action of the grain riot into the religious sphere.» — cómo lee Davis el motín iconoclasta: un traslado a lo religioso de la acción política conjunta del motín del grano, con las mujeres siempre dentro de la multitud.
«But the loss of the saints affected men and women unequally. Reformed prayer could no longer be addressed to a woman, whereas the masculine identity of the Father and Son was left intact.» — la asimetría que Davis mide en la pérdida de los santos.
«Soon afterward, the Catholic poet Marie le Jars de Gournay, friend and editor of Montaigne, was to argue in her Equality of the Sexes that Jesus' incarnation as a male was no special honor to the male sex but a mere historical convenience; given the patriarchal malice of the Jews, a female savior would never have been accepted.» — lo que la poeta católica Marie le Jars de Gournay, amiga y editora de Montaigne, argüía en su *Igualdad de los sexos*, según Davis: que Jesús encarnara varón no fue honra del sexo masculino sino conveniencia histórica, porque un salvador mujer no habría sido aceptado.
«But if one were going to emphasize the sex of Jesus, then it was all the more important to stress the perfection of Mary and her role in the conception of our Lord.» — y la consecuencia que de ahí sacaba de Gournay, según Davis.
«So, if the removal from Holy Mother Church cut off certain forms of religious affect for men, for women the consequences for their identities went even deeper.» — cómo mide Davis la diferencia del efecto entre hombres y mujeres.
«Now during their hours of childbirth-a "combat," Calvin described it, "a horrible torment"-they called no more on the Virgin and said no prayers to Saint Margaret. Rather, as Calvin advised, they groaned and sighed to the Lord and He received those groans as a sign of their obedience.» — qué cambiaba en el parto, según Davis: Calvino lo llamaba un combate y un tormento horrible, y en vez de invocar a la Virgen o a Santa Margarita gemían al Señor, que recibía esos gemidos como señal de obediencia.
«But women had the additional charge of being obedient to their husbands. The Reformed position on marriage provides a final illustration of the pattern "together but unequal.» — la formulación del patrón que Davis aplica al matrimonio.
«The Protestant critique of clerical celibacy involved first and foremost a downgrading of the concept that the male had a greater capacity than the female to discipline his sexual impulses.» — dónde sitúa Davis el núcleo de la crítica protestante al celibato clerical.
«Since the time of the Greeks, physicians had been telling people that physiology made the female the more lustful, the more uncontrollable sex.» — lo que la medicina venía diciendo desde los griegos, según Davis.
«Given these assumptions, clerical celibacy for the superior sex had been thought a real possibility whereas for the female it had appeared an exceptional achievement.» — y qué se seguía de esos supuestos para el celibato de uno y otro sexo.
«group for worship, one in which men and women sang together.» — qué queda tras abolir cofradías y conventos, según Davis: una sola clase de grupo para el culto, en que hombres y mujeres cantan juntos; la frase arranca en la plana anterior con el ceremonial simplificado.
«purify the churches of their idolatrous statues, zealous members of the menu peuple smashed the saints. Females were always included in these crowds.» — lo que Davis consigna cuando los magistrados tardaban en purgar las iglesias de estatuas idólatras: los celosos del menu peuple rompían los santos, y siempre había mujeres en esas multitudes.
«many things a man can do, from work to wine, to control "the pricks of venery"; but a woman, with her hysteric animal (the womb) within, could rarely restrain herself from cuckolding her husband.» — cómo formulaba Rabelais esa doctrina médica, según Davis: el hombre tiene muchos recursos, del trabajo al vino, contra los aguijones de la venus, y la mujer, con su animal histérico dentro, rara vez podía abstenerse de engañar al marido.
«The Reformers' observation that continence was a rare gift of God and their admonition "Better to marry than to burn" were, then, primarily addressed to the numerous male clergy and less to the small fraction of female religious.» — a quién iba dirigida en realidad la máxima reformada sobre la continencia, según Davis.
«Indeed, sermons on clerical marriage stressed how the groom would now be saved from fornication and hellfire but said little of the soul of the bride.» — la prueba que aduce: los sermones sobre el matrimonio clerical hablaban de salvar al novio de la fornicación y poco del alma de la novia.
«It is surely significant, too, that male religious joined the Reformation movements in proportionately larger numbers than did female. The nuns were always the strong holdouts, even when they were promised dowries and pensions.» — el dato comparativo que Davis subraya sobre religiosos y religiosas.
«Though some of them may have been afraid to try their chances on the marriage market, many simply preferred the separate celibate state and organization.» — y la explicación que propone, con su alternativa: miedo al mercado matrimonial en unas, preferencia por el estado célibe y su organización en muchas.
«When Marie Dentiere tried to persuade the nuns of the Poor Clare order at Geneva to end their hypocritical lives and marry, as she had, the sisters spat at her.» — la escena con que lo cierra.
«The argument for clerical marriage, then, equalized men and women somewhat in regard to their appetites. It also raised the woman's status by affirming that she could be a worthy companion to a minister of God.» — los dos efectos que Davis atribuye al argumento a favor del matrimonio clerical.
«The priest's concubine, chased from his house in ignominy by Catholic reformers and ridiculed as a harlot by Protestants, could now become the pastor's wife!» — la transformación de figura que Davis describe.
«A respectable girl from a good city family-likely, in the first generation, to be the daughter of a merchant or prosperous craftsman-she would be a helpful companion to her husband, keeping his household in order and his colleagues entertained. And she would raise her son to be a pastor and her daughter to be a pastor's wife.» — y qué se esperaba de esa mujer de pastor, según Davis.
«A single sexual standard would now be enforced rather than talked about; and the victorious Huguenot Consistories during the Wars of Religion chased out the prostitutes almost as quickly as they silenced the mass.» — en qué sí ve Davis originalidad reformada, con el dato de los consistorios hugonotes expulsando prostitutas tan rápido como acallaban la misa.
«stressed, as many historians have pointed out, although it is a mistake to think that this was unique to Protestant thought. Catholic humanist writers valued these relations within marriage as well.» — el límite que Davis pone a una atribución corriente: la amistad y la compañía dentro del matrimonio no fueron exclusivas del pensamiento protestante, también las valoraron los escritores humanistas católicos.
«The husband would be compelled insofar as possible to exercise his authority, in Calvin's words, "with moderation and not insult over the woman who has been given him [by God] as his partner.» — el freno que Davis atribuye a la doctrina reformada, con la fórmula de Calvino: ejercer la autoridad con moderación y sin insultar a la mujer que le fue dada por compañera.
«Thus, in a real innovation in Christian Europe, men who beat their wives were haled before Consistories and threatened with denial of communion.» — la innovación que Davis señala como real en la Europa cristiana.
«But despite all this, the Reformed model of the marriage relation subjected the wife to her husband as surely as did the Catholic one.» — la conclusión de Davis sobre el modelo reformado de matrimonio.
«Women had been created subject to men, said Calvin, although before the fall "this was a liberal and gentle subjection." Through sin, it had become worse: "Let the woman be satisfied with her state of subjection, and not take it amiss that she is made inferior to the more distinguished sex.» — lo que Davis atribuye a Calvino: la mujer fue creada sujeta al hombre, con sujeción liberal y suave antes de la caída y peor después, y debe contentarse con su estado sin tomar a mal ser hecha inferior al sexo más distinguido.
«Nor was this view restricted to pastors. There are many examples from sixteenth-century France of Protestant husbands instructing their wives, "their dear sisters and loyal spouses," telling them of their religious duties, telling them of their responsibilities toward their children, warning them that they must never do anything without seeking advice first.» — y el dato que muestra que la doctrina no era solo de pastores: maridos protestantes instruyendo a sus queridas hermanas y leales esposas y advirtiéndoles que no hicieran nada sin pedir consejo.
«And if Protestant wives then told their husbands to go to the devil or otherwise insulted them so loudly that the neighbors heard, the women might soon find themselves brought before the Consistories and even punished (as the criminal records of Geneva reveal) by three days in prison on bread and water.» — la sanción que Davis documenta en los registros criminales de Ginebra para la mujer que insultaba al marido a voces.
«The men grumbled and complained-"! beat my wife before and I'll beat» — cómo reaccionaban los maridos, según Davis, con la frase de un cajista lionés que el troceo corta aquí porque intercala una nota al pie: *golpeaba a mi mujer antes y volveré a golpearla si es mala*; el troceo imprime la apertura de la cita como *-"!*.
«her again if she be bad," said a Lyon typecaster-but the situation had improved enough in Geneva by the end of the century that some called it "the women's Paradise.» — la continuación de esa frase y el saldo de fin de siglo en Ginebra, que algunos llamaban el Paraíso de las mujeres.
«Undoubtedly there were many Reformed marriages in commercial and artisanal circles where the husbands and wives lived together in peace and friendship. And why not? Women had joined the Reformation to rebel against priests and pope, not to rebel against their husbands.» — el matiz con que Davis cierra el punto, y la fórmula que lo resume.
«Although they wanted certain "masculine" religious activities opened to them, Calvinist wives-even the most unruly of them-never went so far as to deny the theory of the subjection of women within marriage.» — el límite que Davis pone incluso a las más díscolas: nunca negaron la teoría de la sujeción de la mujer dentro del matrimonio.
«The practice of subjection in individual marriages during those heroic decades of the Reformation may have been tempered by two things: first, the personality of the wife herself, which sustained her revolt against priestly power and her search for new relations with books and men; and second, the common cause of reform, which for a while demanded courageous action from both husbands and wives.» — las dos cosas que, según Davis, pudieron templar esa sujeción en la práctica.
«On a Catholic feast day, she could defy her Catholic neighbors by sitting ostentatiously spinning in her window.» — el inventario de lo que podía hacer por la causa una mujer de ciudad no rica ni poderosa, que Davis abre con este gesto.
«If she were a printer's wife or widow, she could help get out a Protestant edition to spread the word about tyrannical priests.» — y sigue con el que dependía del oficio de la casa.
«She could put aside her dissolute hoop skirts and full gowns and start to wear black. She could harangue priests in the streets. She could march singing songs in defiance of royal edicts. She could smash statues, break baptismal fonts, and destroy holy images.» — la escala del inventario, del vestido negro a la iconoclasia.
«And she could die in flames, shouting to her husband, as did one young wife of Langres, "My friend, if we have been joined in marriage in body, think that this is only like a promise of marriage, for our Lord ... will marry us the day of our martyrdom.» — y el remate: la joven de Langres gritando al marido que su matrimonio en cuerpo era solo como una promesa, y que el Señor los casará el día del martirio.
«Many of these actions, such as Bible-reading, clearly were special to Protestant city women. A few were not. The Catholic city women in Elizabethan England, for instance, hid priests in their quarters and, if captured, went to the "marriage" of martyrdom as bravely as did any Huguenot.» — el límite comparativo que Davis pone a su propio inventario, con las católicas de la Inglaterra isabelina escondiendo sacerdotes y yendo al martirio con igual valor.
«One kind of action, however, seems to have been special to Catholic city women (as also to the radical Quaker women of the seventeenth century): organized group action among women.» — lo que Davis sí reserva a las católicas de ciudad, y también a las cuáqueras radicales del siglo XVII.
«On the highest level, this was expressed in such attempts to create new forms of common life and work among females as the Ursulines and the Sisters of Charity and the Christian Institutes of Mary Ward.» — el nivel alto de esa acción de grupo: las ursulinas, las Hijas de la Caridad y los institutos cristianos de Mary Ward.
«Whatever transformations in social relations were accomplished by either the Reformation or the Counter-Reformation, it seems that as far as relations between the sexes go the Reformed solution was assimilationist; the Catholic solution, with its female saints and convents, was pluralistic.» — cómo aplica Davis esos modelos a las dos reformas en cuanto a los sexos.
«Neither, of course, eliminated the subject status of women.» — y el límite común que pone a las dos.
«But the assimilationist solution brought losses, too. This-worldly asceticism denied laymen and laywomen much of the shared recreational and festive life allowed them by Catholicism. It closed off an institutionalized and respectable alternative to private family life: the communal living of the monastery. By destroying the female saints as exemplars for both sexes, it cut off a wide range of affect and activity.» — y las pérdidas que le carga: el ascetismo intramundano quitó a legos y legas buena parte de la vida recreativa y festiva compartida, cerró la alternativa respetable de la vida comunal del monasterio y, al destruir a las santas como ejemplares para ambos sexos, cortó un arco ancho de afecto y actividad.
«And by eliminating a separate identity and separate organization for women in religious life, it may have made them a little more vulnerable to subjection in all spheres.» — la última pérdida, enunciada con su reserva.
«As it turned out, women suffered for their powerlessness in both Catholic and Protestant lands in the late sixteenth to eighteenth centuries as changes in marriage laws restricted the freedoms of wives even further, as female guilds dwindled, as the female role in middle-level commerce and farm direction contracted, and as the differential between male and female wages increased.» — lo que Davis consigna de los siglos siguientes en ambos bandos: leyes matrimoniales más restrictivas, gremios femeninos menguantes, papel femenino contraído en el comercio medio y en la dirección de granjas, y brecha salarial creciente.
«In both Catholic France and Protestant England, the learned lady struggled to establish a role for herself: the female schoolteacher became a familiar figure, whether as a spinster or as an Ursuline; the female dramatist scrambled to make a living, from the scandalous Aphra Behn in the seventeenth century to the scandalous Olympe de Gouges in the eighteenth.» — y la simetría con que lo ilustra, de la maestra —soltera o ursulina— a la dramaturga, de Aphra Behn a Olympe de Gouges.
«Thus it is hard to establish from a historical point of view that the Reformed assimilationist structure always facilitated more rapid and creative changes in sex roles than did the. relatively pluralistic structure found in the Catholicism of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.» — la conclusión que Davis enuncia como dificultad, no como veredicto.
«Both forms of religious life have contributed to the transformation of sex roles and to the transformation of society. In the proper circumstances, each can serve as a corrective to the other.» — y lo que pone en su lugar.
«arms in the First Religious War.» — el extremo del inventario de Davis, cuya frase parte el troceo entre dos planas: una hugonota de Toulouse llevó armas en la primera guerra de religión.
«and, in the case of a group of female butchers in Aix-en-Provence, beating and hanging the wife of a Protestant bookseller.» — el nivel bajo de esa acción de grupo femenina, según Davis: unas carniceras de Aix-en-Provence golpeando y ahorcando a la mujer de un librero protestante.
«Certainly it is true that the Reformed solution did promote a certain desexualization of society, a certain neutralizing of forms» — lo que Davis concede a la lectura sociológica del protestantismo como secta superior: la solución reformada promovió cierta desexualización de la sociedad; la frase se corta aquí porque el troceo intercala una nota al pie, y sigue diciendo que esas formas de comunicación y ciertos lugares religiosos se volvieron aceptables para las mujeres.
«of communication and of certain religious places so that they became acceptable for women. These were important gains, bringing new tools to women and new experience to both sexes.» — la continuación de esa concesión, con las ganancias que Davis reconoce.
«It is sometimes expedient to allow the people to play the fool and make merry," said the French lawyer Claude de Rubys at the end of the sixteenth century, "lest by holding them in with too great a rigor, we put them in despair .... These gay sports abolished, the people go instead to taverns, drink up and begin to cackle, their feet dancing under the table, to decipher King, princes, ... the State and Justice and draft scandalous defamatory leaflets.» — el cuarto ensayo abre con lo que, según Davis, el jurista Claude de Rubys sostenía a fines del siglo XVI: conviene a veces dejar al pueblo hacer el loco y divertirse, no sea que con demasiado rigor se lo desespere y acabe en la taberna descifrando al rey, a los príncipes, al Estado y a la Justicia.
«De Rubys' view is a traditional one, but it tells us more about the thought of urban magistrates than about the real uses of popular recreation.» — lo que Davis objeta a esa posición.
«I hope to show that rather than being a mere "safety valve," deflecting attention from social reality, festive life can on the one hand perpetuate certain values of the community (even guarantee its survival), and on the other hand criticize political order.» — la tesis que Davis declara para el ensayo: la vida festiva no es una mera válvula de escape, sino que perpetúa valores de la comunidad y a la vez critica el orden político.
«Misrule can have its own rigor and can also decipher king and state.» — la formulación breve de esa tesis, que devuelve al desgobierno el verbo de de Rubys.
«The festivities that de Rubys favored for his native Lyon were found in all the cities of France, and indeed of Europe, in the later Middle Ages and the sixteenth century: masking, costuming, hiding; charivaris (a noisy, masked demonstration to humiliate some wrongdoer in the community), farces, parades, and floats; collecting and distributing money and sweets; dancing, music-making,» — el inventario de fiestas que Davis levanta: enmascararse, disfrazarse, esconderse; charivaris —que glosa como manifestación ruidosa y enmascarada para humillar a un infractor de la comunidad—, farsas, desfiles y carrozas, colectas y repartos de dinero y dulces.
«They took place at regular intervals, and whenever the occasion warranted it; they were timed to the calendar of religion and season (the twelve days of Christmas, the days before Lent, early May, Pentecost, the feast of Saint Jean Baptiste in June, the Feast of the Assumption in mid-August, and All Saints) and timed also to domestic events, marriages, and other family affairs.» — cuándo ocurrían esas fiestas, según Davis: por el calendario religioso y estacional y por los sucesos domésticos.
«minds a little above their distaffs, the servant Marie Becaudelle disputing with her priest, the ex-nun Marie Dentiere urging women to speak and write about Scripture, and yes, the Catholic Marie le Jars de Gournay reminding us that, after all, it was only a historical accident that our Lord Jesus Christ was born a male.» — el cierre coral del ensayo: la criada Marie Becaudelle disputando con su cura, la ex monja Marie Dentière urgiendo a las mujeres a hablar y escribir sobre la Escritura, y la católica Marie le Jars de Gournay recordando que fue accidente histórico que el Señor naciera varón; la enumeración arranca en la plana anterior con Louise Labé.
«the lighting of fires; reciting of poetry, gaming, and athletic contests-the list in all its forms and variations would be longer than the 8r games in Bruegel's famous painting or the 217 games that Rabelais gave to Gargantua.» — la escala del inventario festivo que Davis propone: más larga que los ochenta y un juegos del cuadro de Bruegel o los doscientos diecisiete que Rabelais dio a Gargantúa; el troceo imprime la primera cifra como 8r.
«One of these urban festivals was sponsored by clerics-namely the Feast of Fools at Christmastime, when a choirboy or chaplain would be elected bishop and preside while the minor clergy burlesqued the mass and even confession, and led an ass around the church.» — la única fiesta urbana de patrocinio clerical, según Davis: la Fiesta de los Locos de Navidad, con un niño de coro o capellán elegido obispo mientras el clero menor parodiaba la misa y la confesión y paseaba un asno por la iglesia.
«By the late fifteenth century this topsy-turvy saturnalia was being slowly banished from the cathedrals,2 and apart from it virtually all the popular recreations were initiated by laymen.» — dónde data Davis el destierro de esa saturnal del mundo al revés, y qué se sigue de ello para el resto de las fiestas.
«They were not, however, "official" affairs in the sixteenth-century French city; that is, city governments ordinarily did not plan, program, and finance them as they did the great Entry parades for royalty or other important personages or the parades in celebration of peace treaties.» — el estatuto que Davis niega a esas fiestas frente a las entradas reales y los desfiles de celebración de tratados.
«Rather, the festivities were put on by informal circles of friends and family, 3 sometimes by craft or pro» — quiénes organizaban las fiestas, según Davis: círculos informales de amigos y de familia; la frase sigue en la plana siguiente con las agrupaciones de oficio.
«In some cities there were a host of other dignitaries: for instance, Rauen's Abbot of Conards had serving him in 1541 the Prince of Improvidence, the Cardinal of Bad Measure, Bishop Flat-Purse, Duke Kickass, and the Grand Patriarch of Syphilitics, to mention only a few.» — los dignatarios que Davis levanta del escenario impreso de Ruan de 1541: el Príncipe de la Imprevisión, el Cardenal de la Mala Medida, el Obispo Bolsa Plana, el Duque Patea-culos y el Gran Patriarca de los Sifilíticos.
«These Abbeys acted like courts and used their jurisdictions.» — cómo describe Davis el funcionamiento de las Abadías de Desgobierno.
«Mock coins were issued and distributed to spectators during parades (see Plate 5).7 Lyon had both a Judge of Misrule and a Bench of Bad Advice.» — los instrumentos de esa jurisdicción burlesca: moneda falsa repartida entre el público y, en Lyon, un Juez del Desgobierno y un Tribunal del Mal Consejo.
«With the Turkish fleet, which in fact had been threatening the Mediterranean under the Admiral Khairad-Din Barbarossa, a note of reality was sounded in the midst of the May revels of the Abbey of Conards.» — cómo lee Davis esa carta: la flota de Khair ad-Din Barbarroja amenazaba de veras el Mediterráneo, y así entra una nota de realidad en medio de las fiestas de mayo.
«Real life was always deeply embedded in these carnivals, and not only because Misrule always implies the Rule that it parodies.» — la formulación general de ese hallazgo.
«Real people were mocked by the Abbeys in clamorous charivaris and parades for their real everyday behavior: husbands beaten by their wives were led by a noisy, masked, and costumed throng through the town facing backwards on an ass (see Plate 7), or if not the husband himself then a neighbor who shouted "it is not for my deed, it is for my neighbor's.» — a quiénes se burlaba en realidad: al marido golpeado por su mujer, paseado de espaldas en un asno por una muchedumbre ruidosa y enmascarada, o a un vecino gritando que no era por su acto sino por el de su vecino.
«thus a 1566 festival in Lyon included seven floats in which husbands identified by street and occupation were being beaten variously with tripe, wooden sticks, knives, forks, spoons, frying pans, trenchers, and water pots; were having stones thrown at them; were having their beards pulled; and were being kicked in the genitalia-each, as the printed description said, representing the actual "martyr" of the quarter.» — el detalle del escenario lionés de 1566: siete carrozas con maridos identificados por calle y oficio siendo golpeados con tripas, palos, cuchillos, tenedores, cucharas, sartenes, platos y jarros, apedreados, tirados de la barba y pateados en los genitales, cada uno el mártir efectivo de su barrio.
«Nor were these the only victims of charivaris: widows or widowers remarrying were vulnerable, as were husbands deceived by their wives and husbands who beat their wives during the month of May (a special month for women).» — los demás blancos del charivari, según Davis: viudos y viudas que se recasan, maridos engañados y maridos que pegan a sus mujeres en mayo, mes especial de las mujeres.
«Proclamatory letters were issued such as those of I 5 36 from the Abbot of Co nards and his court permitting all men for ror years to take two wives. What» — la carta proclamatoria de 1536 del Abad de los Conards que Davis consigna: permitía a todos los hombres tomar dos mujeres por ciento un años —el troceo imprime el plazo como *ror*—; la razón queda cortada aquí por una nota al pie y sigue en la plana siguiente.
«Thus to search for the meaning of Misrule, I went first to men who had lived during the Renaissance, then to modern historians of literature who had treated festive organizations and customs as sources for the Renaissance theatre, and then to the theoreticians of play and recreation.» — el itinerario de lecturas que Davis declara para buscar el sentido del Desgobierno.
«Both in the Renaissance and in our own day, two modes of explanation have been used to account for the form and content of popular festivities and games-one historical, the other functional.» — los dos modos de explicación que distingue.
«These theories are wrong. The imagery of the lay organizations was usually monastic rather than episcopal as in the Feast of Fools. The lay societies had mock jurisdiction over marriages and domestic affairs, for which there is no precedent in the Feast of Fools and no clear precedent in feudal law. And the Misrule Abbeys existed in some form in French cities from the thirteenth century on, contemporaneous with the cathedral fete and prior to the flowering of late medieval chivalry.» — las tres objeciones con que Davis las niega: la imaginería laica es monástica y no episcopal, la jurisdicción burlesca sobre matrimonios y asuntos domésticos no tiene precedente ni en la Fiesta de los Locos ni en el derecho feudal, y las abadías existen desde el siglo XIII, a la vez que la fiesta catedralicia y antes de la caballería tardía.
«Finally, these last theories do not clarify for us the uses of Misrule, for they rest on a picture of city-dwellers either acting out ancient and magical customs whose meaning had long since been forgotten or copying their social superiors just for the sake of copying.» — la objeción de fondo que Davis añade: dejan a los habitantes de la ciudad representando costumbres mágicas cuyo sentido se había olvidado, o copiando a sus superiores por copiar.
«Foolishness ... is our second nature," said a fifteenth-century defender of the Feast of Fools, "and must freely spend itself at least once a year.» — la defensa cuatrocentista de la Fiesta de los Locos que Davis cita para abrir el enfoque funcional: la necedad es nuestra segunda naturaleza y debe gastarse libremente al menos una vez al año.
«These historical and functional formulations provide us with a framework and some alternatives for interpreting the Abbeys of Misrule. They are, however, very general; we need accurate historical precedents closer to the sixteenth century than the Roman Empire or the sacrificial king, and we need more information about the Abbeys themselves in order to ascertain their uses and to decide where the balance lies in their recreations between tradition and innovation and between the prepolitical and the political.» — qué les concede Davis a esas formulaciones y qué les reprocha: son un marco, pero muy generales, y hacen falta precedentes históricos más cercanos y más datos sobre las propias abadías.
«To track down the source of Misrule, I left the streets of Rouen and Dijon and Lyon and other cities and went to the villages. I left the works of historians, with their literary or political bias, and went to those of the anthropologists, especially the many systematic studies of France by Arnold Van Gennep.» — el giro de método que Davis declara para rastrear el origen del Desgobierno: de la ciudad a la aldea y de los historiadores a los antropólogos, sobre todo a los estudios sistemáticos de Francia de Arnold Van Gennep.
«Everything I shall say about the villages, however, I have confirmed in hundreds of royal pardons from the later Middle Ages, from which a French archivist, Roger Vaultier, has extracted and published all material bearing on folk customs.» — y la comprobación documental con que dice haber respaldado eso: cientos de perdones reales tardomedievales cuya materia folclórica extrajo y publicó el archivero Roger Vaultier.
«We discover from the twelfth century (and undoubtedly before), throughout France, organizations of the unmarried men in peasant communities who have reached the age of puberty.» — el hallazgo que Davis data en el siglo XII.
«When precisely they joined or whether there were initiation rites has not been discovered.» — el límite que pone a ese hallazgo.
«These young men were called varlets and varlets a marier or compagnons and compagnons a marier; their organizations were known as bachelleries (in the Poitou, Berry, the Angoumois, the Vendee, and elsewhere), Kingdoms of Youth, and in wide areas-Burgundy, the Dauphine, Savoie, and the Midi-Abbeys of Youth (Abbayes de la Jeunesse).» — los nombres de esas organizaciones por región, que Davis enumera.
«do not help us very much, for they merely describe the curious charivaris and carnivals and stop short of analysis.» — el reproche que Davis dirige a los libros sobre la vida cotidiana del período: describen los charivaris y carnavales y se detienen antes del análisis.
«Since village boys usually did not marry until their early or middle twenties in the fifteenth through seventeenth centuries,27 their period of jeunesse lasted a long time and the number of bachelors relative to the total number of men in the village was quite high.» — la consecuencia demográfica que Davis extrae de la edad tardía de matrimonio en la aldea.
«Each year before Lent, after Christmas, or at some other time, they elected a King or Abbot from among their midst. 28 The Abbey of Misrule was» — cuándo y a quién elegían esos grupos, y la frase con que Davis enuncia su hallazgo, que se completa en la plana siguiente: la Abadía de Desgobierno fue en su origen un grupo de jóvenes.
«They met the youth of other parishes at Mardi Gras for soules, a violent football game, and at other times pitted their strength against the married men in their own village.» — la primera de las funciones de esas abadías juveniles: el soule, juego de pelota violento, contra los mozos de otras parroquias y contra los casados del propio pueblo.
«In the Fete des Brandons at the beginning of Lent it was they who bore the brands of blazing straw and jumped and danced to ensure the village's agricultural and sexual fertility for the coming year;» — la segunda: los brandones de paja ardiente al empezar la cuaresma, con saltos y danzas para asegurar la fertilidad agrícola y sexual del año.
«and at All Souls' Day it was they who rang the bells for the dead ancestors of the village.» — y la tercera, en el día de los Difuntos.
«The Abbeys had jurisdiction over villagers their own age, including marriageable girls,* in front of whose houses they planted May bushes (or a smelly bush, if they wished to suggest a girl's morals were dubious), 31 and over young strangers coming to court their girls, whom they would fight or hold up for a fine.» — sobre quiénes tenían jurisdicción esas abadías, según Davis: las mozas casaderas, ante cuyas casas plantaban ramos de mayo —o un ramo hediondo si querían insinuar que la moza tenía dudosa fama—, y los forasteros que venían a cortejarlas.
«They had prescribed roles in the wedding ceremony, such as putting up chains across the path of the procession or bursting into the wedding chamber on some pretence-obstacles, like our western shivaree, to the consummation of the marriage that could be removed only by the payment of flowers, money, or a drink.» — el papel prescrito que tenían en la boda, según Davis: cadenas cruzadas en el camino de la comitiva o irrupción en la cámara nupcial, obstáculos a la consumación que solo se quitaban pagando flores, dinero o una copa.
«The penalties were in some villages ducking in water, in others a humiliating parade backwards on the ass or a charivari.» — las penas que enumera.
«The earliest known French use of the term charivarit and the most frequent occasion for it in villages, however, was in connection with second marriages, especially when there was a gross disparity in age between the bride and groom.» — cuál era, según Davis, la ocasión más frecuente y el primer uso francés conocido del término charivari.
«had failed to become pregnant during the year, over husbands dominated by their wives, sometimes over adulterers.» — sobre qué casados tenían jurisdicción las abadías juveniles rurales, según Davis: recién casados cuya mujer no había quedado encinta en el año, maridos dominados por sus mujeres y a veces adúlteros.
«Others in the village might join them, but it was the young men who took the initiative» — quién llevaba la iniciativa en esas acciones, según Davis.
«Nor were these activities, as E. K. Chambers and others have claimed, a mere playing with primitive and magical customs of forgotten meaning. Rather they were a carnival treatment of reality, with an important function in the village.» — lo que Davis objeta a E. K. Chambers y a otros: no era un jugar con costumbres mágicas de sentido olvidado, sino un tratamiento carnavalesco de la realidad con función en la aldea.
«Canon law had long since overcome the scruples of the early Church Fathers about remarriage, and though no benediction was given the pair and the ceremony was held modestly at night, second and third marriages were completely licit. The church had dropped the old Roman prescription of a waiting period before remarriage-a loosening enthusiastically supported by feudal law-and there were no rules regarding disparity in age either, as long as the partners were sexually mature.» — el estado del derecho sobre las segundas nupcias, según Davis: eran del todo lícitas, sin plazo de espera y sin regla sobre disparidad de edad.
«Why then the charivaris? First there was the dead spouse to be placated. He was sometimes present at the charivari as an effigy.» — la primera razón que Davis da del charivari, con el cónyuge muerto presente a veces en efigie.
«Then there were the children from the first marriage to be thought about, psychologically and economically. Folktales about the wicked stepmother or stepfather express the former worry; the latter one is reflected in the coutumier of Paris of I5IO, which introduced legal restrictions on the woman who remarried in order to protect the revenues due to existing children.» — la segunda, con sus dos testigos: los cuentos de madrastra y padrastro malvados para lo psicológico, y el coutumier de París de 1510 para lo económico.
«And last and most fundamental, there was resentment when someone had been inappropriately removed by an older widow or widower from the pool of young eligibles.» — la tercera razón y la que Davis llama más fundamental.
«In fact, with life expectancy as short as it was, remarriages were necessary and common. Thus the air could be cleared and the community reminded of the imbalance by a noisy mocking laugh at the "Vieille Carcasse, folie d' amour" ("old carcass, crazy with love"), or at the old man surely incapable of satisfying his young wife.» — cómo resuelve Davis la tensión entre norma y necesidad: como los recasamientos eran necesarios y frecuentes, la risa burlona despejaba el aire recordando el desequilibrio.
«The couple then acquitted themselves toward the village (and toward the young people who had not received the food and money of a traditional daytime ceremony) "au triple de tes noces"-at three times the wedding costs, as one charivari chant demanded.» — con qué se saldaba la cuenta, según el canto de charivari que Davis cita: al triple de tus bodas.
«The use of the imagery of "Kingdoms" and especially of "Abbeys" not only provided a carnival reversal of status in regard to a faraway king or a nearby monastery, to whom peasants might owe services and dues, but-more important-provided a rule that the youth had over others and perhaps too a brotherhood existing among themselves; and it gave enormous scope to mockery and derision.» — qué daba la imaginería de Reinos y sobre todo de Abadías, según Davis: no solo la inversión carnavalesca de estatus frente al rey lejano o al monasterio cercano, sino un mando que los jóvenes tenían sobre otros, acaso una hermandad entre ellos, y un margen enorme para la burla.
«But license was not rebellious. It was very much in the service of the village community, dramatizing the differences between different stages of life/1 clarifying the responsibilities that the youth would have when they were married men and fathers, helping to maintain proper order within marriage and to sustain the biological continuity of the village.» — el límite que Davis pone a esa licencia y las cuatro funciones comunitarias que le atribuye.
«tambourines, bells, rattles, and horns might make their clamor for a week outside the house of their victims, unless they settled and paid a fine.» — cómo se hacía el charivari de segundas nupcias, según Davis: los mozos enmascarados con pucheros, panderos, campanillas, carracas y cuernos podían meter ruido una semana ante la casa de la víctima si esta no se avenía y pagaba multa.
«Total violence or disorder in the course of Misrule was a mistake, an accident (so we learn from the brawls and murder cases that ultimately found their way to the royal courts); and when a rural carnival became political, it was turned, as we will see, not against the laboureurs, the rich peasants in the village, or the village elders, but against oppressors from without.» — el límite que Davis pone a la violencia del Desgobierno rural, y contra quién se volvía cuando se politizaba: no contra los labradores ricos ni los ancianos del pueblo, sino contra los opresores de fuera.
«Thus the activities of the youth-abbeys functioned rather like rites de passage, here spaced over a number of years, in communities where the older generation's expectations for the young and the younger generation's expectations for themselves did not differ very much.» — la función que Davis atribuye en conjunto a las abadías juveniles.
«Though villagers obviously had no theory of the psychodynamics of male adolescent development, and though rural society did not stimulate the possibility of exploring alternate identities (except for the lad who decided to move to the city), nevertheless these youth groups played certain of the functions that we attribute to adolescence.» — el matiz con que Davis acota su propia objeción a Ariès.
«They gave the youth rituals to help control their sexual instincts and also to allow themselves some limited sphere of jurisdiction or "autonomy" in the interval before they were married.» — la primera de las dos funciones adolescentes que les atribuye.
«They socialized them to the conscience of the community by making them the raucous voice of that conscience.» — y la segunda, que es la fórmula más apretada del ensayo.
«They exist despite the economic differentiation among the peasants from rich laboureur to landless hired hand, and despite changes in the demographic pyramid.50 Like parish institutions, they help explain how the peasant community defended its identity against the outside world.» — qué les atribuye Davis pese a la diferenciación económica del campesinado y a los cambios de la pirámide demográfica.
«Whereas in the French countryside their basic organization and customs had changed very little even as late as the eighteenth century (they sometimes took on military functions without, however, dropping their other roles),51 in the cities, with the relative literacy and complexity of urban life, this festive form evolved and proliferated in important ways.» — el contraste campo-ciudad con que Davis abre la tercera parte del ensayo.
«Whereas only a limited number of rural Abbeys called themselves Abbayes de Maugouvert, this and other merry and paradoxical titles multiplied in the cities, perhaps especially in the fifteenth century, when urban literacy rates began to rise somewhat.» — cómo se multiplican los títulos paradójicos en la ciudad, y con qué Davis lo empareja.
«Whereas the rural drama accompanying charivaris is quite modest, when it occurs at all (usually a mere carrying around of effigies of the guilty parties or of the widow, her new husband, and dead spouse), now the dramatic productions are more elaborate (as we saw earlier in the floats mocking the martyred husbands of Lyon), and have verses to go with them.» — el contraste de aparato dramático entre campo y ciudad, según Davis.
«The village literary production consists of a simple charivari song; the urban verses are more complex and contributed to the development of the sottie style and the coq a l' asne (poetic dialogue that jumps from one thing to another).» — y el contraste literario, con la sottie y el coq à l'âne que Davis glosa como diálogo poético que salta de una cosa a otra.
«Aries that Europeans made no distinction between childhood and adolescence before the end of the eighteenth century, that "people had no idea of what we call adolescence," that "there [was] no room for adolescence" in the earlier centuries.» — la tesis de Philippe Ariès que Davis pone enfrente: que los europeos no distinguían infancia de adolescencia antes de fines del siglo XVIII, que no tenían idea de lo que llamamos adolescencia y que no había sitio para ella.
«should be noted that youth-abbeys and youth-kingdoms with the same constellation of characteristics just described are found throughout rural Europe in Switzerland,43 Germany,44 ltaly,45 Hungary, Rumania/6 and perhaps England and Scotland47 and Spain.» — la extensión europea que Davis reclama para esos grupos: Suiza, Alemania, Italia, Hungría, Rumanía y acaso Inglaterra, Escocia y España.
«And finally, the rural Abbeys left their Misrule to memory alone; the city Abbeys of the sixteenth century often put theirs down in print.» — el último contraste, que es a la vez la razón de que tengamos fuentes.
«Even a city of 6,ooo is too big for a single Abbey. By the sixteenth century, Lyon, with its population growing up to 6o,ooo, had about twenty of them, with a full range of Abbots, Barons, Captains, Admirals, Princes, Counts, Princesses, Judges, and Patriarchs of Misrule at their head.» — la escala urbana que Davis mide: Lyon, creciendo hacia los sesenta mil, tenía unas veinte abadías con toda una gama de abades, barones, capitanes, almirantes, príncipes, condes, princesas, jueces y patriarcas del Desgobierno.
«Though organized separately, they called each other out and paraded together at feast time. Most of them were organized around the quarter or neighborhood, and the same seems to have been partly true of Rouen.» — cómo se articulaban entre sí y sobre qué base, según Davis.
«Thus the Basoche, the organization of the law clerks (originally the young members of the profession) in Paris, Lyon, Bordeaux, and other French cities, developed with officers called Abbots, Kings, and Princes, planted May bushes, pleaded mock cases, and put on public comedies and farces at Mardi Gras in which real persons, in their jurisdiction and out of it, were represented and their faults derided.» — el caso de la Basoche que Davis pone como transformación del Desgobierno por un grupo de oficio: abades, reyes y príncipes, ramos de mayo, causas de burlas y comedias públicas en que se remedaba a personas reales.
«Thus in sixteenth-century Lyon, the printers' journeymen acted as an Abbey of Misrule, with the Lord of Misprint (Seigneur de la Coquille) as its leader; the painters elected a Judge of Fools and the silk-dyers' journeymen a Captain of Misrule.» — los tres casos lioneses que Davis enumera, con el Señor de la Errata al frente de los oficiales impresores.
«Furthermore, and very significant, the urban Abbeys, especially in the large cities, were no longer necessarily organizations of unmarried youth as they had been in the villages.» — el cambio que Davis llama muy significativo.
«In Rauen there were enough married men in the Abbey of Canards in I54I for the Abbot to issue a mock proclamation that any Conard with a wife confined in childbirth could provide for himself with a serving-girl or neighbor-woman.» — la prueba que da de ello: en Ruan había bastantes casados en 1541 para que el Abad proclamara en burlas que el Conard con la mujer en el parto podía proveerse de una criada o de una vecina.
«In Dijon at the end of the century, a well-known lawyer was elected as Mere Folie regularly until his death, when he was succeeded by his son-in-law.» — el segundo caso: en Dijon un abogado conocido era elegido Mère Folie una y otra vez hasta su muerte, y lo sucedió su yerno.
«Only in smaller towns like Chalon-sur-Saone does the complete identity between Abbey and youth regularly remain.» — dónde persiste, según Davis, la identidad completa entre abadía y juventud.
«Elsewhere the idea of youth lingers on in names like the lnfanterie Dijonnoise or the Enfants-sans-souci (a former youth-abbey that had evolved especially in Paris into a semiprofessional players' group59), or the youth groups are confined (I) to a limited social category, as in Lyon or Rauen, where the Enfants de la Ville are the sons of municipal magistrates,60 or (2) to limited functions, as in Geneva, where the Abbaye des Enfants, once in charge of dances, mummeries, and masking, formed the basis of the urban militia established at the end of the fifteenth century.» — cómo sobrevive la idea de juventud en el resto: en los nombres, o confinada a una categoría social —los Enfants de la Ville, hijos de magistrados— o a una función, como la Abbaye des Enfants ginebrina, que acabó siendo la base de la milicia urbana.
«self out on the spur of the moment (we have a wonderful picture from the royal pardons of a fifteenth-century miller's son, an homme joyeux, improvising a messenger's outfit so that he could quickly deliver a message to a harvest queen), the urban players fabricate complicated and sometimes sumptuous costumes.» — el contraste de vestuario entre campo y ciudad, con la estampa que Davis saca de los perdones reales: el hijo de un molinero, *homme joyeux*, improvisando un traje de mensajero para llevar deprisa un recado a una reina de la cosecha.
«because city people stopped recognizing that there was a period of adolescence-here again I am taking issue with Philippe Aries63 -for medical literature, religious manuals, and popular prints distinguish it and recognize it as a period of sexual maturation.» — por qué no ocurre esa pérdida de especificidad de edad, según Davis, que aquí vuelve a discutir con Ariès: la literatura médica, los manuales religiosos y las estampas populares distinguen la adolescencia y la reconocen como período de maduración sexual.
«Now sixteenth-century cities continued to see informal groupings such as street gangs of males in their teens who played games and threw stones at neighborhood enemies. But the character of economic and social life made it likely that male adolescents would be organized into groups either with adults or more directly dominated by adults than were the village Abbeys.» — lo que Davis propone en lugar de la explicación por la edad: la vida económica y social urbana hacía probable que los adolescentes varones quedaran encuadrados con adultos o más directamente dominados por ellos.
«The median age for apprenticeship in sixteenth-century French cities was twelve (later than in the fourteenth century, it would get later still in the seventeenth).» — el dato que Davis da de la edad mediana de entrada en aprendizaje y de su deriva.
«Then he might become part of his master's guild, in a wholly dependent status of course, or he might be initiated into a secret journeymen's organization in which there would be journeymen of all ages. Here the rite de passage led to an economic status, not a new stage of life.» — el desenlace del oficial según Davis, y la distinción que extrae: el rito de paso llevaba a un estatus económico y no a una etapa nueva de la vida.
«The compagnon a marier in the countryside might well grow up and marry; the compagnon imprimeur in the city might well remain a dependent worker for years and years.» — la fórmula con que Davis contrapone el compagnon del campo y el de la ciudad.
«As for the poor and the unskilled, we have little information about their social life, though we know that their children had to go to work early and that the beggars' kingdom encompassed young and old alike. The militia in most places at this period was also made up of men of different ages.» — el límite documental que Davis declara sobre los pobres y los sin oficio, y lo que sí consigna: los niños entraban pronto a trabajar, el reino de los mendigos mezclaba edades y la milicia también.
«Where the traditional youth group persists in the large sixteenth-century city-among the sons of rich lawyers, merchants, and magistrates-much of the Misrule is missing.» — dónde persiste el grupo juvenil tradicional en la ciudad grande y qué le falta.
«In Lyon, the Enfants de la Ville might get into a brawl to avenge the honor of one of their number, but they dropped their titular Abbot and their charivaris shortly after rsoo. The city fathers could hardly allow their own sons to bruit their mauvais menage throughout the town.» — el caso de los Enfants de la Ville de Lyon, que dejaron su abad titular y sus charivaris poco después de 1500: los padres de la ciudad difícilmente podían dejar que sus propios hijos pregonaran su mal gobierno doméstico.
«This youth group served less to prepare them for the way of life of a married man, and more to confirm their participation in an exclusive social circle.» — y para qué servía entonces ese grupo juvenil, según Davis.
«hopelessly old-fashioned to young men who were being taught by rich Italian bankers resident in Lyon to play ancient Roman games and to mask in classical fashion.» — la segunda razón que Davis da del abandono del charivari por los Enfants de la Ville: las formas de la sottie, las rimas en dialecto lionés y el tosco paseo en asno parecían anticuados a mozos que aprendían de los banqueros italianos de Lyon juegos romanos y máscaras a la antigua.
«Thus the characteristic Abbeys of Misrule in the large sixteenth-century city were professional or more likely neighborhood groupings, which encompassed men'' both young and old.» — cómo caracteriza Davis las abadías urbanas del siglo XVI.
«Whereas in the village, the youth-abbeys could include the sons of well-off peasants and landless ones, in the sixteenth-century French city, not even within the individual neighborhood could men from all estates be drawn together in a festive organization.» — y el contraste de composición social con la aldea.
«The urban elite would be missing from the Abbey and had their own entertainments, as would the unskilled gagnedenier (day workers); certain classes of newcomers and foreign residents might be excluded too.» — quiénes quedaban fuera de la abadía urbana, según Davis.
«In Nice, four Abbots were elected separately by "nobles," merchants, artisans, and a group of urban gardeners and fishermen.» — el caso de Niza, con cuatro abades elegidos por separado por nobles, mercaderes, artesanos y un grupo de hortelanos y pescadores.
«The Judge of Fools in 1534 was a painter, who ended up on the city poor-relief rolls.» — el dato con que Davis mide la composición de las abadías lionesas.
«Dijon's Infanterie had members of high status at the end of the sixteenth century, including lawyers in the Parlement of Dijon; but earlier a simple tailor was able to start Mere Folie on one of her promenades, and there is some evidence that even wine-growers living in the city took part.» — y el de Dijon, donde a fin de siglo había abogados del Parlamento pero antes un simple sastre podía echar a andar a Mère Folie.
«A notarized account of a May 1517 meeting of 42 members of the Abbey of Misrule of the rue Merciere in Lyon (I came on it in the archives; 73 it may be the only such document yet found) shows them electing a Captain and Lieutenant and setting up councillors to "govern" the street and "keep peace and amity" among the members.» — el documento que Davis dice haber hallado en el archivo y cree acaso único: un acta notarial de 1517 en que cuarenta y dos miembros de la Abadía de la rue Merciere eligen capitán y teniente y ponen consejeros para gobernar la calle y guardar paz y amistad entre ellos.
«Fines were collected when the Abbey's rules were broken in regard to swearing and blasphemy (good signs that a fight was brewing); and in severe cases, members could be banned from the Abbey.» — cómo se cumplía ese gobierno de calle, según Davis: multas por jurar y blasfemar —buenas señales de pelea en ciernes— y expulsión en los casos graves.
«This peace-keeping function is not unique to Lyon. The fifteenth-century statutes of the Abbey of Fools of Turin say members are to keep themselves in peace and love, eliminating all dissension that might develop among them.» — el paralelo que Davis aduce: los estatutos cuatrocentistas de la Abadía de los Locos de Turín mandan mantenerse en paz y amor y eliminar toda disensión entre los miembros.
«We catch the Abbey of the rue Merciere in Lyon planning a parade on the ass against a well-off tanner in the neighborhood about whose recent beating by his wife "we have made good and sufficient inquiry.» — el caso del curtidor acomodado del barrio, en que la abadía declara haber hecho buena y suficiente pesquisa sobre la paliza que le dio su mujer.
«This chevauchee was needed "in order to repress the temerity and audacity of women who beat their husbands and of those who would like to do so; for according to the provision of divine and civil law, the wife is subject to the husband; and if husbands suffer themselves to be governed by their wives, they might as well be led out to pasture.» — la razón que la abadía alegaba, según Davis: reprimir la temeridad de las mujeres que pegan a sus maridos, porque por derecho divino y civil la mujer está sujeta al marido y el que se deja gobernar bien podría salir a pastar.
«Anyway it is the month of May now, the ISI7 report goes on, and this season requires frolics and diversion.» — y la segunda razón que el acta añadía, que Davis no armoniza con la primera.
«Interestingly enough, while charivaris against second marriages were central in country misrule, in the cities charivaris against domineering wives were the most frequent.» — el desplazamiento que Davis mide entre el charivari rural y el urbano.
«But remarriage in the city represented less of a threat to the pool of young eligibles than in the countryside, for population size and patterns of mortality and migration assured a better supply of mates of appropriate social background in the city.» — por qué el recasamiento amenazaba menos en la ciudad, según Davis.
«To quote a later writer on the Mere Folie of Dijon: "If anything singular occurred in town, like thefts, murders, bizarre marriages, seductions, then the Chariot and the Infantry got on foot; people in the troupe were dressed the same as those to whom the thing had happened and represented them realistically.» — lo que Davis cita de un autor posterior sobre Mère Folie de Dijon: ante cualquier hecho singular de la villa —robos, asesinatos, matrimonios estrafalarios, seducciones— salían el Carro y la Infantería vestidos igual que los implicados y los representaban al natural.
«In Amiens grocers who sold false wax were likely victims. Indeed any "vicious deed" might prompt the horns of the Co nards of Rouen.» — los demás blancos que Davis registra en otras ciudades.
«Those Judges of Misrule, that company of Princes, Patriarchs, and Bishops, were more likely to direct their barbs at the powerful than was the young village Abbot. It was not the domestic disorder of the governing families that was criticized, but rather their political misrule.» — el giro que Davis marca al cambiar la composición de edad y social de las abadías urbanas.
«And this was an important channel for criticism in those oligarchical cities, where even rather substantial artisans and merchants had little, if any, chance to make political decisions.» — qué función atribuye Davis a esa crítica en ciudades oligárquicas.
«The relations of the Abbeys to city councils, Parlements, and kings were more complex and ambivalent than that of the court fool to his king.» — cómo describe Davis esa relación frente al modelo del bufón de corte.
«In short, the Abbeys survived under a kind of legal sufferance-at their easiest moments, as in Rouen, receiving yearly license from the Parlement for their Misrule and even being invited to join the Entry Parade honoring Henri II; at their most difficult, again in Rouen, having their Abbot arrested by the sergeants right off his festive float in I 5 41 because it attacked the city fathers too sharply.» — la fórmula con que Davis resume ese estatuto, con los dos extremos: licencia anual del Parlamento y hasta invitación a la entrada de Enrique II, o el abad detenido por los sargentos sobre su carroza en 1541.
«One year they dramatized the venality of specific local magistrates who had demanded a large sum from a pleader instead of the modest hare he offered them; the judges claimed their wives did not like to eat game.» — el ejemplo de crítica política más personal que Davis da de las fiestas de Ruan.
«We hold up "a Socratic mirror" to the world, said the Abbot. Business was so bad that the procession began with an elaborate funeral for Merchandise, followed by a float bearing Hope in a laughing and joyous mask. Another float bore a king, the pope, the emperor, and a fool playing catch with the globe of the world: "Tiens-cy; baille-fa, Rist'en, Moque-t'en.» — cómo se presentaba la crítica más velada del desfile de 1540, según Davis: un espejo socrático, el funeral de la Mercancía, la Esperanza con máscara risueña, y una carroza con un rey, el papa, el emperador y un loco jugando a la pelota con el globo del mundo.
«There was also a procession of Old Testament prophets uttering prophetic riddles with reference to current political responsibility for pauperization and religious troubles.» — y el remate de ese desfile, con los profetas del Antiguo Testamento soltando acertijos sobre la responsabilidad política de la pauperización y de los problemas religiosos.
«In Paris the king might be attacked under his very nose, as in 1516, when the Basoche put on a farce demonstrating that Mere Sotte reigned at court and that she was taxing, pillaging, and stealing everything.» — el caso parisino: la Basoche representando en 1516 que Madre Necia reinaba en la corte y lo gravaba, saqueaba y robaba todo.
«At Dijon, the 1576 Anerie of Mere Folie and her children ridiculed the king's Grand Master of Streams and Forests in Burgundy not only for beating his wife in May, but also for devastating for his own profit the forests he was supposed to protect.» — el caso de Dijon, en que la misma burla junta lo doméstico y lo político.
«Like the verses of the Abbey of Canards, these were printed at the time of the festival and brought this carnival criticism to the attention of those who had not heard it.» — y lo que la imprenta añadía a esa crítica, según Davis.
«These elements of political and social criticism in the midst of carnival were intended to destroy-and-renew political life in Mikhail Bakhtin's sense, but not to lead directly to further political action.» — el límite que Davis pone a esos elementos, con Bajtín nombrado.
«If the Parlements of Rouen and Grenoble sometimes tolerated charivaris, there are decrees of the Parlements of Toulouse and Dijon against them.» — la ambivalencia que Davis consigna en los parlamentos ante el charivari, sin armonizarla.
«In Lyon the Lord of Misprint and his band used their carnival license in the 158o's to protest the folly of religious war, the» — de qué protestaba el Señor de la Errata en los años ochenta, según Davis: de la locura de la guerra de religión y —sigue la frase en la plana siguiente— del alto precio del pan y de los puestos vacíos de los mercaderes.
«There are fascinating examples, however, in both city and countryside, of carnivals where the tension between the festive and everyday official realms was broken and uprising and rebellion ensued. Sometimes this was partially planned ahead of time, sometimes it was spontaneous.» — los casos que Davis pone del otro lado de ese límite.
«Thus in 1513, three hundred young peasants from villages near Berne, Switzerland, marched on the city after some June revels to punish the "mangeurs de couronnes" and sacked it.» — el primero: trescientos campesinos jóvenes marchando sobre Berna tras las fiestas de junio para castigar a los *mangeurs de couronnes*, y saqueándola.
«During the revolt of the Netherlands, in Cambrai (where the Abbe de L'Escache-Profit and other dignitaries held court) the rebels were costumed and carried fools' scepters with the head of the hated governor Cardinal Granvelle.» — el segundo, en Cambrai, con los rebeldes disfrazados llevando cetros de loco con la cabeza del gobernador Granvela.
«In sixteenth-century France in the Cotes du Rhone region, E. Le Roy Ladurie reports that "the societies of youth in the parishes ... [were] the cells for insurrection." Indeed, an entire uprising and its terrible suppression occurred in the course of the Mardi Gras carnival of 1580 at Romans, "a long series of symbolic actions" ending in blood.» — lo que Davis toma de E. Le Roy Ladurie: las sociedades de jóvenes de las parroquias como células de la insurrección, y el carnaval de Romans de 1580 como una larga serie de acciones simbólicas que acaba en sangre.
«Finally, a 1630 uprising in Dijon against royal tax officers took the form of a masquerade; Mere Folie and her Infanterie were implicated and the Abbey was abolished by an angry but punning royal edict.» — el último caso, con la abadía abolida por un edicto real airado y con retruécano.
«The relationship between popular festivals and politics clearly warrants further study, and so does their relation to religious institutions and movements. Here I will outline only a few of the major questions.» — la deuda de investigación que Davis declara.
«Charivaris against second marriages were regularly forbidden by French provincial synods from the thirteenth century on.» — lo que Davis consigna de la prohibición sinodal del charivari.
«Catholic reformers with humanist tastes (like Guillaume Paradin, dean of Beaujeu) might fume about the pagan and superstitious elements in the popular recreations and cite the writings of the early Fathers against masking and mumming as vicious and unnatural activities. 91 But the church simply prohibited masked indecency within church buildings or cemeteries, letting it go on elsewhere.» — la distancia que Davis mide entre el fastidio de los reformadores católicos de gusto humanista y lo que la Iglesia efectivamente prohibía.
«The canons of the cathedral of Rouen reacted punitively only when Canards carried around scandalous effigies of two of them during Mardi Gras.» — el límite de esa tolerancia, medido en Ruan.
«tury to do away with Abbeys of Misrule, as there had been with the campaign of the Paris Theology Faculty against the clerical Feast of Fools.» — el contraste que Davis marca: no hubo antes de mediados del siglo XVII intento sistemático de acabar con las abadías de desgobierno, como sí lo hubo con la campaña de la Facultad de Teología de París contra la clerical Fiesta de los Locos.
«Interestingly enough, the youth-abbeys in the Savoie and in Switzerland, the Fools in Geneva, and the Enfants-sans-souci in some towns in the Guyenne were early supporters of the new religion and integrated Protestant themes into their festivities.» — el dato que Davis consigna sobre las abadías juveniles y el protestantismo temprano.
«Once the Reformation was established, however, the new church was fair game: thus the youth-abbey of Lausanne mocked the Consistory for imprisoning two prostitutes in the 154o's.» — y el giro que consigna después, con la abadía de Lausana burlándose del Consistorio por encarcelar a dos prostitutas.
«Pastors and Consistories then tried hard to stamp out the Abbeys and all their customs in Reformed Switzerland and in any French towns that fell under their control during the Religious Wars.» — qué hicieron pastores y consistorios con las abadías, según Davis.
«For instance, the author of the Calvinist Histoire ecc!esiastique recounts with pride that at Mardi Gras, 1562, just before the Protestant Revolution in Rouen, the Conards tried to put on their usual "insolent masquerades," but the evangelical menu peuple stopped them by throwing stones at them.» — el episodio que Davis toma de la Histoire ecclésiastique calvinista: en el carnaval de 1562 los Conards de Ruan quisieron sacar sus mascaradas insolentes y el menu peuple evangélico se lo impidió a pedradas.
«offered many choices to Protestants, but all of them were to be made within the same serious time scheme.» — lo que el ascetismo intramundano permitía y lo que no, según Davis, con la expresión tomada de Max Weber.
«Only within the solemn halls of the Consistory could criticism be given of morals and marriages, of men who beat their wives (yes, it was the other way around in Geneva-and not just during the month of May» — dónde quedaba admitida la crítica de costumbres y matrimonios, según Davis, con el paréntesis que anota que en Ginebra era al revés y no solo en mayo.
«tility to the whole psychology of two worlds, of two levels upon which life could be lived.» — dónde sitúa Davis la raíz de la antipatía calvinista a las abadías: una hostilidad más honda a toda la psicología de dos mundos y de dos niveles en que podía vivirse la vida.
«Popular iconoclasm was wrong, said Calvin, as were rollicking parades bearing the relics seized from the Roman churches. Stones and bones must be removed and registered by the authorities.» — lo que Davis atribuye a Calvino incluso sobre la destrucción de lo católico: mal la iconoclasia popular y mal los desfiles bulliciosos con las reliquias tomadas, que debían retirarse y registrarse por las autoridades.
«As one might expect, the Consistories had a hard time doing away with this festive life: in the mid-seventeenth century, Misrule Abbeys and charivaris against beaten husbands were still being punished in Geneva, and there were signs of the Abbeys in Protestant rural areas as late as the nineteenth century.» — la resistencia de esa vida festiva que Davis documenta.
«Meanwhile, in the last part of the sixteenth century, despite the puritan streak in Counter-Reformation sensibility, some Catholic authorities in France began to perceive the value of Misrule to their cause.» — el giro que Davis data a fines del siglo XVI en algunas autoridades católicas.
«After all, some of them actually had chapels and organized confraternities/00 many of their revels were timed to the feast days the Protestants had abolished, and the existence of festive Abbots could be taken to suggest that there were serious abbots as well.» — las tres razones que Davis da de esa utilidad.
«The charivaris against domineering women in Lyon in the rs6o's seemed to mock not only monstrous wives, but those monstrous women who had so recently been badgering and insulting priests in the streets of the city.» — la lectura que Davis propone de los charivaris lioneses de los años sesenta: burlaban a la vez a la esposa monstruosa y a las mujeres que habían estado insultando a los curas en la calle.
«The lawyer Claude de Rubys, the ardent League supporter with whose quotation I began this essay, encouraged the Abbey festivals and all efforts to inject Catholic propaganda into them. In fact the Abbeys were harder to capture than he realized (both in Lyon and Rauen they were ultimately opposed to the League), but then Folly always is.» — el desenlace con que Davis cierra el asunto, devolviendo al jurista del comienzo: animó las fiestas de las abadías y su uso propagandístico, pero las abadías fueron más difíciles de capturar de lo que él creía.
«Although the traditional youth group lasted for a very long time in the countryside and to some extent in smaller towns, the conditions of big-city life were dissolving it by the sixteenth century, except in the colleges and the urban upper class, in favor of formal groupings based on profession or occupation or neighborhood or class.» — y su continuación: la vida de la ciudad grande disolvía ese grupo de edad en favor de agrupaciones por profesión, oficio, barrio o clase.
«As far as I know, it was not until the end of the eighteenth or the beginning of the nineteenth century that there appeared fully articulated the variety of youth movements and youth groups of a "modern" kind, which respond to feelings of discontinuity between childhood and the adult world.» — cuándo aparecen, según Davis, los movimientos juveniles de tipo moderno.
«To be sure, the Reformation in its early decades, with its attack on the paternal authority of the clergy and its imagery of the young Christian combating the old doctor of theology, sometimes seems to have the character of a youth movement; but it gave birth to no genuine youth organizations.» — la salvedad que añade sobre la Reforma temprana como movimiento juvenil, con su límite.
«Meanwhile, the festive Abbeys did not atrophy, but were maintained and transformed by craftsmen, merchants, and lawyers. The Abbeys' rule was extended to cope with new situations-to keep peace and just order among neighbors in a growing city. Their Misrule was enriched dramatically, and to their old function of maintaining order in the family was added a new one of political criticism.» — la segunda conclusión: las abadías fueron mantenidas y transformadas por artesanos, mercaderes y juristas, con jurisdicción extendida y una función nueva de crítica política.
«I am struck here, as I was earlier in studying the formation of compagnonnages/04 by the social creativity of the so-called inarticulate, by the way in which they seize upon older social forms and change them to fit their needs.» — lo que Davis declara que le llama la atención en todo esto.
«sources, but from a cluster of festive roles assigned primarily to the organization of young unmarried men in the village.» — la primera conclusión de Davis: esas costumbres festivas urbanas no derivan solo de fuentes romanas o primitivas sino de un haz de papeles festivos asignados sobre todo a los mozos solteros de la aldea.
«As for theories of play, I have stressed the rule and rationale in popular festivals and the extent to which they remain in close touch with the realities of community. and marriage.» — la tercera conclusión, dirigida a las teorías del juego; el troceo imprime *community. and marriage*.
«I would say not only that it is present, but that the structure of the carnival form can evolve so that it can act both to reinforce order and to suggest alternatives to the existing order.» — y en qué va más allá de Turner y de Bajtín.
«The urban Abbeys of Misrule lost much of their vitality by the eighteenth century, but along the way they had called on members of the lower orders to noise their political complaints.» — el saldo histórico que Davis da de las abadías urbanas.
«It is no accident that the celebrated satirical newspaper in which Daumier published his cartoons-founded in 1832 and prosecuted twenty times by Louis Philippe's government-was entitled Charivari.» — el dato con que lo remata: el periódico satírico donde publicó Daumier, procesado veinte veces por el gobierno de Luis Felipe, se llamaba *Charivari*.
«C. L. Barber has talked of some of Shakespeare's plays as saturnalia; is Hamlet perhaps a charivari of the young against a grotesque and unseemly remarriage, a charivari where the effigy of the dead spouse returns, the vicious action is replayed?» — la hipótesis que Davis ofrece a los estudiosos de literatura, formulada como pregunta: si Hamlet no será un charivari de los jóvenes contra un recasamiento grotesco, con la efigie del cónyuge muerto que vuelve.
«And perhaps we have in the Abbeys of Misrule another source for Rabelais' Abbaye de Theleme.» — y la segunda hipótesis literaria que deja abierta.
«But enough reasons for Misrule. Readers will have to decide whether all I have said is folly. If so, I will try to answer. Or then again I might not, and claim as did Erasmus' Queen of Misrule that I have forgotten "all that I have spoken, after such a rabblement of words poured forth." No matter. I say now with Erasmus' Stultitia, "Fare ye well. Clap your hands in token of gladness, live careless and drink all out, ye the trusty servants and solemn ministers of folly.» — el cierre del ensayo, en que Davis se pone tras la Stultitia de Erasmo: si es locura cuanto ha dicho, quizá conteste o quizá no, alegando haber olvidado cuanto dijo tras semejante turba de palabras vertidas.
«The female sex was thought the disorderly one par excellence in early modern Europe. "Une beste imparfaicte," went one adage, "sans foy, sans loy, sans craincte, sans constance.» — el quinto ensayo abre con el adagio que Davis cita: el sexo femenino tenido por el desordenado por excelencia en la Europa moderna temprana, bestia imperfecta sin fe, sin ley, sin temor y sin constancia.
«Female disorderliness was already seen in the Garden of Eden, when Eve had been the first to yield to the serpent's temptation and incite Adam to disobey the Lord.» — dónde se veía ya ese desorden, según la doctrina que Davis expone.
«But the defects of the males were thought to stem not so much from nature as from nurture: the ignorance in which they were reared, the brutish quality of life and conversation in the peasant's hut or the artisan's shop, and their poverty, which led to envy.» — la asimetría que Davis subraya: los defectos de los varones de clase baja se atribuían a la crianza y no a la naturaleza.
«With the women the disorderliness was founded in physiology. As every physician knew in the sixteenth century, the female was composed of cold and wet humors (the male was hot and dry), and coldness and wetness meant a changeable, deceptive, and tricky temperament.» — dónde se fundaba en cambio el desorden femenino, según la medicina del siglo XVI tal como Davis la expone.
«Her womb was like a hungry animal; when not amply fed by sexual intercourse or reproduction, it was likely to wander about her body, overpowering her speech and senses.» — la doctrina del útero errante tal como Davis la expone desde las fuentes médicas.
«If the Virgin Mary was free of such a weakness, it was because she was the blessed vessel of the Lord. But no other woman had been immaculately conceived, and even the well-born lady could fall victim to a fit of the "mother," as the uterus was called.» — la excepción mariana y su límite, según esa misma doctrina.
«In the late seventeenth century, when vanguard physicians were abandoning humoral theories of personality in favor of more mechanistic notions of "animal spirits" and were beginning to remark that men suffered from emotional ills curiously like hysteria, they still maintained that the female's mind was more prone to be disordered by her fragile and unsteady temperament.» — lo que Davis consigna del cambio de teoría médica a fines del siglo XVII y de lo que no cambió con él.
«Long before Europeans were asserting flatly that the "inferiority" of black Africans was innate, rather than the result, say, of climate, they were attributing female» — el paralelo cronológico que Davis traza entre la atribución de la inferioridad femenina a la naturaleza y la de la inferioridad de los africanos negros.
«The lower ruled the higher within the woman, then, and if she were given her way, she would want to rule over those above her outside.» — la inferencia que Davis atribuye a esa doctrina.
«Her disorderliness led her into the evil arts of witchcraft, so ecclesiastical authorities claimed; and when she was embarked on some behavior for which her allegedly weak intellect disqualified her, such as theological speculation or preaching, that was blamed on her disorderliness, too.» — adónde llevaba ese desorden según las autoridades eclesiásticas, y el círculo que Davis señala: también se culpaba al desorden la especulación teológica o la predicación.
«The rule of a queen was impossible in France by the Salic law, and mocked by the common proverb "tomber en quenouille.» — lo que Davis consigna sobre el gobierno de una reina en Francia, con el proverbio corriente.
«For Pastor John Knox it was a "monstrous regimen," "the subversion of good order ... all equitie and justice," whereas the more moderate Calvin "reckoned it among the visitations of God's anger," but one that should be borne, like any tyranny, with patience.» — los dos juicios protestantes que Davis alinea sin armonizar: para John Knox un régimen monstruoso y la subversión del buen orden, la equidad y la justicia; para Calvino, más moderado, una visitación de la ira de Dios que debía soportarse con paciencia, como toda tiranía.
«Even a contemporary defender of queenship, John Aylmer, still had to admit that when he thought of the willfulness of women, he favored a strong role for Parliament.» — el límite que Davis encuentra en el defensor contemporáneo de la realeza femenina.
«male might suffer from retained sexual juices, too, but (as Doctor Franc;ois Rabelais pointed out) he had the wit and will to control his fiery urges by work, wine, or study. The female just became hysterical.» — la asimetría del remedio según Rabelais, en la exposición de Davis: el varón tenía ingenio y voluntad para dominar sus ardores con trabajo, vino o estudio, y la mujer se volvía histérica.
«dence to the contrary, some apiologists pretended that nature required the rule of a King Bee.» — el caso con que Davis cierra la serie: en 1742, contra la evidencia entomológica, algunos apicultores fingían que la naturaleza exigía el gobierno de un Rey Abeja.
«What were the proposed remedies for female unruliness? Religious training that fashioned the reins of modesty and humility; selective education that showed a woman her moral duty without enflaming her undisciplined imagination or loosing her tongue for public talk; honest work that busied her hands; and laws and constraints that made her subject to her husband.» — los remedios propuestos que Davis enumera: adiestramiento religioso que fabricara las riendas de la modestia, educación selectiva que enseñara el deber sin inflamar la imaginación ni soltar la lengua, trabajo honrado que ocupara las manos, y leyes que la sujetaran al marido.
«By the eighteenth century, married women in France and England had largely lost what independent legal personality they had formerly had, and they had less legal right to make decisions on their own about their dowries and possessions than at an earlier period.» — la medida jurídica que da de ello.
«This is not to say that females had no informal access to power or continuing vital role in the economy in these centuries; but the character of those relations was in conflict.» — el límite que Davis pone a esa lectura.
«Since this image was so often used as an excuse for the subjection of women, it is not surprising to find it opposed by one strain in early feminist thought, which argued that women were not by nature more unruly, disobedient, and fickle than men.» — la primera respuesta feminista temprana a la imagen de la mujer desordenada, según Davis.
«By nature, women be sober," said the poet Christine de Pisan, "and those that be not, they go out of kind.» — la fórmula de Christine de Pisan que Davis cita.
«Propertied women were involved less and less in local and regional political assemblies. Working women in prosperous families were beginning to withdraw from productive labor;» — la medida económica y política, escalonada por clase, de esa sujeción creciente; la frase sigue en la plana siguiente con las mujeres de familias pobres llenando los puestos peor pagados del trabajo asalariado.
«shamefaced than men, claimed a male feminist, which is demonstrated by the fact that women's privy parts are totally covered with pubic hair and are not handled by women the way men's are when they urinate.» — el argumento de un feminista varón que Davis cita, con su prueba anatómica.
«Why, then, did some men maintain that women were disorderly by nature? Because they were misogynists-vindictive, envious, or themselves dissolute.» — y la explicación que ese mismo autor daba de la doctrina contraria.
«Sexual symbolism, of course, is always available to make statements about social experience and to reflect (or conceal) contradictions within it.» — la tesis de método con que Davis abre el análisis del ensayo.
«At the end of the Middle Ages and in early modern Europe, the relation of the wife-of the potentially disorderly woman-to her husband was especially useful for expressing the relation of all subordinates to their superiors, and this for two reasons.» — para qué servía sobre todo la relación de la esposa con el marido, según Davis.
«First, economic relations were still often perceived in the medieval way as a matter of service. Second, the nature of political rule and the newer problem of sovereignty were very much at issue.» — las dos razones que da.
«In the little world of the family, with its conspicuous tension between intimacy and power, the larger matters of political and social order could find ready symbolization.» — la fórmula con que resume ese uso simbólico.
«Thus, Jean Calvin, himself a collapser of ecclesiastical hierarchies, saw the subjection of the wife to the husband as a guarantee of the subjection of both of them to the authority of the Lord.» — lo que Davis atribuye a Calvino, marcando la paradoja de que él mismo derribara jerarquías eclesiásticas.
«Kings and political theorists saw the increasing legal subjection of wives to their husbands (and of children to their parents) as a guarantee of the obedience of both men and women to the slowly centralizing state-a training for the loyal subject of seventeenth-century France or for the dutiful citizen of seventeenth-century England.» — lo que reyes y teóricos políticos veían en esa sujeción, según Davis.
«Marriages are the seminaries of States," began the preamble to the French ordinance strengthening paternal power within the family.» — la fórmula del preámbulo de la ordenanza francesa que Davis cita.
«For John Locke, opponent of despotic rule in commonwealth and in marriage, the wife's relinquishing her right of decision to her husband as "naturally ... the abler and stronger" was analogous to the individual's relinquishing his natural liberties of decision and action to the legislative branch of governmene» — la analogía que Davis atribuye a John Locke, marcando que era adversario del gobierno despótico también en el matrimonio; el troceo imprime *governmene* por government.
«The Australian, in whom the sexes were one, could not understand how a conflict of wills could be avoided within the "mutual possession" of European marriage. The French traveler answered that it was simple, for mother and child were both subject to the father. The hermaphrodite, horrified at such a violation of the total autonomy that was the sign of complete true "men," dismissed the European pattern as bestial.» — el diálogo de esa utopía tal como Davis lo expone: el hermafrodita no entiende cómo se evita el choque de voluntades en la posesión mutua del matrimonio europeo, el viajero contesta que madre e hijo están sujetos al padre, y el hermafrodita despacha el modelo europeo como bestial.
«Bruegel's terrifying Dulle Griet, painted during the occupation of the Netherlands by Spanish soldiers, makes a huge, armed, unseeing woman, Mad Meg, the emblem of fiery destruction, of brutal oppression and disorder.» — cómo lee Davis la Dulle Griet de Bruegel.
«Bruegel's painting cuts in more than one way, however, and shows how female disorderliness-the female out of her place-could be assigned another value. Next to Mad Meg is a small woman in white on top of a male monster; it is Saint Margaret of Antioch tying up the devil.» — y el segundo filo del mismo cuadro, según Davis: junto a Meg la Loca, Santa Margarita de Antioquía atando al diablo.
«In hierarchical and conflictful societies that loved to reflect on the world-turned-upside-down, the topos of the woman-on-top was one of the most enjoyed. Indeed, sexual inversion-that is, switches in sex roles-was a widespread form of cultural play in literature, in art, and in festivity.» — cómo sitúa Davis el tópico de la mujer arriba y la inversión sexual como juego cultural extendido.
«Sometimes the reversal involved dressing and masking as a member of the opposite sexthe prohibitions of Deuteronomy 22, Saint Paul, Saint Jerome, canon law, and Jean Calvin notwithstanding.» — las dos formas de esa inversión que Davis distingue, con las prohibiciones que enumera del Deuteronomio, San Pablo, San Jerónimo, el derecho canónico y Calvino.
«Women played men; men played women; men played women who were playing men.» — la fórmula con que Davis resume la gama de esos juegos.
«Evidently, the primary impulse behind such inversion in early modern Europe was not homosexuality or disturbed gender identity.» — lo que Davis niega como impulso primario de esas inversiones.
«Although Henri III expressed special wishes of his own when he and his male "mignons" masked as Amazons in the I57o's, and although the seventeenth-century Abbe de Choisy, whose mother had dressed him as a girl through adolescence, had special reasons for using a woman's name and wearing female clothes until he was thirty-three,11 still most literary and festive transvestism at this time had a wider psychosexual and cultural significance than this.» — las dos excepciones que consigna —Enrique III y sus mignons enmascarados de amazonas, y el abate de Choisy— y el límite que les pone.
«Indeed, how could one separate the idea of subordination from the existence of the sexes? Gabriel de Foigny's remarkable fictitious land of Australie ( 1676), a utopia of hermaphrodites, shows how close the link» — la pregunta con que Davis introduce la utopía de hermafroditas de Gabriel de Foigny; el paréntesis con el año de la obra queda dentro de la cita.
«However diverse these uses of sexual inversion, anthropologists generally agree that they, like other rites and ceremonies of reversal, are ultimately sources of order and stability in a hierarchical society.» — en qué coinciden esos antropólogos, según Davis.
«They can clarify the structure by the process of reversing it. They can provide an expression of, and a safety valve for, conflicts within the system. They can correct and relieve the system when it has become authoritarian. But, so it is argued, they do not question the basic order of the society itself. They can renew the system, but they cannot change it.» — y el detalle de esa coincidencia, que es la posición contra la que Davis va a argumentar.
«Historians of early modern Europe are likely to find inversions and reversals less in prescribed rites than in carnivals and festivities. Their fools are likely to escape the bounds of ceremony/3 and their store of literary sources for inversion will include not only the traditional tales of magical transformation in sex, but also a variety of stories in which men and women choose to change» — dónde encuentran esas inversiones los historiadores del período, según Davis, y qué añaden sus fuentes literarias.
«In addition, there are comic conventions and genres, such as the picaresque, that allow much play with sexual roles. These new forms offered increased occasions and ways in which topsy-turvy could be used for explicit criticism of the social order.» — lo que esas formas nuevas permitían, según Davis.
«I would like to argue, on the contrary, that comic and festive inversion could undermine as well as reinforce that assent through its connections with everyday circumstances outside the privileged time of carnival and stage-play.» — la tesis que Davis opone a esa lectura.
«it was a multivalent image that could operate, first, to widen behavioral options for women within and even outside marriage, and, second, to sanction riot and political disobedience for both men and women in a society that allowed the lower orders few formal means of protest.» — y las dos operaciones que atribuye a la imagen de la mujer desordenada.
«Play with the unruly woman is partly a chance for temporary release from the traditional and stable hierarchy; but it is also part of the conflict over efforts to change the basic distribution of power within society.» — cómo formula Davis la doble naturaleza de ese juego, sin armonizarla.
«The woman-on-top might even facilitate innovation in historical theory and political behavior.» — el alcance que Davis deja abierto para la figura que da título al ensayo.
«First of all, we have stories of men who dress as women to save themselves from an enemy or from execution, to sneak into the opponent's military camp, or to get into a nunnery or women's quarters for purposes of seduction. In all of these cases, the disguise is not merely practical but exploits the expected physical frailty of women to prevent harm to the male or to disarm his victim.» — el primer tipo de inversión literaria que Davis clasifica, y para qué sirve el disfraz en él.
«A more honorable trickery is ventured by Pyrocles in Sidney's Arcadia, by Marston's Antonio, and by d'Urfe's Celadon, for they dress as brave Amazons or as a Druid priestess in order to have access to the women they wish to woo.» — el segundo tipo, con Pirocles en la Arcadia de Sidney, el Antonio de Marston y el Celadón de d'Urfé.
«Here no more than in the first case does the inversion lead to criticism of social hierarchy. Rather Pyrocles is rebuked by his friend for "his effeminate love of a woman," for letting his "sensual weakness" rebel against his manly reason.» — lo que Davis niega de ese segundo tipo, con la reprensión que el propio texto pone en boca del amigo de Pirocles.
«In the seventeenth-century commedia dell'arte, a black-faced Harlequin dolls himself up as a ridiculous Diana, goddess of the chase, replete with crescent-moon ruff, fancy clothes, and a little bow. The result is so absurd that not only are boundaries between high and low effaced, but, as William Willeford has suggested, reality itself seems to dissolve.» — el ejemplo que da, con la lectura de William Willeford: el Arlequín disfrazado de Diana resulta tan absurdo que no solo se borran los límites entre lo alto y lo bajo sino que la realidad misma parece disolverse.
«The stories, theater, and pictorial illustration of preindustrial Europe offer many more examples of women trying to act like men than vice versa, and more of the time the sexual inversion yields criticism of the established order.» — la asimetría que Davis mide entre los dos sentidos de la inversión.
«One set of reversals portrays women going beyond what can ordinarily be expected of a mere female; that is, it shows women ruling the lower in themselves and thus deserving to be like men.» — el primer grupo de inversiones femeninas que Davis distingue.
«We have, for instance, tales of female saints of the early Church who lived chastely as male monks to the end of their lives, braving false charges of fathering children and withstanding other tests along the way.» — el ejemplo hagiográfico de ese grupo, con las cinco travestidas que Davis dice hallar en la Leyenda Dorada de Vorágine.
«Other uncommon women changed their roles in order to defend established rule or values associated with it.» — el segundo grupo.
«Disguised as men, they prove fidelity to lovers whom they wish to marry or, as in the case of Madame Ginevra in Boccaccio's tale, prove their chastity to doubting husbands. Disguised as men, they leave Jewish fathers for Christian husbands and plead for Christian mercy over base Jewish legalism. Disguised as men, they rescue spouses from prison and the family honor from stain.» — las variantes que enumera de ese segundo grupo, incluida la Ginevra de Boccaccio.
«For example, in The French Amazon, one of Mademoiselle l'Heritier's reworkings of an old French tale, the heroine maintains her father's connections with the court by fighting in the place of her slain and rather incompetent twin brother. She, of course, ultimately marries the prince. Along with Spenser's Britomart, Tasso's Clorinda, and others, the French Amazon is one of a line of noble women warriors, virtuous viragos all, magnanimous, brave, and chaste.» — el caso que Davis desarrolla y la serie en que lo inscribe: la Britomart de Spenser, la Clorinda de Tasso y demás mujeres guerreras nobles, viragos virtuosas.
«They might reprove by their example the cowardice and wantonness of ordinary men and women. But they used their power to support a legitimate cause, not to unmask the truth about social relationships.» — el límite que Davis pone al alcance crítico de esas figuras.
«By showing the good that could be done by the woman out of her place, they had the potential to inspire a few females to exceptional action and feminists to reflection about the capacities of women (we will see later whether that potential was realized), but they are unlikely symbols for moving masses of people to resistance.» — y el saldo con que cierra el punto, dejando abierto si ese potencial se realizó.
«Only with the male fool or clown do we find literary examples of male transvestism serving to challenge order.» — dónde sí encuentra Davis desafío al orden en el travestismo masculino de la literatura.
«It is otherwise with comic play with the disorderly woman, that is, inversion that can be expected of the female, who gives rein to the lower in herself and seeks rule over her superiors.» — el tercer grupo, que es el que le interesa.
«Some portraits of her are so ferocious (such as Spenser's cruel Radagunde and other vicious viragos) that they preclude the possibility of fanciful release from, or criticism of, hierarchy.» — el límite que Davis pone dentro de ese grupo: los retratos más feroces excluyen ya la liberación fantasiosa o la crítica.
«The legend of the medieval Pope Joan also has limited potential for mocking established order. As told by Boccaccio, it is a hybrid of the transvestite saint and the cruelly tamed shrew: Joan wins the papacy by her wits and good behavior, but her illicit power goes to her head, or rather to her womb. She becomes pregnant, gives birth during a procession, and dies wretchedly in the cardinals' dungeon.» — cómo lee Davis la leyenda de la papisa Juana en la versión de Boccaccio: híbrido de la santa travestida y la fierecilla domada cruelmente.
«There are a host of situations, however, in which the unruly woman is assigned more ambiguous meanings. For our purposes we can sort out three ways in which the multivalent image is used.» — el giro con que Davis pasa a los usos ambiguos.
«First, there is a rich treatment of women who are happily given over to the sway of their bodily senses or who are using every ruse they can to prevail over men.» — el primero de esos tres usos.
«There is the wife of Bath, of course, who celebrates her sexual instrument and outlives her five husbands.» — el primer ejemplo que da.
«And Rabelais' Gargamelle-a giant of a woman, joyously and frequently coupling, eating bushels of tripe, quaffing wine, joking obscenely, giving birth in a grotesque fecal explosion from which her son Gargantua somersaults shouting "Drink, drink.» — el segundo, con la Gargamelle de Rabelais.
«Then the clever and powerful wife of the Quinze joies de mariage-cuckolding her husband and foiling his every effort to find her out, wheedling fancy clothes out of him, beating him up, and finally locking him in his room.» — el tercero.
«Husband-dominators are everywhere in popular literature (see Plate 9), nicknamed among the Germans St. Cudgelman (Sankt Kolbmann) or Doktor Siemann (she-man).» — el alcance popular de esa figura y los apodos alemanes que Davis registra.
«A second comic treatment of the woman out of her place allows her a temporary period of dominion, which is ended only after she has said or done something to undermine authority or denounce its abuse.» — el segundo de los tres usos.
«When the Silent Wife begins to talk and order her husband about in Ben Jonson's Epicoene, she points out that women cannot be mere statues or puppets; what her husband calls "Amazonian" impudence in her is simply reasonable decorum.» — el ejemplo que da, con la Epicene de Ben Jonson: lo que el marido llama impudencia amazónica es simple decoro razonable.
«pict a savage taming of the shrew, as in the fabliau of La Dame escoillee, where the domineering lady is given a counterfeit but painful "castration" by her son-in-law, and in the sixteenth-century German cartoon strip The Ninefold Skins of a Shrewish Woman, which are stripped off one by one by various punishments.» — los dos ejemplos de domesticación salvaje de la fierecilla que Davis da, tenidos entonces por humorísticos: el fabliau de *La Dame escoillée*, con su castración de burlas pero dolorosa, y la tira alemana de las nueve pieles de la mujer regañona.
«are full of life and energy, and they win much of the time; they stay on top of their fortune with as much success as Machiavelli might have expected for the Prince of his political tract.» — lo que Davis subraya de esos retratos: las mujeres están llenas de vida y energía, ganan la mayor parte del tiempo y se sostienen sobre su fortuna con el éxito que Maquiavelo esperaba de su Príncipe.
«Here youth overthrows age, and sexual passion, dry sterile philosophy; nature surmounts reason, and the female, the male.» — cómo lee Davis la cabalgata de Filis sobre Aristóteles: la juventud derriba a la vejez, la pasión a la filosofía estéril, la naturaleza a la razón y la mujer al varón.
«Phyllis' ambiguous ride brings us to a third way of presenting the woman-on-top, that is, where the license to be a social critic is conferred on her directly» — el tercer uso de la mujer arriba que Davis distingue.
«Erhard Schoen's woodcuts (early sixteenth century) portray huge women distributing fools' caps to men. This is what happens when women are given the upper hand; and yet in some sense the men deserve it.» — el ejemplo gráfico que da, con su doble filo.
«Erasmus' female Folly is the supreme example of this topos. Stultitia tells the truth about the foibles of all classes and defends the higher folly of the Cross, even though paradoxically she's just a foolish gabbling woman hersel» — el ejemplo supremo según Davis, con la paradoja dentro: la Stultitia dice la verdad sobre los defectos de todas las clases y defiende la locura más alta de la Cruz siendo ella misma una mujer necia y parlanchina.
«These varied images of sexual topsy-turvy-from the transvestite male escaping responsibility and harm to the transvestite fool and the unruly woman unmasking the truth-were available to city people who went to the theater and to people who could read and afford books. They were also familiar to the lower orders more generally in both town and country through books that were read aloud and through stories, poems, proverbs, and broadsheets.» — a quiénes llegaban esas imágenes, según Davis, y por qué vías.
«In examining these data, we will notice that sexual inversion in popular festivity differs from that in literature in two ways.» — el anuncio de las dos diferencias que Davis va a marcar entre la inversión literaria y la festiva.
«Whereas the purely ritual and/or magical element in sexual inversion was present in literature to only a small degree, it assumed more importance in the popular festivities, along with the carnivalesque functions of mocking and unmasking the truth.» — la primera diferencia.
«Whereas sexual inversion in literary and pictorial play more often involved the female taking on the male role or dressing as a man, the festive inversion more often involved the male taking on the role or garb of the woman, that is, the unruly woman-though this asymmetry may not have existed several centuries earlier.» — la segunda, con la reserva cronológica que Davis añade.
«The ritual and/or magical functions of sexual inversion were filled in almost all cases by males disguised as grotesque cavorting females.» — quién cumplía esas funciones rituales en casi todos los casos, según Davis.
«In sections of Germany and Austria, at carnival time male runners, half of them masked as female, half as male, jumped and leaped through the streets.» — el primer ejemplo festivo que da.
«The most important English examples of the male as grotesque female, however, were the Bessy and Maid Marian.» — los dos casos ingleses que Davis destaca.
«Maid Marian presided with Robin Hood over the May games. If in this capacity she was sometimes a real female and sometimes a disguised male, when it came to the Morris Dance with Robin, the Hobby Horse, the dragon, and the rest, the Marian was a man.» — el matiz con que Davis los acota: la Marian de los juegos de mayo podía ser mujer real o varón disfrazado, pero en la danza morisca era hombre.
«parts of the Pyrenees at Candlemas (February 2), a Bear Chase took place* involving a lustful bear, costumed hunters, and young men dressed as women and often called Rosetta. After an amorous interlude with Rosetta, the bear was killed, revived, shaved, and killed again.» — la Caza del Oso pirenaica de la Candelaria tal como Davis la describe: oso lujurioso, cazadores disfrazados y mozos vestidos de mujer llamados a menudo Rosetta, con el oso muerto, revivido, afeitado y muerto otra vez.
«All interpreters of this transvestism see it, like the African example mentioned earlier, as a fertility rite-biological or agriculturaP5-embedded into festivities that may have had other meanings as well.» — cómo interpretan ese travestismo todos los intérpretes, según Davis, y el matiz que añade.
«In the European context the use of the female garb was especially appropriate, for it drew not merely on the inevitable association of the female with reproduction, but on the contemporary definition of the female as the lustier sex.» — por qué el traje femenino era especialmente apropiado en el contexto europeo, según Davis.
«Did it also draw on other features of sexual symbolism in early modern Europe, e.g. the relation of the subordinate to the superior? Did it (as with our transvestite Harlequin of the commedia dell'- arte) suggest to peasants or city folk the blurring or reversing of social boundaries? Perhaps. When we see the roles that the woman-on-top was later to play, it is hard to believe that some such effect was not stimulated by these rites.» — las preguntas que Davis deja abiertas sobre el sentido social de ese travestismo, y hasta dónde se atreve a contestarlas.
«In the urban Feast of Fools, in any case, the fertility function of the transvestism was already overshadowed by its carnivalesque derision of the celibate priestly hierarchy.» — lo que sí da por sentado en la Fiesta de los Locos urbana.
«Along with these instances of festive male transvestism, we have some scanty evidence of a more symmetrical switch. During the Twelve Days of Christmas or on Epiphany, mummers and guisers in northern England, the Scottish Lowlands, and northern France might include men and women wearing the clothes of the opposite sex.» — el intercambio más simétrico del que Davis dice tener evidencia escasa.
«At Fastnacht in fifteenth-century Nuremberg men dressed as women and women as men, and the same was the case at Shrovetide in sixteenth-century England and perhaps at Mardi Gras in early modern France.» — los casos de ese intercambio que enumera.
«the maidens are dressed up for young men and the young men for maidens: thus disguised they visit their neighbours in companies, where they dance, and make jokes upon what has happened on the island; when everyone is humorously told their own without offense being taken.» — el testimonio del *goose-dancing* de las islas Scilly que Davis cita: disfrazados así, visitan a los vecinos, bailan y bromean sobre lo ocurrido en la isla, y a cada quien se le dicen sus verdades con humor y sin ofensa.
«The truth-telling of Europe's male festive societies was much less gentle than that of the Scilly geese. These organizations were the Kingdoms and Abbeys of Misrule27 discussed in the previous essay.» — el contraste con que Davis enlaza este ensayo con el anterior.
«Among other roles in town and countryside, the Abbeys expressed the community's interest in marriages and their outcome much more overtly than the cavorting Bessy or Rosetta.» — qué expresaban las abadías de manera más abierta que los travestidos rituales, según Davis.
«a double irony: the young villager who became an Abbot, the artisan who became a Prince directly adopted for their Misrule a symbol of licit power; the power invoked by the man who became Mere Folie, however, was already in defiance of natural ordera dangerous and vital power, which his disguise made safe for him to assume.» — la doble ironía que Davis distingue entre el Abad y la Mère Folie: uno adopta un símbolo de poder lícito, el otro invoca un poder ya contrario al orden natural, peligroso y vital, que el disfraz le hace seguro.
«The unruly woman not only directed some of the male festive organizations; she was sometimes their butt. The village scold or the domineering wife might be ducked in the pond or pulled through the streets muzzled or branked or in a creeP» — el otro papel de la mujer desordenada en esas fiestas, según Davis, con los castigos que enumera.
«City people from the fifteenth to the eighteenth centuries were even more concerned about husband-beating, and the beaten man (or a neighbor playing his part) was paraded through the streets backward on an ass by noisy revelers.» — el desplazamiento urbano que Davis mide, del regaño al marido golpeado.
«In the English Midlands the ride was known as a Skimmington or a Skimmety, perhaps from the big skimming ladle sometimes used by women in beating their husbands (see Plate 13). In northern England and Scotland, the victim or his stand-in "rode the stang" (a long hobbyhorse), and a like steed was used in the ceffyl pren in Wales.» — los nombres locales de ese paseo que Davis recoge, con la etimología que propone del gran cucharón de espumar.
«In some towns, effigies of the offending couple were promenaded. In others, the festive organization mounted floats to display the actual circumstances of the monstrous beating: the wives were shown hitting their husbands with distaffs, tripe, sticks, trenchers, water pots; throwing stones at them; pulling their beards; or kicking them in the genitalia.» — y las dos formas de representarlo: efigies paseadas, o carrozas con la escena efectiva de la paliza.
«With these last dramatizations, the Misrule Abbeys introduced ambiguities into the treatment of the woman-on-top, just as we have seen in the comic literature.» — el paralelo que Davis traza entre la fiesta y la literatura cómica.
«The unruly woman on the float was shameful, outrageous; she was also vigorous and in command.» — la ambigüedad que Davis consigna sin resolverla.
«The mockery turned against her martyred husband. And the message of the urban carnival was mixed: it both exhorted the hen-pecked husband to take command and invited the unruly woman to keep up the fight.» — y el mensaje mixto que atribuye al carnaval urbano.
«Confraternities for young unmarried women, where they existed at all, stayed close to religious devotion. Queens were elected for special occasions, such as Twelfth Night or Harvest, but their rule was gentle and tame.» — lo que sí había para ellas, según Davis, y su tono.
«Some May customs that were still current in early modern Europe, however, point back to a rowdier role for women.» — el indicio contrario que Davis señala.
«In rural Franche-Comte during May, wives could take revenge on their husbands for beating them by ducking the men or making them ride an ass; wives could dance, jump, and banquet freely without permission from their husbands; and women's courts issued mock decrees.» — el caso del Franco Condado que desarrolla: en mayo las mujeres podían vengarse de los golpes, bailar y banquetear sin permiso del marido, y sus tribunales dictaban decretos de burlas.
«In nearby Dijon by the sixteenth century, interestingly enough, Mere Folie and her Infanterie had usurped this revenge from the women; May was the one month of the year when the Misrule Abbey would charivari a man who had beaten his wife.» — el dato con que Davis contrasta ese caso: en Dijon la Abadía de Desgobierno había usurpado esa venganza a las mujeres, y mayo era el único mes en que hacía charivari al que pegaba a su mujer.
«Generally, May-Flora's month in Roman times-was thought to be a period in which women were powerful, their desires at their most immoderate. As the old saying went, a May bride would keep her husband in yoke all year round. And in fact marriages were not frequent in May» — lo que se atribuía a mayo en general, según Davis, con el dicho de que la novia de mayo tiene al marido bajo el yugo todo el año, y el dato demográfico que añade.
«Illustrated proclamations in joking pompous language granted every female with "a wretched dissolute husband" the right to deny him his freedom and to beat him till "his asshole [was] roaring.» — la proclama ilustrada de Núremberg que Davis cita, en lenguaje pomposo de burlas.
«to initiate or take part in their own festivals of inversion. To be sure, a female fool named Mathurine flourished at the courts of Henri IV and Louis XIII and, dressed as an Amazon, commented on political and religious matters; but there is no sign of festive organizations for young women.» — la asimetría que Davis mide en las fiestas reales, con la excepción de la bufona Mathurine, que vestida de amazona comentaba asuntos políticos y religiosos en las cortes de Enrique IV y Luis XIII.
«and go out and entertain as they wished while their spouses could buy nothing or drink no wine or beer without the wives' permission. And, of course, the men did all the housework and welcomed any bastards that the wives might bear.» — el segundo decreto de burlas de Núremberg que Davis consigna: las esposas podían salir y agasajar a su gusto mientras los maridos no compraban nada ni bebían sin permiso, hacían la casa y acogían a los bastardos.
«Thus, this study does not overturn the traditional theory about rites and festivities of inversion; but it does hope to add other dimensions to it. Rather than expending itself primarily during the privileged duration of the joke, the story, the comedy, or the carnival, topsy-turvy play had much spillover into everyday "serious" life, and the effects there were sometimes disturbing and even novel.» — cómo sitúa Davis su propio estudio frente a la teoría tradicional de los ritos de inversión.
«As literary and festive inversion in preindustrial Europe was a product not just of stable hierarchy but also of changes in the location of power and property, so this inversion could prompt new ways of thinking about the system and reacting to it.» — la formulación causal con que lo acompaña.
«Europeans of the fifteenth to eighteenth centuries found it remarkably difficult to conceive of the institution of the family as having a "history," of changing through time.» — la dificultad histórica que Davis atribuye a los europeos de esos siglos.
«Its patriarchal form went back either to the Garden of Eden, where the woman's subjection to the man was at least a gentle one, or to the first moment in human history, when monogamous marriage set mankind off from the promiscuous horde.» — los dos orígenes que le asignaban a la forma patriarcal.
«Political forms might follow each other in a predictable cyclical fashion; economic, religious, and cultural systems might change along with them (as Vico thought). But the family stayed the same.» — el contraste que Davis marca con el resto de las formas sociales, nombrando a Vico.
«To be sure, curious sexual customs were noted in the New World, but they were used merely to satirize European abuses or dismissed as products of savagery or degeneration.» — qué se hacía con las costumbres del Nuevo Mundo, según Davis.
«Play with the various images of woman-on-top, then, kept open an alternate way of conceiving family structure.» — la función que Davis atribuye a ese juego en la historia del pensamiento.
«Lafitau's new theory of "gynaecocracy," as he called the matriarchal stage, was published in 1724 in his Moeurs des sauvages ameriquains, comparees aux moeurs des premiers temps. It owed something to the unruly woman.» — la fecha y el título de esa teoría de la ginecocracia, y la deuda que Davis le atribuye con la mujer desordenada.
«Play with the exceptional woman-on-top, the virtuous virago, was also a resource for feminist reflection on women's capacities.» — el segundo efecto que Davis atribuye a ese juego.
«Although she did not argue that men and women should change the separate offices to which God had ordained them, nevertheless Christine de Pisan was glad to use examples of ancient female conquerors, stock figures in the legends about Amazons and in the stories and proverbs about women's rule, to show that "in many women there is ... great courage, strength, and hardiness to undertake all manner of strong things and to achieve them as did ... great men and solemn conquerors.» — cómo usaba Christine de Pisan esos ejemplos, con el límite que Davis marca: no pedía cambiar los oficios que Dios había ordenado a cada sexo.
«By the early eighteenth century, speculation about virtuous Amazons could be used not only to praise the wise rule of contemporary lawful queens (as it had been already in Elizabeth l's day), but also to hint at the possibility of a wider role of citizenship for women.» — hasta dónde llega esa especulación a principios del siglo XVIII, según Davis.
«family patterns (matrilineal and matrilocal) that he had observed among the Iroquois and heard about in the Caribbean, he was able to refer back to legends of the Amazons and to the Lycians, whom he had read about in Herodotus.» — cómo llegó el jesuita Lafitau a ordenar los patrones familiares matrilineales y matrilocales que observó entre los iroqueses, según Davis: remitiéndose a las leyendas de amazonas y a los licios de Heródoto.
«Furthermore, the exceptional woman-out-of-her-place enriched the fantasy of a few real women and might have emboldened them to exceptional action.» — el tercer efecto que Davis atribuye a esa figura.
«The unusual seventeenth-century mystic Antoinette Bourignon started her career by fleeing from an impending marriage in the clothes of a male hermit. Among her later visions was that of humankind created originally as androgynous, a state of whole perfection to which it would return at the resurrection of the dead.» — el segundo, con la visión de Antoinette Bourignon de una humanidad creada andrógina que volverá a esa perfección en la resurrección.
«The Recusant Mary Ward, founder of an innovating unenclosed teaching order for women with no male superior but the pope, was taking the Jesuits as her model but may also have received encouragement from traditions of sexual inversion. Galloping over the countryside in the vain effort to reconvert the English to Holy Mother Church, she and the members of her Company struck observers as "apostolic Amazons.» — el tercero, con Mary Ward y su compañía, que a los observadores parecían amazonas apostólicas.
«Two of these women ultimately went to prison; the third narrowly escaped arrest. The virtuous virago could be a threat to order after all.» — el saldo con que Davis cierra esos tres casos.
«Girls were brought up to believe that they ought to obey their husbands; and boys were brought up to believe that they had the power of correction over their wives.» — cómo se criaba a unas y a otros, según Davis.
«In actual marriage, subjection might be moderated by the common causes of economic support, to which they both contributed, of sexual need, of childrearing, or of shared religious interest. It might be reversed temporarily during the lying-in period, when the new mother could boss her husband around with impunity. And subjection might be aggravated by the husband's repeated beatings of his wife.» — qué moderaba o agravaba en la práctica esa sujeción, según Davis, incluido el período de sobreparto en que la recién parida podía mandar impunemente.
«Some women accepted these arrangements. Some women got around them by sneaky manipulations that made their husband.s fancy themselves the sole decision-makers. Still other wives rebelled, told their husbands to go to the devil, badgered them, thrashed them.» — los tres tipos de respuesta que Davis distingue, sin juzgarlos.
«Here I wish only to speculate that the ambiguous woman-on-top of the world of play made the unruly option a more conceivable one within the family.» — la conjetura que Davis declara como conjetura sobre el efecto de esa figura.
«In fact, women turn up telling off priests and pastors, being central actors in grain and bread riots in town and country, and participating in tax revolts and other rural disturbances.» — y lo que de hecho hacían.
«In England in the early seventeenth century (so Thomas Barnes has discovered), a significant percentage of the rioters against enclosures and for common rights were female.» — el dato que Davis toma de Thomas Barnes sobre los motines contra los cercamientos.
«In Calvinist Edinburgh in 1637, the resistance to Charles l's imposition of the Book of Common Prayer was opened by a crowd of "rascally serving women" at Saint Giles' Church, who drowned out the Dean's reading, threw stools at the Bishop of Edinburgh» — el episodio de Edimburgo que Davis narra: una multitud de criadas ahogó la lectura del deán y arrojó taburetes al obispo.
«Marie Delcourt has argued convincingly that Joan of Arc's male garb, to which she clung obdurately to the end, was not the product of mere practical military considera» — el primer caso, con la tesis de Marie Delcourt sobre el traje masculino de Juana de Arco, al que se aferró hasta el final; el troceo corta aquí por una nota al pie y la frase remata en la plana siguiente diciendo que lo inspiraron las santas travestidas de la Leyenda Dorada.
«tions, but was inspired by the example of the transvestite saints of the Golden Legend.» — la continuación de esa tesis: el traje no vino de consideraciones militares prácticas sino del ejemplo de las santas travestidas de la Leyenda Dorada.
«ciple, women could pronounce on law and doctrine only if they were queens, had unusual learning, or fell into an ecstatic trance. Virtually never were they to take the law into their own hands.» — lo que en principio podían hacer las mujeres en público, según Davis: pronunciarse sobre ley y doctrina solo siendo reinas, muy doctas o arrebatadas en éxtasis, y casi nunca tomarse la justicia por su mano.
«On the other hand, sexual inversion also gave a more positive license to the unruly woman: her right as subject and as mother to rise up and tell the truth.» — la licencia positiva que Davis atribuye a la inversión sexual.
«When Katherine Zell of Strasbourg dares to write an attack on clerical celibacy in the 152o's and claims "I do not pretend to be John the Baptist rebuking the Pharisees. I do not claim to be Nathan upbraiding David. I aspire only to be Balaam's ass, castigating his master," then Dame Folly is part of her tradition.» — el caso de Katherine Zell de Estrasburgo, que en los años veinte escribía no pretender ser Juan el Bautista ni Natán sino solo el asno de Balaam castigando a su amo, y la tradición en que Davis la inscribe.
«It turns out, however, that Dame Folly could serve to validate disobedient and riotous behavior by men, too. They also could hide behind that sex.» — el giro que Davis introduce.
«Among these traditions was the carnival right of criticism and mockery, which sometimes tipped over into real rebellion.» — dónde coloca el derecho carnavalesco de crítica entre las tradiciones legitimadoras de las revueltas.
«In fact, the donning of female clothes by men and the adopting of female titles for riots were surprisingly frequent, beginning (so our still scanty data suggest) in the seventeenth century.» — el dato que Davis llama sorprendentemente frecuente, con la reserva sobre lo escaso de sus datos.
«In many of these disturbances, the men were trying to protect traditional rights against change; in others, it was the rioters who were pressing for innovation. But in all cases, they were putting ritual and festive inversion to new uses.» — el matiz que Davis marca sobre la dirección política de esas revueltas, sin unificarlas.
«So in the Beaujolais in the 177o's, male peasants blackened their faces and dressed as women and then attacked surveyors measuring their lands for a new landlord. Later, when the police agents came, the peasants' wives knew nothing, and said the attackers were "fairies" who came from the mountains from time to time.» — el caso del Beaujolais: campesinos ennegrecidos y vestidos de mujer atacan a los agrimensores, y sus mujeres declaran ante la policía que los atacantes eran hadas venidas de la montaña.
«In r629, "Captain" Alice Clark, a real female, headed a crowd of women and male weavers dressed as women in a grain riot near Maldon in Essex.» — el caso inglés de 1629, con la capitana Alice Clark, mujer real, al frente de mujeres y tejedores vestidos de mujer en un motín del grano.
«In r64r, in the dairy and grazing sections of Wiltshire, bands of men rioted and leveled fences against the king's enclosure of their forests. They were led by men dressed as women, who called themselves "Lady Skimmington.» — el caso de Wiltshire, con los amotinados contra los cercamientos reales encabezados por hombres vestidos de mujer que se llamaban Lady Skimmington.
«In April r812, "General Ludd's Wives," two weavers dressed as women, led a crowd of hundreds to smash steam looms and burn a factory at Stockport.» — el último caso inglés de la serie: las Esposas del General Ludd, dos tejedores vestidos de mujer, al frente de cientos para romper telares de vapor y quemar una fábrica en Stockport.
«The ceffyl pren, with its blackfaced transvestite males, gave way in the 183o's and 184o's in west Wales to the Rebecca riots against the detested turnpike tolls and other sources of agrarian complaint. They were led by one "Rebecca" and noisy men in women's clothes.» — el caso galés de los disturbios de Rebeca contra los peajes.
«Finally, in Ireland, where old stories told of the ritual killing of the king at Samhain by men dressed as animals and as women, and where the funeral wakes involved fertility rites with women dressed as men,» — el marco irlandés que Davis traza: los relatos antiguos del rey muerto ritualmente en Samhain por hombres vestidos de animales y de mujer, y los velatorios con ritos de fertilidad en que las mujeres se vestían de hombre.
«For about a decade, from 1760 to I770, the Whiteboys, dressed in long white frocks and with blackened faces, set themselves up as an armed popular force to provide justice for the poor, "to restore the ancient commons and redress other grievances.» — quiénes eran los Whiteboys, según Davis, y qué declaraban querer.
«They tore down enclosures, punished landowners who raised the rents, forced masters to release unwilling apprentices, and fought the gouging tithe-farmers mercilessly. Those who opposed their rule they chastised and ridiculed.» — qué hacían, según Davis.
«They sometimes said they acted under "sanction of being fairies," and a favorite signature on their proclamations was Sieve Outlagh (or Sadhbh Amhaltach)-"Ghostly Sally.» — con qué sanción decían obrar y con qué firma: Ghostly Sally.
«Ultimately they were suppressed by the armed might of the gentlemen and magistrates, but not before they had left a legacy for the Molly Maguires and the Ribbon Societies of the nineteenth century.» — cómo acabaron y qué legado les atribuye Davis.
«The female persona was only one of several folk disguises assumed by males for riots in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, but it was quite popular and widespread.» — el lugar que Davis da a la persona femenina entre los disfraces de motín.
«In part, the black face and female dress were a practical concealment, and readily at hand in households rarely filled with fancy wardrobes.» — la primera razón, práctica, que da de esa elección.
«On the one hand, the disguise freed men from full responsibility for their deeds and perhaps, too, from fear of outrageous revenge upon their manhood. After all, it was mere women who were acting in this disorderly way.» — la primera de las razones mixtas que Davis propone.
«The woman-on-top was a resource for private and public life in the fashions we have described only so long as two things were the case: first, so long as sexual symbolism had a close connection with questions of order and subordination, with the lower female sex conceived as the disorderly lustful one; second, so long as the stimulus to inversion play was a double one-traditional hierarchical structures and disputed changes in the distribution of power in family and political life.» — las dos condiciones que Davis pone a la vigencia de esa figura.
«One small sign of the new order is the changing butt of domestic charivaris: by the nineteenth century, rough music in England was more likely to be directed against the wife-beater than against the henpecked husband, and there are signs of such a shift in America and even in France.» — el signo con que Davis data el cambio de época: el rough music inglés dirigido ya contra el que pega a su mujer y no contra el marido dominado.
«in r829-30, the "War of the Demoiselles" took place in the Department of Ariege in the Pyrenees. The peasants dressed themselves in long white shirts, suggesting women's clothes, wore women's hats, and defended their much-needed rights to wood and pasturage in the forests, then being threatened by a new Forest Code.» — la Guerra de las Demoiselles del Ariège tal como Davis la describe: camisas largas blancas que sugerían ropa de mujer, sombreros de mujer y defensa de los derechos de leña y pasto contra el nuevo Código Forestal.
«woman and on her license (which they had long assumed at carnival and games)-to promote fertility, to defend the community's interests and standards, and to tell the truth about unjust rule.» — la segunda de las razones mixtas que Davis propone: los varones tomaban el poder sexual y la licencia de la mujer desordenada para promover la fertilidad, defender los intereses de la comunidad y decir la verdad sobre el gobierno injusto.
«Despite all our detail in this essay, we have been able to give only the outlines of her reign.» — el límite que Davis declara para su propio ensayo.
«Variations in sexual inversion from country to country or between Protestants and Catholics have been ignored for the sake of describing a large pattern over time.» — lo que dice haber dejado fuera por describir un patrón amplio en el tiempo.
«Cultural play with sex roles intended to explore the character of sexuality itself (Where did one sex stop and the other begin?) has been ignored to concentrate on hierarchy and disorder.» — y la segunda cosa que declara haber dejado fuera, con la pregunta que la resume: dónde acaba un sexo y empieza el otro.
«The timing and distribution of transvestite riots, and the nature of play with sex roles before the fourteenth century, need to be investigated.» — las deudas de investigación que Davis declara.
«Is it not likely that there were female transvestite rituals in areas where hoeing was of great consequence? Can the unruly woman have been so much an issue when sovereignty was less at stake?» — las dos preguntas con que las formula.
«What has been established are the types of symbolic reversal in sex roles in early modern Europe and their multiple connections with orderliness in thought and behavior.» — lo que Davis sí da por sentado.
«The holiday rule of the woman-on-top confirmed subjection throughout society, but it also promoted resistance to it.» — la conclusión del ensayo, que Davis deja sin armonizar.
«The Maid Marian danced for a plentiful village; the Rosetta disported with the doomed old bear of winter; the serving women of Saint Giles threw stools for the Reformed Kirk» — el cierre coral del quinto ensayo: la Maid Marian bailando por una aldea abundante, la Rosetta retozando con el oso condenado del invierno, las criadas de Saint Giles tirando taburetes por la Kirk reformada.
«Ye shall utterly destroy all the places wherein the nations which ye shall possess served their gods, upon the high mountains, and upon the hills, and under every green tree: And ye shall overthrow their altars, and break their pillars and burn their groves with fire; and ye shall hew down the graven images of their gods, and destroy the names of them out of that place» — el pasaje del Deuteronomio con que abre el sexto ensayo, que Davis presenta como predicado por un pastor calvinista a su rebaño en 1562.
«Thus spoke a Calvinist pastor to his flock in 1562.» — la atribución con que Davis cierra ese primer epígrafe.
«Thus in I568 Parisian preachers held up to their Catholic parishioners the end of a wicked idolater.» — y la atribución del segundo epígrafe, el de Jezabel arrojada por la ventana, que Davis pone en boca de los predicadores parisinos de 1568.
«By religious riot I mean, as a preliminary definition, any violent action, with words or weapons, undertaken against religious targets by people who were not acting officially and formally as agents of political and ecclesiastical authority.» — la definición preliminar de motín religioso que Davis propone.
«As food rioters bring their moral indignation to bear upon the state of the grain market, so religious rioters bring their zeal to bear upon the state of men's relations to the sacred.» — el paralelo con que la explica.
«The violence of the religious riot is distinguished, at least in principle, from the action of political authorities, who can legally silence, humiliate, demolish, punish, torture, and execute, and also from the action of soldiers, who at certain times and places can legally kill and destroy.» — de qué distingue Davis esa violencia, y con qué reserva.
«In mid-sixteenth-century France, all these sources of violence were busily producing, and it is sometimes hard to tell a militia officer from a murderer and a soldier from a statue-smasher.» — el límite práctico que pone a esa distinción.
«In Corpus Christi Day drama, the violence against Christ is represented as a series of formal competitive "games," which hide from His tormentors the full knowledge of what they do.» — el primer ejemplo de violencia con sistema que Davis toma del propio siglo XVI.
«In Durer's Martyrdom of the Ten Thousand, the Persian torturers of the Christians are spaced apart, doing their terrible business in an orderly, methodical way.» — el segundo, en Durero.
«We may see these crowds as prompted by political and moral traditions that legitimize and even prescribe their violence. We may see urban rioters not as miserable, uprooted, unstable masses, but as men and women who often have some stake in their community; who may be craftsmen or better; and who, even when poor and unskilled, may appear respectable to their everyday neighbors. Finally, we may see their violence, however cruel, not as random and limitless but as aimed at defined targets and selected from a repertory of traditional punishments and forms of destruction.» — las tres cosas que Davis dice que ahora pueden verse en esas multitudes: tradiciones que legitiman su violencia, amotinados con arraigo en su comunidad, y violencia dirigida a blancos definidos y tomada de un repertorio de castigos tradicionales.
«Learned writers talk of grain-rioters in Lyon as "the dregs of the populace, with no order, no rein, no leader ... a beast of many heads ... an insane rabble,» — cómo se veía por lo común a la multitud, según las fuentes doctas que Davis cita: la hez del populacho, sin orden, sin rienda, sin jefe, una bestia de muchas cabezas, una chusma insensata.
«This picture of preindustrial crowd violence has been drawn primarily from the study of grain and bread riots, tax riots, craft violence, and certain kinds of peasant revolts.» — de dónde viene esa imagen renovada de la violencia colectiva preindustrial, según Davis.
«The broad spectrum of religious riot, however, has not received analytical attention except in the case of the anti-Semitic pogrom and the millenarian movement,7 both of which have evident contemporary significance and nonreligious features.» — y el hueco que Davis declara en ella.
«To present-day church historians, especially in an age of ecumenicalism, the popular violence of their Calvinist and Catholic ancestors may be an embarrassment (as is that of Belfast).» — por qué ese hueco, según Davis, del lado de los historiadores de la Iglesia.
«To social historians it is the seeming "irrationality" of most sixteenth-century religious riot that has been puzzling. To bear the sword in the name of a millenarian dream might make some sense, but why get so excited about the Eucharist or saints' relics? It is hard to decipher the social meaning of such an event.» — y del lado de los historiadores sociales, con la pregunta que resume el desconcierto: se entiende empuñar la espada por un sueño milenarista, pero por qué exaltarse tanto por la Eucaristía o por las reliquias.
«There is no doubt that some religious violence has this character-Wolff's evidence for Barcelona is very good indeed-but is this the only kind of social meaning inherent in a religious riot? What does one make of popular religious violence where class conflict of this type is not present?» — lo que Davis concede a esa lectura y la pregunta con que la acota.
«My first purpose is to describe the shape and structure of the religious riot in French cities and towns, especially in the 156o's and early 157o» — el propósito que Davis declara para el ensayo.
«We will look at the goals, legitimation, and occasions for riots; at the kinds of action undertaken by the crowds and the targets for their violence; and briefly at the participants in the riots and their organization.» — el plan del ensayo tal como lo anuncia.
«We will consider differences between Protestant and Catholic styles of crowd behavior, but will also indicate the many ways in which they are alike.» — el segundo eje de ese plan.
«Our sources will be contemporary Catholic and Protestant accounts of religious disturbance, from which we will do our best to sort out utter fabrication from likely fact.» — la declaración de fuentes y de método que Davis hace.
«Their behavior suggests, first of all, a goal akin to preaching: the defense of true doctrine and the refutation of false doctrine through dramatic challenges and tests.» — el primer fin que Davis atribuye a la violencia religiosa popular.
«says a crowd of image-breakers to the people of Albiac in 1561, showing them the relics they have seized from the Carmelite monastery, "look, they are only animal bones.» — el ejemplo de Albiac, con los rompedores de imágenes mostrando las reliquias tomadas del convento carmelita.
«Catholic crowds answer this kind of claim to truth in Angers by taking a French Bible-well-bound and gilded, seized in the home of a rich merchant-and parading it through the streets on the end of a halberd. "There's the truth hung. There's the truth of the Huguenots, the truth of all the devils." Then, throwing it into the river, "There's the truth of all the devils drowned.» — la respuesta católica en Angers, según Davis: una Biblia francesa paseada en la punta de una alabarda y arrojada al río como la verdad de todos los diablos.
«So a crowd of Orleans Catholics taunted its victims in 1572: "Where is your God? Where are your prayers and Psalms? Let him save you if he can.» — la burla de la multitud católica de Orleans en 1572.
«Even the dead were made to speak in Normandy and Provence, where leaves of the Protestant Bible were stuffed into the mouths and wounds of corpses. "They preached the truth of their God. Let them call him to their aid.» — y lo que Davis consigna de Normandía y Provenza, con hojas de la Biblia protestante metidas en la boca y en las heridas de los cadáveres.
«A Protestant crowd corners a baker guarding the holy-wafer box in Saint Medard's Church in Paris in 1561. "Messieurs," he pleads, "do not touch it for the honor of Him who dwells here." "Does your God of paste protect you now from the pains of death?" was the Protestant answer before they killed him.» — el ejemplo simétrico del lado protestante, en Saint Médard.
«True doctrine can be defended in sermon or speech, backed up by the magistrate's sword against the heretic. Here it is defended by dramatic demonstration, backed up by the violence of the crowd.» — la formulación con que Davis cierra ese primer fin.
«A more frequent goal of these riots, however, is that of ridding the community of dreaded pollution. The word "pollution" is often on the lips of the violent, and the concept serves well to sum up the dangers that rioters saw in the dirty and diabolic enemy.» — el segundo fin, y el término con que Davis dice que los propios amotinados lo nombraban.
«The extent to which Protestants could be viewed as vessels of pollution is suggested by a popular belief about the origin of the nickname "Huguenots." In the city of Tours, le roi Huguet was the generic name for ghosts who, instead of spending their time in Purgatory, came back to rattle doors and haunt and harm people at night. Protestants went out at night to their lascivious conventicles, and so the priests and the people began to call them Huguenots in Tours and then elsewhere.» — la etimología popular de *hugonote* que Davis consigna desde Tours: *le roi Huguet* era el nombre genérico de los fantasmas que volvían a golpear puertas de noche en vez de estar en el Purgatorio.
«As for the Protestants, Catholics knew that, in the style of earlier heretics, they snuffed out the candles and had sexual intercourse after the voluptuous psalm-singing of their nocturnal conventicles.» — lo que los católicos daban por sabido de los protestantes, según Davis.
«But it was not just the fleshly license with which they lived that was unclean, but the things they said in their "pestilential" books and the things they did in hatred of the mass, the sacraments, and the whole Catholic religion. As the representative of the clergy said at the Estates of Orleans, the heretics intended to leave "no place in the Kingdom which was dedicated, holy, and sacred to the Lord, but would only profane churches, demolish altars, and break images.» — y lo que Davis dice que pesaba más que la licencia carnal, con la fórmula del clero en los Estados de Orleans.
«cries a weaver in Tournai, as he seizes the elevated host from the priest, "deceived people, do you believe this is the King, Jesus Christ, the true God and Savior? Look!" And he crumbles the wafer and escapes.» — el ejemplo que Davis da desde Tournai: el tejedor arrebata la hostia elevada y pregunta al pueblo engañado si cree que aquello es el Rey Jesucristo, el Dios verdadero y Salvador.
«It was rumored that the Church of Lyon had an organization of hundreds of women-sort of temple prostitutes-at the disposition of priests and canons; and an observer pointed out with disgust how after the First Religious War the mass and the brothel reentered Rauen together. One minister even claimed that the clergy were for the most part sodomites.» — los rumores que Davis consigna de esa polémica, incluida la misa y el burdel volviendo juntos a Ruan tras la primera guerra.
«Protestant converts talked of their own past lives as a time of befoulment and dreaded present "contamination" from Catholic churches and rites.» — cómo hablaban los conversos protestantes de su propia vida anterior, según Davis.
«Pollution was a dangerous thing to suffer in a community, from either a Protestant or a Catholic point of view, for it would surely provoke the wrath of God.» — por qué la contaminación era peligrosa para la comunidad, según ambos bandos.
«Catholics, moreover, had also to worry about offending Mary and the saints; and though the anxious, expiatory processions organized in the wake of Protestant sacrilege might temporarily appease them, the heretics were sure to strike again.» — la carga añadida que Davis atribuye al lado católico.
«It is not surprising, then, that so many of the acts of violence performed by Catholic and Protestant crowds have (as we shall see more fully later on) the character either of rites of purification or of a paradoxical desecration, intended to cut down on uncleanness by placing profane things, like chrism, back in the profane world where they belonged.» — el carácter que Davis atribuye a esos actos: ritos de purificación o una desacralización paradójica que devuelve lo profano al mundo profano.
«This concern of Catholic and Protestant crowds to destroy polluting elements is reminiscent of the insistence of revolutionary millenarian movements that the wicked be exterminated that the godly may rule. The resemblance is real, but is limited.» — el parecido que Davis señala con los movimientos milenaristas revolucionarios, y su límite.
«Our Catholic and Protestant rioters have a conviction not so much of their immanent godliness as of the rightness of their judgment, envisage not so much a society of saints as a holier society of sinners.» — en qué consiste ese límite, con la fórmula que lo cierra.
«For Catholic zealots, the extermination of the heretical "vermin" promised the restoration of unity to the body social* and the reinforcement of some of its traditional boundaries:» — qué prometía a los celosos católicos el exterminio de la alimaña herética.
«For Protestant zealots, the purging of the priestly "vermin" promised the creation of a new kind of unity within the body social, all the tighter because false gods and monkish sects would no longer divide it. Relations within the social order would be purer, too, for lewdness and love of gain would be limited.» — y qué prometía a los celosos protestantes la purga de la alimaña sacerdotal.
«And let us all say in unison: Long live the Catholic religion Long live the King and good parishioners, Long live faithful Parisians, And may it always come to pass That every person goes to Mass, One God, one Faith, one King.» — la copla católica que Davis cita, cuyo remate enuncia el programa: un Dios, una Fe, un Rey.
«Lyon has changed indeed .... The profit of Mercury, the dance of Venus And presumption, too, each man has left aside. When this town so vain Was filled With idolatry and dealings Of usury and lewdness, It had clerics and merchants aplenty.» — la copla protestante que Davis pone enfrente, sobre Lyon tras su liberación de 1562: dejadas atrás la ganancia de Mercurio, la danza de Venus y la presunción.
«But once it was purged And changed By the Word of God, That brood of vipers Could hope no more To live in so holy a place.» — el remate de esa copla, con la nidada de víboras que ya no podía esperar vivir en sitio tan santo.
«Crowds might defend truth, and crowds might purify, but there was also a third aspect to the religious riot-a political one.» — el tercer aspecto que Davis añade a los dos anteriores.
«If the Catholic killing of Huguenots has in some ways the form of a rite of purification, it also sometimes has the form of an imitation of the magistrate.» — el tercer aspecto que Davis desarrolla: la matanza católica como imitación del magistrado.
«The mass executions of Protestants at Merindol and Cabrieres in Provence and at Meaux in the 1540's, duly ordered by the Parlements of Aix and of Paris as punishment for heresy and high treason, anticipate crowd massacres of later decades.» — el precedente oficial con que lo sostiene.
«The Protestants themselves sensed this: the devil, unable to extinguish the light of the Gospel through the sentences of judges, now tried to obscure it through furious war and a murderous populace. Whereas before they were made martyrs by one executioner, now it is at the hands of "infinite numbers of them, and the swords of private persons have become the litigants, witnesses, judges, decrees, and executors of the strangest cruelties.» — cómo lo percibían los propios protestantes según Davis: antes los hacía mártires un verdugo, ahora las espadas de particulares se han vuelto litigantes, testigos, jueces, decretos y ejecutores.
«Similarly, official acts of torture and official acts of desecration of the corpses of certain criminals anticipate some of the acts performed by riotous crowds.» — el segundo precedente oficial que Davis alinea.
«There the crowd might see the offending tongue of the blasphemer pierced or slit, the offending hands of the desecrater cut off.» — el repertorio de la ejecución pública tal como Davis lo describe, empezando por la lengua del blasfemo y las manos del profanador.
«There the crowd could watch the traitor decapitated and disemboweled, his corpse quartered, and the parts borne off for public display in different sections of the town. The body of an especially heinous criminal was dragged through the streets, attached to a horse's tail. The image of exemplary royal punishment lived on for weeks, even years, as the corpses of murderers were exposed on gallows or wheels, and the heads of rebels on posts.» — y su continuación, hasta los cuerpos expuestos en horcas y ruedas y las cabezas de rebeldes en picas.
«We are not surprised to learn, then, that the body of Admiral Coligny had already been thrown out of the window by the king's men and stoned by the Due de Guise hours before the popular attacks on it began in 1572.» — el dato con que Davis enlaza el precedente oficial y el motín en el caso de Coligny.
«Riots also occurred in connection with judicial cases, either to hurry the judgment along or when verdicts in religious cases were considered too severe or too lenient by "the voice of the people.» — la segunda forma de esa imitación que Davis distingue.
«The most fascinating example of the assumption of the magistrate's role by a crowd, however, is the mock trial held by the boys of Provins in October 1572.» — el caso que Davis llama más fascinante.
«Groups of boys put ropes around his neck and his feet, but a tug-of-war could not resolve which way the corpse was to be dragged. The boys then elected lawyers and judges from among their midst for a trial. Before the eyes of a hundred spectators, they argued the penalty, appealing from the decision of the real judge that the Huguenot be only hanged and not burned alive as befitted a heretic. After the boys' decision, the corpse was dragged through the streets by the feet and burned.» — cómo fue ese juicio de burlas de los muchachos de Provins, según Davis: eligieron abogados y jueces de entre ellos, discutieron la pena ante cien espectadores y apelaron la sentencia del juez real que solo mandaba ahorcar y no quemar vivo como correspondía a un hereje.
«The Calvinist crowds that seized religious buildings and destroyed images also believed they were taking on the role of the authorities.» — el lado calvinista de esa misma imitación.
«When Protestants in Montpellier occupied a church in 1561, they argued that the building belonged to them already, since its vestry of merchants and burghers had maintained it in the past and it rightfully belonged to the town.» — el argumento de propiedad con que lo justificaban en Montpellier.
«Roc Le Frere was dragged for burning to the Marche aux Pourceaux, and in Toulouse the same year, when a merchant slain in front of a church was dragged for burning to the town hall. "The king salutes you," said a Catholic crowd in Orleans to a Protestant trader, then put a cord around his neck as official agents might do, and led him off to be killed.» — el detalle que Davis subraya de esa imitación del magistrado: las multitudes llevaban a sus víctimas a los lugares oficiales de ejecución, y en Orleans una saludaba en nombre del rey al comerciante protestante antes de echarle la cuerda.
«Agen the same year, with Reformed ministers preaching that it was the office of the magistrate alone to eradicate the marks of idolatry, Protestant artisans decided one night that "if one tarried for the Consistory, it would never be done" and proceeded to break into the town's churches and destroy all the altars and the images.» — el caso de Agen: los ministros predicaban que tocaba solo al magistrado erradicar las marcas de idolatría, y los artesanos protestantes decidieron una noche que si se esperaba al Consistorio no se haría nunca.
«To be sure, the relation of a French Calvinist crowd to the magisterial model is different from that of a French Catholic crowd.» — la asimetría que Davis marca entre las dos multitudes respecto del modelo magistral.
«Calvinist crowds were using his sword as the king ought to have been using it and as some princes and city councils outside of France had already used it.» — en qué consiste esa asimetría.
«Within the kingdom before rs6o city councils had only indicated the right path, as they set up municipal schools and lay-controlled welfare systems, or otherwise limited the sphere of action of the clergy.» — qué habían hecho los concejos franceses antes de 1560, según Davis, que enlaza aquí con el segundo ensayo.
«During the next years, as revolution and conversion created Reformed city councils, governors, and rulers (such as the queen of Navarre) within France, Calvinist crowds finally had local magistrates whose actions they could prompt or imitate.» — y qué cambia después, según Davis.
«In general, then, the crowds in religious riots in sixteenth-century France can be seen as sometimes acting out clerical roles-defending true doctrine or ridding the community of defilement in a violent version of priest or prophet-and sometimes acting out magisterial roles.» — la conclusión de este tramo del ensayo.
«Like other Reformed preachers, Pastor Pierre Viret told his flock that private individuals should never take it upon themselves to stop public scandals under cover of having some "extraordinary vocation." There was no way that one could get certain evidence from a Scripture to show that a particular private individual had such a calling, and everything was best left to those who held political power.» — y lo que del otro lado decía el pastor Pierre Viret: que ningún particular se arrogue detener escándalos públicos al amparo de una vocación extraordinaria.
«When Protestant resistance theory was fully developed it too never conceded a clear right of violent disobedience to private persons.» — el límite que Davis señala incluso en la teoría protestante de la resistencia desarrollada.
«Yet the crowds did riot, and there are remarkably few instances reported of remorse on the part of participants in religious disturbances.» — el hecho que Davis pone enfrente de esas doctrinas.
«So long as rioters maintained a given religious commitment, they rarely displayed guilt or shame for their violence. By every sign, the crowds believed their actions legitimate.» — la conclusión que extrae de ese silencio.
«tensive pillaging done by both Protestants and Catholics, cannot be subsumed under these heads; but just as the prevalence of pillaging in a war does not prevent us from typing it as a holy war, so the prevalence of pillaging in a riot should not prevent us from seeing it as essentially religious.» — el límite que Davis pone a su propia tipología —el pillaje extenso de ambos bandos no cabe en ella— y el argumento con que lo salva: como el pillaje en una guerra no impide llamarla santa.
«gogue d' Armes in 1568 to urge a holy war to exterminate the heretics, addressed his instruction only to Charles IX.» — a quién dirigía su llamada a la guerra santa el jesuita Emond Auger en su *Pédagogue d'Armes* de 1568, según Davis.
«One reason for this conviction is that in some, though by no means all, religious riots, clerics and political officers were active members of the crowd, though not precisely in their official capacity.» — la primera razón que Davis da de esa convicción de legitimidad.
«In Lyon in 1562, Pastor Jean Ruffy took part in the sack of the Cathedral of Saint Jean with a sword in his hand.» — el primer caso que aduce.
«At Aix a band of Catholic rioters was headed by the First Consul of that city, and at Lyon in 1562 the merchant-publisher and Consul Jean de La Porte led a Protestant group to an assault on the cloister of Saint Just.» — los dos casos de magistrados al frente de la multitud que Davis alinea.
«It is my office to set fire," he said as he put the statues to the flames.» — la frase del verdugo de Agen que Davis cita al echar las estatuas al fuego.
«Finally, there is the well-known participation of some of the militia officers in the Saint Bartholomew's Day massacres in Paris and in the Lyon Vespers. Their murdering and sacking, as Janine Estebe has pointed out for Paris, went beyond any informal encouragement that they had from the king and clearly beyond the official orders given them by the Bureau de la Ville.» — el caso de los oficiales de milicia en la matanza de San Bartolomé, con la acotación que Davis toma de Janine Estèbe: su matar y saquear fue más allá del aliento informal del rey y de las órdenes oficiales que tenían.
«On the other hand, not all religious riots could boast of officers or clergy in the crowd, and other sources of legitimation must be sought.» — el límite que Davis pone a esa primera razón.
«Here we must recognize what mixed cues were given out by priests and pastors in their sermons on heresy or idolatry.» — y la segunda fuente de legitimación que propone.
«The role of Catholic preachers in legitimating popular violence was even more direct.» — el juicio de Davis sobre el papel de los predicadores católicos en la legitimación.
«in the year of the attack on the rue St. Jacques conventicle, Catholic preachers did blame the loss of the battle of Saint Quentin on God's wrath at the presence of heretics in France.» — el dato que Davis llama significativo: en el año del ataque al conventículo de la rue Saint-Jacques, los predicadores católicos atribuyeron la derrota de San Quintín a la ira de Dios por la presencia de herejes.
«In the next years, they held up Ahab and his wife Jezebel, and Belshazzar and others, as examples of the terrible end that would come to those who tolerated idolatry.» — qué figuras bíblicas esgrimían después, según Davis.
«Before a Catholic riot at the Cimetiere des Innocents, Brother Jean de Han told his listeners in the church that they could not count on royal judges to punish Lutherans and would have to take matters into their own hands.» — lo que el hermano Jean de Han decía a sus oyentes antes de un motín en el Cementerio de los Inocentes, según Davis.
«On St. Michael's Day I572 at Bordeaux, a few days before the massacres there, the Jesuit Emond Auger preached on how the Angel of the Lord had already executed God's judgment in Paris, Orleans, and elsewhere, and would also do so in Bordeaux.» — lo que predicó el jesuita Emond Auger en Burdeos días antes de las matanzas, según Davis.
«priests had no doubts that certain miraculous occurrences in the wake of Catholic riots were a sign of divine approval-such as a copper cross in Troyes that began to change color and cure people in 1561, the year of a riot in which Catholics bested Protestants, and the long-barren hawthorn tree at the Cimetiere des Innocents that began to bloom from the beginning of the Saint Bartholomew's Day massacres.» — los dos prodigios con que, según Davis, los curas leían la aprobación divina de los motines católicos: la cruz de cobre de Troyes que cambia de color y cura, y el espino estéril del Cementerio de los Inocentes que florece con la matanza.
«In all likelihood, however, there are sources for the legitimation of popular religious riot that come directly out of the experience of the local groups that often formed the nucleus of a crowd-the men and women who had worshiped together in the dangerous days of the night conventicles; the men in confraternities, in festive groups, in youth gangs, and in militia units.» — la tercera fuente de legitimación que Davis propone, y dónde la busca.
«It should be remembered how often conditions in sixteenth-century cities required groups of the menu peuple to take the law into their own hands. Royal edicts themselves enjoined any person who saw a murder, theft, or other misdeed to ring the tocsin and chase after the criminal.» — el argumento con que la sostiene, con el edicto real que mandaba a cualquiera tocar a rebato y perseguir al criminal.
«Canon law allowed certain priestly roles to laymen in times of emergency; an example of one was the midwife's responsibility to baptize a baby in danger of dying.» — el segundo precedente, con el bautismo de urgencia por la partera.
«Talking about the Bible among themselves, some Calvinist city folk decided that private persons might be obliged to act independently of the magistrate in defense of religion, and even published a tract-The Civil and Military Defense of the Innocents and of the Church of Christ-in support of this view with Old Testament precedents.» — el tercer precedente, con el tratado que Davis nombra: la defensa civil y militar de los inocentes y de la Iglesia de Cristo.
«ened the sanctity of the host-these processional experiences in themselves would feed a popular certitude that the group did indeed have the right on occasion to move into the realm of violence for the sake of religion.» — la cuarta fuente de legitimación que Davis propone: la experiencia procesional misma alimentaba la certeza de que el grupo tenía derecho, llegado el caso, a entrar en la violencia por la religión.
«Working from the crowd behavior itself, I have merely stressed the fact that religious riot is likely to occur when it is believed that religious and/or political authorities are failing in their duties or need help in fulfilling them.» — lo que Davis declara haber hecho en vez de una teoría del momento de los motines.
«All I would add in regard to the timing and triggers of religious riot is that a rise in grain prices does not seem to be a significant variable.» — la negativa que Davis ficha como hallazgo sobre el precio del grano.
«For instance, the religious disturbances in Toulouse in the first five months of 1562 correspond to a period of grain prices that were the same as, or lower than, those of the preceding two years. The supply was surely more abundant there than during the hard times in the spring and early summer of 1557, when there was no religious disturbance.» — el primer dato con que la sostiene.
«In short, grain prices are relevant to religious riot in France only in the general and indirect sense that the inflation of the last 40 years of the sixteenth century had an effect on many aspects of life, as did the Religious Wars themselves.» — la conclusión con su matiz: el precio del grano pesa solo en el sentido general e indirecto de la inflación de los últimos cuarenta años del siglo.
«What are specific rises in grain prices correlated with in France? Why, with grain riots and penitential white processions to beg for rain.» — con qué sí se correlacionan las alzas concretas del grano, según Davis.
«Questions of chronological timing apart, then, the occasion for most religious violence was during the time of religious worship or ritual and in the space which one or both groups were using for sacred purposes.» — dónde sitúa Davis la ocasión de la mayor parte de la violencia religiosa.
«But much of the religious riot is timed to ritual, and the violence seems often a curious continuation of the rite.» — la formulación que da título al ensayo.
«Almost every type of public religious event has a disturbance associated with it. The sight of a statue of the Virgin at a crossroad or in a wall-niche provokes a Protestant group to mockery of those who reverence her. A fight ensues.» — el inventario de ocasiones que Davis abre, empezando por la estatua de la Virgen en la encrucijada.
«Baptism: in Nemours, a Protestant family has its baby baptized on All Souls' Day according to the new Reformed rite. With the help of an aunt, a group of Catholics steals it away for rebaptism. A drunkard sees the father and the godfather and other Protestants discussing the event in the streets, claps his sabots and shouts, "Here are the Huguenots who have come to massacre us." A crowd assembles, the tocsin is rung, and a three-hour battle takes place.» — el episodio de Nemours que Davis narra, con el borracho que da palmas con los zuecos y grita que los hugonotes vienen a degollarlos.
«Funeral: in Toulouse, at Easter time, a Protestant carpenter tries to bury his Catholic wife by the new Reformed rite. A Catholic crowd seizes the corpse and buries it. The Protestants dig it up and try to rebury her. The bells are rung, and with a great noise a Catholic crowd assembles with stones and sticks. Fighting and sacking ensue.» — el episodio de Toulouse, con el cuerpo desenterrado y vuelto a enterrar por cada bando.
«In the years when the Reformed services are public, the rivalry of the rites becomes graphic. At Saint Medard's Church, the Vesper bells are rung to drown out the pastor's sermon nearby; at Provins, the Huguenots sing their Psalms to drown out the mass.» — la rivalidad sonora que Davis describe: las vísperas tocadas para tapar el sermón, los salmos cantados para tapar la misa.
«But these encounters are as nothing compared to the disturbances that cluster around processional life.» — dónde se concentran, según Davis, las mayores ocasiones de motín.
«Corpus Christi Day, with its crowds, colored banners, and great crosses, was the chance for Protestants not to put rugs in front of their doors; for Protestant women to sit ostentatiously in their windows spinning;» — los gestos protestantes del día del Corpus que Davis enumera: no poner alfombras ante la puerta, y las mujeres sentadas ostentosamente a la ventana hilando.
«It was an occasion for children to throw stones, for an exchange of scandalous words-"idolaters," "devils from the Pope's purgatory," "Huguenot heretics, living like dogs"- and then finally for fighting.» — los insultos que Davis registra en esos encuentros: idólatras, diablos del purgatorio del Papa, herejes hugonotes que viven como perros.
«Sometimes the two processions encountered each other, as in Sens in 1562. The Calvinists would not give way and insisted upon passing through the center of the Catholic procession. The groups confronted each other again after services, and the Catholics, aided by processions from peasant villages, prevailed in a bloody battle.» — el choque de procesiones de Sens en 1562, con los calvinistas empeñados en pasar por el centro de la procesión católica.
«The occasions that express most concisely the contrast between the two religious groups, however, are those in which a popular festive Catholicism took over the streets with dancing, masks, banners, costumes, and music-"lascivious abomination," according to the Protestants.» — dónde ve Davis expresado más concisamente el contraste entre los dos grupos.
«In Montpellier in the summer of 1561, the confraternities organized Sunday processions of hundreds of men, women, and children with pains benits ("blessed loaves of bread")-dancing, jumping, and crying "in spite of the Huguenots we dance.» — el caso de Montpellier, con las cofradías bailando y gritando que bailan a pesar de los hugonotes.
«For Mardi Gras at Issoudun in 1562, a Catholic group organized a dramatic costumed dance for thirteen pilgrims, thirteen reapers, thirteen wine-harvesters and thirteen tithe-collectors, all armed with large macabre tools. The Protestants got hold of the scenario for this grisly carnival and were able to get the players arrested.» — el carnaval de Issoudun que Davis describe: trece peregrinos, trece segadores, trece vendimiadores y trece recaudadores de diezmos, todos con grandes herramientas macabras.
«After a procession with relics and a silver statue of St. Anthony, the dancing began, three by three, with tambourines and minstrels. When they got to the quarter where Pastor Du Moulin was preaching, the song turned into "kill, kill," and serious fighting began that was to divide the town for three days. "Before long I'll be up to my elbows in Huguenot blood," one of the dancers said. He was to be disappointed, for this time it was the Huguenots who won.» — cómo la danza de Pamiers se volvió matanza, según Davis, con la frase del bailarín sobre los codos en sangre hugonota y el desenlace que lo desmintió.
«These occasions for religious riot show us how characteristic was the scenario for the Paris St. Bartholomew's Day Massacre.» — cómo enlaza Davis todo ese inventario con la matanza de San Bartolomé.
«A marriage-one of the great rites of passage, but here, as with the baptism of Nemours and the burial at Toulouse, conflict over whether its form should be Catholic or Protestant-and then wedding masques of all kinds.» — los elementos de ese guion que Davis enumera.
«In one, later seen as an allegory of coming events, the king and his brothers prevent wandering knights from entering Paradise and are pulled down to Hell by demons.77 Soon after, as in Pamiers, the festivity turned into a rite of violence.» — la mascarada nupcial que Davis describe y su lectura posterior como alegoría.
«Though there is some truth in this distinction, Protestant rioters did in fact kill and injure people, and not merely in self-defense; and Catholic rioters did destroy religious property.» — lo que Davis concede a esa distinción y lo que le objeta.
«In Pamiers in 1566, however, the festive youth society, with its popes, emperors, bishops, and abbots, was able to dance its Pentecostal dance to the end. The Calvinists, who had stoned earlier dances, tried to prevent the affair, but the Catholic group insisted.» — el caso de Pamiers en 1566: la sociedad juvenil festiva, con sus papas, emperadores, obispos y abades, bailó hasta el final pese a los intentos calvinistas de impedirlo.
«At the Patriarche garden in Paris, at Vassy, at Senlis, Catholics smashed the pulpits and benches used in Reformed worship; at Amiens they went on to burn them.» — lo que Davis registra de la destrucción católica de propiedad religiosa protestante.
«in 1568 a Catholic crowd razed the Protestant Temple de Paradis, which hundreds of psalm-singing men, women, and children had erected only a few years before» — el caso lionés del Temple de Paradis, levantado por cientos de hombres, mujeres y niños cantando salmos pocos años antes.
«Both Protestant and Catholic crowds destroyed books. The Catholic target was especially the French Bibles that they had so often seen burned publicly by the authorities in the 154o's and rsso's. 81 The Calvinist targets were especially the priests' manuals, the missals, and the breviaries, which Protestant writers like Viret had already desecrated in gross and comic satire.» — qué libros destruía cada bando, según Davis: los católicos las Biblias francesas, los calvinistas los manuales, misales y breviarios.
«Nevertheless, when all this is said, the iconoclastic Calvinist crowds still come out as the champions in the destruction of religious property ("with more than Turkish cruelty," said a priest). This was not only because the Catholics had more physical accessories to their rite, but also because the Protestants sensed much more danger and defilement in the wrongful use of material ob» — quién gana en destrucción de propiedad religiosa según Davis, y las dos razones que da.
«In Pamiers, the Catholic vicar might drop his Black Virgin of Foix when she failed to bring good weather; but then he tenderly repaired her broken neck with an iron pin. When the Protestants found her, they promptly burned the head in Pamiers and the body in Foix.» — el ejemplo con que lo ilustra: el vicario deja caer su Virgen Negra de Foix cuando falla el buen tiempo y le repara el cuello con un perno, y los protestantes queman la cabeza en Pamiers y el cuerpo en Foix.
«As befitting a movement intending to overthrow a thousand years of clerical "tyranny" and "pollution," the Protestants' targets were primarily priests, monks, and friars.» — cuáles eran los blancos preferidos de los protestantes, según Davis.
«That their ecclesiastical victims were usually unarmed (as Catholic critics hastened to point out) did not make them any less harmful in Protestant eyes, or any more immune from the wrath of God.» — el matiz que Davis añade sobre esas víctimas desarmadas.
«Indeed, although the number of women killed by Protestant crowds seems to have been very small, observers' reports87 show that about one out of ten people killed by Catholic crowds in the provinces in 1572 was a woman (one of those "presumptuous" females we have considered in Chapter 3), and the ratio was higher in Paris.» — la cifra comparada de mujeres muertas que Davis da para 1572.
«Clearly, crowds that attacked unarmed priests and unarmed women were not trying to destroy only the physically powerful.» — lo que Davis deduce de esos blancos.
«In bloodshed, the Catholics are the champions (remember we are talking of the actions of Catholic and Protestant crowds, not of their armies). I think this is owing not only to their being in the long run the stronger party numerically in most cities, but also to their having a greater sense of the persons of heretics as sources of danger and defilement. Thus, injury and murder were a preferred mode of purifying the body social.» — quién gana en derramamiento de sangre, según Davis —que recuerda que habla de multitudes y no de ejércitos—, y las dos razones que propone, la segunda un sentido mayor del hereje como fuente de peligro y contaminación.
«Though only extensive quantitative research could establish the point, it seems to me that Estebe's view does not hold for these urban disturbances.» — la respuesta de Davis, con la reserva metodológica que la acompaña.
«To be sure, pillaging played its role in all riots. To be sure, the Catholic crowds who threw slime and shouted "putains" at the Protestant noblewomen being led from the rue Saint Jacques conventicle to prison in I 55 7 were savoring social resentment as well as religious hatred.» — lo que Davis concede antes de negar la tesis.
«Nevertheless, despite such individual cases of "high isomorphy," the overall picture in these urban religious riots is not one of the "people" slaying the rich.» — la conclusión de Davis sobre la isomorfía de esos motines urbanos.
«Protestant crowds expressed no preference for killing or assaulting powerful prelates over simple priests.» — el primer dato con que la sostiene.
«In Lyon, for instance, in a list of 141 males killed in the Vespers, 88 were artisans, 34 were merchants, and six were lawyers.» — el segundo: la cuenta por oficio de los muertos en las Vísperas lionesas.
«But is Janine Estebe right in suggesting that the 1572 massacres were also an expression of class hatred, by which she means a» — la pregunta que Davis toma de Estèbe y que amplía a los demás motines; el troceo corta aquí por una nota al pie y la frase remata en la plana siguiente preguntando si hubo un alzamiento del pueblo contra los hugonotes ricos.
«rising of the people against the rich Huguenots?» — el remate de esa pregunta.
«Reports from other cities give a similar spread, as can be seen in Table 1. Only in Orleans were more merchants reported to have been killed than artisans, whereas in Rouen and Meaux the menu peuple outnumbered the wealthier merchants among the victims many times over.» — la comparación por ciudades con que Davis completa la cuenta de las víctimas de 1572.
«rich who were slain were especially likely to be remarked. If we had fuller evidence about the massacres, it would doubtless multiply the names of victims of modest background.» — el sesgo documental que Davis declara en esas listas.
«As I show in detail in another place, Catholic and Protestant movements in French cities up to 1572 cut vertically through the social structure, but had each a distinctive occupational distribution.» — cómo caracteriza Davis los dos movimientos respecto de la estructura social.
«Only the most vulnerable of the urban poor-the gagnedenier, that is; the unskilled, the day laborers, and the jobless-are not among the killers or the killed. Neither committed to the Calvinist cause nor well integrated into the Catholic city parish, these "belttres" (rascals) appear only after the violence is over, stolidly robbing clothing from the corpses.» — quiénes quedan fuera de matadores y muertos, según Davis: los más vulnerables de los pobres urbanos, que aparecen solo después, robando la ropa de los cadáveres.
«Is popular religious violence in sixteenth-century France never then correlated in a systematic way with socioeconomic conflict? Not when it is among the city folk, who account for most of the disturbances; but when peasants raise their arms for the faith, the relationship is more likely to exist.» — la respuesta con que Davis distingue el caso urbano del campesino.
«How else to explain the dispatch with which peasant pilgrims fell upon the Huguenot burghers of Sens, surprising even the urban Catholics by their initiative? And when Protestant peasants in the Agenois pursued their persecuting lord, the Seigneur of Fumel, they were shouting, "Murderer! Tyrant!" Even Catholic peasants joined in the siege of his chateau.» — los dos casos campesinos con que lo sostiene, con los del Agenois gritando asesino y tirano al señor de Fumel.
«I would suggest that they can be reduced to a repertory of actions, derived from the Bible, from the liturgy, from the action of political authority, or from the traditions of popular folk justice, intended to purify the religious community and humiliate the enemy and thus make him less harmful.» — la propuesta central del ensayo sobre los ritos de violencia.
«The rivers that receive so many Protestant corpses are not merely convenient mass graves, they are temporarily a kind of holy water, an essential feature of Catholic rites of exorcism.» — cómo lee Davis el agua en esos ritos.
«The fire that razes the house of a Protestant apothecary in Montpellier leaves behind it not the smell of death, of the heretic whom the crowd had hanged, but of spices, lingering in the air for days, like incense.» — el ejemplo del boticario de Montpellier: el fuego deja no olor de muerte sino de especias, como incienso.
«If Protestants have rejected holy water and incense, they still follow Deuteronomy in accepting fire as a sacred means of purification.» — la simetría que Davis marca en el uso del fuego.
«Let us take a more difficult case, the troubling case of the desecration of corpses. This is primarily an action of Catholic crowds in the sixteenth century. Protestant crowds could be very cruel indeed in torturing living priests, but paid little attention to them when they were dead.» — el caso que Davis llama más difícil y la asimetría que registra en él.
«Perhaps this is related to the Protestant rejection of Purgatory and prayers for the dead: the souls of the dead experience immediately Christ's presence or the torments of the damned, and thus the dead body is no longer so dangerous or important an object to the living.» — la explicación que Davis propone para esa asimetría, marcada como conjetura.
«Popular Protestant poetry represented priests as ghouls who fed off the dead roasted in Purgatory.» — la imagen que añade desde la poesía protestante popular.
«What interested Protestants was digging up bones that were being treated as sacred objects by Catholics and perhaps burning them, after the fashion of Josiah» — qué interesaba en cambio a los protestantes, según Davis.
«The Catholics, however, were not content with burning or drowning heretical corpses. That was not cleansing enough. The bodies had to be weakened and humiliated further. To an eerie chorus of "strange whistles and hoots," they were thrown to the dogs like Jezebel, they were dragged through the streets, they had their genitalia and internal organs cut away, which were then hawked through the city in a ghoulish commerce.» — qué hacían las multitudes católicas con los cadáveres, según Davis: echados a los perros como Jezabel, arrastrados por las calles, cortados los genitales y las vísceras y pregonados por la ciudad en un comercio macabro.
«Let us also take the embarrassing case of the desecration of religious objects by filthy and disgusting means. It is the Protestants, as we have seen, who are concerned about objects, who are trying to show that Catholic objects of worship have no magical power.» — el segundo caso difícil que Davis aborda y quién lo protagoniza.
«The line between the sacred and the profane was also redrawn by throwing the sacred host to the dogs, by roasting the crucifix upon a spit, by using holy oil to grease one's boots» — cómo se volvía a trazar la línea entre lo sagrado y lo profano, según Davis: la hostia echada a los perros, el crucifijo asado en un asador, el óleo santo usado para engrasar las botas.
«At Macon in 1562, the familiar blessing from Numbers 6: 24-26 is parodied as Protestants are slain: "The lord God of Huguenots keep you, the great Devil bless you, the Lord make his face to shine upon you who play the dead.» — la parodia de la bendición de Números que Davis registra en Mâcon mientras mataban protestantes.
«Murder finally began to be called a "farce" in Macon,* the "farce of Saint Point," named after the lieutenant governor. The game was to go with some women after a party and get one or two Protestant prisoners from jail, have the ladies chat pleasantly with them as they walked to the Sa6ne bridge, and then drown them.» — cómo se llamó por fin al asesinato en Mâcon, según Davis, y en qué consistía la farsa de Saint-Point.
«These episodes disclose to us the underlying function of the rites of violence. As with the "games" of Christ's tormentors, which hide from them the full knowledge of what they do, so these charades and ceremonies hide from sixteenth-century rioters a full knowledge of what they are doing.» — la función que Davis atribuye a esos ritos, enlazándola con los juegos de los verdugos de Cristo.
«These harmful people in the community-the evil priest or hateful heretichave already been transformed for the crowd into "vermin" or "devils." The rites of religious violence complete the process of dehumanization.» — cómo describe Davis esa transformación previa y lo que los ritos completan.
«So in Meaux, where Protestants were being slaughtered with butchers' cleavers, a living victim was trundled to his death in a wheelbarrow while the crowd cried, "vinegar, mustard." And the vicar of the parish of Fouquebrune in the Angoumois was attached with the oxen to a plow and died from Protestant blows as he pulled.» — los dos ejemplos con que cierra: el condenado llevado en carretilla mientras la multitud grita vinagre y mostaza, y el vicario de Fouquebrune uncido al arado con los bueyes.
«First, they were not by and large the alienated rootless poor that people the pages of Norman Cohn's Pursuit of the Millennium.» — lo que Davis niega de la composición de esas multitudes, nombrando a Norman Cohn.
«A large percentage of men in Protestant iconoclastic riots and in the crowds of Catholic killers in I572 were characterized as artisans.» — el dato positivo que pone en su lugar.
«More often, the social composition of the crowds extended upward to encompass merchants, notaries, and lawyers, as well as the clerics whose role has already been mentioned.» — hasta dónde subía esa composición, según Davis.
«Of twenty leaders of the I572 massacres at Orleans, three were lawyers, eight were merchants, and others were various kinds of craftsmen-tanners, butchers, and candlemakers.» — la cuenta de los cabecillas de Orleans con que lo sostiene.
«Like the legitimation for religious riot examined earlier in this essay, they are part of the "conditions for guilt-free massacre," to use a phrase from a recent study of violence in our own day.107 The crucial fact that the killers must forget is that their victims are human beings.» — la fórmula que Davis toma de un estudio sobre la violencia de su propio tiempo —las condiciones para una matanza sin culpa— y el hecho crucial que esos ritos hacen olvidar.
«In addition, there was significant participation by two other groups of people who, though not rootless and alienated, had a more marginal relationship to political power than did lawyers, merchants, or even male artisans-namely, city women and teenage boys.» — los dos grupos con participación significativa que Davis añade.
«Sometimes they were active in other ways, as in Pamiers, where a bookseller's wife set fire to the house of the leading enemy of the Huguenots there, and in Toulouse, where La Broquiere, a solicitor's wife, fought Catholics with firearms.» — los dos casos nominales que da del lado protestante.
«As the wives of Catholic tradesmen marched with their husbands in Corpus Christi Day processions, so they participated in Catholic religious disturbances. They shouted insults at a Protestant funeral in Montauban and threw mire at a minister in Vassy, screaming, "Kill him, kill the evildoer who has caused so many deaths"; but their most extreme violence seems directed against other women.» — el lado católico de ese mismo papel, con la violencia más extrema dirigida, según Davis, contra otras mujeres.
«At Aix-en-Provence in 1572, a group of butcher women tormented a Protestant woman, the wife of a bookseller, finally hanging her from a pine tree that had marked a meeting place for Protestant worship.» — el caso de Aix con que lo cierra: unas carniceras atormentan a la mujer de un librero protestante y acaban colgándola de un pino que había marcado un lugar de culto.
«Adolescent males and even boys aged ten to twelve played a strikingly important role in both Catholic and Protestant crowds.» — el papel que Davis atribuye a los adolescentes y a los niños en ambos bandos.
«In Lyon and Castelnaudary in 1562, enfants stoned Protestant worshipers on their way to services. In several towns in Provence -Marseille, Toulon, and elsewhere-Catholic youths stoned Protestants to death and burned them.» — los casos que enumera de esa violencia juvenil.
«The reputation of the adolescents in Sens and Provins was so frightening that a member of a well-known Huguenot family was afraid to walk through the streets lest the enfants de Provins massacre him.» — la medida de esa fama que Davis da.
«In Toulouse, Catholic students took part in the massacres of 1572, and a decade earlier Protestant students had had the university in an uproar, whistling and banging in lectures when the canon law or the "old religion" was mentioned.» — el caso universitario de Toulouse, con los dos bandos en dos momentos.
«In Poi tiers in 15 59, and again in 1562, Protestant youngsters from ten to twelve and students took the initiative in smashing statues and overturning altars.» — el caso de Poitiers, con niños de diez a doce años tomando la iniciativa.
«Indeed, youths are mentioned as part of almost all the great iconoclastic disturbances-in the Netherlands, in Rouen, and elsewhere.» — la extensión que Davis da a esa participación juvenil.
«As young teenagers and children participated in the processional life of, say, Rouen ("their prayers are of great merit before God, especially because they are pure and clean in their conscience and without malice," noted a Rouennais priest) and led some of the great League penitential processions in Paris in 1589, so Catholic adolescents moved into religious violence without much criticism from their elders.» — cómo explica Davis la entrada de los adolescentes católicos en la violencia, con la frase del cura de Ruan sobre la gran merced de sus oraciones por ser puros y sin malicia.
«In the Protestant case, where sons might sometimes disagree about religion with their fathers and where the revolt is in part against the paternal authority of the clergy, youthful violence seems to have more of the character of generational conflict.» — el carácter distinto que atribuye a la violencia juvenil protestante.
«But ultimately Calvinism, too, was a movement cutting across generational lines, within which adolescents or artisans sometimes took the early initiative in open militant action.» — el límite que pone a esa lectura generacional.
«Thus in Lyon in 15 sr, the first public psalm-singing marches were organized by printers' journeymen, and in Montpellier in 1560-61 it was the "young people" who first invited a minister to the city and began public psalm-singing in French in front of the city hall.» — los dos casos con que lo sostiene.
«Finally, as this essay has already suggested, the crowds of Catholics and Protestants, including those bent on deadly tasks, were not an inchoate mass, but showed many signs of organization.» — lo que Davis niega de esas multitudes y lo que afirma en su lugar.
«Even with riots that had little or no planning behind them, the event was given some structure by the situation of worship or the procession that was the occasion for many disturbances.» — qué daba estructura a los motines no planeados, según Davis.
«In other cases, planning in advance led to lists of targets and ways of identifying friends or fellow rioters (white crosses on Catholic doors in Macon in 1562; red bonnets worn by the killers in the Bande Cardinale in Bordeaux in 1572; passwords and slogans~ "Long live the Cross," "The Wolf," "Long live the Gospel» — las señas de reconocimiento que Davis registra en los motines planeados: cruces blancas en las puertas católicas, bonetes rojos y contraseñas.
«Existing organizations could provide the basis for subsequent religious disturbance; these might be confraternities and festive youth societies for Catholics; and for both Protestants and Catholics, units of the militia and craft groupings.» — qué organizaciones previas servían de base, según Davis.
«Zeal for violent purification also led to new organizations. Sometimes the model was a military one, as in the companies of Catholic artisans in Autun, Auxerre, and Le Mans raised by the lifting of an ensign; the "marching bands" organized in Beziers by both Protestants and Catholics; and the dizaines set up by the Reformed Church of Montauban in 1561.» — las organizaciones nuevas de modelo militar que Davis enumera.
«The creation which best expresses the spirit of religious riot, however, is the band of the Sieur de Flassans in Aix-en-Provence. This nobleman, First Consul of Aix, in 1562 organized a troop of menu peuple, butchers among them, and monks, to seek out Protestants in the area and stone their houses, shout at them, and kill or imprison them.» — la banda del señor de Flassans, primer cónsul de Aix, que Davis describe como la creación que mejor expresa el espíritu del motín religioso: menu peuple, carniceros y frailes buscando protestantes para apedrearles la casa, encarcelarlos o matarlos.
«That such splendor and order should be put to violent uses is a disturbing fact.» — el juicio con que Davis lo consigna.
«One approach is to view extreme religious violence as an extraordinary event, the product of frenzy, of the frustrated and paranoiac primitive mind of the people.» — la primera manera de tratar la violencia religiosa extrema que Davis expone antes de apartarse de ella.
«Though there are clearly resemblances between the purification rites of primitive tribes and those used in sixteenth-century religious riots, this essay has suggested that one does not need to look so far as the "collective unconscious" to explain this fact, nor does one need to regard the 1572 massacres as an isolated phenomenon.» — lo que Davis concede a esa lectura y lo que le objeta.
«A second approach sees such violence as a more usual part of social behavior, but explains it as a somewhat pathological product of certain kinds of child-rearing, economic deprivation, or status loss.» — la segunda manera que expone.
«This essay has assumed that conflict is perennial in social life, though the forms and strength of the accompanying violence vary, and that religious violence is intense because it connects intimately with the fundamental values and self-definition of a community.» — los dos supuestos que Davis declara para su propio ensayo.
«The violence is explained not in terms of how crazy, hungry, or sexually frustrated the violent people are (though they may sometimes have such characteristics), but in terms of the goals of their actions and in terms of the roles and patterns of behavior allowed by their culture.» — en qué términos explica Davis la violencia, con el paréntesis que no niega los otros rasgos.
«Religious violence is related here less to the pathological than to the normal.» — la fórmula que resume esa opción.
«We have seen that popular religious violence could receive legitimation from different features of political and religious life, as well as from the group identity of the people in the crowds.» — el recuento de lo hallado que Davis hace sobre la legitimación.
«The targets and character of crowd violence differed somewhat between Catholics and Protestants, depending on their perception of the source of danger and on their religious sensibility.» — y sobre las diferencias entre los dos bandos, con su razón.
«cial feathered hats with white crosses on them; they sang special songs against the Huguenots; they carried an ensign with the Pope's keys upon it; and they went everywhere led by a Franciscan with a great wooden cross.» — el aparato de la banda de Flassans, según Davis: sombreros emplumados con cruces blancas, cantos propios contra los hugonotes, una enseña con las llaves del Papa y un franciscano al frente con una gran cruz de madera.
«But in both cases, religious violence had a connection in time, place, and form with the life of worship» — el enlace que Davis traza entre la violencia religiosa y la vida de culto.
«St. Bartholomew was certainly a bigger affair than, say, the Saint Medard's riot; it had more explicit sanction from political authority, it had elaborate networks of communication at the top level throughout France, and it took a more terrible toll in deaths.» — en qué era mayor la matanza de San Bartolomé que los demás motines, según Davis.
«Perhaps its most unusual feature was that, in contrast to earlier attacks, this one did not see the Protestants fight back.124 But on the whole, it still fits into a pattern of sixteenth-century religious disturbance.» — cuál fue su rasgo más insólito según Davis, y dónde la sitúa pese a todo.
«Even in the extreme case of religious violence, crowds do not act in a mindless way. They will to some degree have a sense that what they are doing is legitimate, the occasions will relate somehow to the defense of their cause, and their violent behavior will have some structure to it-here dramatic and ritual.» — la conclusión general del ensayo.
«But the rites of violence are not the rights of violence in any absolute sense. They simply remind us that if we try to increase safety and trust within a community, try to guarantee that the violence it generates will take less destructive and cruel forms, then we must think less about pacifying "deviants" and more about changing the central values.» — el remate del ensayo, con el juego entre ritos y derechos de la violencia y la conclusión práctica que Davis saca: pensar menos en pacificar desviados y más en cambiar los valores centrales.
«The time has come ... for women to apply themselves to the sciences and disciplines." Thus the ropemaker's daughter Louise Labe addresses her sex when her collected poems are printed in Lyon in 1556. "And if one of us gets to the point where she can put her ideas in writing, then take pains with it and don't be reluctant to accept the glory.» — la primera de las voces con que Davis abre el séptimo ensayo: Louise Labé, hija de un cordelero, dirigiéndose a su sexo en sus poemas impresos en Lyon en 1556.
«I was led to knowledge of the Gospel by ... my neighbor, who had a Bible printed at Lyon and who taught me the Psalms by heart .... The two of us used to go walking in the fields Sundays and feast days, conversing about the Scriptures and the abuses of priests.» — la segunda voz: un tejedor de lienzos protestante de Cambrai explicando a sus jueces el libro de su vida, y los paseos dominicales conversando sobre la Escritura.
«Printing [is] an invention so admirable, ... so honorable in its dignity, and profitable above all others to the French. Paris and Lyon furnish the whole of Christendom with books in every language." And yet "the Publishers and master Printers ... use every stratagem to oppress ... the Journeymen, who do the biggest and best part of the work of Printing.» — la tercera voz: el memorial impreso de los oficiales impresores de París y Lyon en 1572, que llama a la imprenta invención admirable y honorable y acusa a editores y maestros de oprimir a quienes hacen la mayor y mejor parte del trabajo.
«These quotations suggest the several and complex ways in which printing entered into popular life in the sixteenth century, setting up new networks of communication, facilitating new options for the people, and also providing new means of controlling the people.» — lo que Davis dice que esas voces muestran.
«Could printing have mattered that much to the people in a period when literacy was still so low? How can one detect its influence? And what do I mean anyway by "popular" and» — las preguntas que Davis se pone a sí misma antes de contestarlas.
«On the other hand, the word could refer to a more limited but still large population: those who were commoners, not noble; of modest means or poor, not wealthy; unschooled, not learned.» — el segundo sentido.
«For Claude de Seyssel in his Grand' Monarchie of 1519, the "little people" lived in both the town and the countryside, and were those who worked the land and those who carried on the crafts and lesser mysteries.» — cómo lo define Claude de Seyssel en 1519, según Davis.
«On the one hand, "the people" could refer to all the natives in the kingdom (le peuple franj:oys) or the body of citizenry and inhabitants to which a law was promulgated.» — el primer sentido de *el pueblo* que Davis distingue en el uso del siglo XVI.
«Their goal has been to discover not so much new or continuing patterns of communication, but rather "the outlook of the average citizen" (Wright), or a popular "vision of the world" (Mandrou).» — el fin que Davis atribuye a los estudios previos de cultura popular, con Wright y Mandrou nombrados.
«In establishing the characteristics of a body of printed literature, these studies have been invaluable and even surprising. For disclosing the outlook of a given social group, though, they have some methodological drawbacks.» — lo que Davis concede a esos estudios y lo que les objeta.
«Popular books are not necessarily written by petites gens. Master Andre Le Fournier, author of a r 5 30 compilation of household recipes and cosmetics for women, was a regent of the Faculty of Medicine at Paris,5 and he was by no means the only university graduate to engage in such an enterprise.» — la primera objeción, con el caso del regente de la Facultad de Medicina de París autor de un recetario de cosméticos para mujeres.
«Nor are popular books bought and read only by petites gens. The Grand Calendrier et compost des bergers, for instance, the archetype of the French almanac, was read perhaps by countryman but surely by king. Frans;ois Ier had a copy in the royal collection, and a mid-sixteenth-century edition, now at the Houghton Library, belonged to the king's advocate at Sens.» — la segunda objeción, con el Grand Calendrier et compost des bergers leído acaso por el campesino pero sin duda por el rey.
«Finally, it is especially important to realize that people do not necessarily agree with the values and ideas in the books they read.» — la tercera objeción, que Davis llama especialmente importante.
«When a peasant read or was read to, it was not the stamping of a literal message on a blank sheet; it was the varied motion of "a strange top" (to use Jean-Paul Sartre's metaphor for the literary object), set to turning only by the combined effort of author and reader.» — la metáfora con que Davis describe la lectura, tomada de Sartre: no el estampado de un mensaje en una hoja en blanco sino el movimiento de un extraño trompo que solo giran juntos autor y lector.
«Thus we can best understand the connections between printing and the people if we do two things: first, if we supplement thematic analysis of texts with evidence about audiences that can provide context for the meaning and uses of books; second, if we consider a printed book not merely as a source for ideas and images, but as a carrier of relationships.» — las dos cosas que Davis propone hacer, con la segunda como tesis del ensayo: el libro impreso no solo como fuente de ideas sino como portador de relaciones.
«Both Goody and Eisenstein have insisted to critics that they do not intend technological determinism, and I am even more ready than they to emphasize the way that social structure and values channel the uses of literacy and printing.» — dónde se sitúa Davis respecto de esos dos, y con qué acento propio.
«literature for the peasants, an obstacle to the understanding of social and political realities.» — lo que Mandrou concluye de la Bibliothèque bleue, según Davis: literatura de evasión para los campesinos, obstáculo a la comprensión de la realidad social y política.
«ghosts to teach children a lesson or might protect peasant rebels by saying they were "fairies" who came from time to time?» — cómo acota Davis esa conclusión, enlazando con su propio ensayo sobre los amotinados protegidos por la versión de que eran hadas.
«In the cities, at any rate, the basic innovations occurred quite rapidly. By mid-century all the major centers of publication had been established in France: Paris, Lyon, Rouen, Toulouse, Poitiers, Bordeaux, Troyes. Some forty towns had presses by rsso; at least sixty had them by r6oo.» — el ritmo de esas innovaciones y la cuenta de imprentas por ciudad que Davis da.
«Moreover, economic control in the industry was not yet firmly in the hands of merchant-publishers and commercial booksellers, as it would be after the Religious Wars.» — el estado del control económico de la industria que Davis consigna para ese momento.
«Decisions about what was profitable and/or beneficial to print were made also by "industrial capitalists" and artisans, that is, by publisher-printers like Jean I de Tournes in Lyon and the Marne£ brothers in Poitiers; such decisions were even sometimes made by simple master printers publishing their own editions.» — quién decidía entonces qué se imprimía, según Davis.
«This diversity may help explain the wide range in the types of books that appeared before mid-century. In these decades there proliferated most of the forms to be published in France up to 1700.» — qué explica esa diversidad, según Davis.
«For example, virtually no Parisian artisans other than printers in the generation that died around rsoo owned printed books; by rs6o, the percentage of Parisian artisans and tradesmen possessing books in inventories after death had reached the level (not very high, to be sure) that Henri-Jean Martin has documented for mid-seventeenth-century Paris.» — el dato de posesión de libros con que lo mide, comparándose con Henri-Jean Martin.
«It does not include the unskilled dayworkers, the gagnedenier and manouvriers, the portefaix and crocheteurs, the vagabonds and permanent beggars. This floating mass was just illiterate; and however resourceful their subculture, the only reader to whom they listened with any regularity was the town crier ordering them to show up for work cleaning sewage or else leave town under penalty of the whip.» — a quiénes deja fuera y por qué, con el pregonero como único lector que esa masa flotante escuchaba con regularidad.
«Nor am I including the lower clergy or the backwoods noblemen and their wives, even though they might in the sixteenth century sometimes cluster on the borderline between literacy and illiteracy and as individuals play a role in village social life. They are distinguished from the peasants and the urban menu peuple not by the criterion of literacy but by their estate and their relations to spiritual and emotional power, to jurisdiction and to property.» — el segundo grupo que deja fuera y el criterio que aplica: no la alfabetización sino el estado y la relación con el poder espiritual, la jurisdicción y la propiedad.
«The penetration of printing into their lives was a function not just of their literacy but of several things: the cost and availability of books in a language that they knew; the existence of social occasions when books could be read aloud; the need or desire for information that they thought could be found in printed books more easily than elsewhere; and in some cases the desire to use the press to say something to someone else.» — los cuatro factores de los que Davis hace depender la penetración de la imprenta en la vida campesina.
«and even semiskilled workers (such as urban gardeners and fishermen) having some connection with urban organizations such as confraternities or guilds. It means their wives, themselves ordinarily at work in the trades, and even women in the families of the wealthier merchants. It means domestic servants, male or female, who might be living in their households.» — a quiénes incluye en la ciudad el recorte de Davis: pequeños mercaderes, artesanos maestros y oficiales, semicualificados con algún vínculo asociativo, sus mujeres —que solían trabajar en el oficio— y los criados de la casa.
«In the countryside we meet a world that sees letters infrequently, whether written or printed. Suggestive of their relevance in the days before printing is a rural festival in Torey around 1450, where a mock herald-a miller's son-with a mock seal pretends to read to the harvest queen from a blank parchment» — cómo describe Davis el mundo rural ante la letra, con la fiesta de Torey hacia 1450 y el heraldo de burlas que finge leer de un pergamino en blanco.
«Parchment or paper might come into the peasants' life when transactions were being recorded by courts, seigneurs, or rent-collectors, but peasants might equally expect to see these materials used, say, in a humiliating headdress for local offenders. (In the Ile-de-France in the fifteenth century a dishonest chicken-grower is led to punishment wearing a miter with chicks and other fowl painted on it and "an abundance of writing,» — cuándo entraba el papel en la vida campesina, según Davis, y con qué otro uso: la mitra infamante del defraudador, cubierta de escritura.
«Rural literacy remained low throughout the sixteenth century. Of the women, virtually none knew their ABC's, not even the midwives.» — el estado de la alfabetización rural femenina que Davis consigna.
«As for the men, a systematic study by Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie of certain parts of the Languedoc from the 157o's through the 159o's found that three percent of the agricultural workers and only ten percent of the better-off peasants-the laboureurs and fermiers-could sign their full names.» — la cifra masculina que toma del estudio de Le Roy Ladurie sobre el Languedoc.
«But the pupils who spent a couple of years at such places learning to read and write and sing were drawn from special families (such as that of a barber-surgeon in the Forez, who sent his boys to a school and rewarded its rector with a chapel in I 5 57) or were intended for nonagricultural occupations (such as the serf's son in the Sologne who went to school "to learn science" because he was "weak of body and could not work the soil» — de qué familias salían los pocos alumnos rurales, según Davis, con el hijo del siervo de la Sologne mandado a la escuela por débil de cuerpo.
«Charles Estienne's agricultural manual advised the landed proprietor that his tenant farmer need not have reading and writing (one can lie on paper, too) so long as he was experienced and wise in agricultural ways.» — el consejo del manual agrícola de Charles Estienne que Davis cita, con el paréntesis de que también en el papel se miente.
«As for sales of land, marriage contracts, and wills, there were itinerant scribes and notaries aplenty who were happy to add to their income by performing these services for the peasants.» — por qué el campesino podía pasarse sin letras en los actos jurídicos, según Davis.
«The country boys who really learned their letters, then, were most likely those who left for the city to apprentice to crafts or to become priests, or the few lucky sons of laboureurs who, at a time when fellowships for the poor were being taken over by the rich, still made it to the University of Paris.» — quiénes aprendían de veras las letras en el campo, según Davis.
«But when they came back to visit, such men did not leave books in their villages. "Our little Thomas talks so profoundly, almost no one can understand him» — lo que Davis niega de esos hombres a su vuelta, con el dicho de los parientes de Thomas Platter sobre lo profundo que hablaba el pequeño Thomas.
«century, so they were almost without printed books in the sixteenth.» — la continuidad que Davis mide entre los inventarios campesinos de un siglo y otro: casi sin manuscritos en el XV, casi sin impresos en el XVI.
«Yet just because one can afford books does not mean that one can have ready access to them or need them or want them.» — la respuesta que da a esa pregunta.
«A literate laboureur in some parts of France during the sixteenth century might never meet a bookseller: his nearest market town might have no presses if it were a small place, and peddlers' itineraries still reached relatively few parts of the countryside.» — la primera razón: podía no encontrar librero nunca.
«If he did come upon a bookseller, his wares might be in a language the peasant had difficulty reading, since so little printing was done in vernaculars other than French.» — la segunda razón, de lengua.
«Only five books printed in Breton during the sixteenth century could be found by an eighteenth-century student of that language, and the first work in Basque came out in 1545 and had very few imitators.» — el dato con que la mide para el bretón y el vasco.
«In any case, how much were printed books really needed in the sixteenth-century village? A Shepherds' Calendar was a useful, though not always essential, supplement to oral tradition.» — la tercera razón, de necesidad.
«The Shepherds' Calendar told which sign the moon was in and its phases, the dates of fixed and movable feast days, and the timing of solar and lunar eclipses.» — qué contenía el Calendrier des bergers, según Davis.
«For the most important findings about the year in which the calendar was printed, pictorial devices were given to aid the barely literate. For full use of the various tables, genuine ability to read was required.» — cómo se repartía su uso entre el apenas alfabetizado y el lector cabal.
«Now except for the eclipses, peasants had their own equivalent devices to calculate these results, which they then recorded "in figures on little tablets of wood.» — el instrumento propio que Davis atribuye a los campesinos para esos mismos cálculos.
«Yet here, too, rural communities were well supplied with proverbs and old sayings that covered many of these contingencies, sometimes even more aptly than the uniform teaching of the Calendar.» — lo que Davis opone al resto del contenido del Calendrier.
«afford many livres worth of linens and coffers in the 152o's could afford three sous for a Calendrier des bergers, two sous for the medical manual Le Tresor des povres, or even two and a half livres for a bound and illustrated Book of Hours, which might be a credit to his family for generations.» — la pregunta que Davis se hace sobre el costo, con los precios que da: tres sueldos por un Calendrier des bergers, dos por el Trésor des povres, dos libras y media por unas Horas encuadernadas e ilustradas que podían honrar a la familia por generaciones.
«Indeed, sometimes as I read the different sixteenth-century editions of the Calendrier des bergers, I wonder to what extent contemporary compilers and publishers envisaged a peasant public for them.» — la conjetura que Davis marca como suya sobre a quién se dirigían esos calendarios.
«Can both Provens:aux and Picards have agreed that black curly hair meant a melancholy, lewd, evil-thinking person?» — la primera de las dos preguntas con que Davis pone en duda la uniformidad de esa fisiognomía impresa frente a los dichos locales.
«Bretons and Gascons have agreed that redheads were foolish, senseless, and disloyal?» — la segunda.
«The gynecological sections of some Calendars (such as Troyes, 1541, and Lyon, 1551) were trifling compared to the wide lore of the village midwife.» — el contraste que Davis traza entre las secciones ginecológicas del Calendrier y el saber de la partera del pueblo.
«And let us hope that traveling barbers did not base their bleeding only on the crude illustration of the veins that recurred in these editions.» — la reserva con que Davis mira la lámina de las venas de esas ediciones.
«For example, the unmarried youth of the village, organized into Abbayes de Jeunesse, composed chants and playlets to mock the domestic and sexual foibles of older villagers.» — cómo se producía la creación festiva rural, según Davis, sin libro impreso de por medio.
«Thus a mid-sixteenth-century charivari song might be made up on the spur of the moment because a newly wed husband had failed three nights running to consummate his marriage.» — el ejemplo de improvisación que da, con su motivo.
«In parts of the Auvergne, reinages were organized annually in which the right to costume oneself as king, queen, dauphin, constable, and the like was auctioned off to the villager who gave the most wax to the parish church or a local convent.» — los reinages de Auvernia que Davis describe, subastados al que más cera diera a la parroquia o a un convento.
«Religious drama also emerged from this nonliterate milieu: in the late fifteenth century, four inhabitants of Triel (Ile-de-France) put on the Life of Saint Victor and got into trouble for taking a statue from the church and using it irreverently as a prop; in 1547, three laboureurs, unable to sign their names, contracted with a village painter to make "portraits" for the Life of the child martyr Saint Cyr that they were playing on Sundays in their hamlet of Villejuive.» — los dos casos de teatro religioso rural que Davis levanta del archivo, con tres labradores que no sabían firmar contratando retratos para la vida de San Ciro.
«Farces, moralities, and mysteries were pouring from the presses of Paris and Lyon in the first part of the sixteenth century, but these rural performances used no printed book and probably did not even have a text behind them.» — el contraste que Davis marca entre la producción impresa y las representaciones rurales.
«The important social institution for this was the veil/ee, an evening gathering within the village community held especially during the winter months from All Saints' Day to Ash Wednesday.» — la institución por la que la imprenta entra en la vida rural, según Davis: la veillée invernal.
«Here tools were mended by candlelight, thread was spun, the unmarried flirted, people sang, and some man or woman told stories-of Melusine, that wondrous woman-serpent with her violent husband and sons; of the girl who escaped from incest to the king's palace in a she-donkey's hide; of Renard and other adventuresome animals.» — qué se hacía en la veillée, según Davis, con los relatos de Melusina, de la niña de la piel de asna y de Renart.
«In principle, printing increased significantly the range of books available for the veil/ee. In fact, given the limited channels of distribution in the sixteenth century and the virtuosity of the traditional storyteller, even a rural schoolteacher might have very few books.» — el contraste entre el principio y el hecho que Davis marca.
«According to Noel du Fail, a young lawyer from a seigneurial family in upper Brittany who wrote in 1547 a story of a peasant village, the village books were "old": Aesop's Fables and Le Roman de Ia Rose.» — qué libros había en la aldea según Noël du Fail, y quién era él.
«By the 154o's, however, the learned were enjoying Aesop in fresh Latin and Greek editions or in new French rhyme; and, though still appreciative of the thirteenth-century Roman, they were feeling ever more distant from its sense and style, even in the updated version given them by Clement Marot.» — dónde estaban los doctos hacia los años cuarenta respecto de esos mismos libros.
«In contrast, peasants would have had no reason to supplant the early editions that Marot and his publisher disdained as full of printing errors and "trop ancien langaige.» — el contraste que Davis extrae: los campesinos no tenían motivo para sustituir las ediciones viejas que Marot y su editor desdeñaban por erratas y lengua demasiado antigua.
«in the mid-century to publish so-called "chansons rustiques" as part of general collections of songs without music, but there is no evidence that these were aimed at or bought in the villages.» — la negativa que Davis ficha como hallazgo sobre las llamadas *chansons rustiques* publicadas a mediados de siglo: nada indica que se dirigieran a las aldeas ni que se compraran allí.
«And we might well add "editing"- if not for Aesop's Fables, whose form and plots were already familiar to peasants, then for the 22,ooo lines and philosophical discourses of the Roman.» — la segunda corrección que Davis propone: además de traducir, el lector editaba.
«In a community hearing parts of the Roman for the first time, new relationships were perhaps set up with old chivalric and scholastic ways of ordering experience; some new metaphors were acquired and varied images of women and love added to the listeners' existing stock.» — qué podía pasar en una comunidad que oía el Roman por primera vez, según Davis, con su matiz de conjetura.
«Who do you yearn to be, or to love? Melusine or the Rose? A good question, but it hardly constitutes a connection with the distinctive features of "print culture.» — la pregunta con que Davis lo resume y el límite que pone a su alcance.
«As early as the I 5 30's, however, some veillees were being treated to a book that was in the vanguard and more disruptive of traditional rural patterns than Aesop, the Roman de la Rose, or the Calendrier: the vernacular Bible.» — el libro que Davis considera de veras disruptivo de los patrones rurales.
«In Picardy a cobbler reads it to the villagers at the veillees until he is discovered by a nearby abbey.» — el primer caso que da de esa entrada.
«Here the literalness of the text was important. The Bible could not be "edited" or reduced to some formulaic magic. It had to be understood, and there were probably no pictures to help.» — por qué la Biblia era distinta, según Davis: no podía editarse ni reducirse a magia formularia, había que entenderla, y probablemente sin estampas que ayudaran.
«In the Orleanais a forest ranger buys a vernacular New Testament, a French Psalter, and the Geneva catechism from a bookseller at a fair and goes alone into the forest of Marchenoir to read them.» — el segundo caso, del guarda forestal que compra en la feria y se va solo al bosque a leer.
«Over in the mountains of the Dauphine a peasant somehow teaches himself to read and write French and divides his time between plowing and the New Testament. The story goes that when reproached by the priests because he did not know the Scripture in Latin, he laboriously spelled it out until he could contradict them with Latin citations.» — el tercero, del campesino del Delfinado que aprende solo a leer y reparte su tiempo entre el arado y el Nuevo Testamento.
«Finally, evangelical peddlers begin to work the countryside systematically. A carter, a native of Poitiers, loads up in Geneva with Bibles, Psalters, and Calvinist literature published by Laurent de Normandie and looks for buyers in the Piedmont and the rural Dauphine. Five craftsmen from scattered parts of France are arrested in I559 in a village in the Lyonnais with literature from Geneva in their baskets. Even the Inquisitor wonders why they should want to sell such books to "gens rustiques.» — los buhoneros evangélicos que Davis describe, y el propio inquisidor preguntándose por qué querrían vender tales libros a gente rústica.
«pack filled with Bibles and prayer books that he had printed at Geneva, comes to sit with peasants in the fields during their noonday break and talks of the Gospel and of a new kind of prayer. Some are delighted and learn; others are outraged and curse and beat him. He is sure that one day they will know better.» — el caso de Philibert Hamelin, que con el hato lleno de Biblias impresas en Ginebra se sentaba con los campesinos en el descanso del mediodía: unos se alegraban y aprendían, otros se indignaban, lo maldecían y lo golpeaban.
«As it turned out, of course, the Calvinist message never won the massive support of the French peasants. Rural Protestantism was to be chiefly the affair either of seigneurs and great noble houses, whose tenants or subjects would then attend Reformed services perforce, or of special regions like the Cevenol, where (as LeRoy Ladurie has shown) initial commitment came from the relatively high concentration of rural artisans, especially in the leather trades.» — el desenlace que Davis consigna para el protestantismo rural francés, con las dos excepciones que distingue.
«For most peasants, the religion of the Book, the Psalm, and the Consistory gave too little leeway to the traditional oral and ritual culture of the countryside, to its existing forms of social life and social control.» — la explicación que Davis da de esa negativa campesina.
«But information on the moon's location in the zodiac either was given not in tables but in words, or more often was suppressed altogether (perhaps because it was feared that it would be put to astrological use); and the many saints whose names and pictures marked the traditional Calendrier were banished as "superstitious and idolatrous.» — qué se quitó de ese calendario reformado, según Davis, y con qué recelo: acaso el temor de que se le diera uso astrológico.
«Instead, the Reformed Calendar listed "historical" dates that would show God's ways to man. Thus Noah's progress in the ark and events in the life of Christ were recorded in their place.» — qué se puso en su lugar.
«Still, even if the Bible did not become a permanent fixture in most rural households, merely to think of selling to them on a large scale was something new.» — la novedad que Davis subraya más allá del resultado.
«Who first opened up the rural markets for the peddlers' books of the seventeenth century? Not a simple printer of rural background; he would remember the illiteracy of his village. Not an ordinary publisher of popular literature; he would worry about meager profits. But zealous Protestants could overlook all that, could face the possibilities of destroyed merchandise and even death for the sake of "consoling poor Christians and instructing them in the law of God.» — quién abrió el mercado rural del libro, según Davis: no el impresor de origen campesino ni el editor corriente, sino los protestantes celosos dispuestos a perder la mercancía y la vida.
«What happened, I think, was that the printing of "peasant lore," as in the Shepherds' Calendar and in books of common proverbs, brought it to the attention of learned men in a new way. These men were discovering the thoughts not of their local tenants or of the men and women from whom they bought grain at market, but of The Peasants. And, dedicated to the "illustration" of the national tongue and to the humanist ideal of practical service, they decided that they must correct rural lore and instruct The Peasants.» — cómo explica Davis el nacimiento de libros escritos para un público campesino: al imprimirse el saber campesino, los doctos descubrían no a sus arrendatarios concretos sino a Los Campesinos, y decidían corregirlos e instruirlos.
«Thus, Antoine Mizaud, doctor of medicine, mathematician, and professor at Paris, writes an Astrologie des Rustiques to tell countryfolk without the time to acquire perfect knowledge of the heavens how to predict the weather by sure terrestrial signs.» — el primer caso de esa literatura correctora que Davis da.
«Thus, somewhat later, the royal surgeon Jacques Guillemeau writes a book on pregnancy and childbirth "not for the learned ... but for young Surgeons, little versed in the art, dispersed here and there, far away from the cities.» — el segundo caso, con la dedicatoria a los cirujanos jóvenes dispersos lejos de las ciudades.
«Though these almanacs were conceived for a diverse public, they probably were expected to reach some peasant readers-certainly more than were the justly celebrated agricultural manuals of Charles Estienne, Jean Liebault, and others. These latter treatises were intended for landowners, gentlemen farmers, and seigneurs, who would then teach their lessees, tenants, and hired servants what to do.» — el contraste que Davis marca entre esos almanaques y los manuales agrícolas célebres, destinados a propietarios que instruirían a sus arrendatarios.
«The most interesting of these new almanacs, however, was written by Jean Vostet in 1588 and occasioned by the Gregorian calendar reform of six years before.» — el almanaque que Davis llama más interesante y su ocasión.
«had rendered useless the ancient observations of the peasants ... had ruined their verses and local memory [leurs vers et memoire locale» — lo que el patrón de Vostet decía de los diez días suprimidos: habían inutilizado las observaciones antiguas de los campesinos y arruinado sus versos y su memoria local.
«authored by doctors of medicine and "mathematicians," containing bits of possibly novel agricultural information, such as when to plant fruits and market vegetables.» — los almanaques anuales nuevos que Davis registra, escritos por médicos y matemáticos, con información agrícola posiblemente novedosa.
«For example, the Bear decides about winter's length no more at Candlemas but on February I2; the hog's acorns are put in doubt not by a rainy Saint James' day but by a rainy Saint Gengoul's. Instead of it being a good idea to bleed your right arm on March I?, Saint Gertrude's Day, you now should do it two days after the Annunciation. This will keep your eyes clear for the whole year.» — los ejemplos de corrección que Davis da: el Oso ya no decide en la Candelaria sino el 12 de febrero, y la sangría del brazo derecho se muda del día de Santa Gertrudis a dos días después de la Anunciación.
«Did Vostet's new sayings catch on? At least in the printed literature they did. We find them in the seventeenthand eighteenth-century almanacs, but coupled, alas, with the verses they were supposed to supersede.» — el desenlace que Davis consigna, con su lamento: los dichos nuevos se imprimieron, pero junto a los que debían sustituir.
«It was called On the Privileges of Rustic Persons, and Choppin wrote it in I574 at his estate at Cachan, where he, "halfpeasant," was on vacation from the Parlement of Paris.» — el segundo libro imaginado para un público campesino, con el jurista René Choppin llamándose medio campesino.
«Surveying his fields and flocks, he thought how little jurists had done to recompense the men by whose labor they lived. Why had no one told the peasants of their legal privileges and rights, so they need not be diverted from the plow to wasteful cases in the courts?» — la pregunta que Davis atribuye a Choppin.
«He spoke of the countryfolk with a pastoral nostalgia for their sincerity and an employer's suspicion of their laziness. But especially he visualized peasants as clients or opposing parties, and the book was directed to lawyers who would plead for or against them in various courts.» — cómo lee Davis el libro de Choppin y a quién iba dirigido en realidad.
«It was a genuine contribution to the slow process of unification of French law-though one about which Choppin felt defensive. Writing about rustic things after writing about the royal domain might be thought, as the proverb said, to be going from horses to asses.» — lo que Davis sí le concede, y el proverbio con que el propio Choppin se defendía de escribir de cosas rústicas tras escribir del dominio real.
«Indeed, we have no sure evidence that any of these books addressed to a rural public ever actually reached a peasant audience. Probably some of the almanacs did circulate in the countryside, for they appear in the peddlers' packs in the seventeenth century.» — la negativa que Davis ficha como hallazgo sobre esos libros dirigidos a un público rural.
«A few lines of communication were opened between professor and peasant-or rather between bodies of cultural materials, as in the case of some traditional lore that was standardized and disseminated by the press, perhaps with a little correction from above.» — el saldo que Davis da de las consecuencias de la imprenta para la comunidad campesina.
«But oral culture was still so dominant that it transformed everything it touched; and it still changed according to the rules of forgetting and remembering, watching and discussing.» — el límite que pone a ese saldo.
«Some printed medieval romances may have come to the peasants from the cities, but they cannot have played the escapist role that Mandrou has claimed for them in the seventeenth century.» — la objeción que Davis dirige otra vez a Mandrou sobre el papel evasivo de esos romances.
«Indeed, those who wished to control the countryside and bring it to order by means other than sheer force-whether bishop, seigneur, or king-would have to send not books but messengers, whose seals would not be mock and who would disclose verbally the power behind the papers that they read.» — la conclusión que Davis extrae para quien quisiera gobernar el campo sin fuerza pura: mandar no libros sino mensajeros, con sellos que no fueran de burlas.
«ants in Brittany, the Guyenne, Burgundy, and the Dauphine organized themselves into emergency communes, communicated with each other, and rebelled under traditional slogans, ensigns, and captains with festive titles-all neither deflected nor aided by what was being said in print.» — el dato con que Davis sostiene el límite de la letra impresa en el campo: comunas de emergencia y revueltas bajo lemas, enseñas y capitanes de título festivo, ni estorbadas ni ayudadas por lo que decía la imprenta.
«In other crafts, such as painting and surgery, literacy was spurred by the desire for a higher, more "professional" status and the availability of vernacular books for training.» — qué empujaba la alfabetización en otros oficios, según Davis.
«Even the royal sergeants, a group among the menu peuple previously noted only for their skill with the rod, began to live up to a 1499 decree requiring them to read and write.» — el caso de los sargentos reales, antes notables solo por su destreza con la vara.
«Very high: apothecaries, surgeons, printers. High: painters, musicians, taverners, metalworkers (including gold trades). Medium (about 50 percent): furriers and leatherworkers, artisans in textile and clothing trades. Low to very low: artisans in construction trades, in provisioning, transport; urban gardeners; unskilled dayworkers.» — el escalafón de alfabetización por oficio que Davis levanta en Lyon: muy alta en boticarios, cirujanos e impresores, y muy baja en los oficios de construcción, abasto y transporte.
«In Narbonne, for about the same time, LeRoy Ladurie found that one-third of the artisans could sign their names; another third could write initials; and only one-third were totally foreign to letters. At Montpellier the percentage of craftsmen who could make only marks was down to 25 percent.» — las cifras comparables que toma de Le Roy Ladurie para Narbona y Montpellier.
«This range among the artisans contrasts both with the almost complete literacy of well-off merchants of all kinds and with the low rate of literacy among urban women outside the families of lawyers, merchant-bankers, and publishers.» — los dos contrastes con que Davis enmarca ese escalafón.
«Thus the urban artisan had potentially a more direct access to the contents of the printed book-whose vernacular was French, as we have seenthan a peasant who could read handwritten accounts in Provenc;:al but would have had to struggle over a printed Calendrier.» — la ventaja que Davis atribuye al artesano urbano sobre el campesino.
«From simple literacy to actual reading is something of a step. Studies based only on inventories after death in sixteenth-century Paris and Amiens suggest that the step was not always taken.» — el paso que Davis distingue y su reserva.
«In the early years of the century, if an artisan or small shopkeeper in Paris owns a book at all, it is likely to be a manuscript Book of Hours. By 1520 printed books appear, displacing the manuscripts but existing along with the religious paintings, sculpture, and wall hangings that even quite modest families possess.» — qué poseía el artesano parisino a principios de siglo, según los inventarios.
«Most artisans, however, had no books at their death. They represent only about ten percent of book owners in Paris and twelve percent of book owners in Amiens (or seventeen percent, if we include barbers and surgeons), that is, well below the proportion of the gens mecaniques in the urban population at large.» — la proporción que Davis da de artesanos entre los poseedores de libros.
«Out of all the editions in the Amiens inventories, only 3·7 percent were in artisanal hands (six percent, if we include barbers and surgeons); and apart from the latter group, the median size of the library was one book!» — la medida con que remata: la mediana de la biblioteca artesana de Amiens era un libro.
«In Amiens that one book was most likely to be a Book of Hours, or perhaps a French Golden Legend (the medieval book of saints' lives popular throughout the sixteenth century), or a vernacular Bible. Or else it might be a technical work, such as a pattern book for cabinetmaking or painting.» — qué libro era ese, según Davis.
«Clearly the literate were often without private libraries and, at least on their deathbed, do not appear to have taken much advantage of the varied fruits of the "admirable invention.» — la conclusión que Davis extrae de esos inventarios.
«A twenty-four page sermon on poor relief cost as much as a loaf of coarse bread in the 1530's; an easy little arithmetic, half a loaf. A few years later, a full news account of the seizure of Rhodes could be almost as expensive as a pair of children's shoes; a book of Christmas carols, as much as a pound of candlewax.» — los precios comparados con que Davis mide el costo del impreso.
«In the 154o's a French history could cost more than half a day's wages for a painter's journeyman or a printer's journeyman, and almost a whole day's wages for a journeyman in the building trades.» — la medida en jornales de esos precios.
«Understandably, some artisans complained that they could not afford to buy it, thus prompting a Protestant polemicist to ask them whether "they didn't have all the Instruments of their craft, however much poverty made it difficult to buy them" and how could they pass up a Book of such utility as the Bible?» — la queja de los artesanos que Davis consigna y la réplica del polemista protestante sobre los instrumentos del oficio.
«In fact, artisans found ways to have access to printed materials without collecting them privately. They bought a book, read it until they were finished, or until they were broke or needed cash, and then pawned it with an innkeeper or more likely sold it to a friend or to a libraire.» — cómo resolvían los artesanos ese costo, según Davis.
«Thus one Jean de Cazes, a native of Libourne, purchased a Lyon Bible in Bordeaux for two ecus (an expensive edition), read it, and sold it to someone from the Saintonge before he was arrested for heresy in 1566 at the age of 27.» — el caso documentado con que lo ilustra.
«Books were relatively liquid assets and were less subject to depreciation than many other personal items. One kept to the end, if one could afford it, only those editions that were needed for constant reference or were wanted as permanent family property -thus the Hours, the Bibles, and the workbooks that show up in the inventories after death.» — cómo lee Davis el libro como activo y qué se quedaba en casa hasta la muerte.
«What happens when scarce printed books enter such a world? They flow through the literate segments of the menu peuple rather than remain hoarded on an artisan's shelf.» — la respuesta que da a su propia pregunta.
«Books were also shared in reading groups which, as in the countryside, brought the literate and illiterate together.» — la segunda vía de acceso que Davis describe.
«The traditional winter veil/ee was not the regular setting, however; for outside the building trades many craftsmen worked winter and summer, by candlelight if necessary, till eight or even ten o'clock at night.» — por qué la veillée no era el marco urbano de eso, según Davis.
«Certain books were designed to be read aloud or consulted in the shop, such as pattern books for textile design and the French translation of Birunguccio's Pirotechnia, an excellent manual on metallurgical processes.» — qué libros se leían en el taller, según Davis, con la Pirotechnia de Biringuccio en traducción francesa.
«So, too, the oftprinted little arithmetics that taught petty business operations "by the pen" in Arabic numerals and by counting stones (ietons) "for those who don't know how to read and write" were resources for apprentices and adults in an atelier even more than for an instructor in a little school.» — el caso de las aritméticas breves, que enseñaban con pluma y con fichas *para quienes no saben leer ni escribir*.
«One Brief Arithmetic promised to teach a tradesman all he needed to know in fifteen days' time and added mnemonic verses to help him catch on.» — la promesa de una de ellas que Davis cita.
«"secrets"-the secrets of craft, the secrets of women-had never been private possessions but corporate ones, shared, told, passed on so they would not be forgotten.» — cómo describe Davis el mundo en que entraban esos libros: los secretos del oficio y los de las mujeres nunca habían sido posesión privada sino corporativa, compartida y transmitida para que no se olvidara.
«Reading aloud in one connection or another must have been especially common in the printing shop. I am thinking not merely of the discussion of copy among scholar-printers, authors, and editors, but of reading in snatches that could reach out to the journeymen and to the spouses and daughters helping to hang up the freshly printed sheets.» — dónde supone Davis que más se leía en voz alta, y a quiénes alcanzaba.
«Thus one Michel Blanc, a simple pressman in Lyon in the late 153o's, knew enough of Marot's poems, which were printed in his shop, for his son to remember later how he had been "brought up in his youth on Marot.» — el caso con que lo sostiene: el prensista Michel Blanc sabía bastante de los poemas de Marot impresos en su taller para que su hijo recordara haberse criado en Marot.
«An early conventicle in the town of Saintes, organized by two poor artisans in I 5 57, had access to one printed Bible, from which passages were written down for discussion. Encouraged by Deuteronomy 6: 7 to speak of God's law however small their learning, the artisans scheduled written exhortations every Sunday by the six members who could read and write.» — el caso de Saintes: una sola Biblia impresa, pasajes copiados para discutir, y exhortaciones escritas cada domingo por los seis miembros que sabían leer y escribir.
«But now many individuals without the ordinary attributes expected of an author in the later Middle Ages get their books printed-and they have an audience. Their tone might range from the confident ("I've tested sundials for a long time") to the apologetic ("Excuse my unadorned language ... I am not Latin"), but they are sure that their skills, observations, or sentiments give them something distinctive to say.» — el cambio que Davis data con la imprenta en quién llega a ser autor, con los dos tonos que registra: el confiado y el que se disculpa por no ser latino.
«Like the learned writer, they present themselves to the unknown buyers of their books in proud author portraits quite different from the humble donor picture characteristic of the medieval manuscript.» — cómo se presentan esos autores nuevos, según Davis, frente a la humilde estampa del donante del manuscrito medieval.
«Now practicing apothecaries get into print, like Pierre Braillier of Lyon, who dared to attack The Abuses and Ignorance of Physicians, and Nicolas Houel of Paris, who encroached on the physicians' field by writing on the plague and who published a treatise on poor relief as well.» — los boticarios que Davis nombra entre esos autores nuevos.
«Now surgeons write on their art and even on medicine (and we must remember that they are still considered gens mecaniques in the sixteenth century, despite the gains of some of them in learning, status, and wealth).» — los cirujanos, con la acotación de que seguían teniéndose por gens mecaniques.
«Ambrose Pare's first book appears in 1545, when he is a mere army surgeon and master at the Hotel-Dieu in Paris; and at least nineteen other surgeons have vernacular texts printed from the 1540's through the rs8o's.» — el caso de Ambroise Paré y la cuenta de cirujanos con textos en lengua vulgar que Davis da.
«Sailors publish accounts of their travels to the New World. Poems come out from a cartwright in the Guyenne, a wine merchant in Toulouse, and a trader in Bethune, the last including a "Hymn to Commerce.» — los demás autores nuevos que enumera, hasta el tratante de Béthune con su himno al comercio.
«To the readers of his important dialogues on chemistry and agriculture he says that some will think it impossible that "a poor artisan ... destitute of Latin" could be right and ancient learned theorists wrong.» — lo que Bernard Palissy dice a sus lectores, según Davis.
«But experience is worth more than theory. If you don't believe what my books say, get my address from the printer and I will give you a demonstration in my own study.» — y el desafío con que lo remata: pídanle al impresor mi dirección y les haré una demostración en mi propio gabinete.
«What we see here is not merely fresh communication between craftsman and scholar (much discussed by historians of science), and between practice and theory (the participants in Palissy's dialogues); we see also a new kind of relation between an author and his anonymous public.» — lo que Davis dice que hay que ver en ese pasaje, más allá del trato entre artesano y sabio.
«Another entrant into the ranks of authors was, of course, the self-educated scholar-printer. Elizabeth Eisenstein has rightly stressed the novelty of this figure, who combined intellectual, physical, and administrative forms of labor.» — la figura cuya novedad Davis subraya con Elizabeth Eisenstein.
«Indeed, it was not only men like Badius, the Estiennes, Gryphius, and the de Tournes who had such a creative role; lesser masters and even journeymen could shape the content of the books they printed.» — el matiz que Davis añade a esa figura: también maestros menores y oficiales podían dar forma al contenido de lo que imprimían.
«A native of Saumur, Dumont was so busy preparing and correcting copy in Paris in the years I569 to I584 "that he scarcely had time to breathe.» — el caso del corrector Nicolas Dumont que Davis reconstruye.
«Yet he sometimes got hold of a press and printed pamphlets; he translated various works from Latin to French; and, in particular, he composed little news stories about Henri III's doings in France and Poland, the seizure of Tunis from the Turks, and other current happenings.» — qué hacía además de corregir, según Davis.
«Whether he presented his stories as "letters" from unnamed gentlemen observers or as anonymous eyewitness accounts, Dumont in many ways anticipated the reporter of the periodical press.» — cómo lee Davis esas piezas de Dumont.
«Female writers also appeared in print in noticeable numbersmore than twenty had some reputation. Mostly they came from families of gentlemen or lawyers, were involved in humanist circles, and published poems or translations.» — la cuenta de escritoras impresas que Davis da y de qué medios salían.
«Their works still show signs of womanly modesty: they are dedicated to other women ("because women must not willingly appear in public alone, I choose you for my guide"); they address themselves to "female readers"; they defend themselves against the reproach that silence is the ornament of women.» — las marcas de modestia que Davis registra en esos libros, hasta la dedicatoria que elige una guía porque las mujeres no deben aparecer solas en público.
«Nicole Estienne, printer's daughter and physician's wife, whose verses on "The Miseries of the Married Woman" had two editions;» — el caso de Nicole Estienne y sus versos sobre las miserias de la mujer casada.
«Once midwife to the poor of her Paris neighborhood, later midwife to the family of Henri IV, Bourgeois wrote on her art, believing herself the first woman to do so. Her wide practice, she claimed, would show up the mistakes of Physicians and Surgeons, even of Master Galen himself.» — el caso de la partera Louise Bourgeois, que se creía la primera mujer en escribir de su arte y decía que su práctica pondría al descubierto los errores de médicos y cirujanos, y aun de Galeno.
«She looks out with poise from her engraving at the reader, this skilled woman who corrected men, publicly and in print» — cómo lee Davis el grabado de Bourgeois.
«The compag11onnages of the journeymen of Lyon and Paris, as we have seen, printed the brief that they presented to the Parlement of Paris in 1572. This document raised a dozen objections to a royal edict on printing and attacked the journeymen's employers as tyrannical and avaricious oppressors, who worked them to poverty and illness. Their employers answered, also in print, that the journeymen were debauched conspiratorial "monopolists," trying to reduce their masters to servitude and destroy the industry.» — el pleito impreso de 1572 entre oficiales y patronos que Davis resume, con las acusaciones cruzadas de tiranía y de monopolio.
«A printed protest was used again in Lyon in 1588, when master printers and journeymen were on the same side against the merchant-publishers, who were ignoring them in favor of the cheaper labor of Geneva.» — el segundo caso de protesta impresa, con maestros y oficiales del mismo lado contra los mercaderes-editores.
«Here are precocious examples of artisans trying to influence literate public opinion in a labor dispute.» — cómo los califica Davis.
«For a long time, the Abbeys had left their recreations unrecorded; but in the sixteenth century they began to print them.» — el cambio que Davis registra en las abadías de desgobierno, enlazando con el cuarto ensayo.
«Thus readers outside Rouen could learn about the 1540 Mardi Gras parade at that city -with its float bearing a king, the pope, the emperor, and a fool playing catch with the globe-and could ponder its mocking verses about hypocrisy in the church, about how faith was turning to contempt (fay to fy) and nobility to injury (noblesse to on blesse).» — qué podían leer fuera de Ruan gracias a esa impresión, con los retruécanos sobre la fe vuelta desprecio y la nobleza vuelta daño.
«In the Lyon festivals of the 157o's through the 1590's, the Lord of Misprint tossed printed verses to the spectators and subsequently published the scenarios, with their complaints about the high cost of bread and paper, about the fluctuations in the value of currency, and especially about the folly of war in France.» — qué hacía el Señor de la Errata en Lyon, según Davis, y de qué se quejaban sus versos impresos.
«Second, the addition of printed pamphlets to traditional methods for spreading news (rumor, street song, private letters, town criers, fireworks displays, bell-ringing, and penitential processions) increased the menu peuple's stock of detailed information about national events.» — la segunda, con el inventario de los medios tradicionales de difundir noticias.
«In the 154o's, the Rauen festive society could count on spectators and readers knowing the facts of local political life, but references to national or European events were usually general and even allegorical.» — cómo mide Davis el cambio de ese caudal de información entre los años cuarenta y el fin de siglo.
«By the end of the century in Lyon, however, the Lord of Misprint could expect that his audience would also recognize joking references to recent sumptuary legislation and to controversial decisions of the Parlement of Paris.» — y el estado al que llega ese caudal, con el público capaz de reconocer bromas sobre leyes suntuarias recientes y fallos discutidos del Parlamento.
«Ah ... one can print in one day What it would take thirty days to say And a hundred times longer to write by hand.» — los versos de Jacques Peletier en elogio de la imprenta que Davis cita.
«High quality in vernacular publication would be guaranteed, so he had argued hopefully, by right and clear Method-right method for ordering poetry, mathematics, medicine, music, even spelling.» — con qué esperaba Peletier garantizar la calidad de lo impreso en lengua vulgar, según Davis.
«But what would happen now that all kinds of people were publishing books? In an ironic anonymous essay, he urged every village, every curate, every trader, every captain to write his piece; every parish, every vineyard must have its historian.» — la ironía de Peletier que Davis recoge: escriba su pieza cada aldea, cada cura, cada tratante y cada capitán, y tenga su historiador cada parroquia y cada viña.
«And if we do badly? Well, never mind. Our books can be used by the ladies who sell scents at the Paris bridges.» — y el remate de esa ironía.
«How indeed could the learned control not only aesthetic quality but also true doctrine and science if just anyone could get books printed, and if these books were being made available by the press in the vernacular to large numbers of ill-educated city people?» — la pregunta con que Davis pasa del gusto a la doctrina.
«The central book in the religious debate was, of course, the vernacular Bible, and for several decades the doctors of theology (strongly backed by secular law) tried to defend their monopoly on its interpretation by denying the right of the uneducated to read it.» — cuál era el libro central de ese debate y cómo defendieron los teólogos su monopolio.
«God does not want to declare his secrets to a bunch of menu peuple," said the great Jesuit Emond Auger. "Intoxicated by I know not what phrases from the Apostles, badly quoted and even worse understood, they start to abuse the Mass and make up questions." Understanding comes not from "a bare and vulgar knowledge of the words," but from the special vocation of those who have studied.» — lo que el jesuita Emond Auger sostenía en letra impresa, según Davis: el entendimiento no viene de un conocimiento desnudo y vulgar de las palabras sino de la vocación especial de los que han estudiado.
«A young Protestant pastor answered: the pope and his doctors of theology forbid the Bible to everyone but themselves, because they know that once their lives and doctrine are examined by the Word of God, they will have to give their goods to the poor and start working with their hands.» — la réplica del joven pastor protestante que Davis consigna.
«They permit a poor craftsman to read a book on love or folly, to dance or play cards, but they see him with a New Testament in his hands and he is a heretic. But our Lord has commanded us "Search the Scriptures.» — el contraste que esa réplica alegaba.
«The pastor ends up reminding his readers that reading alone was not the path to true doctrine. The Protestant method for guaranteeing orthodoxy was in the last instance censorship and punishment; but in the first instance it was the combination of reading with listening to a trained teacher.» — el límite que el propio pastor ponía, y el método protestante de ortodoxia que Davis distingue en dos instancias.
«an artisan and without knowledge?" "God taught me by His Holy Spirit," said the craftsman. "It belongs to all Christians to know it in order to learn the way to salvation.» — el diálogo de la cárcel de Lyon de 1553 que Davis cita: el inquisidor pregunta si le toca leer la Biblia a un simple artesano sin saber, y el artesano responde que Dios lo enseñó por su Espíritu Santo y que a todo cristiano toca conocerla.
«Ultimately, despite the triumphs of the Counter-Reformation in France, the doctors of theology had to abandon their position, in fact if not always in public. Force simply would not work.» — el desenlace que Davis da a esa disputa.
«What had guaranteed the clerical monopoly two hundred years before had really been a limited technology and the Latin language.» — a qué atribuye el monopolio clerical anterior.
«No legislation, no inquisition, no procedures of censorship could stop the new relations between reading, listening, and talking that had grown up among city people-relations which Catholic humanists as well as Protestants had been ready to encourage.» — lo que Davis dice que ninguna censura pudo detener.
«What was needed to maintain Catholic orthodoxy was a mode of control more suited to printing than an archaic form of sacerdotal monopoly and more effective than censorship.» — qué hacía falta en su lugar, según Davis.
«In 1542, a Franciscan religious who was translating and commenting a Book of Hours for a circle of noblewomen pointed the way. Everyone is admitted to preaching, no matter how unlearned, said Brother Gilles; need seeing words be more dangerous than hearing them?» — la pregunta con que el hermano Gilles señalaba el camino, según Davis: si a la predicación se admite a todos por indoctos que sean, ha de ser más peligroso ver las palabras que oírlas.
«The answer was to make the bare text safe by clothing it with orthodox exposition. The Jesuits were to go on and fix the meaning of a devotional text by an accompanying standardized religious picture or emblem.» — cuál era la respuesta, según Davis, y qué añadieron los jesuitas.
«By 1561 in Lyon, the Jesuit Possevino paid for the printing of orthodox little booklets and distributed them free in the streets. By the late sixteenth century, the Catholic laity had a growing body of spiritual literature in which the eye was guided by exposition and illustration.» — los dos datos con que Davis cierra ese punto.
«A similar though less intense debate occurred over the dissemination of medical information to laymen. Vernacular Regimens against the Plague and collections of remedies for ill health and women's disorders were old genres; printing did no more than increase their numbers.» — el debate paralelo que Davis distingue en la materia médica, con el límite que pone al papel de la imprenta en los géneros viejos.
«In the 153o's, however, doctors of medicine began to publish translations of Greek medical texts and of Doctor Guy de Chauliac's fourteenth-century Latin treatise on surgery, as well as systematic examinations of medicine and surgery in French for the specific use of surgeons' journeymen, "who have begged us to do it," "whose ignorance must be dispelled," and "who are today more studious than many physicians.» — lo que sí fue nuevo desde los años treinta, según Davis, con las razones que los propios traductores alegaban.
«The next step was the publication by doctors of medicine of new regimens of health and medical advice on child-rearing in the vernacular, very often dedicated to women.» — el paso siguiente que Davis registra.
«Why grutch [grudge] they phisike to come forth in Englysche? Walde they have no man to know but onley they? Or what make they themselves? Marchauntes of our lyves and deathes, that we shulde bye our healthe onely of them, and at theyr pryces?» — la queja del divulgador médico inglés que Davis cita: ¿serían mercaderes de nuestras vidas y muertes, para que solo a ellos y a sus precios compremos la salud?
«A French work by the Protestant Laurent Joubert makes the comparison explicit: those doctors of medicine who say that it is wrong to teach people how to maintain their health are no better than doctors of theology who deprive them of spiritual food.» — cómo hace explícita esa comparación Laurent Joubert, según Davis.
«To those who objected to instructing surgeons in French, Joubert's son answered that good operations could be performed in any language and that misunderstanding of a Latin text was as possible as misunderstanding of a French one ("should we burn all Latin books because of the danger that some clerk will misinterpret the law therein?» — la respuesta del hijo de Joubert, con el argumento de que malentender un texto latino es tan posible como malentender uno francés.
«And anyway, if we are willing to read books aloud to surgeons' journeymen, why not put them in French? "Must we put a lower value on the living voice than on the written paper?» — y el remate: si se leen libros en voz alta a los oficiales cirujanos, por qué no ponerlos en francés.
«For twenty-five years he had been trying to stamp out false opinions in medicine, and in I578 he decided to compile a new kind of book-Erreurs Populaires about health and medicine from conception to grave that he would collect and correct.» — el proyecto de Joubert tal como Davis lo describe.
«Popular errors" came from several sources, he explained: from weaknesses in the soul and human reasoning; from ignorant oral traditions, especially those of midwives; and from people's having heard too much from physicians and having a crude understanding of it.» — las tres fuentes del error popular que Joubert distinguía, según Davis, incluida la de haber oído demasiado a los médicos y entenderlo en crudo.
«It seems to me, however, that as the sense of the errors in peasant lore was sharpened for the learned by the printing of that lore (as we have seen above), so the printing of all kinds of vulgar regimens, traditional books of secrets, and remedies created for Joubert the concept of general errors and made them accessible to correction.» — la hipótesis que Davis marca como suya sobre el origen de ese concepto de error general.
«He then told his readers that he would wait to publish Volume Two until they had had a chance to send him more popular errors. They could just address him at the University of Montpellier, where he was Chancellor of the Faculty of Medicine. Dr. Joubert received 456 sayings and queries from readers within a year, which he duly published and, where possible, corrected or explained in Volume Two.» — el dispositivo con que Joubert convirtió a sus lectores en corresponsales, con las cuatrocientas cincuenta y seis sentencias y preguntas recibidas en un año.
«Joubert's Popular Errors illustrates the central paradox in the impact of printing on the people. On the one hand, it can destroy traditional monopolies on knowledge and authorship and can sell and disseminate widely both information and works of imagination. It can even set up a new two-way relationship between author and anonymous audience.» — la primera cara de la paradoja central que Davis formula.
«Joubert's goal and that of the other popularizers was not to eliminate the distinction between expert and inexpert or to weaken the profession of medicine. It was to raise the surgeons from their "routine illiterate practice" while defining their field to keep even the most skillful of them under the authority of the physicians. It was to raise the people to a better understanding of how to take care of themselves while convincing them more effectively to obey the doctor's orders.» — cuál era el fin de esos divulgadores, según Davis: elevar a los cirujanos de su práctica rutinaria e iletrada manteniéndolos bajo la autoridad de los médicos, y elevar al pueblo convenciéndolo mejor de obedecer al doctor.
«On the whole, it seems to me that the first 125 years of printing in France, which brought little change in the countryside, strengthened rather than sapped the vitality of the culture of the menu peuple in the cities-that is, added both to their realism and to the richness of their dreams, both to their self-respect and to their ability to criticize themselves and others.» — el saldo que Davis da de los primeros ciento veinticinco años de imprenta en Francia.
«This is because they were not passive recipients (neither passive beneficiaries nor passive victims) of a new type of communication. Rather they were active users and interpreters of the printed books they heard and» — por qué, según Davis: no eran receptores pasivos sino usuarios e intérpretes activos de los libros que oían y leían.
«the physician Vallembert pointed out in his I565 pediatric manual that Galen and Avicenna had written in their vernacular.» — el argumento con que se defendían esas ediciones médicas, paralelo al de las bíblicas: como los impresores recordaban que Jerónimo tradujo la Biblia a una lengua vulgar, el médico Vallembert recordaba que Galeno y Avicena escribieron en la suya.
«If in a different context printing may lead the people to flaccidity, escape, and the ephemeral, in the sixteenth century the printers' journeymen could claim with some reason that printing was "the eternal brush which gave a living portrait to the spirit.» — el remate del ensayo, con la frase de los oficiales impresores: la imprenta es el pincel eterno que da retrato viviente al espíritu.
«In the text Solomon gave forth rhymed proverbs of high moral tone; Marcolf then answered back in earthy verse, either redoing Solomon's sayings in shrewd practical language or going him one better in a joke.» — cómo funcionaba el diálogo de Salomón y Marcolfo, según Davis, con el que abre el octavo ensayo.
«The manuscript tradition of this dialogue, which existed in various versions and in several vernaculars, went back to the tenth century. In the twelfth century it was widely narrated, and in the sixteenth century Rabelais had his characters play it as a game, like» — la antigüedad y la difusión de ese diálogo, según Davis, hasta Rabelais, que lo hace jugar a sus personajes.
«Three centuries later, on the 30th of Florea! in the year XIII (rSos), the newly formed Academie Celtique in Paris envisaged a rather different exchange between the learned man and the peasant. The now lustrous nation of France must uncover the glories of its earliest days. To this end, the Academicians drew up a questionnaire on the proverbs, customs, "superstitious" medicine, and ritual of the peasants in order to gain information that would assist in reconstructing the language, myths, and history of the Celts.» — el otro término de la comparación: el cuestionario de la Académie Celtique de 1805 sobre proverbios, costumbres, medicina supersticiosa y rito de los campesinos.
«There was some cause for speed, for with the Code Civile and other new institutions in France, it was to be expected that the old sayings and ways would soon disappear. When the answers came back over the next few years, no Marcolf was among the respondents.» — la prisa que alegaban y el dato con que Davis cierra el contraste: entre los que respondieron no había ningún Marcolfo.
«It is the change from the living dialogue of Solomon and Marcolf to the roundabout studious questionnaire of the Celtic Academy that poses the central problem of this essay.» — cómo formula Davis el problema central del ensayo.
«Each shows the learned engaged in collecting materials about or from the peasant; each suggests a different attitude toward the peasant and different uses for his words.» — qué tienen en común y en qué difieren esos dos documentos, según Davis.
«Collecting popular customs was certainly not a major interest of the educated and wellborn in early modern Europe. They wrote pastorals, eclogues, and domestic comedies more often than observations on peasants or servants.» — el límite que Davis pone al interés de los doctos por la costumbre popular.
«They described the customs of the Turks, the Africans, the Iroquois, and the Aztecs more frequently than those of local folk. The Druids and old Celtic ways were the subject of more dissertations from the rsSo's to the r6so's than, say, the current practices of peasants in Brittany or Burgundy.» — la asimetría con que lo mide: más sobre turcos, africanos, iroqueses y aztecas que sobre la gente de la propia tierra, y más sobre druidas que sobre campesinos vivos.
«flections on the relation of noble to commoner and of master to servant.» — los caminos por los que se exploraban entonces los límites culturales y sociales, según Davis, frente a la relación entre noble y plebeyo o entre amo y criado.
«Monopolies in knowledge had broken down but had not been replaced by effective political and religious censorship and by the theory and laws of private property in ideas.» — el estado de cosas que, según Davis, permitía esa lectura activa: los monopolios del saber rotos y todavía sin sustituir por una censura política y religiosa eficaz ni por la teoría y las leyes de la propiedad privada de las ideas.
«Despite these preferences, there nevertheless exists a body of literature from the fifteenth to eighteenth centuries in which learned persons present information about the behavior and sayings of the» — el cuerpo de literatura que Davis sí encuentra pese a esas preferencias.
«Such were collections of and commentaries on song and dance in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, which claimed to have "rustic" and/or popular creations among their pages.» — el segundo género.
«Such were the books of fairy tales and folktales, which-assigned no distinctive popular origin in the fifteenth- and sixteenth-century editions-were attributed to the people, to Mother Goose, or to old nurses in the versions prepared by Charles Perrault, Mademoiselle Lheritier, and others in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries.» — el tercero, con el cambio de atribución que Davis data: sin origen popular declarado en las ediciones de los siglos XV y XVI, atribuidos al pueblo, a Mamá Oca o a las viejas nodrizas en las versiones de Perrault y de Mademoiselle Lhéritier.
«Such, finally, were the two genres that will be our point of concentration here: collections of common proverbs, and collections of popular beliefs and practices in regard to health and medical cures.» — los dos géneros que Davis toma como objeto del ensayo.
«Why were the learned writing about common sayings and doings, and for whom? Can we tell how they acquired their information and whether they altered it for publication?» — las primeras preguntas que Davis se plantea sobre ellos.
«It may also guide us in the venture that first attracted me to these collections-to use them to hear the voice of the people therein.» — lo que Davis declara que la atrajo primero a esas colecciones.
«Adages and proverbs were assembled and transcribed repeatedly in the Middle Ages. The manuscript collections fell into two categories: those proverbs and maxims attributed to ancient sages and philosophers (Aristotle, Seneca, Cato the Elder, and others), and those vernacular proverbs attributed to peasants or common people (Li proverbes au vilain, Proverbes communs, and Proverbes ruraux et vulgaux).» — las dos categorías en que Davis reparte las colecciones manuscritas medievales de proverbios.
«The compilers of the common proverbs seem to have been obscure clerics, though one collection was commissioned by a Count of Flanders and another by a Count of Burgundy. The lists might include as many as five or six hundred sayings, some of them still in use in France today.» — quiénes compilaban los proverbios comunes y qué tamaño tenían esas listas, según Davis.
«Such were the theologians' compilations of "superstitions," where the authors went to some trouble to record the practices and beliefs they wished to modify or extirpate: examples include the fifteenth-century Tractatus de superstitiosis by Henricus de Gorinchem; the late-seventeenth-century Traite des superstitions by Jean-Baptiste Thiers, cure of rural parishes in the Maine; and The Antiquities of the Common People (1725) by the Newcastle clergyman Henry Bourne.» — el primer género de esa literatura y sus tres ejemplos: los tratados de supersticiones de Henricus de Gorinchem, de Jean-Baptiste Thiers y de Henry Bourne, cuyos autores registraban con esmero lo que querían modificar o extirpar.
«Thomas More when he wrote of Utopians and Montaigne when he wrote of Cannibals) that there was some meaningful order in the language and usage of peasants and city folk, even when such language and usage might differ from their own?» — la pregunta de fondo del ensayo, que Davis formula con Tomás Moro y Montaigne detrás: hasta qué punto concebían aquellos hombres que había un orden con sentido en la lengua y el uso de campesinos y gente de ciudad, aun difiriendo del propio.
«In all likelihood, some of the proverbs did have a genuinely rural or "common" origin, but they have been modified for use by nonpeasants.» — la respuesta que da, con su matiz.
«On the one hand, their metaphors drew upon subjects familiar to countryfolk-oxen, horses, dogs, grains, fallow fields-and were sometimes coarse or ribald.» — el primer indicio que aduce.
«On the other hand, they were in Old French rather than in the regional dialects peasants spoke in the late Middle Ages. All their particularistic edges (of which we shall hear more in a moment) have been rubbed away.» — y el segundo, que apunta al contrario: el francés antiguo en vez de los dialectos, con los bordes particulares limados.
«Common proverbs thus were made generally available for the speech of knights and clerks, who wanted to supplement their own store, memorized in childhood or perhaps learned from the Distichs of Cato.» — para quién quedaban disponibles esos proverbios, según Davis.
«They were used by writers: not only did Chaucer put them in the mouth of the lusty wife of Bath, but Chretien de Troyes gave some of the vilain's proverbs to diverse characters in his courtly romances.» — cómo los usaban los escritores, según Davis, con Chaucer y Chrétien de Troyes.
«They were used in preaching, too, both in the vernacular and in Latin: "Love me, love my dog" was being said in a Latin sermon by Bernard of Clairvaux at about the same time that it was being recorded in Li proverbes au» — el uso homilético, con el ejemplo del *quien me quiere, quiere a mi perro* dicho en un sermón latino de Bernardo de Claraval.
«They may well have been used by landowning laymen at vassalic and manorial courts: the medieval common proverbs "Qui veut le roi, si va Ia loi" and "Oignez vilain, il vous poindra: poignez vilain, il vous oindra" had acquired the status of legal aphorisms by the late sixteenth century when Antoine Loisel was drawing up his manual of French customary law.» — el uso jurídico que Davis propone, con los dos proverbios que habían alcanzado estatuto de aforismo legal para Antoine Loisel.
«Learned men bound collections of vulgar proverbs in together with lofty rhetorical manuscripts on letter-writing and oratory. Noblemen had them transcribed along with "philosophic" sentences and little vernacular treatises on morality and history.» — cómo se encuadernaban esas colecciones, según Davis, y con qué compañía.
«In short, clerical and literary languages were seen as separate from common rural speech; but, as in the dialogue between Solomon and Marcolf, under certain conditions they were equivalent.» — la relación entre las lenguas que Davis extrae de todo ello.
«thority of the collections clearly depended on readers thinking so, but the compilers do not say where precisely they heard or saw their sayings.» — lo que Davis señala de esas colecciones: su autoridad dependía de que el lector las creyera salidas de labios campesinos, y sus compiladores no dicen dónde oyeron o vieron los dichos.
«an absolute monopoly on wisdom. Though the proverb "Vox populi, vox Dei" already had some currency in Europe, it was not widely accepted or used. The vulgar proverbs were collected not as the voice of God but because they had a claim to tell some of the truth. To quote Li proverbes au vilain, "The wise man takes mutton in place of venison.» — lo que Davis extrae de esa equivalencia: ninguna lengua tenía monopolio absoluto sobre la sabiduría, y los proverbios vulgares se recogían no como voz de Dios sino porque pretendían decir algo de verdad.
«First of all, the level of literacy among the laity in northern Europe was low until the fifteenth century (those were the days when only the clergy were learned, said Etienne Pasquier, looking back from the sixteenth century, thus the old saying about "speaking Latin before clerks» — la primera de las razones que Davis da del uso medieval del proverbio, con el recuerdo de Étienne Pasquier sobre los días en que solo el clero era docto.
«The mnemonic proverb was appreciated not simply because ancient writers had praised it as a rhetorical device, but because it was necessary to so much of the business of society.» — por qué se apreciaba el proverbio mnemotécnico, según Davis.
«Furthermore, until the mid-fifteenth century, most clerics shared the willingness of their hierarchical society (with its rural rituals and its Pauline tradition of the wondrous "foolishness of preaching" [r Cor. r: r8-2o]) to play at turning the world upside down.» — la segunda razón que Davis da del uso medieval del proverbio, con la tradición paulina de la locura de la predicación.
«So, too, the words of the peasant fool Marcolf could on occasion topple Solomon's wisdom.» — la consecuencia que extrae para el diálogo con que abre el ensayo.
«In the sixteenth century, this whole picture changed. Learned interest in proverbs intensified in a way that would not be seen again in Europe until the romantic national movements of the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries; and the collectors were not just modest clerics but often important humanists.» — el cambio que Davis data en el siglo XVI y quiénes lo protagonizan.
«New compilations of classical and common proverbs were made and printed; proverbs were compared from one language to another; the stylistic and linguistic features of the proverb were discussed afresh.» — en qué consistió ese cambio.
«To the older practical, moral, and rhetorical reasons for collecting proverbs was added a new concern with the enrichment of the national tongue.» — el motivo nuevo que Davis añade a los antiguos.
«The old inattention to historical and/or geographical origins was no longer general, as some collectors began to consider where precisely a common proverb came from and what it meant to its users.» — el segundo desarrollo nuevo que registra.
«Interestingly enough, these last two developments-though simultaneous and sometimes initiated by the same people-were ultimately in conflict with each other, reflecting (as we shall see) contradictory goals in the collection of the people's speech.» — la tensión que Davis señala entre esos dos desarrollos.
«To begin with, Erasmus set up a definition of the proverbor, at least, of the proverb worth collecting-that made it neither the exclusive possession of esoteric circles nor the natural property of the people.» — qué hizo Erasmo con la definición del proverbio, según Davis.
«To his contemporaries who wanted to make the proverb into a kind of hieroglyph that only an elite could fully decipher, Erasmus pointed out that many proverbs were not dark enigmas. Some of them were clear, and they were all widely known and commonly said.» — lo que Erasmo objetaba a quienes querían hacer del proverbio un jeroglífico para iniciados.
«To those collectors who thought a proverb could be just any trite saw mouthed by the people, Erasmus insisted that a proverb had to have style. It had to be pithy and witty, with an unusual turn or figure; short and neat; "clear-cut as a gem.» — y lo que objetaba a los que tomaban por proverbio cualquier perogrullada del pueblo: el proverbio debía tener estilo, ser conciso y agudo, tallado como una gema.
«Both peasant and scholar could share such language: in the Gospel itself there were "many things ... from the common people," Christ taking on our "familiar language" as he took on our body.» — el argumento con que Erasmo hacía compartible esa lengua, según Davis.
«Nevertheless, there was a limit to the vulgarity of speech in which wisdom could be expressed. When Erasmus "made a show of kitchen pots" (one of his Greek proverbs), that is, when he used Dame Folly to tell the truth about the great, she spoke in pleasant jokes, not in a "vile offensive" fashion. Marcolf's tongue would have to be bridled a bit.» — y el límite que ponía, con la conclusión de Davis: a Marcolfo habría que embridarle un poco la lengua.
«but the proverb was first and foremost embedded in its own culture. Context could be so important that Erasmus admitted "Some proverbs have this peculiarity, that they need to be quoted in their native tongue, otherwise they lose much of their charm; just as some wines refuse to be exported.» — la conclusión de ese método y la frase de Erasmo que Davis cita: algunos proverbios hay que citarlos en su lengua nativa o pierden su gracia, como ciertos vinos se niegan a ser exportados.
«For those learned persons interested in proverbs in their native tongue, the celebrated classicist and humanist had a double message. Collect and use your common proverbs, for there are gems among them; but follow your judgment and taste about what to include. Study proverbs carefully, even if they reflect customs different from your own; notice what they mean to the common people who have been using them.» — el doble mensaje que Davis extrae de Erasmo para los coleccionistas de proverbios vernáculos.
«In the early years of the century, between about 1510 and 1519, the collating of vernacular proverbs was begun by two clerics teaching in the University of Paris-Nicolas DuPuy (alias Bonaspes), who had corrected Polydore Vergil's classical proverbs, and his friend Master Jean Gilles de Noyers.» — quiénes empezaron a cotejar los proverbios vernáculos, según Davis.
«Entitled variously Proverbia communia, Proverbia gallicana, Proverbia popularia, and Proverbes communs, the editions were advertised not as a way to study the people but as a source for eloquence, for learning French and Latin, and for moral instruction of boys and even of unmarried girls.» — cómo se anunciaban esas ediciones, según Davis: no como modo de estudiar al pueblo sino como fuente de elocuencia, aprendizaje de lenguas e instrucción moral de muchachos y aun de doncellas.
«As one of them remarked in a I549 dedication, the ancients prized their proverbs, so why should the French look down on theirs?» — el argumento de una dedicatoria de 1549 que Davis cita.
«Finally, after many printings, at the opening of the seventeenth century the common proverbs (in the version of Gilles de Noyers) were all incorporated into the important Treasure of the French Tongue, Ancient and Modern. The store of proverbs came to more than a thousand; they covered a multitude of subjects; and they ranged in imagery from the fecal to the celestial.» — el destino final de esa colección y su alcance, con la imagen que va de lo fecal a lo celeste.
«The traditional popular corpus was founded on older compilations alone. Origin, meaning, and use were not there explored, and some of the proverbs were objectionable.» — por qué esa colección no satisfacía a algunos humanistas, según Davis.
«The innovator was the canon Charles de Bouelles of Noyon in Picardy, onetime member of the circle of Lefevre d'Etaples, mathematician and philosopher.» — quién innova, según Davis.
«Unlike them, he saw no possibility for creating a regulated, correLt vernacular that would equal Latin in splendor.» — en qué se apartaba Bouelles de la Pléyade, según Davis.
«Regional variations in customs and temperament (the influence of the stars was important here; yet somehow it did not affect the savants' international Latin), geographical mobility, and the ignorance of the people would always keep pronunciation, grammar, and idioms faulty and in flux.» — las causas que Bouelles daba de esa imposibilidad, con el paréntesis irónico de Davis sobre el influjo de los astros que no afectaba al latín internacional de los sabios.
«Today in France there are as many customs and languages as there are peoples, regions, and towns," he observed in his I533 Latin treatise on vernacular languages.» — la observación de Bouelles que Davis cita de su tratado de 1533.
«Erasmus went on to demonstrate a method for studying proverbs. The adage was for him not only an occasion for moral, literary, or satirical comment on his own day, but "a window on the ancient world.» — el método de estudio del proverbio que Davis atribuye a Erasmo: el adagio no solo como ocasión de comentario moral, literario o satírico sobre su propio tiempo, sino como ventana al mundo antiguo.
«However regrettable these differences, Bouelles found them worth writing about. In addition to his work on vernacular pronunciation and etymology, he published two books of popular proverbs-Proverbiorum Vulgarium Libri tres in I53I, and Proverbes et diets sententieux in I557» — qué hizo Bouelles con esas diferencias, según Davis, y con qué obras.
«Compared with the Adages of Erasmus, his were ludicrous and light-what else could you expect from plebeians? And yet he thought there was some truth spoken here, even if common proverbs were hard on soft ears.» — el juicio del propio Bouelles sobre sus proverbios y la reserva que no obstante hacía, según Davis.
«So he listened, and was the first French compiler to state that he had gone out into the streets, roads, and doorways and taken down the sayings directly from the mouth of the people.» — lo que Davis le reconoce como primero.
«Moreover, he was the first French commentator to provide some social context for his explications.» — y el segundo primero que le reconoce.
«This proverb is frequent and very common among the people, and refers to those who, even if sober and of little expense, live off others and are hard on their friends. Thus, straw is light, but on a long journey, it weighs a lot.» — la glosa de Bouelles al proverbio del camino largo y la paja, que Davis cita como muestra de ese contexto social.
«The common people, speaking of the lightness of women, say while laughing, 'a woman laughs when she can and cries when she wants to.» — la segunda muestra, sobre la ligereza de las mujeres.
«These words are said very often by the poor against the high cost of grain.» — la tercera, sobre el precio del grano.
«This proverb is more common among the menu peuple than among the rich and opulent.» — y la cuarta, que distingue por clase quién dice el proverbio.
«Admittedly, the author's close observation of the people is put in doubt when the explanation for "Escorcher l' anguille par Ia queue" begins "Those who have seen an eel skinned know that it is absolutely necessary to begin from the tail.» — la duda que Davis pone a la observación de ese autor anónimo, con la explicación circular sobre desollar la anguila por la cola.
«But elsewhere his untangling of metaphors leads to descriptions of how muleteers give oats to their mules, how winegrowers prop their vines, how peasants cheat in paying their tithes ("to give God a sheaf of straw," a proverb going back to Scripture), how cardplayers conceal their emotions (wearing a scarf over part of the face helps), how millers overcharge, and how bakers put their dough in the oven.» — lo que Davis sí le reconoce: sus metáforas desenredadas describen cómo dan avena los arrieros, cómo entutoran los viñadores, cómo engañan los campesinos en el diezmo y cómo cargan de más los molineros.
«Especially noteworthy are a few sayings that, instead of floating geographically as "common," are characterized as "peculiar" to Troyes or to the Champagne.» — lo que Davis subraya como especialmente notable en esa obra.
«Still, if proverbs and regional sentiment sometimes pushed the author of the Explications morales to detailed observation of popular customs, it was the French language rather than the culture of the people that concerned him.» — el límite que Davis pone al interés de ese autor.
«As the scholar-publisher Henri Estienne was to say in 1579 in his Precellence du langage franyois, the range in subject of the vernacular proverbs and the grace possessed by some of them proved once again that French could compete in power and beauty of expression with Italian, Greek, and Latin.» — lo que Henri Estienne sacaba de los proverbios vernáculos, según Davis.
«This was also the view of the lawyer Etienne Pasquier, who devoted many pages of his Recherches de Ia France to discussing selected common proverbs. Like his other antiquities, these were nuggets from which he could mine the national past.» — lo mismo en Étienne Pasquier, según Davis.
«Finally, the several new editions of common proverbs without commentaries that appeared in the last half of the sixteenth century and during the reign of Henri IV were not prompted by a yearning for Marcolf's wisdom or for a window on the popular world.» — cómo caracteriza Davis las ediciones de fines de siglo.
«But no one recorded proverbs "peculiar" to a place, or in regional dialects or languages like Proven~al or Bretont-not even the physician Jean Le Bon of Lorraine, who declared he was collecting his proverbs from all provinces in order to embellish French without going abroad.» — la negativa que Davis ficha como hallazgo: nadie recogía proverbios propios de un lugar ni en dialecto regional, ni siquiera el médico Jean Le Bon, que decía recogerlos de todas las provincias para embellecer el francés sin salir del reino.
«If Gabriel Meurier remarked in his rs68 preface that "it's commonly said and believed that the common people do not lie," it was not really that firmly believed.» — el dicho de Gabriel Meurier sobre que el pueblo no miente y la reserva con que Davis lo consigna.
«"voix de ville" that in any conversation might serve as the final arbiter and judge-but that the people used proverbs without appreciating all this. In a sense, the proverbs existed above "le parfer peuplacier" and were best understood by the learned.» — la posición que Davis llama más característica: el proverbio como voz de villa que en cualquier conversación puede servir de árbitro y juez, usada por el pueblo sin que este lo aprecie, y mejor entendida por los doctos.
«We come then to the basic paradox in the learned collecting of popular speech and customs during the sixteenth century. The more collectors wished to share the speech forms and language of the people, the less able they were to grasp the concrete particularity and order in popular culture.» — la primera mitad de la paradoja básica que Davis formula para el siglo XVI.
«The more collectors wished to study popular proverbs in their context, the less able they were to value them as something that could be used to enrich current national culture.» — y la segunda mitad.
«At work here were changes that loosened social and cultural boundaries only to redraw some of them more securely than before.» — cómo describe Davis el movimiento de fondo.
«On the one hand, French had been established as a learned and literary language in its own right, as against the Latin of the clergy and the universities, and this had involved in part the assimilation of popular speech forms into it.» — el primer lado de ese movimiento.
«Furthermore, common proverbs were really used by the learned. The collections went through numerous printed editions and were bought by lawyers and schoolteachers among others.» — el dato con que lo sostiene.
«So well-known were they that Rabelais could count on his readers getting the joke without commentary when the officers of Queen Whim in the Kingdom of Entelechy "ploughed a sandy shore with three couples of foxes in one yoke and did not lose their seed," "sheared asses and got long fleece wool anyway," "gathered grapes off of thorns and figs off of thistles," and "skinned an eel from the tail"; in the same way, Bruegel could count on viewers understanding much of his painted rendition of Flemish proverbs.» — la prueba de difusión que Davis da con Rabelais y con Bruegel.
«In addition, educated persons in the sixteenth century, in their relatively literate urban milieu, stood at a greater cultural distance from the oral world of the peasants than had knights and aristocrats of two or three hundred years before.» — la distancia cultural que Davis mide entre los doctos del siglo XVI y los caballeros de dos o tres siglos antes.
«However fluid social boundaries were for a while among the wealthy classes, however loose the criteria for the use of "familiar" and common speech, no learned collector wanted to erase the language boundaries that distinguished the prosperous and powerful from the lower orders.» — el límite que ninguno de esos coleccionistas quería borrar, según Davis.
«We have seen how regional loyalties prompted some of the best proverb-recording by Charles de Bouelles and the author of the Explications morales. But these loyalties were to some extent in conflict with their work as French collectors: they had to take what came from the mouth of the common people and adapt it for common use in the national tongue.» — la tensión que Davis señala entre la lealtad regional del coleccionista y su trabajo como coleccionista francés.
«I speak my Vandomois," said Pierre de Ronsard; and Jean-Antoine de Bai:f mingled his Angevin with words from other provinces.» — el caso paralelo de los poetas, con Ronsard y Baïf.
«In fact, it was "our French" that Ronsard was trying to perfect, and regional dialects would only assist with a word from time to time. One had to be careful not to use them too much, as Pasquier thought Montaigne had done with his Gasconisms. The "naivete"-a kind of naturalness-that was sought for French style was not going to be found literally in peasant speech or verse.» — el límite que Davis pone a ese uso del dialecto por los poetas, con la *naïveté* buscada para el estilo francés, que no iba a hallarse literalmente en el habla campesina.
«consciously, in my view, than in the medieval manuscript compilations.» — el segundo lado del movimiento: los proverbios populares de esas colecciones fueron ajustados al gusto y al uso de los doctos, a juicio de Davis más conscientemente que en las compilaciones manuscritas medievales.
«Already in the fifteenth century, court dance and folk dance had parted ways in France, so Curt Sachs has told us. "They ... continue to influence each other, but they have fundamentally different aims and different styles.» — el caso paralelo de la danza que Davis toma de Curt Sachs.
«At a banquet at Bayonne in 1565, for example, Catherine de Medicis had peasant girls and musicians brought in from provinces all over the kingdom, each group to dance as it did in the village (an affirmation of national character, incidentally, that can hardly have pleased the Huguenot party at court).» — el ejemplo con que lo ilustra, con el paréntesis irónico sobre lo poco que esa afirmación de carácter nacional pudo gustar al partido hugonote.
«The branles and gaillardes performed by courtiers, however, were no literal imitation of these rural dances: movements were tamed, motifs were amalgamated, gestures and rhythm were altered.» — el límite de esa imitación cortesana, según Davis.
«The humanist lawyer Antoine Loisel worked for forty years on the diverse coutumiers and local legal traditions of France in an effort (to quote his friend Pasquier) to find "the true and naif [native or natural] law of France" as opposed to the foreign judgments of Roman law.» — el tercer caso paralelo, con la empresa de Antoine Loisel.
«What he did in his Institutes coutumieres of r6o7 was to give one rule or sentence where before there had been several, and to arrange them in the topical order that lawyers like instead of leaving them in the jumble he had seen before. (How peasants and local seigneurs managed with this confusion he did not ask.» — qué hizo Loisel con ese material, según Davis, con el paréntesis que apunta lo que no se preguntó: cómo se las arreglaban campesinos y señores con aquella confusión.
«This would make it easier to teach to law students and would be a step toward "the conformity, reason and equity of a SINGLE LAW .•. under the authority of His Majesty.» — adónde apuntaba esa obra, según la propia declaración que Davis cita.
«In the first place, lawyer, writer, artisan, and peasant in the sixteenth century all delighted in the form of the proverb-its generally balanced structure and its brevity. Its very compactness, they thought, helped to convince and persuade.» — lo que compartían todos los usuarios del proverbio en el siglo XVI, según Davis.
«For the peasants, however, in their primarily unlettered and still quite local world, proverbs were an essential resource; whereas for the literary and the learned they were simply a helpful tool, an additional device.» — y la diferencia decisiva que Davis marca entre el campesino y el letrado.
«The peasants' stock was memorized, learned by ear in concrete situations in childhood and adolescence. It was all the more weighty because of its assumed connection with local or regional tradition, and it probably increased very little during a generation in the village.» — cómo se formaba y se transmitía el caudal campesino, según Davis.
«That of learned men was also in part acquired in situations during childhood, but it was enlarged by reading at school and afterward and enriched by translations of foreign sayings. It was partly memorized (and then more likely by "rehearsal" than by living usage) and partly left in books.» — cómo se formaba en cambio el caudal de los doctos.
«To the villager, his common proverbs-wide-ranging in metaphor and tone, inconsistent with each other and flexible-were available for many different circumstances and for recommending different courses of action.» — qué permitía al aldeano su repertorio de proverbios, según Davis: amplio en metáfora y en tono, inconsistente entre sí y flexible.
«Indeed, the meaning of any individual proverb might vary with the situation to which it was applied and the status of the speaker and listener.» — la variabilidad de sentido que Davis subraya.
«Similarly, we can imagine how "the goslings lead the geese to grass" could be given opposite meanings, though the author of the Explications morales perceived it only as a criticism of that situation, "against nature," in which inexperienced young people try to rule their elders.» — el ejemplo francés que Davis propone de esa doble lectura posible, frente al autor de las Explications morales, que solo veía en él una censura de lo contrario a la naturaleza.
«The gifted proverb-speakers in the village, then, were not those with new sayings, but those who knew how to apply the old ones most tellingly.» — quién era el buen hablador de proverbios en la aldea, según Davis.
«Proverbs could be used to remind peasants of what they might do for good health or a good harvest. They could provide formulas for summing up the meaning of an event. They could be used to give orders in a courteous fashion, to call someone back to duty without a humiliating confrontation, to rebuke, to argue, or to insult.» — para qué servían los proverbios en la aldea, según Davis.
«Further, we have evidence that villagers both expected an exchange of proverbs to have some role in legal argumentation and probably used them themselves before manorial courts and in village disputes. "Wherever you can attach a proverb, do so," was the advice to a lawyer in a late medieval manuscript, "for the peasants like to judge according to proverbs.» — el uso jurídico aldeano que Davis documenta, con el consejo del manuscrito tardomedieval: donde puedas encajar un proverbio, hazlo, que a los campesinos les gusta juzgar por proverbios.
«Yet none of the compilations of common proverbs discussed this similarity between lawyers' ways and peasants' ways, nor, indeed, any of the social functions of proverbial speech in the village.» — lo que Davis echa de menos en todas esas compilaciones.
«Instead of offering diverse meanings for a single proverb, they gave several examples of a single meaning.» — cómo estaban dispuestas en cambio.
«Whether listed in alphabetical order, as they usually were (an arrangement already found in a manuscript of the I45o's), or placed at random/1 the proverbs were disposed for a literate person who had time to look things up or wished to read out of curiosity.» — para quién estaban dispuestas esas colecciones, según Davis.
«They helped one learn and ornament one's language (and perhaps a foreign one as well); they inspired to moral reflection; they could make one more persuasive, witty, or severe.» — para qué servían, según Davis.
«It was old, though not unchanging. It was capable of sustaining a valued form of speech, but was lacking in consciousness about itself and was undiscriminating.» — el carácter que esos coleccionistas daban a la cultura del pueblo, según Davis.
«Montaigne might still assert that the popular villanelles of Gascony were as beautiful as the poets' perfect art,42 but there was growing doubt among the learned that Marcolfthe real Marcolf, not some fanciful shepherd-had an equivalent wisdom.» — el contraste que Davis marca entre Montaigne y la duda creciente de los doctos sobre el Marcolfo real.
«At the end of the sixteenth century, Olivier de Serres was writing in his Theater of Agriculture that the experience of unlettered peasants by itself was no sure rule for cultivating the fields/ 8 and (as we shall see below) a French physician was publishing the first book to brand as erroneous the traditional peasant proverbs on health. Increasingly, Solomon was to be the sole judge.» — los dos datos con que Davis cierra la sección, y la fórmula que la remata.
«The authority of old and vulgar sayings could hardly be compelling to enlightened Libertines with their contempt for foolish tales, to Cartesian rationalists, or to any other opponents of "superstition" and credulity.» — a quiénes no podía convencer ya la autoridad de los dichos viejos y vulgares.
«As the sense of social distance and social boundaries sharpened after the relative fluidity of the sixteenth century, so now there was less laxity in regard to the character of speech in the upper circles of the city, the world of officers, and the court.» — el endurecimiento social que Davis mide tras la relativa fluidez del siglo XVI.
«The stylist Vaugelas stated flatly in 164 7 that "the people is master only of bad usage"; the language of the court and the best authors would not be corrupted by provincialisms, words in dialect, and vulgar sayings.» — la sentencia de Vaugelas que Davis cita: el pueblo solo es dueño del mal uso.
«Even the literary genres must know their place; there was to be no mixing of tragedy and comedy. Within the comic theatre, common proverbs might be used by Moliere's valets and by Harlequin and Columbine, but they were not to be heard in the mouth of a grand seigneur.» — hasta dónde llegaba ese reparto, según Davis: los proverbios comunes podían ponerse en boca de los criados de Molière o de Arlequín y Colombina, no en la de un gran señor.
«tential of the proverb form began to wane.» — el giro que Davis data en el siglo XVII: las actitudes doctas hacia el pueblo se vuelven más críticas y decae el interés por el potencial estilístico del proverbio.
«To be sure, common proverbs need not be totally cut from learned and "honest" conversation, but they were reserved for special occasions.» — el matiz que Davis pone a ese destierro.
«New compilations of proverbs continued to be printed in seventeenth-century France, albeit in smaller numbers than before. On the whole, they reflect learned disdain for the culture of the people.» — el juicio de Davis sobre las compilaciones del siglo XVII.
«For instance, Antoine Oudin's Curiositez franroises of 1657 was an effort "to purge the language of Errors," a dictionary of vulgar and low phrases, most of which he thought should not be used.» — el primer ejemplo que da.
«Manant and Simplician start off naively using proverbs whose origins and meanings they do not understand. The Philosopher and Cosimo then explain the sayings at considerable length.» — cómo se reparte el papel en esos diálogos.
«supposed to have tested his poems on serving girls and joked that good usage could be found among the porters of Paris, his elegant language was quite free of popular expressions.» — la contradicción que Davis consigna en Malherbe sin armonizarla: se decía que probaba sus poemas con las criadas y bromeaba con hallar el buen uso entre los mozos de cuerda de París, y su lengua elegante estaba limpia de expresiones populares.
«Later, Madame de Maintenon and others wrote entire plays based on proverbs that the audience was to try and guess.» — la forma siguiente de ese juego cortesano.
«around 166o, when Jacques Lagniet published his remarkable engravings illustrating popular proverbs, he had to add captions everywhere so they could be understood.» — la medida con que Davis calibra ese olvido: Lagniet tuvo que poner leyendas por todas partes a sus grabados de proverbios populares para que se entendieran.
«The peasant "bundles" his phrases together in disorder, said one of the compilers; the philosopher composes them into a delightful discourse. "Profit from their talk ... and after having jeered ... at the ignorance of our Peasant, admire the incomparable science of our Doctor.» — cómo declaraba uno de esos compiladores el reparto de papeles, según Davis: el campesino ata sus frases en desorden, el filósofo las compone en discurso deleitoso, y el lector ha de burlarse de la ignorancia del campesino y admirar la ciencia incomparable del Doctor.
«In 1657, the Navarrais lawyer Arnauld Oihenart published his Basque Proverbs-over seven hundred of them-in Basque and in French, followed by his own Basque poems.» — la primera de las dos obras que Davis contrapone a ese tono.
«I thought I would render a service to 'ma patrie' if, after the pains I have taken since my youth to collect her proverbs from the mouth of the People, I made them more familiar and permanent by printing them.» — la declaración de Oihenart que Davis cita: creyó servir a su patria al hacer más familiares y permanentes, imprimiéndolos, los proverbios que había recogido desde su juventud de la boca del Pueblo.
«Of his local proverbs he had omitted only those that were "vulgar" or lacking in character. He concluded with a discourse on Basque orthography and ancient Basque handwriting.» — qué dejó fuera Oihenart y con qué cerró su libro, según Davis.
«His feelings for his patrie and its common proverbs were more restrained than those of Oihenart, but nevertheless he was deeply curious about Norman folkways.» — cómo compara Davis a Moisant de Brieux con Oihenart.
«Our People" is what he called the Norman peasants, and he rose to defend them against the malicious proverb "He's a Norman; he gives his word and retracts it.» — cómo llamaba Moisant de Brieux a los campesinos normandos y de qué proverbio malicioso los defendía.
«He described himself as following the tradition of Pasquier's Recherches de la France, "seeking rusty pins and little Antiquities," but it was really Normandy that was his bailiwick.» — en qué tradición se inscribía y dónde estaba de veras su terreno, según Davis.
«lt's a butcher's laugh," that is, an insincere laugh-"a Proverb common among the People of upper Normandy and comes from that fact ... that butchers hold their knife between their teeth.» — la glosa de un proverbio normando que Davis cita como muestra: la risa de carnicero, insincera, porque los carniceros sostienen el cuchillo entre los dientes.
«In the first place, collecting for direct use-collecting from a community whose words one used in poetry or whose sayings one fought in sermons-continued to put a strain on the accuracy or fullness of reporting.» — la primera de las tensiones que Davis extrae de esos dos coleccionistas.
«Thus, several decades later (as we shall see again), Charles Perrault and Mademoiselle Lheritier readily altered motifs and details in the folk tales they had collected to please and instruct the young and old in their aristocratic audience.» — el ejemplo de Perrault y Lhéritier con que la ilustra.
«And, thus, the doctor of theology Jean-Baptiste Thiers in his remarkable Traite des superstitions suppressed certain signs and words in the rituals he was condemning (he put in dots to indicate deletions) so that his readers would not try them out.» — el ejemplo de Thiers, que suprimía con puntos ciertos signos y palabras de los ritos que condenaba para que sus lectores no los probaran.
«In contrast, collectors with antiquarian detachment from their popular material, whatever other bases for selection they used, did not worry about quoting Paris street slang or describing "silly customs.» — el contraste con los coleccionistas de distancia anticuaria.
«In the second place, Moisant de Brieux and Oihenart show us that for a few savants a new impetus to the study of what the people were saying and doing could come from love of "country"; but the country was one's own region rather than» — la segunda cosa que Davis extrae de esos dos: el amor a la patria como impulso nuevo, siendo esa patria la región propia y no Francia.
«Contemporary etymological dictionaries were also displaying a more conscious concern with regional dialect and local wordsand thus with words used by peasants and the menu peuple-than had been the case in the sixteenth century.» — el otro terreno en que Davis registra ese giro regional.
«For his Origins of the French Language, Gilles Menage regretted that he did not know Breton and "the diverse idioms of our Provinces and the parlance of the Peasants, among whom Languages are conserved the longest.» — lo que Gilles Ménage lamentaba no saber, según Davis: el bretón y los idiomas de las provincias y el habla de los campesinos, entre quienes las lenguas se conservan más tiempo.
«The context for this connection between the regional and the popular was a centralizing, absolutist government. Not that these collectors were opposed to king and France-Oihenart wanted not an independent Basque country, but one free of any Spanish domination-but their interests were rooted in their regional world.» — el marco político en que Davis sitúa ese vínculo entre lo regional y lo popular, con el matiz que no los hace enemigos del rey.
«Nor was he bothered by the coarseness of some proverbs. "Now let the squeamish Reder take this Rule along with him, that Proverbs being Proleticall, and free familiar Countrey sayings do assume the Libertie to be sometimes in plain, down-right and homely termes, with wanton natural Expressions ... yet they can not be tax'd of beastliness or bawdry.» — cómo despachaba Howell la tosquedad de algunos proverbios, según Davis.
«Howell listed proverbs in Spanish, Italian, French, and English, most of them taken from previous collections, and also sayings in "Cambrian," (that is, Welsh)-the island's first language and the language of the place where he had been born.» — qué contenía esa colección y qué lugar tenía en ella el galés.
«Howell must have believed that, like the people's Royalist maypoles of I66o, the people's ancestral proverbs would support the king, too.» — la conjetura con que Davis la explica, marcada como conjetura.
«That a learned Royalist would sentimentalize popular tradition is understandable in the wake of Charles l's martyrdom and Puritan rule.» — lo que Davis dice que se entiende de ese caso inglés.
«Only in the case of the Basque country, with its particular culture and suppressed administrative unity could a poet identify romantically with the peasant.» — la única excepción francesa que Davis admite.
«Pierre Borel's Treasure ... of Gallic and French Antiquities (r655) began with a description of certain peasant customs "in our Languedoc" (such as giving no surnames in the villages around Castres, but identifying men only as "son of ... , son of ... "). The remains of the old French tongue could best be found, he thought, in Brittany, Provence, and parts of the Languedoc.» — el segundo caso de ese giro regional en los diccionarios: Pierre Borel abría su tesoro de antigüedades con costumbres campesinas del Languedoc, como la de no dar apellidos en los pueblos de Castres.
«The Peeples voice, the Voice of God we call, And what are Proverbs but the peeples voice? Coin'd first, and current made by common choice, Then sure they must have Weight and Truth withal.» — el arranque del poema con que James Howell abría sus proverbios de 1659: llamamos voz de Dios a la voz del pueblo, y qué son los proverbios sino la voz del pueblo, acuñados y puestos en curso por elección común.
«Vox populi, vox Dei, he exclaimed elsewhere; "voz de Pleu, voz de Deu" says the Gascon proverb, "for it must needs be true what every one sayes.» — la fórmula que Howell repetía, según Davis, con su versión gascona.
«His Tales of Mother Goose, first published in I697, was really based on folktales that he had heard from old countrywomen in the Ile de France and Champagne as well as on stories in the printed peddlers' books.» — de dónde venían los cuentos de Perrault, según Davis.
«And yet he had been Colbert's aide for twenty years, suggesting and supervising cultural policies to glorify the king; and the poem with which he opened a new round in the Quarrel between the Ancients and the Moderns was entitled "Le siecle de Louis le Grand.» — la tensión que Davis consigna en Perrault sin armonizarla.
«He was both "a man of the court" and "one of the rare men of his time who listened to the voice of the people,» — cómo lo describe Marc Soriano, según Davis: hombre de corte y a la vez uno de los raros de su tiempo que escuchaba la voz del pueblo.
«Rather than calling upon traditional popular wisdom to support traditional kingship, Perrault was trying to remake an old folk tradition to serve» — en qué se aparta Perrault de Howell, según Davis.
«By such means, says Soriano, folk literature entered into "great" literature by the front door. But it was at the cost of putting the multiple voices of the people into a single clear French, as was the case with proverb collectors of the sixteenth century.» — el balance que Davis hace, con Soriano, de la entrada de la literatura folclórica en la gran literatura.
«And if Soriano is right that willy-nilly the Contes de Perrault have a "pure" and "profoundly popular" character,56 it is also true that they have been pulled up from the context in which they were told, heard, and interpreted.» — el límite que Davis pone a esa entrada.
«Neither Perrault's Mother Goose nor Moisant de Brieux's "little Antiquities" pretends to tell us what the culture of the people really meant.» — la formulación con que cierra ese punto.
«In the next century, learned interest in common proverbs in France was at its lowest ebb. Playlets around proverbial sentences continued to amuse salons in Paris and elsewhere, but the proverb was not an appreciated literary device.» — el estado del interés docto por los proverbios en el siglo XVIII, según Davis.
«Between 1710 and 1750, four compilations of proverbs appeared, all called "dictionaries," all organized primarily by publishers, and all copied from earlier compilations or from each other.» — la cuenta con que lo mide.
«As for the Encyclopedie, it dismissed the proverb in a few inches. To philosophes eager to correct defective ideas by eliminating false associations and inadequate proof, the common proverb could recommend itself neither by its conciseness, nor by its familiarity, and certainly not by its claim to truth by long existence.» — cómo despacha el proverbio la Encyclopédie, según Davis, y por qué.
«There was, however, some continuing learned attention to the people's speech. Not because it was wise: if anything, it needed to be corrected.» — el interés que sí persiste, y por qué no era ya por sabiduría.
«Thus, clerics brought out new Breton-French and Proven<;:al-French dictionaries because they needed to talk to peasants and city folk ("the best Breton [dialect] for me is the one I need," said a vicar of Vannes, "for each one of us must be attached to the language of his People ... [and] must make a point of talking as one talks in the Parish» — para qué servía, según Davis, con la declaración del vicario de Vannes: el mejor bretón para mí es el que necesito, porque cada cual debe apegarse a la lengua de su Pueblo y hablar como se habla en la parroquia.
«In addition, students of the development of the French tongue -whether they stressed its Celtic, Frankish, or Latin roots-found increasingly that present-day dialects and peasant usage could help them understand the language and vocabulary of the past.» — el segundo uso docto que Davis registra.
«Already in rsSr Claude Fauchet had argued in his Origin of the French Language that the "rustic Romaine" of Charles the Bald's time was rather like contemporary Proven» — el precedente que da.
«By the eighteenth century, La Curne de Sainte-Palaye was keeping extensive notes on dialects and drawing upon them and other features of rural speech to help him define words in his important glossary of Old French.» — y su continuación en el siglo XVIII.
«Reflection on the history of language as well as on the history of religion also produced a theory that had consequences for learned concepts of popular life-the theory of primitive culture.» — la teoría que Davis introduce como decisiva para el concepto docto de vida popular.
«The theory, not exclusive to La Popeliniere, was modified and elaborated in the next centuries at the hands of Locke and Vico abroad and of French thinkers such as Fontenelle, Charles de Brosses, Rousseau, and Court de Gebelin, to mention but a few.» — quiénes la elaboraron después, según Davis.
«First, primitive peoples were not simply without certain tools, techniques, or information; their psychological and mental processes were different from those of civilized peoples. This was reflected in their language, which was concrete and sensory: at worst, incapable of abstraction; at best, mythic and emblematic.» — el primero de los dos rasgos comunes que Davis extrae de esas versiones.
«Second, evidence for primitive mentality was found not only among "savages" and ancient Greeks and Celts, but among children and the lower classes of their own day, both rural and urban.» — el segundo, que es el que toca a su asunto.
«Similarities between Indians and European peasants had been noted before (in the mid-sixteenth century, Jean de Lery, hearing the funeral laments of the women of Brazil, thought of the laments of the women of Beam), but by the eighteenth century such comparisons were more frequent. Vico's Age of the Gods evidently owed quite a bit to the people of Naples.» — los ejemplos con que lo ilustra, con Jean de Léry oyendo los llantos fúnebres de las mujeres de Brasil y acordándose de las de Bearne.
«The people's customs and speech were old, naive, and uninventive,* to be characterized by what they lacked (proper education, letters, right doctrine) rather than by what they had.» — cómo se caracterizaba entonces la cultura del pueblo, según Davis.
«The theory of the "primitive" hardened these alleged characteristics and added a few more. But, whatever interpretive drawbacks it had, the "primitive" was at least an ordering principle, and thus a small step toward an anthropological concept of culture.» — lo que Davis concede a la teoría de lo primitivo pese a sus desventajas interpretativas: era al menos un principio de ordenación, y un paso pequeño hacia un concepto antropológico de cultura.
«Tuet's preliminary essay tried to put proverbs in a long historical perspective. They were the product of an earlier stage of human culture. They were not "the remains of the ancient philosophy," as Aristotle had claimed, but were produced in an age when people were unable to reflect, took things on face value, spoke little, and expressed themselves in short sentences "imprinted with the seal of truth.» — lo que Tuet sostenía sobre el origen de los proverbios, contra Aristóteles.
«In later but still not fully civilized periods, such as that of Homer, the moral and social distance between the lettered and the people was still close: "One could utter proverbs before the great, which one would blush to say in honest society today.» — cómo describía Tuet la distancia entre letrados y pueblo en épocas no del todo civilizadas.
«But then as the language perfected itself, it pulled away from the proverbial style and rejected with disdain all words that were lowered by passing too often through the mouth of the people.» — qué pasó después, según Tuet en la exposición de Davis.
«the historian La Popeliniere was already proposing a theory of cultural stages for mankind, the first of which described illiterate peoples "presque ruraux et non civilisez." Preserving their culture through song, verse, sign, statue, and dance, they were exemplified by the contemporary "savage" peoples in the New World and by the early inhabitants of Greece and of Europe, such as the Celts.» — la teoría de estadios culturales que Davis atribuye a La Popelinière a fines del siglo XVI, con los pueblos iletrados que conservan su cultura por canto, verso, signo, estatua y danza.
«of proverb collectors? None, really.» — la respuesta de Davis a su propia pregunta por el concepto de cultura de los coleccionistas de proverbios.
«As for the people, they still talked in proverbs, as one could tell any day by listening to their women gossiping. This was because the people still remained in a primitive state.» — cómo explicaba Tuet que el pueblo siguiera hablando en proverbios.
«Because, on the eve of a revolution he was soon to support, Tuet thought the learned had pushed their delicacy too far. He regretted those earlier days "when what was well thought and said had an absolute beauty, independent of popular usage, and when there had existed a kind of community of language, for which [proverbs] were a source of riches.» — por qué coleccionaba Tuet pese a todo, según Davis, y qué añoraba: una especie de comunidad de lengua para la que los proverbios eran fuente de riqueza.
«The Revolution and its settlement had indeed strengthened the bond between national sentiment and the study of the popular. The "ancient Celtic splendor" of France was talked about with feeling. Celtic traces in popular speech, proverbs, customs, and monuments were described with fullness and local detail.» — qué reforzó la Revolución, según Davis.
«The people themselves were approached with stony sobriety.» — y cómo se trataba en cambio a la gente misma.
«He inquired about local customs, recorded part of a mocking female marriage chant, noted the commonest local insult (loup garou), talked to the cure, found an ancient burial mound, and promised to pay a peasant if he found any more jewels in his digging there.» — qué hizo Du Laure en su visita a dos aldeas, según Davis.
«He ended his thorough report with the fervent wish that every member would take similar trips to collect the monuments of the past and "bring to light those shadowy centuries.» — con qué deseo cerraba su informe.
«And what were the thoughts of the masked femmes folies whose song he had caught? And of the digging peasant, who had sold a Gallic jewel to a merchant for almost nothing and given another to his son for a plaything? We are not told.» — las preguntas con que Davis cierra el episodio y que el informe no contesta.
«It was part of a significant, though sparse, line of books on "Popular Errors" about medicine and health-a line that had been originated in 1578 by Laurent Joubert, Chancellor of the Faculty of Medicine at the University of Montpellier.» — la línea de libros sobre errores populares en que Davis inscribe la obra de Richerand, y su origen en Joubert.
«The most frequently printed was The Secrets of Alexis of Piedmont (first French edition, 15 57), with remedies and recipes that the aged "Don Alexis" had collected not only from learned and noble men but also from "poore women, Artificers, and Pesants.» — el libro más impreso de esa línea y de quiénes decía haber recogido sus recetas: no solo de doctos y nobles sino de mujeres pobres, artífices y campesinos.
«Here then was part of the Error. The rest-the major part-was dispersed throughout society, especially in the medical proverbs and practices of the peasants and the menu peuple. The most erroneous proverb of all was "every man his own physician.» — dónde estaba el grueso del Error, según Joubert en la exposición de Davis, y cuál era el proverbio más erróneo de todos.
«First, Joubert and other humanist physicians were convinced that they had an improved method for the study and practice of medicine, based on the purification of Greek texts (especially those of Galen) and on the new study of anatomy.» — el primer ingrediente de la situación de Joubert, según Davis.
«Thus, the medieval tradition had to be purged of errors, both those handed down by the School of Salerno and those embodied in vulgar sayings. The assault on it was a more vigorous one than the remaking of the general corpus of medieval proverbs.» — y lo que se seguía de ello, con la comparación que Davis hace con los proverbios.
«As a university-trained group (almost all of them laymen since the fifteenth century), the physicians feared competition in the cities from an increasingly literate and educated elite among the surgeons, not to mention encroachment from apothecaries and even presumptuous midwives» — el segundo ingrediente: el temor de los médicos a la competencia de cirujanos, boticarios y parteras.
About the work
411 entries — what the apparatus and scholarship say about it«One. Strikes and Salvation at Lyon 1 Two. Poor Relief, Humanism, and Heresy 17 Three. City Women and Religious Change 65 Four. The Reasons of Misrule 97 Five. Women on Top 124 Six. The Rites of Violence 152 Seven. Printing and the People 189 Eight. Proverbial Wisdom and Popular Errors» — el índice del volumen enumera los ocho ensayos con su folio impreso, en el orden en que se leen: huelgas y salvación en Lyon, socorro a los pobres, mujeres de ciudad y cambio religioso, las razones del desgobierno, las mujeres arriba, los ritos de violencia, la imprenta y el pueblo, y sabiduría proverbial y errores populares.
«Illustrations (between pp. r88 and 189)» — el volumen declara que las dieciocho láminas van encartadas entre dos planas del ensayo sobre la imprenta; el OCR imprime el primer folio como r88 (lectura propuesta: 188).
«Minor revisions have been made in these five essays for the present collection.» — Davis declara el alcance de su intervención sobre los cinco ensayos ya publicados al reunirlos en el volumen.
«I have corrected errors where I knew of them, sharpened a few fuzzy formulations (much aided here by the careful reading of Peter]. Kahn of Stanford University Press), and added new bibliographic references here and there in the notes.» — y detalla en qué consistió, acreditando la lectura de Peter J. Kahn de Stanford University Press — el troceo imprime *Peter]. Kahn*, con el corchete por la J.
«The excitement of discovery is always associated for me with one of these settings-Mere Folie, for instance, with the beautiful eighteenth-century library at Dijon; the varied signatures of sixteenth-century artisans with the quiet reading room of the Archives du Rhone» — Davis sitúa el hallazgo de archivo en los lugares donde ocurre y los nombra: la biblioteca dieciochesca de Dijon para Mere Folie, la sala de lectura de los Archives du Rhône para las firmas de los artesanos del siglo XVI.
«With one friend that conversation is silenced -the late Rosalie L. Colie.» — la deuda que Davis consigna con Rosalie L. Colie, a quien atribuye haberla urgido a publicar la colección.
«Last, I must pay tribute to my best general reader, my husband Chandler Davis, mathematician and writer.» — el lector que Davis nombra primero es su marido, Chandler Davis, matemático y escritor; el envoi del volumen va firmado -Ch.D.
«He has never let me get away without asking myself the central question of my goals as a historian.» — y lo que le atribuye es una pregunta, no una corrección.
«Born abroad, she longs for you, compagnons. She longs to shake your hand, to share your wine. She longs for home, four hundred years away. Through the pane she hears you but is not heard. She deserves your pity but will not have it. The songs you think are vanished once they're sung, The pleas you think are wasted if turned down, Jokes you dismiss if no one laughs or winces, She listens for. You speak sometimes too soft. And since there is no God she notes your prayers. And since there is no God she marks your fall.» — el envoi que abre el volumen, firmado -Ch.D., pone a la historiadora del lado de acá del cristal: oye a los compagnons del siglo XVI y no es oída por ellos; no es voz de Davis sino del poema que encabeza el libro.
«It was about groups like theirs, after all, that Henri Hauser said decades ago that the Reformation was a social revolution as well as a religious one; that the popular classes were rising not only against corrupt dogma and the clergy, but at the same time against poverty and injustice, and were seeking in the Bible not only salvation by faith but the original equality of men.» — Davis expone la tesis de Henri Hauser sobre estos grupos: la Reforma como revolución social además de religiosa, y la Biblia buscada por la igualdad original de los hombres tanto como por la salvación por la fe.
«It is in urban groups like theirs -men new to the city and cut off from mastership-that some historians have found a social matrix for radical Protestantism» — y consigna sin nombrarlos a los historiadores que han buscado en grupos urbanos así la matriz social del protestantismo radical y del milenarismo revolucionario.
«The tradition of rebellion is suggested by the special term used for such popular revolts in Lyon: rebeine. On rebeines in Lyon, see, for instance, Claude Bellievre, Souvenirs, ed. C. Perrat (Geneva, 1956), pp. 45, 72, 81-101; Guillaume Paradin, Memoires de l'histoire de Lyon (Lyon, 1573), pp. 234-35; Claude de Rubys, Histoire veritable de Ia ville de Lyon (Lyon, 1604), pp. 332, 502; and Rene Fedou, "Une revolte populaire a Lyon au XVe siecle: La Rebeyne de 1436," Cahiers d'histoire 4 (1959): 129-49.» — la nota en que Davis apoya esa tradición en el término lionés *rebeine* y remite a Claude Bellièvre, Guillaume Paradin, Claude de Rubys y René Fedou.
«rebeine is only one of several factors undermining Henri Hauser's claim that the grain riot of 1529 involved expressions of Protestant heresy ("Etude critique sur Ia 'Rebeine' de Lyon," Revue historique 6r [1896]: 265-307).» — la nota en que Davis objeta la tesis de Henri Hauser de que el motín del grano de 1529 llevaba dentro herejía protestante, apoyándose en la tradición lionesa de la rebeine.
«Charles Glock's discussion of this problem in "The Role of Deprivation in the Origin and Evolution of Religious Groups" (R. Lee and M. Marty, eds., Religion and Social Conflict [New York, 1964]) is also relevant. He distinguishes between circumstances that encourage a secular response and those that encourage a religious response to social and economic deprivation (p. 29). I differ from his analysis, however, in viewing the journeymen's attempt to change the form of the Catholic Church as a realistic response (not a compensatory one)» — y en qué se aparta de Charles Glock: lee el intento de los oficiales de cambiar la forma de la Iglesia católica como respuesta realista y no compensatoria.
«Henri Hours has challenged Hauser's view in his "Proces d'heresie contre Aime Meigret," Bibliotheque d'humanisme et renaissance 19 (1957): 2o-2r. Furthermore, none of the II3 known rioters can be connected with Protestant heresy, and their vocational distribution (many were unskilled workers) differs markedly from the vocational distribution of the Protestant movement.» — y los dos datos con que Davis la refuerza: la objeción de Henri Hours en su estudio del proceso de herejía contra Aimé Meigret, y la ausencia de conexión herética en los ciento trece amotinados conocidos, de reparto vocacional distinto al del movimiento protestante; el troceo imprime la cifra como II3.
«My analysis of differentiation and secularization is related to that of Robert N. Bellah in his "Religious Aspects of Modernization in Turkey and Japan," The American journal of Sociology 64 (1958): r-2, where he distinguishes between prescriptive and principia! societies. Lyon is clearly the latter.» — Davis declara el linaje de su análisis: la distinción de Robert N. Bellah entre sociedades prescriptivas y principiales, con Lyon del segundo tipo.
«as Raymond de Roover has shown, the evil nature of "monopolies" had been discussed by Catholic theorists since the fourteenth century.» — Davis se apoya en Raymond de Roover para consignar que los teóricos católicos discutían la maldad de los monopolios desde el siglo XIV.
«Etienne Dolet's claim in 1543 that he had been turned over to the Inquisition by master craftsmen getting revenge for his support of the journeymen is hard to believe.» — la nota en que Davis objeta la versión de Étienne Dolet sobre quién lo entregó a la Inquisición.
«First, most members of the masters' committee were strongly sympathetic to Protestantism and were printing or were shortly to print the very same works that had incriminated Dolet. Second, Dolet's views of journeymen (as expressed in his Avantnaissance, written the year of the first strike) show him not sympathetic to the journeymen. It is very likely that he offered good terms to the workers he hired in I538-4o, or how else would he have been able to set up shop and print so many works right in the midst of serious labor trouble?» — y las dos razones con que la objeta: los maestros simpatizaban con el protestantismo e imprimían las mismas obras que incriminaron a Dolet, y las opiniones de Dolet sobre los oficiales, en su Avantnaissance, no le son favorables.
«Rather, this statement of Dolet's is either attributable to his paranoia (see Lucien Febvre, Le probleme de l'incroyance au XVIe siecle [Paris, 1947], pp. 34, 54) or a clever maneuver to divert the attention of the Inquisition from his many evangelical publications.» — y las dos lecturas que Davis deja abiertas, sin arbitrar: paranoia —remitiendo a Lucien Febvre— o maniobra para desviar a la Inquisición de sus publicaciones evangélicas.
«Only in its brief and losing battle with the Consulate over the College de la Trinite did the Church threaten excommunication, here against fathers who sent their children to the school.» — la nota en que Davis acota esa laxitud: la única amenaza de excomunión fue en el pleito por el Collège de la Trinité, contra los padres que mandaban allí a sus hijos.
«But in the late sixteenth century the Lyon Church wanted first and foremost to win back heretics and had neither the desire nor the apparatus to probe into the details of journeymen's organizations.» — y la razón que le atribuye: la Iglesia lionesa quería ante todo recuperar herejes, y no tenía ni ganas ni aparato para hurgar en las organizaciones de oficiales.
«R. H. Tawney, while admitting that indiscriminate charity had had its critics before the Reformation, thought it had been undermined only by the Protestant attack on monasticism and hypocritical works. "The new medicine for poverty" (to use his famous phrase)-that is, harsh discipline or deprivation to uproot the poor from idleness-may have been prompted by political and economic changes, but it was prescribed by Puritan self-righteousness.» — Davis expone la tesis de R. H. Tawney: la caridad indiscriminada quedó socavada por el ataque protestante al monacato y a las obras hipócritas, y la *nueva medicina para la pobreza* —disciplina dura o privación para arrancar al pobre de la ociosidad— la recetó la suficiencia puritana.
«More recently Christopher Hill has argued in a study of the influential Puritan divine William Perkins that it was the Calvinist view of church polity that convinced the rich not to give alms indiscriminately and the poor not to expect them. The undeserving poor were "outcasts, outside the law and outside the church," and thus, says Hill, fit only for being a large cheap labor supply for developing capitalism.» — y la de Christopher Hill sobre William Perkins: la concepción calvinista de la política eclesiástica convenció a los ricos de no dar limosna sin discriminar y a los pobres de no esperarla, dejando a los indignos como mano de obra barata del capitalismo naciente.
«Brian Tierney, for instance, has proved that canon lawyers had always perceived the spiritual dangers of involuntary poverty and had also worked out some bases for discriminating among those asking alms.» — lo que Davis atribuye a Brian Tierney: los canonistas siempre percibieron los peligros espirituales de la pobreza involuntaria y elaboraron bases para discriminar entre quienes pedían limosna.
«Other historians have said that by the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries even voluntary poverty was losing its extraordinary allure for the morally sensitive: some Florentine humanists were preferring the civic uses of wealth to voluntary poverty, while northern thinkers like Jean Gerson were valuing inner detachment from material goods over literal abandonment of one's possessions.» — y lo que atribuye a otros historiadores: humanistas florentinos que preferían los usos cívicos de la riqueza, y pensadores del norte como Jean Gerson que valoraban el desapego interior por encima del abandono literal de los bienes.
«And Emanuel Chill has demonstrated for seventeenth-century France11 that the movement to enclose the poor in disciplinarian "hospitals" was led not by Huguenots or even by government bureaucrats, but by the pious members of the Company of the Holy Sacrament.» — y lo que atribuye a Emanuel Chill: el encierro de los pobres en hospitales disciplinarios lo encabezaron los piadosos de la Compañía del Santo Sacramento, ni hugonotes ni burócratas.
«Brian Pullan, in his important book Rich and Poor in Renaissance Venice: The Social Institutions of a Catholic State, to r6zo (Cambridge, Mass., 1971), shows how the Catholic sensibility of the Counter-Reformation helped shape new welfare institutions in Venice.» — la nota en que Davis remite a Brian Pullan para la sensibilidad católica de la Contrarreforma en las instituciones venecianas de socorro.
«Already in the r88o's, when German industrialization was prompting comparative economic history, Georg Ratzinger and Franz Ehrle pointed this out.» — Davis data la observación de las semejanzas entre instituciones de socorro en los años ochenta del siglo XIX, con Georg Ratzinger y Franz Ehrle; el troceo imprime la década como r88o's.
«Building on their work, W. J. Ashley told English readers that reforms in poor relief had as intellectual sources both the continental reformers and the Catholic humanist Juan Luis Vives, while the magistrates of Ypres had cited in their support an argument from the late Conciliarist John Major. Sidney and Beatrice Webb followed Ashley's view in their well-known English Poor Law.» — y la cadena que sigue: W. J. Ashley dando dos fuentes intelectuales a la reforma —los reformadores continentales y el humanista católico Juan Luis Vives—, el argumento del conciliarista tardío John Major citado por los magistrados de Ypres, y Sidney y Beatrice Webb siguiendo a Ashley.
«They haunted the Belgian scholar Pierre Bonenfant when he described welfare reform in Catholic Mons and Ypres as "a curious and without doubt generally unconscious introduction of Lutheran principles.» — lo que Davis atribuye a Pierre Bonenfant sobre la reforma asistencial en Mons e Ypres católicos: una introducción curiosa y sin duda inconsciente de principios luteranos.
«They haunted G. R. Elton when he was trying to identify the anonymous author of an impressive draft proposal for poor-law reform in England in 1535· "Because of his opposition to indiscriminate alms," said Elton, he must be "a reformer in religion.» — y lo que atribuye a G. R. Elton: inferir del rechazo a la limosna indiscriminada que el autor anónimo del proyecto inglés de 1535 era reformador en religión.
«The employment of children, says one economic historian, owed more to an "awareness, however crude, of basic demographic circumstances» — lo que Davis atribuye a un historiador económico que no nombra: el empleo de niños debió más a la conciencia de las circunstancias demográficas que —sigue la frase en la plana siguiente— a la doctrina puritana.
«Brian Tierney has called attention to the astonishing lack of imagination with which canonists approached problems of poor relief at the end of the Middle Ages.» — el contraste que Davis toma de Brian Tierney: la asombrosa falta de imaginación con que los canonistas encaraban el socorro a los pobres a fines de la Edad Media.
«zelles attended in an uninfluential capacity. There was a little discussion of suppressing Lutheran heresy and reforming clerical morals and education; much talk about whether to help pay for the king's ransom; and no talk about hospitals or the poor. G. D. Mansi, ed., Sacrorum conciliorum ... collectio (reprint; Paris and Leipzig, 1901-27), 32: cols.» — la nota en que Davis mide el desinterés del clero secular por el concilio provincial de Lyon de 1527-28, al que Vauzelles asistió sin influencia: se habló de suprimir la herejía luterana, de las costumbres y la educación del clero y del rescate del rey, y nada de hospitales ni de pobres.
«Similarly, Brian Pullan has shown that the Scuole Grandi, the great lay confraternities of Venice, while expanding their charitable activities and developing new relations with the Venetian state, were unable to deal with the broadest problems of poverty in the sixteenth century. "The Scuole Grandi existed to serve the established, resident respectable poor .... They did not cater primarily to vagrants or displaced persons .... They provided for the pious, respectable poor, not for criminals and prostitutes .... They admitted many artisans, but did not plumb the lower depths of society.» — la nota en que Davis empareja el caso lionés con lo que Brian Pullan muestra de las Scuole Grandi venecianas: servían al pobre residente y respetable, no a vagabundos, criminales ni prostitutas, y admitían artesanos sin bajar a los fondos de la sociedad.
«Among several valuable studies that have appeared since the original publication of this essay are Harold J. Grimm, "Luther's Contribution to Sixteenth-Century Organization of Poor Relief," Archive for Reformation History 6r (1970): 222-33; Robert M. Kingdon, "Social Welfare in Calvin's Geneva," American Historical Review 76 (1971): 50-69; Jean-Pierre Gutton, La societe et les pauvres. L'exemple de la generalite de Lyon, I534-r789 (Bibliotheque de Ia Faculte des Lettres et Sciences Humaines de Lyon, XXVI; Paris, 1971); Marc Venard, "Les oeuvres de charite en Avignon a l'aube du XVIIe siecle," XVIIe Siecle 90-91 (r97r): 127-43; Howard Solomon, Public Welfare, Science and Propaganda in Seventeenth Century France. The Innovations of Theophraste Renaudot (Princeton, N.J., 1972); Michel Moilat, ed., Etudes sur l'histoire de la pauvrete (Moyen Age-XVle siecle) (Publications de Ia Sorbonne, Etudes, VIII; Paris, 1974); Brian Puilan, Rich and Poor in Renaissance Venice; Richard C. Trexler, "Charity and the Defense of Urban Elites in the Italian Communes," in F. Jaher, ed., The Rich, the Well Born and the Powerful (Urbana, Ill., 1974), pp. 64-ro9.» — la nota bibliográfica que Davis añadió al reunir el ensayo en el volumen, con los estudios aparecidos después de su publicación original: Harold J. Grimm, Robert M. Kingdon, Jean-Pierre Gutton, Marc Venard, Howard Solomon, Michel Mollat —el troceo imprime *Moilat*—, Brian Pullan —impreso *Puilan*— y Richard C. Trexler.
«In a tradition of women's history that goes back to Plutarch and Boccaccio, portraits of individual women have been collected-of the wives of Luther and Calvin, for instance, and of Protestant duchesses and queens-which show that, after all, women had something to do» — las excepciones que Davis nombra en la tradición de retratos de mujeres, de Plutarco y Boccaccio en adelante: las esposas de Lutero y de Calvino, duquesas y reinas protestantes.
«More than a century ago the Scottish pastor James Anderson published his Ladies of the Reformation, Memoirs of the Distinguished Female Characters Belonging to the Sixteenth Century; and even today are appearing the charming and useful vignettes by Roland Bainton called Women of the Reformation.» — los dos títulos con que Davis fecha esa tradición: las Ladies of the Reformation del pastor escocés James Anderson y las viñetas de Roland Bainton.
«Max Weber has suggested in his Sociology of Religion that women are always especially receptive to nonmilitary and nonpolitical prophecy and to religious movements with orgiastic, emotional, or hysterical aspects to them.» — la primera hipótesis que Davis expone, de Max Weber: que las mujeres son siempre receptivas a la profecía no militar ni política y a los movimientos orgiásticos, emocionales o histéricos.
«A broader approach is found in Keith Thomas' study of women in the civil war sects of seventeenth-century England. He suggests that the spiritual status and scope of activity-emotional or nonemotional activity-offered to women are what drew them to new religions. The more spiritual equality of the sexes, the more women in the movement.» — la hipótesis que Davis toma de Keith Thomas: lo que atrae a las mujeres es el estatus espiritual y el margen de actividad que se les ofrece, y a más igualdad espiritual, más mujeres.
«Speaking of the attraction of Protestantism for the women of the English aristocracy, Lawrence Stone comments, "Given the idle and frustrated lives these women lived in the man's world of a great country house, it is hardly surprising that they should have turned in desperation to the comforts of religion.» — lo que Davis atribuye a Lawrence Stone: dada la vida ociosa y frustrada de esas mujeres en el mundo masculino de una gran casa de campo, no sorprende que se volvieran desesperadas a los consuelos de la religión.
«Robert Mandrou attributes the same kind of motivation to the wives of traders, artisans, and unskilled workers in sixteenth-century France: "Stuck in their houses, wholly occupied by their little courtyards and inner world of family and children, these women no doubt found in religious movements a kind of liberation.» — y lo que atribuye a Robert Mandrou sobre las mujeres de tratantes, artesanos y jornaleros: metidas en casa y ocupadas por el patio y el mundo interior de familia e hijos, hallaban en los movimientos religiosos una especie de liberación.
«Nancy Roelker sees the Huguenot noblewomen as strong-minded and already quite independent wives and widows who found in the Reformed cause a way to enhance their activities (by converting their relatives, protecting pastors, giving money and strategic advice to male leaders, and so on) while at the same time preserving their feminine identities.» — la hipótesis contraria que Davis toma de Nancy Roelker: nobles hugonotas ya independientes que hallaron en la causa reformada un modo de ampliar sus actividades conservando su identidad femenina.
«Similarly, Patrick Collinson thinks that it was the education and relative freedom of social life that prepared English gentlewomen and merchants' wives to respond positively to Puritanism in the sixteenth century. "The example of modern Islamic societies," Collinson writes, "leads one to expect the enthusiastic, even violent adoption of political causes by a partially emancipated womanhood. Translated into sixteenth-century categories, we are perhaps witnessing something of the same sort in the vigorous religious partisanship of the women of that time.» — y la de Patrick Collinson, que atribuye la respuesta al puritanismo a la educación y libertad social previas, con la analogía de las sociedades islámicas modernas y la adopción violenta de causas políticas por una feminidad parcialmente emancipada.
«Nancy Roelker found a different pattern among Huguenot noblewomen, who more often than their husbands took the first step toward conversion ("The Appeal of Calvinism to French Noblewomen in the Sixteenth Century," The Journal of Interdisciplinary History 2 [1972]: 402). Class differences help» — la nota en que Davis registra el patrón distinto que halló Nancy Roelker entre las nobles hugonotas —más veces que sus maridos daban el primer paso— y lo atribuye a diferencias de clase.
«seizieme siecle [Paris, I959], p. 2I8), but women were not made deaconesses.» — el cierre de esa nota: en Nîmes cuatro mujeres fueron encargadas de pedir limosna para los pobres, pero no se las hizo diaconisas.
«A proposal that women serve as deaconesses in the Reformed Church was actually made by Jean Mon!ly, former tutor in the court of Jeanne d'Albret. Appearing in his Traicte de Ia discipline et police chrestienne (I562) along with other imaginative ideas for a more decentralized and democratic church polity, the proposal was never realized.» — la propuesta que sí existió, según Davis: la de Jean Morély —el troceo imprime *Jean Mon!ly*—, antiguo preceptor en la corte de Jeanne d'Albret, en su Traicté de la discipline et police chrestienne, junto a otras ideas de una organización eclesiástica más descentralizada y democrática.
«But this change did not remedy an inequality in the existing marriagt:; law. The canon law had long allowed either male or female the right to initiate proceedings in an ecclesiastical court for separation in case of the partner's adultery, as well as for annulment and dissolution in certain circumstances.» — y el dato con que la objeta: el derecho canónico admitía desde antiguo que uno u otro cónyuge instara la separación por adulterio, además de la nulidad y la disolución en ciertos casos; el troceo imprime *marriagt:; law*.
«What determined whether men and women in fact had equal access to separation or divorce before or after the Reformation was, first, the informal operation of the double standard, which tolerated the husband's adultery more readily than the wife's, and, second, the relatively greater economic difficulty faced by the single woman supporting herself and her children in the interval before she was able to remarry.» — y lo que según Davis decidía el acceso real a la separación antes y después de la Reforma: el doble rasero informal y la mayor dificultad económica de la mujer sola con hijos en el intervalo.
«In any case, the exhaustive research of Roger Stauffenegger has shown that divorces were very rarely granted in Geneva in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries-pastors and Consistory always pressing for couples to solve their disputes.» — el dato que Davis toma de Roger Stauffenegger: en Ginebra se concedían muy pocos divorcios a fines del siglo XVI y principios del XVII, con pastores y Consistorio presionando siempre por que las parejas arreglaran sus pleitos.
«It does not seem justified to argue, as does Roelker, that Calvin's position on divorce "advanced women to a position of equality with their husbands." "By permitting wives as well as husbands to instigate divorce proceedings," she maintains, "Calvin elevated their dignity and increased their legal rights. Enacted into Genevan law, this could not help but raise the position of women to a higher level» — la nota en que Davis objeta la tesis de Nancy Roelker sobre el divorcio calvinista: que al permitir a la mujer instar el divorcio Calvino elevó su dignidad y sus derechos legales y no pudo sino subir la posición de las mujeres.
«The institution of divorce with permission to remarry in cases of adultery or very prolonged absence was, of course, an important innovation by Calvin and other Protestant reformers.» — lo que Davis sí concede a esa tesis: la institución del divorcio con permiso de volver a casarse por adulterio o ausencia muy prolongada fue innovación importante de Calvino y de otros reformadores.
«For all but the very wealthy man or woman, divorce or legal separation was an unlikely possibility.» — y el límite práctico que añade.
«In an interesting essay, Alice Rossi suggests three models for talking about equality. One is assimilationist: the subordinate group is somewhat raised by making it like the superior group. A second is pluralistic: each group is allowed to keep its distinctive characteristics but within a context of society at large that is still hierarchical. The third is hybrid (or, better, transformational), involving changes within and among all groups involved.» — los tres modelos de igualdad que Davis toma de Alice Rossi: el asimilacionista, que sube al grupo subordinado haciéndolo parecido al superior; el pluralista, que deja a cada grupo sus rasgos dentro de una sociedad todavía jerárquica; y el híbrido o transformacional.
«The same point can be made in regard to class relations within the two Reformations, the Reformed Church assimilating artisans and even peasants upward in styles of religious behavior and the Catholic allowing greater scope to "peasant religion." Although Calvinism reduced the levels of angelic and ecclesiastical hierarchy, neither church challenged the concept of social hierarchy.» — la nota en que Davis extiende el mismo par de modelos a las relaciones de clase: la Iglesia Reformada asimilando hacia arriba a artesanos y aun campesinos, la católica dejando más margen a la religión campesina, y ninguna de las dos cuestionando la jerarquía social.
«One important school of sociologists always answers such questions in favor of Protestantism. It is the superior sect: its transcendent and activist Father, less hierarchical religious symbolism, and this-worldly asceticism all make for a more evolved religion, facilitating the desacralization of society. More different choices are also facilitated, so this argument goes, and more rapid social change.» — la escuela sociológica que Davis expone antes de objetarla: el protestantismo como secta superior por su Padre trascendente y activista, su simbolismo menos jerárquico y su ascetismo intramundano, que facilitan la desacralización, más opciones y un cambio social más rápido.
«Both Conard and Cornard were used as names for the members of the Misrule Abbey at Rauen, though Conard was more frequent. To sixteenth-century observers, the words suggested the various uses of folly, sexuality, power, and noise. A canard was defined as a sot, or fool. The word also had associations with con, as in sixteenth-century pictures purporting that the female genitalia made fools out of men and were the source of male energy.» — la nota en que Davis desmenuza el nombre de la abadía de Ruan: *conard* valía por necio y sonaba a *con*, con las estampas del siglo XVI que hacían del sexo femenino la fuente de la energía y de la necedad masculinas.
«A cornard was a cuckolded husband, the husband wearing the phallic horns on his head. The two words were related, according to a seventeenth-century commentator, because of their similar sound, because both fools and deceived husbands wore horns, and because a husband was a fool to let himself be cuckolded. The wearing of horns could also evoke the diabolic, the pagan, and the Jewish, as well as the ancient meanings of honor and victory and the medieval horned mitre of the bishop» — la segunda mitad de esa nota: *cornard* era el marido cornudo, y los cuernos evocaban lo diabólico, lo pagano y lo judío y a la vez los sentidos antiguos de honor y victoria y la mitra cornuda del obispo.
«Finally, a woodcut of the Abbot of Canards from the 153o's shows him blowing a horn, which has a flag with a horn on it and the words "0 Conardz" upside down. The mocking noise made by a Misrule Abbey may be what is intended here.» — y el grabado que Davis describe al cierre de la nota: el Abad de los Conards soplando un cuerno con una bandera y las palabras *0 Conardz* al revés, que lee como el ruido burlón de una Abadía de Desgobierno.
«A 15 56 treatise by Guillaume Paradin, dean of Beaujeu, traced mumming back to Greek and Roman festivals in which it was permissible to mask oneself, imitate magistrates, and publicly proclaim the vices and faults of others. Indeed, said the good cleric, all dances, games, and kingdoms on saints' days were but "ethnicisme et paganisme.» — lo que Davis atribuye al tratado de 1556 de Guillaume Paradin, deán de Beaujeu: hacía venir la mascarada de las fiestas griegas y romanas en que era lícito enmascararse, imitar magistrados y proclamar los vicios ajenos, y llamaba a todo ello etnicismo y paganismo.
«Some fifty years later Claude Noirot, a judge of Langres, gave a similar account in his Origin of Masks, Mumming and ... Charivari, but added information on the use of public humiliation and the parade backward on an ass as legal penalties in the classical world, as well as on Roman law regarding second marriages (which, as we have seen, were occasions for charivari).» — lo que Davis atribuye a Claude Noirot, juez de Langres, medio siglo después: el mismo relato más la humillación pública y el paseo al revés en asno como penas legales antiguas, y el derecho romano sobre segundas nupcias.
«As E. K. Chambers said in his great study of the medieval stage, "the traditional beliefs and customs of the medieval or modern peasant are in nine cases out of ten but the detritus of heathen mythology and heathen worship .... Village festivals ... are but fragments of the naive cults addressed by a primitive folk to the beneficent deities of field and wood and river.» — lo que Davis cita de E. K. Chambers: las creencias y costumbres del campesino medieval o moderno son en nueve de cada diez casos detritus de la mitología y el culto paganos, y las fiestas de aldea fragmentos de los cultos ingenuos a las deidades del campo, del bosque y del río.
«According to Chambers and the literary school, they were simply a secularization during the fifteenth century of the declining Feast of Fools.17 According to others, they represented commoners imitating their betters, that is, imitating the judicial role of the seigneur18 or certain allegedly aristocratic customs of late chivalry.» — las dos explicaciones al uso que Davis expone para las abadías de desgobierno: secularización de la Fiesta de los Locos en el siglo XV, o plebeyos imitando el papel judicial del señor o costumbres de la caballería tardía.
«In a less paradoxical view ably developed by Keith Thomas, the carnival is seen as a prepolitical safety valve for the members of a structured, hierarchical society, and because of its spontaneity and irregular rhythm, the expression and reinforcement of "a pre-industrial sense of time.» — la lectura funcional que Davis toma de Keith Thomas: el carnaval como válvula de escape prepolítica de una sociedad jerárquica, y como expresión y refuerzo de un sentido preindustrial del tiempo.
«In contrast, the anthropologist Victor Turner and the Soviet structuralist Mikhail Bakhtin see topsy-turvy play or rite as present in all societies.» — el contraste que Davis monta con Victor Turner y Mijaíl Bajtín.
«For Bakhtin, in his beautiful study of Rabelais, the carnival is always a primary source of liberation, destruction, and renewal, but the scope it is allowed changes in different periods.» — qué es el carnaval para Bajtín, según Davis, y con qué variación histórica.
«Before the existence of classes and the state, the comic realm was equal to the serious; with slave and feudal societies, including that of the sixteenth century, the carnival becomes a second life, a second reality for the people, separated from power and the state but still public and perennial; in bourgeois society (and alas, one feels, in Bakhtin's socialist society as well) it is reduced to the home and the holiday.» — la periodización de Bajtín tal como Davis la expone, con el paréntesis irónico que ella añade sobre la sociedad socialista del propio Bajtín.
«The carnival does not, however, reinforce the serious institutions and rhythms of society as in the other functional theories just mentioned; it helps to change them. In Rabelais' day, says Bakhtin, it provided the people with an actual experience of life without hierarchy as against the fixed categories of "official» — en qué se aparta Bajtín de las demás teorías funcionales, según Davis: el carnaval no refuerza las instituciones serias sino que ayuda a cambiarlas, y en tiempos de Rabelais daba al pueblo una experiencia efectiva de vida sin jerarquía.
«The unmarried adolescent girls also had prescribed roles in rural festive life: they danced with the young men; they participated in May festivities; they sometimes went out with the young males on the New Year's "quete de l'Aquilanneuf" or "l'aguileneuf" (corruption of "au guy ['an neuf" and deriving from the Druid collecting of the mistletoe; M. du Tilliot, Memoires pour servir a l'histoire de la Fete des Faux [2d ed.; Lausanne and Geneva, I?SI], pp. 6?-?I). Temporary Queens were also elected among the young unmarried women of the village at certain times of year, especially in May.» — la nota en que Davis consigna el papel de las mozas solteras en la fiesta rural: bailaban con los mozos, iban a las fiestas de mayo, a veces salían en la cuestación de Año Nuevo —que remonta a la recolección druídica del muérdago— y eran elegidas reinas temporales.
«But were the village girls organized into youth groups of their own? Van Gennep reports various reinages and confraternities of unmarried girls in honor of Saint Catherine (Arnold Van Gennep, Manuel de folklore franyais [Paris, I943-49], I: 207-12), but gives no evidence that they existed in the countryside in the Middle Ages or sixteenth century.» — y la negativa que Davis ficha como hallazgo: Van Gennep registra reinages y cofradías de solteras en honor de Santa Catalina, pero no muestra que existieran en el campo en la Edad Media ni en el siglo XVI.
«Van Gennep provides many variants for the word charivari in different parts of France: chalivali, calvali, chanavari, coribari, keriboeeri-even hourvari and others» — las variantes del término charivari que Davis toma de Van Gennep: chalivali, calvali, chanavari, coribari, keriboeeri y hasta hourvari.
«Charivaris were especially violent when the remarriage involved a marked difference in age. Sometimes they did not occur if both of the spouses had been married before. Fines collected from lads from another village who came to court local girls and the fights that sometimes broke out on these occasions also reflect, in my view, a recognition of the threat to the pool of young eligibles.» — la nota en que Davis matiza el alcance de esa explicación y declara que la lectura de las multas y las peleas es suya.
«In the preface to his new edition of L' enfant et Ia vie familiale, M. Aries has considered some of the evidence presented in my essay (Paris, 1973, pp. vii-ix). He asks about the age of members of the youth-abbeys, and points out that they were organizations of bachelors (" ce/ibataires") at a period in history when men often married late. "The opposition was, then, between the married and the unmarried.» — la réplica de Ariès que Davis consigna en nota: pregunta por la edad de los miembros de las abadías juveniles, señala que eran organizaciones de célibes en una época de matrimonio tardío, y concluye que la oposición era entre casados y solteros.
«As I have already suggested, the period of male jeunesse in the sixteenth-century countryside might well last from fourteen to the early twenties, but that does not mean that it was lacking in distinctive and youthful characteristics.» — y la contrarréplica de Davis, con su acotación temporal.
«But we should not reserve the term "adolescence" only for the forms and definitions which that stage of life enjoys in Western countries in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.» — lo que Davis objeta al uso restringido del término adolescencia.
«Thus one might better assume that adolescence, the period from the onset of puberty to the full assumption of adult roles, is given some recognition, however slight, in every society; and one might then examine systematically the different ways in which it is defined, valued, and organized.» — y lo que propone en su lugar: suponerla reconocida en alguna medida en toda sociedad y examinar sistemáticamente cómo se la define, se la valora y se la organiza.
«as having an initial sense of "youth" ("a young adolescent, beginning to enter the age of manhood," Pierre Borel, Dictionnaire des termes du vieux franyois [Paris, 1750 ], p. 17; and the rites and festivities described above depended for their meaning both on the youthful and on the unmarried state of the actors.» — el argumento filológico con que responde a Ariès: los contemporáneos entendían *bachelier* con un sentido inicial de juventud, y los ritos descritos dependían a la vez de la juventud y de la soltería de sus actores.
«Finally, these groups make us attend the message of the anthropologist Andre Varagnac and the sociologistS. N. Eisenstadt about the importance of age categories or age groups in the traditional rural community. As Eisenstadt says, "In primitive and traditional societies, youth groups are usually part of a wider organization of age groups that covers a very long period of life, from childhood to late adulthood and even old age.» — lo que Davis toma de André Varagnac y de S. N. Eisenstadt: en las sociedades primitivas y tradicionales los grupos de jóvenes son parte de una organización de grupos de edad que cubre casi toda la vida.
«Sixteenth-century medical literature said that on the average puberty begins for males at 14, and that "!'age d'adolescence" usually lasts from 14 to 20 or 21, being a period of "natural robustness" in which exercise is important» — lo que Davis levanta de la literatura médica del siglo XVI: la pubertad masculina hacia los catorce y la edad de adolescencia hasta los veinte o veintiuno, período de robustez natural en que importa el ejercicio.
«As Eisenstadt points out, "However great the differences among various societies, there is one focal point within the life span of an individual which in most known societies is to some extent emphasized: the period of youth, of transition from childhood to full adult status, or full membership in the society.» — lo que Davis cita de Eisenstadt: por grandes que sean las diferencias entre sociedades, casi todas subrayan en alguna medida el período de la juventud, de tránsito de la niñez al estatus adulto pleno.
«What differs from society to society and from sector to sector within a society, he goes on, is "the extent to which age in general and youth in» — en qué difieren las sociedades según Eisenstadt, tal como Davis lo expone; la frase se corta aquí porque el troceo intercala una nota al pie, y sigue en la plana siguiente: cuánto pesa la edad como criterio de reparto de papeles y cuánto se desarrollan organizaciones corporativas de una misma edad.
«As in the countryside, membership in the Abbeys was confined to males. All of the officers with female names were men who dressed as women (see Chapter 5).» — la nota en que Davis consigna que las abadías eran de varones y que todos los cargos con nombre de mujer los ocupaban hombres vestidos de mujer.
«The closest we come to festive organizations for females are temporary Queens, as in Abbeville from the fourteenth century on, where Queens were elected in every quarter on Easter Tuesday» — lo más cercano a una organización festiva femenina que Davis encuentra: las reinas temporales, como en Abbeville, elegidas por barrio el martes de Pascua.
«In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, French brothels were sometimes called "Abbayes," with an Abbess at their head, but these were pleasure organizations of quite another kind.» — el homónimo que Davis descarta expresamente: los burdeles franceses llamados a veces *abbayes*, con una abadesa al frente, eran organizaciones de placer de otra clase.
«Rabelais passes over second marriages with an anticlerical joke, but dwells on the husband-beater. "At the creation of the world, or a little after, the women conspired together to flay the men alive for trying to lord it over them everywhere." Panurge worries about marrying such a woman and plans to beat her instead» — la nota en que Davis contrasta a Rabelais con su propio hallazgo: despacha las segundas nupcias con una broma anticlerical y se demora en la mujer que pega al marido, con la conspiración de las mujeres al crearse el mundo y el Panurgo que planea pegarle él a ella.
«Female medical practitioners also accepted the theory of the "wandering womb" and provided remedies for female hysteria.» — la nota en que Davis consigna que también las practicantes de la medicina aceptaban la teoría del útero errante y daban remedios para la histeria femenina.
«Some female writers from the sixteenth to the early eighteenth centuries, such as Marguerite de Navarre, Madame de Lafayette, Aphra Behn, and Mary de Ia Riviere Manley, did not accept this view.» — la nota en que Davis consigna la divergencia de algunas escritoras —Marguerite de Navarre, Madame de Lafayette, Aphra Behn, Mary de la Rivière Manley— con la tesis de la mujer naturalmente sobria.
«The English characterization of a wife's killing of her husband as petty treason rather than as homicide may be an early example of the kind of symbolism being described here. Petty treason appeared as a crime distinct from high treason in the fourteenth century, and lasted as such till the early nineteenth century. It included the killing of a master by his servant, a husband by his wife, and a prelate by a secular cleric or religious.» — el ejemplo jurídico que Davis pone en nota: que matar al marido se calificara en Inglaterra de pequeña traición y no de homicidio, delito distinto de la alta traición desde el siglo XIV, que incluía también al criado que mata al amo y al clérigo secular que mata al prelado.
«Anthropologists offer several suggestions about the functions of magical transvestism and ritual inversion of sex roles. First, sexual disguise can ward off danger from demons, malignant fairies, or other powers that threaten castration or defloration.» — la primera función del travestismo mágico que Davis recoge de los antropólogos.
«Second, transvestism and sexual reversal can be part of adolescent rites of passage, either to suggest the marginality of the transitional state (as when a male initiate is likened to a menstruating woman) or to allow each sex to obtain something of the other's power (as in certain initiation and marriage customs in early Greece).» — la segunda.
«Third, exchange of sex can be part of what Victor Turner has called "rituals of status reversal," as when women in certain parts of Africa usurp the clothing, weapons, or tasks of the superior males and behave in lewd ways to increase the chance for a good harvest or to turn aside an impending natural catastrophe.» — la tercera, tomada de Victor Turner.
«Finally, as James Peacock has pointed out, the transvestite actor, priest, or shaman can symbolize categories of cosmological or social organization. For instance, in Java the transvestite actor reinforces by his irregularity the importance of the categories high/low, male/female.» — la cuarta, tomada de James Peacock, con el ejemplo javanés.
«To quote Ian Donaldson's recent study Comedy from Jonson to Fielding: "The lunatic governor ... , the incompetent judge, the mock doctor, the equivocating priest, the hen-pecked husband: such are the familiar and recurrent figures in the comedy of a society which gives a general assent to the necessity of entrusting power to its governors, judges, doctors, priests, and husbands.» — la formulación de Ian Donaldson que Davis pone como término de su desacuerdo: el gobernante lunático, el juez incompetente, el médico de burlas, el cura equívoco y el marido dominado son figuras de una sociedad que asiente a la necesidad de confiar el poder a esos mismos oficios.
«Though evidence for the Candlemas Bear Chase is fullest and clearest from the French and Spanish Pyrenees, there are suggestions that it was more widespread in the Middle Ages. In the ninth century, Hincmar of Reims inveighed against "shameful plays" with bears and women dancers.» — la nota en que Davis reúne los indicios de que esa caza fue más extendida en la Edad Media, empezando por la invectiva de Hincmaro de Reims en el siglo IX contra los juegos vergonzosos con osos y danzarinas.
«Richard Bernheimer has argued for the connection between the bear hunt and the wild-man hunt, performed in several parts of Europe, and this has been confirmed by Claude Gaignebet, who relates it further to the popular play of Valentin and Ourson. Bruegel represented this game in an engraving and in his painting of the Battle of Carnival and Lent: a male, masked and dressed as a female, holds out a ring to the wild man.» — la continuación de esa nota: el nexo que Richard Bernheimer propone con la caza del hombre salvaje, la relación que Claude Gaignebet añade con el juego de Valentín y Ursón, y el grabado y la Batalla de Carnaval y Cuaresma de Bruegel, con un varón vestido de mujer que tiende un anillo al hombre salvaje.
«The Amazons play a role, for instance, in Thomas Hobbes' remarkable theoretical discussion of dominion within the family. As is usual in his period, he insists that it must be vested in one person only; but "whereas some have attributed the dominion to the man only, as being of the more excellent sex; they misreckon in it. For there is not always that difference of strength, or prudence between the man and the woman, as that the right can be determined without war.» — lo que Davis cita de Hobbes sobre el dominio dentro de la familia: quienes lo atribuyen solo al varón por ser el sexo más excelente se equivocan, porque no siempre hay tal diferencia de fuerza o prudencia que el derecho pueda decidirse sin guerra.
«We find in history that the Amazons contracted with the men of the neighboring countries, to whom they had recourse for issue, that the issue male should be sent back, but the female remain with themselves: so that the dominion of the females was in the mother." Where there is no contract, the dominion lies with the mother-that is, in the absence of matrimonial laws, with the only person who knows who the true parents are and who has the power to nourish the child.» — la continuación de ese pasaje de Hobbes en la nota de Davis: las amazonas contrataban con los hombres vecinos que los hijos varones les fueran devueltos y las hijas quedaran con ellas, de modo que el dominio sobre las hembras era de la madre.
«Fairies might assume male or female form, might have various sizes and shapes, and might dress in different ways; but they all had a spiritual power that could be used on human beings either malevolently or benevolently.» — la nota en que Davis añade la dimensión de las hadas al travestismo político: podían tomar forma de varón o de mujer, tener tamaños y trazas distintas y vestirse de diversos modos, pero todas tenían un poder espiritual que podía usarse sobre los humanos para bien o para mal.
«Nowadays this hydra-headed monster has taken on a more orderly shape, as a result of the work of George Rude, Eric Hobsbawm, E. P. Thompson, Charles Tilly, Emmanuel LeRoy Ladurie, and others.» — quiénes han dado forma más ordenada a esa imagen, según Davis: George Rudé, Eric Hobsbawm, E. P. Thompson, Charles Tilly y Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie.
«Not surprisingly, the pioneering remarks of C. Verlinden and his colleagues on popular iconoclasm, and of Janine Estebe on popular Catholic violence, insist upon a strong linkage between religious conflict and economic issues. It has been argued that a rise in grain prices triggers these disturbances, and that the Saint Bartholomew's massacres are also a "class-crime," "rich Huguenots being attacked and pillaged by preference.» — lo que Davis atribuye a C. Verlinden y sus colegas y a Janine Estèbe: un vínculo fuerte entre conflicto religioso y cuestión económica, con el alza del grano como disparador y la matanza de San Bartolomé como crimen de clase.
«Beyond this, Estebe accounts for the crowd action in the massacres as an expression of the primitive soul of the people, pushed by events into pathological hatred.» — y lo que añade Estèbe, según Davis: la acción de la multitud como expresión del alma primitiva del pueblo empujada al odio patológico.
«Similarly, in Philippe Wolff's study of anti-Semitic pogroms in Valencia and Barcelona in 1391 and in George Rude's analysis of anti-Catholic riots in eighteenth-century London, there is a tendency to identify the "real" elements in the disturbance as the social ones, social being defined only in terms of a conflict of poor against rich, artisans against wealthy burghers or craftsmen, and wage earners against manufacturers and merchants.» — la misma tendencia que Davis señala en Philippe Wolff y en George Rudé: identificar lo real del disturbio con lo social, y lo social solo con el conflicto de pobres contra ricos.
«I have tried in this section to generalize Janine Estebe's important insight in regard to the popular as» — la nota en que Davis generaliza la intuición de Janine Estèbe sobre el aspecto popular de la matanza de San Bartolomé: que los protestantes aparecían como profanadores.
«There seems to me very little evidence, however, that the Catholic killers wished to exterminate "a foreign race" (p. 197). This exaggerates and misreads the evidence in regard to the killing of pregnant women and the castration of males (see below, pp. 175 and 179). Heretics were hated for their polluting, divisive, and disorderly actions, not as a "race"; and the crowds sometimes forced them back to the mass rather than kill them.» — y la objeción que Davis le opone en la misma nota: no ve evidencia de que los matadores quisieran exterminar una raza extranjera, cree que eso exagera y lee mal lo de las embarazadas y las castraciones, y recuerda que a veces forzaban a los herejes a volver a la misa en vez de matarlos.
«For a helpful discussion of the relation between pollution fears and concern for social boundaries, see Mary Douglas, Purity and Danger. An Analysis of Concepts of Pollution and Taboo» — la referencia con que Davis apoya su análisis de la contaminación: Mary Douglas y su estudio de los conceptos de contaminación y tabú.
«Protestant writers also stressed divine intervention to show God's disapproval of Catholic rioters and violence. For instance, in Draguignan two Protestants killed by a crowd were found three months later, so it was claimed, with no sign of corruption in their bodies and with their wounds still fresh in appearance. A Catholic who had been guarding the corpses was killed by Protestant soldiers and his body instantly became rotten, and was eaten by crows and dogs.» — el caso de Draguignan que Davis toma de la Histoire ecclésiastique: los dos protestantes muertos hallados tres meses después sin corrupción y con las heridas frescas, y el católico que los guardaba, muerto y podrido al instante.
«A recent study of fifteenth-century Spain has shown how complex the relation was between a rise in food prices and anti-Semitic pogroms. Its author suggests that a rise in food prices is part of the general background for a variety of popular risings. The sharper the price rise, the more likely the disturbance was not to be "exclusively anti-Semitic in character.» — la nota en que Davis recoge de Angus MacKay lo complejo del vínculo entre el alza de precios y los pogromos: a mayor alza, más probable que el disturbio no fuera exclusivamente antisemita.
«The good Calvinist authors of the Histoire ecclesiastique went so far as to claim that outside of the murder of a certain Seigneur de Fumel, killed in the Agenois "not for religion but for his tyrannies," "those of the Reformed Religion made war only on images and altars, which do not bleed, while those of the Roman religion spilled blood with every kind of cruelty.» — la distinción que Davis cita de los autores de la Histoire ecclésiastique: los reformados solo hicieron guerra a imágenes y altares, que no sangran, mientras los de la religión romana derramaron sangre con toda suerte de crueldad.
«Estimates in Jean Crespin's Histoire des Martyrs of persons killed in the r572 massacres give for Rouen about 550 men and about so women; for Orleans, r,8oo adult men and rso adult women. No female deaths were reported from the Lyon Vespers. So many women were victims at Paris that word went out on August 28 or 29 that no more women were to be killed, especially pregnant women.» — las cifras que Davis toma de la Histoire des Martyrs de Crespin para 1572, con la orden que corrió en París el 28 o 29 de agosto de no matar más mujeres.
«It is clear from these estimates that pregnant women could not have been the preferred targets, though they obviously were not spared. Whether they were the "choice victims" (victimes de choix) of Catholic crowds, as Estebe claims (Tocsin, p. r97), I do not know.» — lo que Davis concluye de esas cifras contra la tesis de Estèbe sobre las embarazadas como víctimas de elección, declarando a la vez lo que no sabe.
«As suggested above, I find no evidence of the perception of the Huguenots as a "race." By their heresy, they appeared outsiders and finally nonhuman to their killers, but this is not a racial distinction.» — la objeción de Davis a la lectura racial de Estèbe: por su herejía los hugonotes parecían a sus matadores forasteros y al cabo no humanos, pero eso no es una distinción de raza.
«As for Protestant killing of women, Catholic sources (see n. 87) report women killed by the Huguenots in the Saint Medard massacre at Paris, in the May events at Toulouse in r562, and in the diocese of Angoul~me. Nuns were reported raped at Montauban in r562. On the whole, accounts of Protestant crowd action say little about assaults on females. With statues of the Virgin and female saints, it is another matter.» — lo que Davis consigna del lado protestante en esa materia, incluidas las monjas violadas en Montauban, y el contraste con las estatuas de la Virgen y de las santas.
«As Charles Tilly and James Rule have asked in Measuring Political Upheaval, is the "isomorphy" of these disturbances high or low, by which they mean is there a high or low "degree of correspondence between the divisions separating the antagonists in a ... disturbance and those prevailing in the social system within which the disturbance occurs» — cómo formula Davis esa pregunta con la noción de isomorfía de Charles Tilly y James Rule: el grado de correspondencia entre las divisiones que separan a los antagonistas y las que rigen en el sistema social.
«In my forthcoming book on Lyon in the Reformation, an analysis of the social and vocational distribution of several thousand male Protestants there in the period up to I572 shows them to be drawn from the Consular elite, the notables, and the menu peuple in numbers roughly proportional to their distribution in the population at large;» — la nota en que Davis remite a su libro en preparación sobre Lyon y da su medida: los protestantes salían de la élite consular, los notables y el menu peuple en proporción a su peso en la población.
«At the top of urban society, it is the new elite rather than the more established elite that tends to produce Protestants (in Lyon, therefore, among the Consular families it is the wealthy merchants rather than the lawyers who tend to become Protestant).» — la parte de esa nota que precisa dónde se recluta la élite protestante: la nueva antes que la establecida, y en Lyon los mercaderes ricos antes que los juristas.
«For instance, very few persons from the publishing trade were killed in the Vespers at Lyon (the libraires Jean Honore, Mathieu Penin, and Jean Vassin, the bookbinder Mathurin Le Cler, and the proofreader Jean de Saint Clement), though a very large percentage of the industry had been Protestant in the rs6o's and many masters and publishers still were so in r 572. It is my impression that in other cities, members of the publishing trade, though certainly found among the victims, were underrepresented relative to their presence in the Reformed Church. This can probably be explained by the special relations among the men in the trade or by their absence from France.» — el caso que Davis destaca en la misma nota: pocos del gremio del libro murieron en las Vísperas lionesas pese a lo protestante del oficio, lo que atribuye a las relaciones especiales dentro del gremio o a su ausencia de Francia.
«There are other examples of renaming objects or actions of violence. Protestants in Beziers and Montpellier called the clubs with which they hit priests and religious and other Catholic enemies epousettes or "feather-dusters." Catholics in Mont-de-Marsan and its region used the same term for the clubs with which they hit Protestants. At Agen, the gibbet on which Protestants were hanged was called the "Consistory." At Rouen, Catholic crowds referred to killing Huguenots as "accommodating» — los otros renombres de la violencia que Davis reúne en nota: los garrotes llamados plumeros por unos y otros, el patíbulo de Agen llamado el Consistorio, y en Ruan el matar hugonotes dicho acomodarlos.
«The crowds ranged in size from a handful of people to several hundred (Crespin, Martyrs, 3: 726). A large urban disturbance of some duration might involve a total of a few thousand persons on both sides, but never an entire city population. Many people merely watched; still others stayed at home.» — la nota en que Davis mide el tamaño de esas multitudes y acota que nunca comprendían a una ciudad entera.
«The most interesting new youth group formed in this period was the Whistlers (Sifflars) of Poitiers-so called from a whistle the members wore around their necks. Founded among students around 1561, it initially mocked both religions. Initiates had to swear by flesh, belly, death, and "the worthy double head, stuffed with Relics" and by all the Divinity in this pint of wine, that they would be devoted Whistlers, and that instead of going to Protestant service, mass, or Vespers, they would go twice a day to a brothel, etc.» — la nota sobre los Sifflars de Poitiers: fundados hacia 1561 entre estudiantes, se burlaban al principio de las dos religiones, y sus iniciados juraban ir dos veces al día a un burdel en vez de al servicio, a misa o a vísperas.
«time; the collective unconscious had buried them within itself, they sprang up again in the month of August 1572.» — el remate de la formulación de Estèbe que Davis cita: el inconsciente colectivo los había enterrado en sí y brotaron de nuevo en agosto de 1572.
«The theory to assist such an approach can be found in part in the work of Jack Goody and his collaborators on the implications of literacy for traditional societies-especially in their discussion of the relations between those who live on the margins of literacy and those who live at its center.» — la primera fuente teórica que Davis declara: Jack Goody y sus colaboradores sobre las relaciones entre quienes viven en los márgenes de la alfabetización y quienes viven en su centro.
«Additional theoretical support exists in the fertile essays of Elizabeth L. Eisenstein on the impact of printing on literate elites and on urban populations in early modern Europe-especially when she talks of "cross-cultural interchange" between previously "compartmentalized systems.» — la segunda: Elizabeth L. Eisenstein y su intercambio intercultural entre sistemas antes compartimentados.
«This distinction is a necessary one, but is not made in everyday speech. I follow the terminology ofT. J. Clark, Image of the People. Gustave Courbet and the Second French Republic» — la nota en que Davis declara la procedencia de esa distinción: la terminología de T. J. Clark.
«Estimates of ability to read based on studies of ability to sign one's name are, of course, approximate. One can learn to read without learning to write and vice versa. Nevertheless, the two skills were most often taught together in the sixteenth century. Statistics on ability to sign, then, give us the order of magnitude of the number of readers.» — la cautela metodológica que Davis pone en nota sobre medir la lectura por la firma.
«No study has yet been made of the book holdings of rural cures in sixteenth-century France. Albert Labarre examined inventories after death of 23 cures of rural parishes in the Amienois from 1522 to 1561 (fifteen had books, eight had none), but, as he points out, these men were all living in Amiens. Except when the resident cure kept a school, we would expect that he would possess little more than a breviary and a missal, and perhaps a book of saints' lives.» — la deuda que Davis declara sobre los libros de los curas rurales y lo que cabe esperar: poco más que un breviario, un misal y acaso un libro de vidas de santos.
«In his Propos rustiques of 1547, Noel du Fail pictured a rurai cure of earlier decades at a feast-day banquet, not reading aloud, but chatting with parishioners about the text for the day and with the old midwife about medicinal herbs.» — la estampa que Davis toma de los Propos rustiques de Noël du Fail: el cura rural en el banquete de la fiesta, no leyendo en voz alta sino charlando del texto del día y de hierbas medicinales con la vieja partera.
«The Shepherds' Calendar was not published annually. The dates for the new moon could be read off for 38 years; the eclipses were predicted for a century or more. For any year after the year of its printing, the dates of the days of the week, the exact time of the new moon, and the position of the moon in the zodiac had to be worked out from the tables.» — la nota en que Davis precisa cómo se usaba el Calendrier: no salía cada año, y para cualquier año posterior al de impresión había que sacar de las tablas los días de la semana, la hora de la luna nueva y su posición en el zodíaco.
«In Noel du Fail's Propos rustiques, the village copy of the Calendrier des bergers is owned by old Maistre Huguet, former village schoolteacher, who reads aloud from it from time to time» — quién posee el ejemplar del pueblo en los Propos rustiques de Noël du Fail, según Davis: el viejo maese Huguet, antiguo maestro de escuela, que lee de él en voz alta de cuando en cuando.
«Noel du Fail was quite particular about the books that he placed in the village. When a pirated edition of his Propos came out in Paris in 1548 with other books added to his list, he suppressed them in his new edition at Lyon in 1549· In 1573, however, the Parisian publisher Jean II Ruelle added five titles that may have had some hearing in the countryside: a late-fifteenth-century poetic history of the reign of Charles VII; two medieval romances (including Valentin et Orson, which has thematic material relating to the old rural custom of the chase of the wildman or of the bear); an account by Symphorien Champier of the chivalric deeds of the good knight Bayard; and the Miracles of Our Lady.» — la nota en que Davis sigue la historia editorial de los Propos de du Fail: suprimió los libros que una edición pirata había añadido a su lista, y en 1573 un editor parisino añadió cinco títulos que sí pudieron oírse en el campo.
«On a rainy evening in February 1554, the Norman gentleman Gilles de Gouberville read to his household, including the male and female servants, from Amadis de GauZe (A. Tollemer, Un Sire de Gouberville, gentilhomme campagnard au cotentin de 1553 a 1562, with introduction by E. Le Roy Ladurie [reprint of the r873 ed., Paris, 1972], p. 285). This chivalric tale had only recently been translated from the Spanish and printed in France.» — el caso que Davis añade en la misma nota: Gilles de Gouberville leyendo el Amadís de Gaula a su casa entera, criados y criadas incluidos, en una noche lluviosa de febrero de 1554.
«As Corinne Beutler points out in an excellent review of sixteenth-century agricultural literature, these manuals were addressed to the nobility and landed proprietors, who were then expected to teach their unlettered peasants» — lo que Davis toma de Corinne Beutler sobre el destinatario de la literatura agrícola del siglo XVI.
«Olivier de Serres, after a preface discussing the limitations of the agricultural understanding of unlettered peasants (an understanding based on experience alone), goes on to a chapter on the different kinds of arrangements by which the Father of the Family may rent out or administer his land.» — cómo lo halla Davis en Olivier de Serres, cuyo prefacio discute los límites del entendimiento agrícola de los campesinos sin letras, basado solo en la experiencia.
«We are long past the time, he writes with ironic wistfulness, when the Father of the Family dirtied his hands working the soil himself. He thinks some of his readers may have to be absent from their property because of service to the king, judicial or financial office, or commercial enterprise.» — y la nostalgia irónica que Davis le atribuye: ha pasado mucho desde que el Padre de Familia se ensuciaba las manos labrando él mismo.
«This formal invitation from the author for direct response from readers is found in other printed books as well. It is the product of a situation in which the author expects that a large number of unknown readers will be seeing his work in the near future and will be able to locate him easily.» — la nota en que Davis generaliza esa invitación al lector y la explica por la situación nueva del autor impreso.
«Robert I Estienne asked readers of his Dictionaire Francoislatin to send him any words he might have omitted that they found in Latin authors and "good French authors," as well as to correct any faults they found in his definitions of hunting terms» — el ejemplo de esa práctica que Davis da con Robert Estienne, que pedía a sus lectores palabras omitidas y correcciones a sus definiciones de términos de caza.
«The reckonmaster Valentin Mennher did not especially want to hear from readers about the mistakes in his arithmetic texts: "Please just make corrections on the page rather than by useless words.» — el contraejemplo que Davis pone en la misma nota: el maestro de cuentas Valentin Mennher pedía que corrigieran en la página y no con palabras inútiles.
«For instance, Pasquier discussed "Je veux qtt'on me tonde" (that is, "I want to be shaved" if such and such a thing I say isn't true or if I don't do such and such a thing) as a saying of "our fathers and ancestors" that he had heard in his childhood, but that was no longer used. This was because long hair was once respected, and the common people, seeing kings with long wigs, thought a shaved head ignominious. Nowadays, when everyone wore his hair short, the saying could no longer suggest a punishment.» — el ejemplo que Davis toma de Pasquier sobre un dicho caído en desuso: cuando el pelo largo se respetaba, la cabeza rapada era ignominia, y con todos peinados corto el dicho ya no sugería castigo.
«The earliest example known to me of a collection of proverbs in one of the regional dialects is Voltaire's list of Gascon proverbs ("montets gasconns") incidental to his 1607 treatise on commerce, Le Marchand traictant des proprietez et particularitez de commerce et ntfgoce (Toulouse, 16o7). See G. Brunet, Anciens proverbes basques et gascons, recueillis par Voltaire» — el primer ejemplo de colección en dialecto regional que Davis conoce, con la lista de proverbios gascones de Voltaire de 1607.
«Regional sentiment did not automatically promote an interest in popular behavior. Histories of Provence and of Beam mention the peasants and townsfolk only incidentally to their political narrative» — la nota en que Davis acota su propia tesis: el sentimiento regional no promovía automáticamente el interés por la conducta popular, y varias historias de Provenza y de Bearne solo mencionan al campesinado de pasada.
«though he had not considered the question of creativity. As learned interest grew in finding traces of the distant past in popular speech and customs, so the "oldness" of popular culture and its unchanging quality were emphasized all the more, and inventiveness within it seemed all the less likely.» — la nota en que Davis registra la paradoja: al crecer el interés por hallar rastros del pasado remoto en el habla popular, se subrayó más la vejez y la inmutabilidad de esa cultura y se hizo menos verosímil la inventiva dentro de ella.
«Joubert did not consider that all female medical practice was worthless. He dedicated his Grande Chirurgie de M. Guy de Chauliac to his mother Catherine de Genas, praising her work bandaging the poor and the sick, her ointment for mal des tetins (which had helped so many poor women, and was now known throughout the Dauphine, the Lyonnais, and Provence), her herbed wine, and her jellies.» — la nota en que Davis matiza ese juicio: Joubert dedicó su Gran Cirugía a su madre, alabando su trabajo vendando pobres y enfermos y su ungüento para el mal de los pechos.
«On the other hand, Joubert was totally out of sympathy with the view expressed by the jurist Rene Choppin in the course of describing a suit brought by the Faculty of Medicine at Paris against a peasant woman practicing medicine. Choppin commented "how many savants in Medicine have been outdone by a simple old peasant woman, who with a single plant or herb has found a remedy for illnesses despaired of by physicians.» — y la nota en que Davis pone enfrente la observación de René Choppin: cuántos sabios en Medicina han sido superados por una simple vieja campesina que con una sola planta ha hallado remedio a males desahuciados.
«The medical correctors did not think that popular errors were found exclusively among peasants and the menu peuple. Young physicians might be troubled by them, said Joubert. When persons of high rank hold "Erreurs populaires," said Iharce, they are nevertheless "peuple" in this regard. Richerand wanted to correct the "vulgar errors'' of physicians as well as those of the people.» — la nota en que Davis acota el alcance de ese *pueblo*: para Iharce, quien sostenía errores populares era pueblo en ese respecto por alto que fuera su rango.
«The following abbreviations and short forms are used in the Notes: ACh Archives de Ia Charite de Lyon ADR Archives Departementales du RhOne AEG Archives d'Etat de Geneve» — el aparato de las notas abre declarando sus abreviaturas, que son el mapa de los archivos en que Davis trabajó: la Charité de Lyon, los Departamentales del Ródano y el Archivo de Estado de Ginebra.
«I have traced the early development of the Company partly through the urban militia records (such as EE20 and EE21), where strike leaders of 1539(AA151, f. 68V) appear as dixainiers for groups of journeymen.» — la nota en que Davis declara su técnica: rastrear el desarrollo temprano de la Compañía por los registros de la milicia urbana, donde los cabecillas de huelga de 1539 aparecen como dixainiers.
«These are actually the phrases he used talking back to Catholic authorities in prison; bur since he had just been proselytizing among printers and other artisans, I here assume that he said much the same thing to them.» — la nota en que Davis declara una inferencia suya: las frases son las que el predicador usó ante las autoridades en la cárcel, y ella supone que dijo lo mismo a los impresores; el troceo imprime *bur* por but.
«115 printers' journeymen assembled to give power of attorney, 43 (about one·third) could not sign their names.» — el dato de alfabetización que Davis levanta de un poder notarial de oficiales impresores.
«These remarks are based on a social and vocational analysis of several thousand male Protestants in Lyon that will be published in my forthcoming book.» — la base que Davis declara para su análisis social y vocacional de varios miles de protestantes lioneses.
«Though neither study has considered the significance of the vocational distribution of urban Protestantism in detail, both confirm the "cross-class" character of the urban Protestant movement-drawing in significant numbers (as at Lyon) from all levels of the urban population, except for the un» — la conclusión comparativa que Davis extrae de dos estudios ajenos: confirman el carácter transversal a las clases del movimiento protestante urbano, salvo por los no cualificados de abajo.
«Le Roy Ladurie insists on the importance of literacy as a characteristic of the male adherents to Protestantism, and this is found in Lyon as well.» — lo que Davis toma de Le Roy Ladurie sobre la alfabetización como rasgo de los adherentes varones al protestantismo.
«For instance, Jullien Mouchet, leader of the Griffarins in the 1560's, was the son and nephew of leaders of the 1530's and 1540's; Guillaume Testefort, another leader of the 1560's and 1570's, was the son pf a notary and rather well off.» — la continuidad familiar del liderazgo griffarin que Davis documenta en nota; el troceo imprime *son pf a notary* por son of.
«Antoine du Pinet confirms the archival evidence: "De ces Surveillans, accompagnez des ministres, est compose: le Consistuire.» — la cita de Antoine du Pinet que Davis pone junto a su evidencia de archivo sobre la composición del Consistorio; el troceo imprime *Consistuire* por Consistoire.
«Since, as Baduel said, there were no journeymen in the conventicles, it was not until the Consistory was set up that they could know how they were judged and by what standards.» — lo que Davis toma de Baduel: al no haber oficiales en los conventículos, solo con el Consistorio en pie pudieron saber cómo y con qué criterios se los juzgaba.
«The name "Captain of the Printers" (the leader of the journeymen's group) first appears in a public document in 1524 (BB42, f. 215f).» — el dato de datación que Davis da en nota del título de Capitán de los Impresores, jefe del grupo de oficiales, en documento público.
«Though the trial took place in Geneva, where Thibout had taken refuge, the whole prosecution was instituted and engineered from Lyon.» — lo que Davis consigna del proceso contra el griffarin Galiot Thibout: se siguió en Ginebra y se instó y montó desde Lyon.
«The response of the Griffarins to the execution of Thibout was "Messieurs of Geneva are bloodthirsty» — la reacción de los Griffarins a esa ejecución que Davis registra.
«In regard to the use of apprentice labor, for instance, the Geneva ordinances on printing of 1560 were favorable to the» — el dato con que Davis matiza el cuadro: las ordenanzas ginebrinas de imprenta de 1560 favorecían a los trabajadores en el uso de aprendices; el troceo imprime *\Vorkers* por workers.
«The hostility to divisiveness per se is greater in a Protestant society, which finds this an additional objection against monastiC orders;» — la observación comparativa que Davis hace en nota sobre la hostilidad a la división en una sociedad protestante.
«It is employed, for instance, in fourteenth-century Florence in regulations prohibiting artisanal organizations in the silk industry;» — el precedente del término *secta* que Davis rastrea en la Florencia del siglo XIV.
«Printers' journeymen might help GuCroult print his unorthodox attacks on Calvin (such as his Fpitre du ~\'eigneur de Bru~quet) and laugh along v.:ith him, but he offered them no practical religious alternative.» — lo que Davis dice de Guéroult: los oficiales podían imprimirle sus ataques heterodoxos contra Calvino y reírse con él, pero no les ofrecía alternativa religiosa practicable.
«The support given to the pulitiques is clear from the Plaisans devis recited by the journeymen's recreational leader, the Seigneur de Ia Coquille and his Suppots, in the 1580's and 1590's; Recueil des plaisants devis (Lyon, 1857).» — la fuente en que Davis apoya el desenlace *politique* de los oficiales impresores: los Plaisans devis recitados por el Seigneur de la Coquille y sus Suppôts.
«Whether or not the real author was a Protestant is not at issue here. The point is the assumption underlying Elton's inference.» — cómo acota Davis en nota su propia objeción a G. R. Elton: no se discute la confesión del autor anónimo sino el supuesto del que Elton infiere.
«The figures here are based on my calculations from remaining birth and militia records in Lyon, as well as from other sources, to be given in my forthcoming book Strikes and Salvation at Lyon.» — la base de cálculo que Davis declara para sus cifras demográficas: registros de nacimientos y de milicia que quedan en Lyon.
«J. F. Pound found in Norwich in 1570 that the average number of children in poor families where both parents were alive was 2.34 ("An Elizabethan Census," p. 142), whereas my figures from Lyon in the 1530's for such families give three children as both the median and the average.» — el cotejo que Davis hace de su cifra lionesa de hijos por familia pobre con la de J. F. Pound en Norwich.
«This could be the result of a difference in sample, his being 351 families described in a census, mine being 3 3 families mentioned at random by the rectors among many more poor» — la explicación que Davis propone para esa discrepancia, declarando la asimetría de las dos muestras.
«The placard of the 1529 grain riot in Lyon blamed the high price on "false usurers" hoarding grain until they got their price. The weather was good, said the placard, and there had been no military requisition of grain (AML, BB46, f. JOJr» — el contenido del cartel del motín del grano de 1529 que Davis levanta del archivo: culpaba a los falsos usureros acaparadores y hacía constar que el tiempo había sido bueno y que no hubo requisa militar.
«Rabelais had carried on public dissections in Lyon in 15 37, and the author of the Police de I'Aulmusne, who may hav<.· been Vauzclles himself, had evidently been reminded of the 1531 famine while w;tching Rabelais' dissections.» — la conjetura que Davis propone en nota: el autor de la Police de l'Aulmosne, acaso el propio Vauzelles, se habría acordado del hambre de 1531 viendo las disecciones públicas de Rabelais.
«Symphorien Champier's eyewitness account is also essential, but must be used with caution because of his false and unsubstantiated theory on the relation of Protestant heresy to the rebeine:» — la reserva con que Davis usa el testimonio presencial de Champier sobre la rebeine.
«The Memo ires of the moderate Catholic Guillaume Paradin do not give heresy as the background to the rebeine, though Paradin followed Champier's account» — el cotejo de fuentes con que lo contrasta: las memorias del católico moderado Guillaume Paradin no dan la herejía como fondo de la rebeine.
«Morin, Tractatus, f. 31r, estimated a total of 8,000 poor fed by the temporary organization, whereas the Police de l'Aulmosne estimated 7,000 to 8,000 (pp. 11-12).» — las dos estimaciones de socorridos que Davis alinea sin arbitrar.
«Vauzelles was nor a great stylist, but his writing in these works aimed at a wide audience is direct, colorful, and effective, in contrast to the many precious turns of phrase in his letters to Aretino and his poems for the Queen's Entry.» — el juicio de estilo que Davis da de Vauzelles, con el contraste entre lo escrito para público amplio y sus cartas a Aretino; el troceo imprime *nor* por not.
«He said in the Hystoire evangelique, in justifying his departure from the exact text of Scripture, that the words were not magical but rather that faith in the words was what counted.» — lo que Davis atribuye a Vauzelles al justificar su apartamiento del texto exacto de la Escritura: las palabras no eran mágicas, lo que contaba era la fe en ellas.
«This is an Erasmian view rather than the Lutheran "faith alone." He is also like Erasmus in criticizing ceremonialism but accepting the merit of true works.» — cómo sitúa Davis esa posición: erasmiana y no luterana, crítica del ceremonialismo pero admitiendo el mérito de las obras verdaderas.
«That it was intended for oral delivery is strikingly clear from its style, frequent direct address, apostrophes, rhetorically repeated phrases, ere.» — la prueba interna con que Davis sostiene que el sermón se hizo para decirse en voz alta.
«Kleberger had given 500 livres during the famine of 1531, and by mid-1539 about 2,300 livres more. The archbishop's contribution by that date was well be· low 2,000 livres. In Kleberger's will of August 25, 1546, he gave a further 4,000 livres to the Aumone» — las cifras de la donación de Kleberger que Davis levanta del archivo, incluidos los cuatro mil libras de su testamento de 1546.
«The only example known to me of subsidized housing outside of hospitals is the Fuggerei, or cottages for elderly workers, built by Jacob Fugger in Augsburg.» — el único ejemplo de vivienda subsidiada que Davis dice conocer fuera de los hospitales.
«Professor Karl Helleiner has told me that individual Beguine houses could be "rented" by widows in the Netherlands in the late Middle Ages.» — el dato que Davis declara haber recibido de palabra del profesor Karl Helleiner.
«There is no reference in any Lyonnais literary source of the sixteenth century to a continuing tradition of Waldensianism in Lyon.» — la negativa que Davis ficha como hallazgo sobre una tradición valdense continua en Lyon.
«Rather, Champier and other Catholics attack Lutheranism as a "rebirth" of that old heresy.» — y lo que sí encuentra en su lugar: Champier y otros católicos atacando el luteranismo como renacimiento de aquella herejía vieja.
«The Lyon censuses have unfortunately disappeared, though J. F. Pound has found and described the Norwich census of 1570 ("An Elizabethan Census" (cited in n. 18], p. !38).» — la pérdida documental que Davis declara para los censos de pobres de Lyon y el sustituto inglés que señala.
«The 493 wills made in fourteenth-century Douai and examined by Fran~oise Leclere, "Recherches" (cited inn. 27), do not have any rehabilitative or educational bequests.» — el dato negativo que Davis toma de los testamentos de Douai del siglo XIV.
«J. A. F. Thomson has looked at this question carefully in wills of fifteenth-century London and found a shift in the direction of education and rehabilitation, but only a very slight one.» — y el que toma de los testamentos londinenses del siglo XV, con el matiz que lo acota.
«Only 3.5 percent of the wills studied had educational bequests and they were mostly for university studies in theology.» — la cifra con que lo mide.
«He wanted them all to be taught to read, and the talented ones to be allowed to go somewhat further (Vives, De /'assistance aux pauvres, p. 214).» — lo que Vives quería para las niñas pobres, según Davis: que todas aprendieran a leer y que las capaces pudieran ir algo más lejos.
«Luther's ordinance for Leisnig provided that the girls be taught to read.» — el paralelo luterano que Davis aduce.
«Lyon was perhaps backward in regard to educating poor females, bur see n. 166 below.» — la reserva que Davis pone sobre Lyon en esa materia; el troceo imprime *bur* por but.
«The rectors unfortunately did not record all their reasons in grantiryg or denying aumOnes.» — el límite documental que Davis declara sobre las razones de los rectores; el troceo imprime *grantiryg* por granting.
«The ordinances under which the rectors operated no\vhere specify that the family of a temporarily unemployed man is to be refused aid.» — la negativa documental con que Davis sostiene su lectura: las ordenanzas no dicen en ninguna parte que se niegue ayuda a la familia de un hombre temporalmente sin trabajo.
«Only at the end of the seventeenth century do a few mercantilist writers in England and religious thinkers in France begin to advocate higher wages» — cuándo empiezan a aparecer defensores de salarios más altos, según Davis.
«Zorita's account is slightly romanticized, while SahagUn's is often a verbatim account, without moral judgments, of what the Aztecs told him.» — el cotejo de fuentes que Davis hace entre Zorita y Sahagún sobre los aztecas.
«Seventy-six percent of the families in the lowest class in the Hollingshead-Redlich study were "completely isolated" from any community group.» — la cifra de aislamiento social que Davis da del escalón más bajo.
«The persistence of adult begging, against which cries had to be made periodically throughout the century, was due to the character of the economic system, the tenacity of old behavior patterns, and the inadequate police force of Lyon.» — a qué atribuye Davis la persistencia de la mendicidad adulta pese a las ordenanzas.
«The ordinances of 15 39 specifically note the improvement in regard to child beggars, and they do not figure in later plaints by the rectors about begging.» — el dato con que Davis mide la mejora en la mendicidad infantil.
«The 15 39 ordinances also claim a disappearance of cases of "plague" since the institution of the AumOne.» — lo que esas mismas ordenanzas afirmaban de la peste.
«If true, these claims presumably reflect an increase in resistance to the plague due to the decrease in other disease and the decrease in famine.» — la condicional con que Davis acota esa afirmación.
«In 1588, the Consulate speaks of a three-year residence requirement for "pauvres valides" (AML, BB120, f. 198f).» — el requisito de residencia que Davis documenta en 1588.
«Boissieu states that it was seven years, but does not give his source» — y la cifra discrepante que consigna sin arbitrar, señalando que su autor no da fuente.
«Vives pointed out that civil law allowed such preferences (De /'assistance aux pauvres, p. 201).» — el apoyo jurídico que Vives alegaba para preferir al residente, según Davis.
«Irene Brown, who is working on sixteenth-century Toulouse, has kindly provideu .... information about Jean Barril.» — el agradecimiento con que Davis declara de dónde viene un dato.
«If Morin had had any doubts about the authorship of the work, he could easily have checked with the printer, Claude Nourry, whose name is on the title page and who lived across the street from the Dominican convent.» — la conjetura que Davis propone sobre cómo pudo Morin cerciorarse de quién era el autor del sermón anónimo.
«Vauzelles' careful handling of biblical examples with exact citations in his 15 38 commentaries on Holbein's Pictures of Death was probably a response to Morin's criticism.» — la conjetura que Davis propone sobre el cuidado posterior de Vauzelles con los ejemplos bíblicos.
«Champier made helpful suggestions about welfare reform at meetings of the notables in 1531 and 1532» — lo que Davis concede a Champier.
«His bitterness about the rebeine and a streak of xenophobia and nostalgia for Lyon's past ("mieulx vault ung escu entre les siens, que ung noble avec les estranges et dijferens de meurs et conditions," Allut, p. 226) may have made him unsuited for planning» — y lo que le atribuye como impedimento, marcado como conjetura.
«Though Rabelais did no translating of medical works, his public dissections in Lyon were part of this same teaching effort.» — lo que Davis atribuye a las disecciones públicas de Rabelais dentro del mismo esfuerzo docente.
«The poor who did not appear at the procession without legitimate excuse could be deprived of their alms.» — la sanción que Davis documenta para el pobre que faltaba a la Procesión de los Pobres.
«Catholics occasionally provided in their wills that poor orphan girls from Saint Catherine's hospital be part of their funeral service.» — lo que algunos católicos dejaban dispuesto en testamento sobre las huérfanas y su funeral.
«These canisters can still be seen at the Musee des Hospices Civils de Lyon.» — dónde se conservan los cepillos de la Aumône, según Davis.
«The records and accounts of the Protestant regime are in ACh, E10, E170, E171.» — dónde se conservan los registros del régimen protestante de la Aumône.
«A hundred books of religious instruction were bought for the orphan girls of Saint Catherine's (E 10, p. 508), which indicates either a new policy toward educating the girls or that the Aumone's policy had already turned in that direction after the 1539 ordinances were published.» — el dato que Davis lee como posible cambio de política: cien libros de instrucción religiosa comprados para las huérfanas.
«The work was printed in Neuchatel in 1533 by Pierre de Vingle, also a refugee from Lyon and the son·in· law of Nourry, the printer of Vauzelles' sermon.» — el dato de imprenta con que Davis enlaza esa sátira con el impresor del sermón de Vauzelles.
«Miriam Chrisman points out that the reform of welfare there in 1522 predated the arrival of Capito and Bueer.» — lo que Davis toma de Miriam Chrisman sobre la anterioridad de la reforma asistencial a la llegada de los reformadores.
«The church accepts these projects, but requests that its contributions be voluntary not obligatory.» — la posición eclesiástica que Davis consigna sobre el carácter voluntario de las contribuciones.
«This description of patterns of immigration by sex is based on my analysis of all Lyon marriage contracts extant in the notarial records and "Insinuations" at the Archives departementales du Rhone (Series 3E and B) for Easter 1557- Easter 1558 and Easter 1560- Easter 1561.» — la base propia que Davis declara para su descripción de la inmigración por sexos: los contratos matrimoniales de Lyon.
«M. Gascon's conclusions are somewhat weakened by the fact that the hospital records used as his source include both travelers and inhabitants indiscriminately.» — la objeción que Davis dirige a las conclusiones de Richard Gascon sobre esa misma materia.
«Robert A. Lowie, who suggested greater variation in female styles of religious sensibility in chapter 10 of his Primitive Religion, which appeared in 1924 (two years after Weber's work);» — el precedente que Davis señala a la tesis de Weber sobre la religiosidad femenina: Robert A. Lowie propuso en 1924, dos años después de la obra de Weber, una variación mayor en los estilos religiosos femeninos.
«because she knew Latin, Louise Labe was "dessus et outre Ia cap.JcitC de son sexe» — la fórmula de época con que se calificaba a Louise Labé por saber latín, según Davis: por encima y más allá de la capacidad de su sexo.
«In an interesting article on the new Confraternity of the Rosary, founded by the Dominicans at Colmar in 1484, J .-c. Schmitt points out that somewhat more than half the membership was female.» — el dato que Davis toma de un artículo sobre una cofradía nueva: más de la mitad de sus miembros eran mujeres.
«The high percentage· of female religious in Florence in the first half of the sixteenth century (R. C. Trexler, "Le celibat a la fin du Moyen Age, Les religieuses de Florence," Annales ESC 27 [1972], 1329-50) is in great contrast with the picture in France and is a product of the unusual conditions in the marriage market in that city.» — cómo explica Davis el alto porcentaje de religiosas en Florencia: por las condiciones del mercado matrimonial de esa ciudad.
«An anti-Lutheran play of 1533 mak~s the opposite point of the Protestant play cited inn. 32 above. Put on at the College de Navarre in Paris, it portrayed a woman tranquilly sewing until she begins to read the Bible. She then loses control of herself and behaves violently toward others.» — la obra antiluterana de 1533 que Davis describe, con la mujer que pierde el dominio de sí al empezar a leer la Biblia.
«The social distribution of Protestant males and females here is based on an analysis of some 4,000 males and about 750 females known to have been Protestants in Lyon in the mid-sixteenth century.» — la base de la medición de Davis sobre el reparto social de protestantes por sexo en Lyon.
«The disparity between male and female figures is due in part to the kinds of documents available.» — el sesgo documental que Davis declara para explicar la disparidad de cifras entre hombres y mujeres.
«No pattern of superior constancy by the ciry women emerges clearly in the lists of abjured and non abjuring heretics compiled by the militia in Lyon in the late 1560's.» — la negativa que Davis ficha como hallazgo sobre una constancia superior de las mujeres protestantes de Lyon.
«In listings of Protestant suspects in Toulouse in 1568-69, out of 37 women, 20 were either widows or unmarried» — el dato de estado civil que Davis levanta de las listas de sospechosas de Toulouse.
«Dentiere was still concerned enough about having been criticized as a woman for the publication of the Des/ivrance that she left her name off the work.» — la cautela que Davis atribuye a Marie Dentière al publicar sin firma.
«The publication of Marie Dentiere's Epistre caused a major scandal in Geneva, including the arrest of its printer, because of the criticism in it of the Genevan ministers as cowardly and opportunistic and its implied support for the banished Calvin» — el escándalo que Davis consigna por la publicación de la Epístola de Dentière.
«Jeanne d'Albret, queen of Navarre, was allowed to be present at the National Synod of the Reformed Church held at La Rochelle in 1571 but was given no vote» — el límite que Davis documenta para la reina de Navarra en el sínodo.
«The Consistory of Lyon in the early 1560's included a publisher-printer, a master barber-surgeon, wealthy innkeepers, and even a merchant-shoemaker.» — la composición del Consistorio de Lyon que Davis levanta del archivo.
«Some nuns followed Marie Dentiere's example and became Protestant (Hemardinquer, "Les femmes dans Ia Reforme," pp. 388-90, 390 n. 2), but the major base of urban Calvinism among women was not in the nunnery.» — la conclusión que Davis extrae sobre de dónde no salía la base del calvinismo urbano femenino.
«The Feast was suppressed there sometime between 1526 and 1531.» — la horquilla de fechas con que Davis data la supresión de la Fiesta de los Locos en Lille.
«The journals of Felix and Thomas Platter are rich sources for urban festivities» — las fuentes que Davis declara ricas para la fiesta urbana.
«It was customary in Lyon to announce the name of the beaten husbands as well as their quarter and occupation, but this time the "martyrs" prevailed upon the Abbeys to suppress their names (p. 405).» — el cambio de práctica que Davis documenta en Lyon: se anunciaban los nombres de los maridos golpeados hasta que se decidió suprimirlos.
«The secret alliance of Fran,ois 1er with the Turks was made in February 15 36.» — la fecha con que Davis data la alianza secreta de Francisco I con los turcos, que es el trasfondo de la carta burlesca del Abad de los Conards.
«Verhaeghe's theory is unsubstantiated and unconvincing.» — el juicio con que Davis descarta una teoría ajena sobre el origen de las abadías.
«But they cannot be looked on as acting "in place of» — lo que Davis niega de las abadías frente a la tesis de la delegación señorial.
«The impression that Misrule Abbeys originated in the fifteenth century seems to me a reflection of the bias of our sources' one would expect the Feast of Fools to be mentioned more frequently in the earlier centuries simply because there were clergy involved.» — el sesgo de fuentes que Davis señala tras la impresión de que las abadías nacieron en el siglo XV.
«Huizinga concentrates, however, on the play element in "high" culture rather than examining the popular forms of play and justice discussed in this paper.» — lo que Davis echa de menos en Huizinga: se concentra en la cultura alta y no en las formas populares de juego y de justicia.
«This theory was first suggested by M. du Tilliot in the eighteenth century and then developed by Petit de Julleville (Les comediens, pp. 37-38, 144-46, 194-95), from whom Chambers has adopted it.» — la genealogía que Davis traza de la teoría que discute.
«This work is an excellent and important study of "sociabilite" in southern France in the late eighteenth century, including the organization of youth.» — el elogio con que Davis presenta un estudio ajeno sobre la sociabilidad y la organización juvenil.
«M. Agulhon relied almost entirely on a little study of 1879 by Octave Teissier,» — el límite documental que Davis señala en Agulhon.
«Van Gennep's work is based both on twentieth-century surveys in several parts of France and en a wide search of regional and historical literature.» — la base metodológica que Davis describe en Van Gennep.
«No customs are referred to in my text, however, unless they have a documented dare from the late medieval period or the sixteenth century, or unless they are found also in the archival materials from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries reported by Vaultier or in some other historical source.» — la regla de prueba que Davis se impone para las costumbres que consigna.
«Varagnac cites an Albigensian charter of 1136, which talks of Roi des Jouvenceaux and his activities as well established (Civilisation, p. 172).» — el documento más antiguo que Davis aduce para el Rey de los Mozos.
«Men who had been married twice or more could not receive holy orders.» — el dato canónico que Davis aduce sobre las segundas nupcias.
«In the town of York, England, in the sixteenth century, only about eleven percent of the men and women lived to age 40, a very high death rate» — la cifra de mortalidad con que Davis enmarca la frecuencia de los recasamientos.
«The importance of this pioneering work is undisputed, but there is a lack of clarity in its description and analysis of youth and the nuclear family, sometimes based on inadequate evidence and other times drawing wrong inferences from the evidence.» — cómo mide Davis la obra de Ariès: reconoce lo indiscutible de su carácter pionero y le reprocha falta de claridad e inferencias equivocadas.
«It should be noted, moreover, that the ceremony made .Tittle distinction between the children and tbe young people . ... "L 'enfant et Ia vie familiale, p. 76.» — el detalle con que Davis contesta a Ariès: la ceremonia sí distinguía entre niños y mozos.
«The major new study of the English charivari or rough music is Edward P. Thompson, "'Rough Music', Le Charivari anglais,"Annales ESC 27 (1972), 285-312, which provides rich data and analysis especially for the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.» — el estudio nuevo del charivari inglés que Davis señala: el de Edward P. Thompson en Annales, rico en datos y análisis sobre los siglos XVIII y XIX.
«There are references to charivaris and to rural youth groups in England, but it is still uncertain whether the former activity was regularly undertaken by the latter during the fifteenth through the seventeenth century.» — el límite documental que Davis declara sobre los charivaris rurales ingleses.
«In the earlier period, ducking was a common village punishment for taming the shrewish wife.» — el castigo que Davis documenta contra la mujer regañona.
«Branking was seen in sixteenth-century Scotland and spread to England as another punishment for the domineering wife, she was placed in an iron muzzle and led through the streets by a cord.» — el segundo castigo, con la mujer llevada por la calle con una cuerda.
«I have found no discussion of the organization of age categories in the English village.» — la negativa que Davis ficha como hallazgo sobre los estudios de categorías de edad en la aldea inglesa.
«It may well be that the sons oflaboureurs were more likely to be elected Abbot of Youth than the sons of poor peasants or of newcomers to the village.» — la conjetura que Davis marca como conjetura sobre quiénes llegaban a Abad de Juventud; el troceo imprime *oflaboureurs* pegado.
«But the evidence from Vaultier gives no support to Agulhon's view (based, as we have seen in n. 19, on a study of Marseille) that the Abbeys were aristocratic to begin with and became popular only in the eighteenth century.» — la objeción que Davis dirige a la lectura de Agulhon sobre el carácter aristocrático de las abadías.
«Nor is there any evidence of the splitting of the Abbeys along economic lines in the village in the earlier period.» — la segunda negativa con que la refuerza.
«Varagnac, on the other hand, underplays the influence of economic differentiation on other features of rural life and also exaggerates the role of youth as the custodians of the festive life (see especially chap. 8).» — y la objeción simétrica que dirige a Varagnac, que minimiza la diferenciación económica.
«That the Basoche developed from the basic form of the youth-abbey is suggested not only by structural similarities, but also by historical connections.» — la tesis de filiación que Davis sostiene para la Basoche.
«The Enfants-sans-souci, headed by the Mere Sotte, were by 1500 a semiprofessional group of players and poets.» — cómo describe Davis a los Enfants-sans-souci.
«The company lost its importance in the latter half of the century, due to change in literary taste.» — a qué atribuye su decadencia.
«These are interesting facts, but without further evidence and analysis, one cannot infer that a period of adolescence was not recognized, any more than one can infer from the imprecision of contemporary North American usage ("kids" used familiarly for people from age 5 to 35; ''I'm going bowling with the boys" used by 40-year-olds; "Hey, boy," to a black adult) that we do not recognize a period of adolescence.» — la cautela con que Davis se niega a inferir de esos datos que no se reconociera la adolescencia.
«Note that while Robert I Estienne was imprecise in the use of adolescent, jeune, and garfon, he did have a clear idea of a stage that was different from boyhood,» — el matiz con que Davis contesta a Ariès desde el diccionario de Robert Estienne.
«I have worked through the series EE for the sixteenth century in the Archives municipales de Lyon.» — la serie de archivo que Davis declara haber recorrido entera.
«The geographical position of Lyon necessitated a militia that utilized all available manpower.» — la explicación que Davis da de la milicia lionesa de todas las edades.
«Interestingly enough, an important feature of the decline in the female legal position was the limitations placed on the widows who remarried, especially in regard to their handling of property.» — el rasgo que Davis destaca del declive de la posición legal femenina: las limitaciones a la viuda recasada en el manejo de sus bienes.
«Of course, masks were practical equipment for conspirators; they were used in the attempted Protestant seizure of Besans-on in 1575 (Histoire de Besanf·on. Des Origines a Ia fin du XV1e siecle, ed. C. Fohlen (Paris, 1964], p. 631).» — el uso práctico de la máscara que Davis consigna para los conjurados.
«But in the Cambrai uprising, the whole apparatus of carnival was used.» — y el contraste que marca con el alzamiento de Cambrai, donde se usó todo el aparato del carnaval.
«The royal edict played on the word mere. As usual, the Abbey survived the royal prohibition against it.» — el retruécano del edicto real que Davis señala y el dato de que la abadía sobrevivió a la prohibición.
«Popular looting and parades with relics took place the first days of the Reformed seizure of Lyon in 1562.» — lo que Davis documenta de los primeros días de la toma reformada de Lyon.
«Then the Consistory and Huguenot Consulate made strong efforts to regain all seized material and the rest of the confiscation proceeded in an» — y lo que vino después: el Consistorio y el Consulado hugonote tratando de recuperar los bienes de manera ordenada.
«Van Gennep found traces of youth-abbeys in Protestant Montbeliard in the twentieth century; Manuel, L 199.» — el rastro tardío de abadías juveniles en zona protestante que Davis recoge de Van Gennep.
«Thus one of the community concerns that had nourished charivaris against remarriages was now directed in the city (as well as among the nobility) only against the» — el desplazamiento que Davis marca en la preocupación comunitaria: en la ciudad y en la nobleza se vuelve contra la mujer cabezota.
«Though other cbevaucbees had Catholic features to them, in the 1580's and 1590's the Lord of Misprint and his band were opposed to the League and supported a "Politique" position.» — lo que Davis consigna de la posición política de una de esas chevauchées; el troceo imprime *cbevaucbees*.
«In Rouen, the Conards resumed operations by 1569, after the Protestant domination of Rouen was over.» — la reanudación de los Conards que Davis data tras el fin del dominio protestante en Ruan.
«The Abbey in Rouen decayed in the early seventeenth century, in Dijon in the late» — la decadencia de las abadías de Ruan y de Dijon que Davis data.
«JohnThorley, in The Fernale /1.1onarchy. Being an Enquiry into the Nature, Order and Government of Bees (London, 1744), still finds it necessary to argue against those who cannot believe in a queen bee» — el argumento apícola que Davis registra contra quienes no creían en una abeja reina.
«Bullough's "Transvestites in the Middle Ages," which I have read as this essay goes to press, also discusses male cross-dressing in social rather than in psychopathological terms» — cómo lee Davis el tratamiento de Bullough del travestismo.
«I think this is accurate as a very preliminary formulation.» — la reserva con que Davis acepta esa formulación.
«The transvestite saints appearing in Voragine's Golden Legend are St. Margaret, alias Brother Pelagius (Oct. 8); Saint Pelagia, alias Pelagius (Ocr. 8); Saint Theodora, alias Brother Theodore (Sept. 11); Saint Eugenia (Sept. 11); and Saint Marina, alias Brother Marinus (June 18).» — la lista de santas travestidas de la Leyenda Dorada que Davis consigna, con Santa Marina alias hermano Marino.
«Evidence here comes from examination of diaries, criminal cases, and the records of the Geneva Consistory.» — la base documental que Davis declara para su cuadro del matrimonio: diarios, causas criminales y registros del Consistorio de Ginebra.
«The Cartesian Poullain de La Barre did not use them in his arguments for women's entering the magistracy(De l'egalite, pp. 166 ff.).» — la negativa que Davis ficha como hallazgo: el cartesiano Poullain de La Barre no usó a las amazonas en su alegato por la magistratura femenina.
«By the time Condorcet and Olympe de Gouges make a plea for the full citizenship of women in the early years of the French Revolution, the argument is being waged in terms of rights.» — el desplazamiento de lenguaje que Davis data con Condorcet y Olympe de Gouges.
«Italian birth-salvers (that is, trays used to bring women drinks during labor and the lying·in) dating from the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were decorated with classical and Biblical scenes ~howing women dominating men (Victoria and Albert Museum; the Louvre).» — el objeto doméstico que Davis aduce como testigo iconográfico de la mujer arriba.
«My colleague Thomas Barnes has kindly shown me several cases involving women tearing down enclosures, which he has examined in connection with his study of the Star Chamber.» — el agradecimiento con que Davis declara de dónde vienen sus casos de mujeres derribando cercas.
«She speculates that the descr.iption of certain married women indicted for riot and other crimes in the Hertfordshire Quarter Sessions as "spinsters" may have been a legal fiction in order to require the women to accept responsibility for their acts.» — la conjetura ajena que Davis recoge sobre la etiqueta de *spinsters* como ficción legal.
«The Irish personal name behind the English rendering "Sally" meant "Goodness" or "Wealth.» — la etimología que Davis da del nombre irlandés tras la Ghostly Sally de los Whiteboys.
«Thomas Sydenham, in his important Fpistolary Dissertation to Dr. Cole (1681), connects the delicate constitution of the: \voman with the irregular motions of her "animal spirits" and hence explains her special susceptibility to hysteria.» — lo que Davis atribuye a Thomas Sydenham en su disertación epistolar al doctor Cole: liga la constitución delicada de la mujer con los movimientos irregulares de sus espíritus animales y explica así su susceptibilidad especial a la histeria.
«An example from the American colonies is found in J. E. Culter, Lynch-Law (London, 1905), pp. 46-47, a group of men in Elizabethtown, New Jersey, in the 1750's called themselves Regulars and went about at night with painted faces and women's clothes, flogging men reported to have beaten their wives.» — el caso colonial americano que Davis aduce: un grupo de New Jersey que se vestía de mujer para azotar a los hombres acusados de pegar a las suyas.
«The recent work of Patricia Higgins, based on close study of many contemporary sources, does nor rake very seriously the contemporary claim that "some Men of the Rabble in Womens Clothes" mixed in the crowd.» — la divergencia que Davis consigna sin arbitrar: el trabajo reciente de Patricia Higgins no toma muy en serio la afirmación contemporánea de que había hombres vestidos de mujer en la multitud.
«The literature on crowds and violence is vast.» — el límite bibliográfico que Davis declara antes de enumerar sus fuentes sobre multitudes y violencia.
«I list here only those works that have especially assisted the preparation of this papero George Rude, The Crowd in History.» — y el criterio de selección que declara.
«I am grateful to Professor Brendon Ohehir of the University of California at Berkeley for his deciphering of Lecky's reading of the White boy signature and for his translation of it.» — el agradecimiento con que Davis declara de dónde viene una traducción.
«M. Wolff characterizes the pogrom at Valencia, where "violence directed against the Jews predominates, committed moreover by persons from the most diverse social backgrounds,» — cómo caracteriza Wolff el pogromo de Valencia, según Davis, y la diversidad social de sus agresores.
«Though I will take issue at several points in this paper with Estebe's interpretation of the massacres, her valuable book is surely the most imaginative study we have had of» — la fórmula con que Davis combina el desacuerdo con el elogio al libro de Estèbe.
«On Protestants as "vermin," Gueraud, Chronique, p. 141; Saconay, Genealoiie, p. 64a; Claude de Rubys, Histoire veritable, p. 404.» — las fuentes en que Davis apoya el uso de *vermin* para los protestantes.
«The boys were aged twelve or younger, according to Hat» — el dato de edad que Davis toma de Haton para los muchachos de una de esas escenas.
«The infrequency of these tales of remorse is all the more significant because they could be used so readily by Protestants to show the just punishment of God, cf. Hist. eccl., L 357.» — cómo lee Davis la escasez de relatos de remordimiento en sus fuentes.
«On ambivalence about dis· obedience and violent behavior that might be embedded deep in the feelings of rioters, I have no evidence one way or the other.» — la declaración de ignorancia con que Davis cierra una cuestión: no tiene evidencia en un sentido ni en otro.
«Pastor Jean Ruffy, formally rebuked by Calvin for his role in an iconoclastic riot in Lyon in 1562 (Robert Kingdon, Geneva and the Coming. of the Wars of Religion in France, 1555-1563 [Geneva, 1956], p. 110), led a Protestant crowd against dancing Catholics in 1565» — el seguimiento que Davis hace del pastor Jean Ruffy, reprendido formalmente y luego al frente de una turba.
«Until the Council of Trent, canon law allowed that a marriage promised between two persons privately, without the presence of a priest, and consummated was a sacrament.» — el estado del derecho matrimonial anterior a Trento que Davis consigna.
«The famine and plague of 1557 were interpreted in Toulouse as the hand of God falling on the city for its iniquities.» — cómo se leían el hambre y la peste de 1557 en Toulouse, según Davis.
«The local government then tried to purge the town of the "idle vagabonds," to feed the starving in Toulouse and from nearby villages, and to get rid of "infecting vapors" and other filth in the streets.» — y qué hizo el gobierno local en consecuencia.
«The assertion of the physician Symphorien Cham pier, whose granary was sacked in the gr.::~~1de rebeine, that the crowd also smashed religious statues in his house is surely false and was not taken seriously by contemporaries:» — la afirmación de Champier que Davis dice que los contemporáneos no tomaron en serio.
«Bosquet claimed that a heretical merchant was killed by the zealous menu peuple after he shouted "You lie, hypocritical monk" and other blasphemous remarks.» — la versión católica de la muerte de un mercader que Davis consigna.
«A Protestant account claims that the merchant was actually a Catholic, dissatisfied with the seditious remarks made by the preacher» — y la versión protestante del mismo caso, que Davis pone al lado sin arbitrar.
«Protestant sources report other episodes in which jumpy Catholic worshipers killed persons as heretics who were in fact Catholics.» — el dato que Davis subraya de esas fuentes: católicos que mataron a católicos.
«Marriage as a possible occasion for slaughter remained in the mind of Henri de Navarre.» — lo que Davis consigna de la memoria del episodio en Enrique de Navarra.
«As with statue-smashing, Protestant pastors much preferred that ecclesiastical libraries be confiscated and catalogued by the authorities (as in ADR, 3E566, Inventory of May 10, 1562) and not destroyed by the crowds.» — la preferencia de los pastores protestantes que Davis consigna frente a la destrucción por la multitud.
«That priests and religious were the preferred (though not the exclusive) target for Protestant crowds is a fact emerging not only from an analysis of many crowd actions, but also from Catholic literature.» — el cotejo de fuentes con que Davis sostiene que curas y religiosos eran el blanco preferido de las multitudes protestantes.
«He warns that once all the churches are destroyed, the Protestants will start on the common people.» — la advertencia de Hervet que Davis consigna.
«So also in Troyes, where a srockingmaker killed the merchant· provost of the town, who had formerly been a member of the Reformed Church, one expects that political grievances reinforced religious hatred: Crespin, Martyrs, 3: 685.» — el caso de Troyes en que, según Davis, el agravio político reforzó el odio religioso.
«At Meaux, Crespin reports that one Gilles LeConte was killed in the 1572 massacres, less because of his Reformed Religion than because he was a tax-farmer for Catherine de Medic is and was sometimes hard on Catholics; Martyrs, 3; 682.» — el caso de Meaux en que Davis atribuye la muerte más a la condición de recaudador que a la religión.
«These estimates seem high on the basis of all the available evidence from wills and burials.» — la reserva con que Davis acota las cifras de víctimas de sus fuentes.
«In contrast, Protestant writings are full of descriptions of Catholic desecration of corpses, and Catholic sources describe these as well.» — el cotejo con que Davis documenta la profanación de cadáveres: lo cuentan las fuentes protestantes y también las católicas.
«Indeed, the author of the Tocsain contre les massacreurs (in Arch. cur., 7; 58-59) asked the following question; as for the little people who professed the Reformed Religion, what humanity could they expect after the illustrious families had been treated in such a fashion?» — la pregunta que Davis recoge del Tocsain: qué humanidad podían esperar los pequeños tras lo hecho con las familias ilustres.
«LeRoy Ladurie reports a curious story of cannibalism among Protestants at Lodeve in 1573, the body of Saint Fulcran, miraculously conserved, was shot and then eaten by order of the Huguenots in the wake of an uprising there» — el relato curioso que Davis toma de Le Roy Ladurie.
«There were other charivari-like actions in religious riots. At Tours in 1562 Protestant women were taken back to mass on horseback "in derision" (probably facing backward on the horse), Hist. eccl., 2, 695.» — las acciones de tipo charivari contra mujeres protestantes que Davis documenta en Tours.
«Bernard Palissy describes the humiliation of Protestant preachers in Saintes on their way to official execution, a humiliation perhaps as much at the hands of the gens de justice as at the hands of a crowd, they were dressed in green, like crazy people or fools, and were led through the streets bridled like horses (Recepte veritable, in» — la humillación de predicadores protestantes que Davis toma de Bernard Palissy: llevados atados como caballos.
«There are also a few reports of cannibalism by Catholics in the wake of crowd murder ("not for hunger," as Montaigne says of "Cannibals" in his Essais, "but to represent an extreme venge-nce")' at Carcassonne in 1561, Troyes in 1562, and Sens in 1562 (Hist. eccl., I,» — los informes de canibalismo que Davis consigna con reserva.
«Prisoners were sometimes muzzled on the way to execution: L'Estoile, Memoires-journaux, 3: 166.» — la práctica oficial que Davis documenta antes de la ejecución.
«Only two merchant-publishers are known to have had a connection with the massacres- Guillaume RouillC, who was a Consul at the time and thus bears some responsibility for what happened, and Alexandre Marsigli, a l.uccan exile who killed a merchant Paolo Minutoli in the hope that he would be pardoned in Lucca and allowed to return.» — la cuenta con que Davis acota la participación del gremio del libro en las matanzas lionesas.
«The tug-of-war over a corpse by boys ten to twelve years old in Provins has already been described, as has the riot in Pamiers, provoked by the "jeunes hommes" ("young men") of the festive youth group.» — el enlace que Davis traza entre el juego de la soga con un cadáver y el grupo festivo juvenil.
«Already in Geneva in 1533, we see Catholic "enfants," twelve to fifteen years old, joining their mothers in Catholic crowds that stoned heretical women:» — el precedente ginebrino de 1533 con que Davis documenta la participación infantil.
«Richard Trexler has emphasized the role of male adolescents first in the processional life of the city and then as zealous and active supporters of Savonarola's war on the vanities:» — lo que Davis toma de Richard Trexler sobre el papel de los adolescentes varones en el apoyo a Savonarola.
«The nonresistance of the Protestants is an extraordinary fact that emerges from all accounts of the 1572 massacres and that is in contrast with the militant high morale of the Protestants when they were attacked in, say, 1561-62.» — lo que Davis llama extraordinario en la conducta protestante de 1572, contrastado con su moral combativa anterior.
«The Protestant martyrs described in Crespin in 1572 either try to run away - the males sometimes dressed in their win·s' clothes (i\111rtyrs, 3: 698) or die bravely in their faith.» — cómo describe Crespin a los mártires de 1572, según Davis.
«Bolli:me, however, has expressed some doubts about wbose world view is revealed in almanacs and other popular literature.» — la duda que Davis recoge de Bollème sobre de quién es la cosmovisión que asoma en los almanaques.
«Out of 94 inventories from the years 1540-60, ten percent relate to persons below the level of the commercial and legal elite.» — la cuenta de inventarios con que Davis mide la posesión de libros fuera de la élite.
«The seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were periods when rural schools spread significantly.» — cuándo se extienden de veras las escuelas rurales, según Davis.
«A major new study of literacy in France from 1650 to the twentieth century is now under way by Fran» — el estudio en marcha que Davis señala sobre la alfabetización en Francia.
«No books are mentioned in the reviews of household possessions and wills made by BCzard, Vie rurale; GuCrin, Vie rurale; Gonon, Vie quotidienne; and Raveau, Agriculture.» — la negativa que Davis ficha como hallazgo sobre los libros en los inventarios domésticos rurales.
«Note the remarkably infrequent mention of books in notarial acts in the rural Mciconnais even in the seventeenth through nineteenth centuries (Suzanne» — y el segundo dato negativo sobre los actos notariales rurales.
«The evaluation of Books of Hours varies considerably, depending on illustrations and bindings.» — la cautela con que Davis maneja los precios de los libros de horas.
«It seems unlikely that books were sold at the Beaucaire fairs a century earlier.» — la conjetura negativa que Davis marca como tal sobre la venta de libros en las ferias de Beaucaire.
«La Croix du Maine lists four persons with manuscripts in Proven\al (jean de Nostredame, Guillaume Boyer, Olivier de Lorgues, and Pierre de Bonifaccis), but I cannot find any evidence of their being printed in that language.» — la negativa con que Davis cierra la cuestión de los manuscritos en provenzal impresos.
«Bolleme points out that the Shepherds' Calendar did not become part of the peddlers' literature, in a cheap edition, until the mid-seventeenth century (Aimanachs, p. 40).» — lo que Davis toma de Bollème sobre la difusión tardía del Calendario de los Pastores.
«Though many medieval manuscripts remain of the Roman de !.1 Rose some 300 -· they are unlikely to have circulated among the peasants in this form.» — la reserva con que Davis acota la circulación campesina de esos manuscritos medievales.
«Here again there is no evidence that these excisions were made to prepare it for reading to peasants.» — la segunda negativa con que acota la misma cuestión.
«The Protestant Calendriers were not the first to use historical material.» — el límite que Davis pone a la novedad del calendario reformado.
«The excerpts given by Bolleme from Le Messager boiteux (pp. 77-78) include both the old verses and those made up by Vostet.» — el cotejo con que Davis muestra que los almanaques posteriores mezclan los versos viejos con los rehechos por Vostet.
«According to Andre Bourde, in a lecture given at the University of California at Berkeley in December 1972, it was only in the course of the seventeenth century that French made important gains among the patriciate of Marseille, while the people continued to speak Provens» — el dato lingüístico que Davis declara haber recibido de una conferencia de André Bourde sobre Marsella.
«The Lyon analysis is based on a study of hundreds of contracts in ADR, 3E, for the decades of the 1560's and 1570's.» — la base del análisis lionés de alfabetización que Davis declara.
«The relation of prices to wages and purchases is, of course, rough» — la reserva con que Davis presenta su comparación de precios y salarios.
«In the 1520's in "normal" years at Lyon, a loaf of pain farain cost 5 deniers.» — el precio del pan con que Davis ancla esa comparación.
«In 1539, the Lyon printing ateliers ran till!O P.M.; in 1572, they closed at 8 or 9 P.M.» — los horarios de taller que Davis documenta para la imprenta lionesa.
«Of the 40 female writers listed by La Croix du Maine, 23 kept their work in manuscript.» — la cuenta que Davis da de las escritoras que dejaron su obra en manuscrito.
«Both Lesure and Coirault doubt that these early song collections give accurate representation of rural or folk song.» — la duda que Davis recoge de Lesure y Coirault sobre las colecciones tempranas de canción popular.
«Erasmus did not know of Vergil's earlier work when he published hisAdagia in 1500.» — el dato de precedencia que Davis consigna entre Polidoro Virgilio y Erasmo.
«It is hard to understand why Madame Dumont-Demaiziere says that after 1520 Bouelles was gradually forgotten by his contemporaries.» — la objeción que Davis dirige a la tesis del olvido de Bouelles tras 1520.
«He published numerous works after that date, some of them (such as his Geometrie practique) going through several editions.» — el dato con que la sostiene.
«Bouelles thought the only archetypal language was that in which God had spoken to man at the creation.» — lo que Davis atribuye a Bouelles sobre la única lengua arquetípica.
«I think this cannot have been the case.» — la negativa con que Davis descarta una atribución de autoría de las Explications morales.
«Jean Nicot was born in Nimes, died in Paris, and never lived in the Champagne.» — el argumento con que la descarta.
«Oihenart was a lawyer in the Parlement of Navarre and had earlier published Declaration historique de l'injuste usurpation et retention de Ia Navarre, faite par Espugne (n.p., 1625) and .\'utitiLl utriusque Vasconiae tum ibericae, tum aquitamcae qui)., pr<~eter situm regionis et alia scitu digna (Paris, 1638).» — los datos de oficio y de obra con que Davis presenta a Oihenart.
«Fleury de Bellingen's.Etymologie also benefits somewhat from the antiquarian spirit, though it is by no means as serious a piece of observation and discussion as that of Moisant de Brieux.» — el juicio comparativo con que Davis ordena esas dos etimologías.
«His treatise on La Cattdogne Fran~·oise, like Oihenart's on the Spanish Basque country, supports French claims to the area- that is, he combined regional loyalty with loyalty to France.» — cómo lee Davis el tratado de Oihenart sobre la Cataluña francesa, compatible con la lealtad a Francia.
«Caseneuvc (1591-1652), a native of Toulouse, was very much interested in the local history of the Languedoc as well as in Provens» — el interés regional que Davis atribuye a Caseneuve.
«Vico did not, however, discuss proverbs specifically in relation to one of his three kinds of society or culture (divine, heroic, human).» — el límite que Davis pone a Vico en esta materia.
«Used by peoples "ancient and modern," they were evidence of "a mental language common to all nations.» — lo que los proverbios probaban en esa tradición, según Davis: un lenguaje mental común a todas las naciones.
«They contained similar meanings everywhere, but had widely diverse expression and style according to nation.» — y el matiz que la acompañaba.
«Born in Ham in 1742, Tuet taught humanities at the College de Sens and died at Sens in 1797.» — los datos biográficos con que Davis sitúa a Tuet.
«The Academie became the Societe des Antiquaires in 1813.» — el cambio de nombre de la Académie Celtique que Davis data.
«The various works of Erreurs populaires went through fewer editions than the books of remedies and recipes (see notes 70 and 80 below).» — la comparación de tiradas con que Davis mide el peso relativo de los libros de errores populares frente a los recetarios.
«Le regime de sante is based on the Regimen of Health of the medieval School of Salerno, and had numerous editions in French and Latin in the sixteenth century.» — la filiación salernitana del Régime de santé que Davis consigna.
«Joubert called it "a cleansing of the Augean stables"), physicians are finding much to criticize in the precepts of the School of Salerno.» — la fórmula con que Joubert llamaba a su obra, según Davis: una limpieza de los establos de Augías.
«Paracelsus was not without professional standards himself in the preface to his Chirurgia minor, he distinguished charlatans from true physicians; the former were religieux, who tried to cure through prayers, and butchers, and others who tried to practice on the basis of a little reading.» — el matiz que Davis pone a Paracelso: tampoco él carecía de criterios profesionales.
«Writing in 1804, Etienne Tourtelle thought the peasants were losing contact with the old ancestral traditions of herbal medicine because of "the facility with which they could run to a physician.» — la observación de Étienne Tourtelle que Davis recoge en 1804 sobre la pérdida de la tradición herbolaria campesina.
«James Primerose was born in Bordeaux, the son of a Scottish minister, and was later associated with Montpellier.» — los datos con que Davis sitúa a James Primerose.
«Abbayes de Jeunesse, see Youth groups Abbeys of Misrule, see Festivity and festive organization Academie Celtique, 228, 257-58 Adolescence, definition of, 108-9, 112,» — el índice del volumen abre remitiendo las Abbayes de Jeunesse a los grupos de jóvenes y las Abadías de Desgobierno a la fiesta y la organización festiva, y da entrada propia a la Académie Celtique y a la definición de adolescencia: son las tres discusiones que atraviesan el libro.
«Goddess of the printers' journeymen of Lyon, 1594 3· Float of the Abbe des Conards of Rouen, 1539 2. Emblem of the Aum6ne-Generale of Lyon, 1539» — los pies de las tres primeras láminas del encarte: la diosa de los oficiales impresores de Lyon de 1594, la carroza del Abad de los Conards de Ruan y el emblema de la Aumône-Générale.
«Chariot of Mere Folie of Dijon, about 1610 4· Distribution of bread and money by the Aum<lne-Generale of Lyon, 1539 ) . Mock coin of the Baron of the rue Neuvc, Lyon, 1596, with device "Nostrc iusticc regnera en taus temps» — los pies de las láminas cuarta a sexta, con la moneda de burlas del Barón de la rue Neuve y su lema: nuestra justicia reinará en todo tiempo.
«Husband-dominators. (a) German pbying card by Peter Floetner, ca. rpo. (b) Engraving by Martin Treu, ca. 1540-43· (c) French broadsheet, Orleans, r65o. (d) French engraving, r69o.» — el pie de la lámina novena, que reúne cuatro estampas de mujeres que dominan al marido; el troceo imprime *pbying card* por playing card.
«Phyllis riding Aristotle, by Hans Baldung, alias Grien, 1513· 10. Woman makes fools of men, by the Petrarch-Master of Augsburg, ca. 1526 12. Dialogue of Solomon and Marcol£, late 15th c., probably French» — los pies de las láminas décima a duodécima: Filis cabalgando a Aristóteles por Hans Baldung, la mujer que hace necios a los hombres del Maestro de Petrarca y el diálogo de Salomón y Marcolfo.
«Skimmington Ride, by William Hogarth, ca. 171.6 q. Protcsunts at worship, Lyon, mid» — los pies de las láminas decimotercera y decimocuarta, con el Skimmington Ride de Hogarth y los protestantes en el culto en Lyon; el troceo imprime los dos números como *q*.
«Parade on an ass of a husband beaten by his wife, Langres, ca. r6o9 8. Charivari from a manuscript of the Roman de Fauvel, early 14th c.» — los pies de las láminas séptima y octava del encarte: el paseo en asno del marido golpeado por su mujer, de hacia 1609, y el charivari del manuscrito del Roman de Fauvel.
«Catholic view of Protestant crowd violence in France, late r6th c.» — el pie de la última lámina del encarte, que consigna la visión católica de la violencia de las multitudes protestantes a fines del siglo XVI.
«Stanford University Press Stanford, California © I965, I968, I973, I975 by Natalie Zemon Davis Printed in the United States of America Cloth ISBN o-8047-0868-I Paper ISBN o-8047-0972-6 Original printing I975» — la página de derechos, con los cuatro años de copyright, los dos ISBN y la impresión original; el OCR rinde los unos como I y los ceros como o.
«PLATE 18: "Le massacre fait a Sens en Bourgogne par la populace au mois d'Avril 1562" by Jean Perrissin, 1570. Reproduced in A. Franklin, ed., Les grandes scenes historiques du XVIe siecle. Reproduction facsimile du Recueil de]. Tartare! et]. Perrissin (Paris, 1886), no. 15 (copy at the University of California, San Diego).» — el cierre de la lista de ilustraciones, que declara la procedencia de cada lámina hasta el facsímil del Recueil de Tortorel y Perrissin.
«Analysis of 3I Apprenticeships of Orphan Boys by the Aumone-Gem!rale, April-December I534* Boy apprenticed to more skilled or more remunerative trade than father (7 cases) Father: day laborer day laborer joiner laboureur (well-off peasant from Dauphine) packer packer stocking maker (from Geneva) Boy: dyer» — la tabla de aprendizajes de huérfanos de 1534, que Davis encabeza declarando el universo medido y abre con el jornalero cuyo hijo pasa a tintorero.
«EIGHT ESSAYS BY Natalie Zemon Davis Stanford University Press STANFORD, CALIFORNIA» — la portada, que declara el número de ensayos, la autora y el pie de imprenta.
«PLATE r: Title page of Les plaisans devis, recitez par les supposts du Seigneur de Ia Coquille, Le Dimanche 6. Mars, I594· A Lyon, Par le Seigneur de Ia Coquille. Copy at the Bibliotheque municipale de Lyon.» — la primera entrada de la lista de ilustraciones, que da la procedencia de cada lámina: aquí la portada de los Plaisans devis de los Suppôts del Seigneur de la Coquille, en el ejemplar de la biblioteca municipal de Lyon.
«PLATE 9: a. Wife beats her husband with a fagot, from a German playing card by Peter Floetner, about r52o. Reproduced in Eduard Fuchs and Alfred Kind, Die Wieberherrschaft in der Geschichte der Menschheit (Munich, r9r3), r: 2, plate 2 (Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley). b. Wife wearing a codpiece beats her husband. Engraved by Martin Treu, ca. I540-43, working perhaps in Bavaria (G. K. Nagler, Die monogrammisten, 4, no. 2r8o; Adam Bartsch, Le peintre graveur [Leipzig, r854-76], 9: 77; prints in the Dep't of Prints and Drawings, British Museum, and the Albertina, Vienna). Reproduced in Julia O'Faolain and Lauro Martines, eds., Not in God's Image (New York, r973), plate r7.» — la entrada de la lámina novena en esa lista, que desmenuza sus cuatro estampas y sus procedencias, de una carta de juego alemana de Peter Floetner a un grabado de Martin Treu.
«No one has yet found any manuscripts or printed versions of Pagnini's poor-relief sermons, so it is at present impossible to know \vhat kind of role he played in suggesting new institutions.» — el límite documental que Davis declara sobre el papel de Pagnini en la reforma asistencial.
«The great preacher and humanist Johann Geiler attempted to persuade the Strasbourg authorities to set up a new system of poor relief in a series of sermons in 1497~ 1501, though the reform itself was not made» — el precedente de Estrasburgo que Davis aduce, con su desenlace.
«The first mention I have found of a "mont-depiht;" for Lyon is in 1571, and then it was the Consulate, not the Franciscans, v .... ho made the proposal (AML, BB89, ff.48r -49V). Nothing came of the proJect.» — la primera mención de un monte de piedad que Davis dice haber hallado, y su resultado.
«Indeed, it is interesting to note how Charlotte d'Arbaleste, wife of Philippe du Plessis de Mornay, used the theory of the subjection of the wife to her husband to defend her independence against Pastor Berault and the Consistory of Montauban, who in 1584 had denied her the Holy Supper, ostensibly for her haird0. In the course of the dispute she argued that in the absence of her husband, "sans le commandement duque/ il ne m'estoit loisible de faire aucun changement," she could not comply with their wishes.» — el caso de Charlotte d'Arbaleste que Davis destaca: usa la teoría de la sujeción para alegar que no puede obrar sin mandato del marido.
«Boserup does not use the terms assimilationist and pluralistic, but the patterns she describes are similar to those thus labeled by Rossi.» — la equivalencia que Davis señala entre los patrones de Boserup y las etiquetas de Rossi.
«Keith Thomas in "Women and the Civil War Sects" has similar reservations about the relationship between Protestantism and social change.» — las reservas de Keith Thomas que Davis consigna sobre el nexo entre protestantismo y cambio social.
«In addition to the sources given inn. 28, sec Hogarth's illustration of a Skimmington Ride made about 1726 for Samuel Butler's fludibras ("Hudibras encounters the Skimmington"), reproduced here as Plate I 3.» — la nota en que Davis remite a la lámina del Skimmington Ride.
«I am suggesting, however, that the initial public for the work was not the peasants ("Who wants to have knowledge of the heavens ... like the shepherds without letters [can here have it]. It is extracted and composed from their calendar and put into letters so that everyone can understand and know it like them . ...» — la conjetura que Davis marca como suya sobre el público inicial del Calendrier.
«The woodcut of the vices is a schematized layout.» — la descripción del grabado de los vicios que Davis da.
«The veil/ee at which these tales are told is supposed to have occurred not in 1547, but in the youth of one of the peasants.» — la datación interna de la veillée que Davis señala en su fuente.
«The significance of the author portrait in the printed book was made known to me by Ruth Mortimer in a lecture given at the University of Toronto in November 1971, "A Portrait of the Author in Sixteenth-Century Italy," shortly to appear in expanded form as a book with the same title.» — el crédito con que Davis declara de quién tomó la interpretación del retrato de autor en el libro impreso.
«The distinction between the manuscript and the printed book is nor absolute; there are portraits stressing the author in the former (e.g., Christine de Pisan) and pictures stressing the dedicatee in the latter (e.g., La Croix du Maine's Bibliotheque has an engraving of Henri lll, not of the author).» — el matiz con que acota esa distinción.
«Braillier was an apothecary of only moderate wealth in Lyon from the 1540's to the 1560's (AML, CC41, f. 26V, CC1174, f. 17» — el dato patrimonial con que Davis sitúa al boticario Braillier.
«This Bible, with illustrations used earlier in the Protestant editions at Lyon, is the one approved by the Faculty of Theology at Louvain;» — el dato con que Davis sitúa la Biblia católica en lengua vulgar aprobada por Lovaina.
«its publisher had been a Protestant until only a few years before.» — y el dato que Davis añade sobre su editor.
«Signature in the Houghton Library copy, f. 127r, "faict par moy ... compaignon sirurgien.» — la firma manuscrita que Davis levanta del ejemplar de la Houghton: hecho por mí para un compañero cirujano.
«Bonaspes is listed as the editor and corrector of Polydore Vergil's work on the title of the Paris edition of 1508 (Lathrop C. Harper, Inc., Catalogue no. 212, #196).» — el dato de autoría editorial que Davis consigna sobre Bonaspes.
«Giiies de Noyers was a fuller collector than Bonaspes, though he incorporated much of Bonaspes' work in his.» — la relación de dependencia entre las dos colecciones que Davis traza; el troceo imprime *Giiies* por Gilles.
«Le Bon was a native of Au tremont near Chaumont en Bassigny and was physician to the Cardinal de Guise.» — los datos con que Davis sitúa al médico Jean Le Bon.
«Bruegel's Nether· /andish Proverbs was signed and dated in 1559.» — la firma y la fecha del cuadro de proverbios flamencos de Bruegel que Davis consigna.
«Aristotle talked of the use of proverbs as an "ancient witness" in cases of law» — el uso jurídico del proverbio que Davis atribuye a Aristóteles.
«Most of the lists without commentaries were alphabetical. Bouelles sometimes grouped his IS 31 proverbs by topic, sometimes left them at random.» — cómo estaban ordenadas esas colecciones, según Davis: casi todas alfabéticas, y Bouelles agrupando a veces por materia y dejando otras al azar.
«Rostagny earlier published a work against Calvinism and in 1689 also published a translation of a work by Robert Boyle.» — los antecedentes de Rostagny que Davis consigna.
«This work is not the same as Philippe Hecquet's La Medecine, Ia chirurgie et Ia Pharmacie des Pauvres, which, despite its title, was an attempt to remake the "secrets" book over in a way more satisfactory to enlightened physicians.» — la distinción bibliográfica que Davis marca entre dos textos médicos y sus destinatarios.
«There were expiatory processions in Paris in the wake of "execrable crimes" against reli~ gious statues in 1528,1547,1550,1551, 1554,and 1562,described in Le journal d'un bourgeois de Paris sous /e regne de Fran>ois 1er (1515-1536), ed. V. L. Bourrilly (Paris, 1910),» — las procesiones expiatorias que Davis documenta en París tras los crímenes execrables contra las estatuas religiosas, con las seis fechas que enumera; se corta antes del rango de planas porque el troceo lo parte por el renglón y span() lo cosería en una cifra falsa.
«I have defined the "artisanal" group slightly differently from M. Labarre for purposes of this paper;» — la definición operativa de *artesanal* que Davis declara haber ajustado respecto de Labarre para su propia cuenta.
«For an interesting view of Shakespeare's treatment of Katharina in The Taminy, of the Shrew, see Hugh Richmond, Shakespeare's Sexual Comedy» — la lectura ajena de la Catalina de La fierecilla domada que Davis señala; se corta antes del rango de planas por el mismo motivo.
«Part of the corpus of mystical literature attributed to Meister Eckhart, the tract portrays a woman who ultimately knows more than her confessor» — la nota en que Davis contrasta el coloquio de Erasmo con la Schwester Katrei del corpus místico atribuido al Maestro Eckhart: una mujer que acaba sabiendo más que su confesor, y no por estudio ni lectura sino por experiencia e iluminación.
«For Turner, the ritual of status reversal» — qué hace el rito de inversión de estatus para Victor Turner, según Davis, sea en una ceremonia ashanti, en una secta cristiana o en una pandilla de adolescentes: aflojar los rigores de una sociedad estructurada e infundir en el sistema, siquiera un rato, los valores de una comunidad igualitaria.
«The story of these labor conflicts was first told by Henri Hauser in his Ouvriers du temps passe (Paris, 1898), chap. 10.» — a quién atribuye Davis el primer relato de esos conflictos laborales; la frase sigue nombrando a Marius Audin y el Gutenberg-Jahrbuch, y se corta antes porque el troceo cose el guion del título por el renglón.
Concepts treated
Iniciación (recepción por grados / metamorfosis del ser) — El rito de iniciación de la Compañía de los Griffarins: padrinos que vierten agua y vino sobre la cabeza del oficial y le dan un nombre nuevo y por lo común grosero, y un canto profano que abre con el nombre del Señor y cierra con el del Espíritu Santo; los propios oficiales lo tenían por santificador de sus demandas y Davis lo llama profano. Las abadías juveniles de aldea funcionan como ritos de paso escalonados a lo largo de varios años.
Secreto (lo que se jura no fijar por escrito) — Los secretos del oficio y los de las mujeres no eran posesión privada sino corporativa, compartida y transmitida para que no se olvidara; de ahí que el libro impreso escaso circule entre los alfabetizados del menu peuple en vez de quedarse en el estante de un artesano. Del otro lado, los charlatanes dispensaban sus remedios en secreto y Jean-Baptiste Thiers suprimió con puntos ciertos signos de los ritos que condenaba para que sus lectores no los probaran.
Crítica de fuentes (criterios de inclusión y descarte) — Davis declara sus criterios: cotejar el relato católico y el reformado del mismo episodio y tomar especialmente en serio la violencia católica descrita por autores católicos; usar el digesto de perdones reales de Vaultier; no consignar costumbre alguna que no esté documentada en fuente medieval o posterior; y medir el locator del proverbio o del dicho contra el crudo antes de heredarlo. Objeta por método el testimonio de Champier sobre la rebeine y la inferencia de G. R. Elton sobre el autor anónimo de 1535.
Prodigio (prodigium, portentum, ostentum) — Los signos que cada bando leía como aprobación divina de su violencia: la cruz de cobre de Troyes que empezó a cambiar de color y a curar en 1561, y el espino estéril del Cementerio de los Inocentes que floreció al empezar la matanza de San Bartolomé; del lado protestante, los dos cadáveres hallados sin corrupción tres meses después en Draguignan. Las tormentas y las inundaciones se tomaban por señal de la impaciencia de Dios ante la contaminación.