Society and Culture in Early Modern France

«So Chapter I considers what sorts of social experience might help form Protestant consciousness among male artisans, and how or whether their fight against the Catholic clergy might connect with economic conflict.» — en la introducción Davis enuncia la pregunta del primer ensayo: qué experiencia social puede formar una consciencia protestante entre los artesanos varones, y si su pleito con el clero católico se enlaza o no con el conflicto económico.

«What, then, prompted Protestant allegiance among some groups of urban women-the subject of Chapter 3-with their different patterns of geographical mobility, literacy, skill, and employ?» — y la del tercero, que traslada la misma pregunta a las mujeres urbanas, con otros patrones de movilidad, alfabetización, oficio y empleo.

«So too, Chapter 4 examines a wide range of political and social uses for both carnivalesque topsy-turvy and festive organization, including their relation to the socialization of youth; but it stops short of analyzing the meaning of symbols in cultural play.» — Davis acota el cuarto ensayo en la introducción: cubre los usos políticos y sociales del mundo al revés carnavalesco y de la organización festiva, y se detiene antes de analizar el sentido de los símbolos en el juego cultural.

«This then becomes the issue in Chapter 5, at least for the complex case of sex-role reversal in rite and festivity.» — y encarga ese análisis al quinto, sobre la inversión de papeles sexuales en rito y fiesta.

«can one go on to discover some order even in the extreme popular violence with which sixteenth-century crowds defended their religion?» — la pregunta que pasa de la recreación popular a la violencia, y que el sexto ensayo contesta afirmativamente.

«They turn out to generate some interesting questions about our own role as scholarly interpreters of the historical past.» — Davis declara que los proverbios y los errores populares acaban interrogando el papel del propio intérprete académico del pasado.

«Thus, research became not simply a matter of scouring libraries for popular playlets, poems, and pamphlets and of sifting criminal and judicial records, welfare rolls, notarial contracts, and militia and financial lists for mentions of artisans and the poor.» — la enumeración de fuentes que Davis declara haber peinado para gente casi toda iletrada: obritas teatrales, poemas y panfletos, y de otro lado los expedientes criminales y judiciales, los padrones de socorro, los contratos notariales y las listas de milicia y de hacienda.

«First, I have tried to be especially attentive to the context of a change, an occurrence, or a decision.» — la primera de las reglas que Davis declara seguir.

«The Protestant Reformation erases this axis in some regions and makes "clergy" roughly equivalent to other professions. It also leads to a simplification of the criteria used to relate male and female, while sharpening the boundary between the superior and the subject sex.» — lo que Davis atribuye a la Reforma en el eje del control de los recursos expresivos y emocionales: lo borra en algunas regiones y a la vez endurece el límite entre los sexos.

«Lyon was large and it was prosperous. Its population grew to up to 6o,ooo by the mid-sixteenth century; its wholesale industries expanded; its annual fairs became a center for the European money market.» — el primer ensayo abre situando Lyon: el troceo imprime la cifra de población como 6o,ooo (lectura propuesta: 60,000).

«Protests ranged from the violent grain riots of unskilled laborers and their wives to the well-organized pressure of master craftsmen and merchants for tax reform and a less exclusive town Consulate.» — y el abanico de protestas que Davis consigna, de los motines del grano de los jornaleros y sus mujeres a la presión organizada de maestros y mercaderes.

«Approximately one-third of the inhabitants were converted to its doctrine and then, after a successful Calvinist uprising in 1562, the rest were compelled to attend its services.» — lo que Davis consigna del avance protestante en la ciudad y del giro de 1562, cuando la asistencia al culto se vuelve obligatoria.

«The printing industry of Lyon provides an excellent case study by which to examine the interrelations between "social forces" and Reformation in the city.» — por qué Davis elige la imprenta de Lyon como caso.

«Its personnel of about 6oo included men of most social levels: the great merchant-publishers, who were on the town Consulate; the independent publisher-printers, who were among the "notables" of the town; the lesser master craftsmen and printers' journeymen, who were lumped together with other artisans as menu peuple-the little people.» — y cómo escalona su personal, de los grandes mercaderes-editores del Consulado a los oficiales impresores contados entre el menu peuple; el troceo imprime la cifra como 6oo (lectura propuesta: 600).

«A natural guess, in anticipation of the evidence, is that most of the Lyon Protestants in the printing industry were lined up on one side of the economic battle. But this turns out not to be the case.» — Davis enuncia la conjetura previsible sobre los protestantes de la imprenta lionesa y la niega.

«I have examined evidence of group behavior and of books printed, as well as the lives of a few hundred individual publishers, masters, and journeymen, and have found that Protestantism took hold early on all levels and by the mid-rsso's had won the commitment of the large majority of men in the printing industry.» — y declara la base con que la niega: conducta de grupo, libros impresos y las vidas de unos cientos de editores, maestros y oficiales; el troceo imprime la década como mid-rsso.s (lectura propuesta: 1550).

«Economic opponents were ordinarily religious allies, even within a single printing shop.» — la formulación breve del hallazgo, que es la que encadena este ensayo con los siguientes.

«Only around 1565 does some correlation between religion and economic position appear, with publishers and masters more likely to stay in the Reformed Church than journeymen.» — y el momento en que Davis data la aparición de una correlación entre religión y posición económica.

«Are these assertions true for the printers' journeymen? What were they actually like? How can we account for their interest in Protestantism and their ability to differentiate between religious considerations and economic ones?» — y convierte esas atribuciones en las preguntas del ensayo, en vez de heredarlas.

«In answering these questions, we will see that "social forces" is a broad and slippery term.» — lo que Davis declara que el ensayo hará con la propia noción de fuerzas sociales.

«It can refer to circumstances or events that shape a man's attitude toward many things-his wife, his wealth, his chances for wisdom. But it can also refer to certain specific goals a man consciously adopts in regard to his job or his superiors and to specific steps he takes to achieve these goals.» — y los dos sentidos que distingue dentro del término.

«They came to Lyon from all over-from rural villages, from other cities, even from outside France. Almost all of them were doing something different from their fathers before them, and they were doing it in a trade that was relatively new and without traditions.» — y de dónde vienen: casi todos hacen algo distinto de lo que hacía su padre, en un oficio nuevo y sin tradiciones.

«It is not surprising that they tried to create traditions for themselves and did what they could to feel less lost and lonely.» — de donde Davis deriva el impulso a fabricarse tradiciones propias.

«They worked together, three and four to a press; and pressmen coordinated their labor with typesetter and proofreader.» — la descripción del trabajo compartido en el taller.

«journeymen were men who spent several years and often all their adult lives working for wages as pressmen, typesetters, and proofreaders.» — quiénes son los oficiales impresores según Davis: asalariados de por vida como prensistas, cajistas y correctores.

«As the journeymen themselves said, "[we) can't be compared to other artisans who work independently.» — según Davis, los propios oficiales enunciaban así su diferencia con los demás artesanos; el troceo imprime el corchete de la edición como *[we)*.

«They were bothered by the gulf between them and their masters. Not only was there an economic gulf, but they were being cut off from administrative responsibility.» — el foso que Davis les atribuye con sus maestros: económico y a la vez de exclusión de la responsabilidad administrativa.

«How wrong this was, the workers said, in the printing industry where "above all other Arts, the Masters and Journeymen are or ought to be only one body together, like a family and fraternity.» — la fórmula con que, según Davis, los trabajadores objetaban: en la imprenta maestros y oficiales son o deben ser un solo cuerpo, como una familia y una cofradía.

«Instead they formed a secular brotherhood of their own and called it a Company8-the Company of the Griffarins» — lo que Davis consigna del desenlace: los oficiales abandonan la cofradía de impresores compartida con los maestros en el convento carmelita y fundan una hermandad seglar propia.

«The title was variously pronounced Golfarin, Gorfarin, Gourfarin, and Griffarin. Golfarin is an old French word for "glutton." This was an accusation often thrown at the journeymen by their masters, who resented their demands for a higher food-salary. From Golfarin, the name became most frequently Griffarin, a neologism suggesting claws or talons, and thus the power of the Company.» — la nota al pie con la etimología que Davis propone para el nombre: de Golfarin, *glotón* en francés antiguo y reproche de los maestros por la demanda de más salario en comida, a Griffarin, neologismo de garras.

«The parish churches serving the printing quarter were dominated either by the "nonchalant" sons of nobles from nearby provinces or by canons who belonged to the Consular families of Lyon.» — quiénes servían, según Davis, las parroquias del barrio de la imprenta.

«He preached eloquently for Catholic orthodoxy and for a new system of urban poor relief. He squeezed money for a new hospital out of his rich friends and relatives, yet was also familiar to men in several printing ateliers.» — lo que Davis atribuye al dominico Santo Pagnini, que predicaba la ortodoxia y a la vez un sistema nuevo de socorro urbano y era conocido en los talleres.

«He told them he was as much a priest as any man, that Heaven was God's church and the earth His carpet, that one could say sacramental words anywhere.» — según Davis, lo que un armero pobre predicaba a los oficiales en la década de 1530; el troceo imprime el decenio como 153o.s.

«The kind of religious experience that printing workers sought afterward is expressed in the public processions they organized in 1551. They acted independently of the clandestine pastors who were meeting with less obstreperous Protestants in small conventicles.» — Davis lee las procesiones públicas de 1551 como la forma de experiencia religiosa que los trabajadores buscaban, y marca que iban por su cuenta, aparte de los pastores clandestinos.

«Their numbers and the activistic fellowship of their singing not only helped them brave arrest, but also allayed more profound fears of death and human isolation.» — lo que Davis atribuye a ese canto en número: no solo valor ante la detención, sino alivio del miedo a la muerte y al aislamiento.

«Partly they were proud of their skills; about two-thirds of them could read and write.» — la cifra de alfabetización que Davis les atribuye.

«Their learning may not have gone very deep-"lightly tinted with letters" is how one disgusted editor described them-but then the journeymen were comparing themselves with their fathers or other artisans, not with scholars.» — y el término de comparación que Davis restituye: un editor los despachaba como levemente teñidos de letras, pero ellos se medían con sus padres y con otros artesanos.

«their pride was rooted in a conviction shared by masters, publishers, and many others that printing was of enormous value to Christian society.» — de dónde deriva Davis el orgullo: de una convicción compartida con maestros y editores sobre el valor de la imprenta para la sociedad cristiana.

«A few hundred armed journeymen led other artisans and their wives up the streets singing the Psalms in French and» — y describe el acto: unos cientos de oficiales armados encabezando a otros artesanos y sus mujeres calle arriba; la frase sigue en la plana siguiente, donde el troceo intercala antes la nota al pie sobre el nombre Griffarin.

«even interspersing their Psalms with insults shouted at the noble canon-counts at the Cathedral of Saint Jean.» — la continuación del mismo acto: los salmos entreverados de insultos a los canónigos-condes de la catedral de Saint Jean.

«One. Strikes and Salvation at Lyon 1 Two. Poor Relief, Humanism, and Heresy 17 Three. City Women and Religious Change 65 Four. The Reasons of Misrule 97 Five. Women on Top 124 Six. The Rites of Violence 152 Seven. Printing and the People 189 Eight. Proverbial Wisdom and Popular Errors» — el índice del volumen enumera los ocho ensayos con su folio impreso, en el orden en que se leen: huelgas y salvación en Lyon, socorro a los pobres, mujeres de ciudad y cambio religioso, las razones del desgobierno, las mujeres arriba, los ritos de violencia, la imprenta y el pueblo, y sabiduría proverbial y errores populares.

«Illustrations (between pp. r88 and 189)» — el volumen declara que las dieciocho láminas van encartadas entre dos planas del ensayo sobre la imprenta; el OCR imprime el primer folio como r88 (lectura propuesta: 188).

«Minor revisions have been made in these five essays for the present collection.» — Davis declara el alcance de su intervención sobre los cinco ensayos ya publicados al reunirlos en el volumen.

«I have corrected errors where I knew of them, sharpened a few fuzzy formulations (much aided here by the careful reading of Peter]. Kahn of Stanford University Press), and added new bibliographic references here and there in the notes.» — y detalla en qué consistió, acreditando la lectura de Peter J. Kahn de Stanford University Press — el troceo imprime *Peter]. Kahn*, con el corchete por la J.

«The excitement of discovery is always associated for me with one of these settings-Mere Folie, for instance, with the beautiful eighteenth-century library at Dijon; the varied signatures of sixteenth-century artisans with the quiet reading room of the Archives du Rhone» — Davis sitúa el hallazgo de archivo en los lugares donde ocurre y los nombra: la biblioteca dieciochesca de Dijon para Mere Folie, la sala de lectura de los Archives du Rhône para las firmas de los artesanos del siglo XVI.

«With one friend that conversation is silenced -the late Rosalie L. Colie.» — la deuda que Davis consigna con Rosalie L. Colie, a quien atribuye haberla urgido a publicar la colección.

«Last, I must pay tribute to my best general reader, my husband Chandler Davis, mathematician and writer.» — el lector que Davis nombra primero es su marido, Chandler Davis, matemático y escritor; el envoi del volumen va firmado -Ch.D.

«He has never let me get away without asking myself the central question of my goals as a historian.» — y lo que le atribuye es una pregunta, no una corrección.

«Born abroad, she longs for you, compagnons. She longs to shake your hand, to share your wine. She longs for home, four hundred years away. Through the pane she hears you but is not heard. She deserves your pity but will not have it. The songs you think are vanished once they're sung, The pleas you think are wasted if turned down, Jokes you dismiss if no one laughs or winces, She listens for. You speak sometimes too soft. And since there is no God she notes your prayers. And since there is no God she marks your fall.» — el envoi que abre el volumen, firmado -Ch.D., pone a la historiadora del lado de acá del cristal: oye a los compagnons del siglo XVI y no es oída por ellos; no es voz de Davis sino del poema que encabeza el libro.

«It was about groups like theirs, after all, that Henri Hauser said decades ago that the Reformation was a social revolution as well as a religious one; that the popular classes were rising not only against corrupt dogma and the clergy, but at the same time against poverty and injustice, and were seeking in the Bible not only salvation by faith but the original equality of men.» — Davis expone la tesis de Henri Hauser sobre estos grupos: la Reforma como revolución social además de religiosa, y la Biblia buscada por la igualdad original de los hombres tanto como por la salvación por la fe.

«It is in urban groups like theirs -men new to the city and cut off from mastership-that some historians have found a social matrix for radical Protestantism» — y consigna sin nombrarlos a los historiadores que han buscado en grupos urbanos así la matriz social del protestantismo radical y del milenarismo revolucionario.

«The tradition of rebellion is suggested by the special term used for such popular revolts in Lyon: rebeine. On rebeines in Lyon, see, for instance, Claude Bellievre, Souvenirs, ed. C. Perrat (Geneva, 1956), pp. 45, 72, 81-101; Guillaume Paradin, Memoires de l'histoire de Lyon (Lyon, 1573), pp. 234-35; Claude de Rubys, Histoire veritable de Ia ville de Lyon (Lyon, 1604), pp. 332, 502; and Rene Fedou, "Une revolte populaire a Lyon au XVe siecle: La Rebeyne de 1436," Cahiers d'histoire 4 (1959): 129-49.» — la nota en que Davis apoya esa tradición en el término lionés *rebeine* y remite a Claude Bellièvre, Guillaume Paradin, Claude de Rubys y René Fedou.

«rebeine is only one of several factors undermining Henri Hauser's claim that the grain riot of 1529 involved expressions of Protestant heresy ("Etude critique sur Ia 'Rebeine' de Lyon," Revue historique 6r [1896]: 265-307).» — la nota en que Davis objeta la tesis de Henri Hauser de que el motín del grano de 1529 llevaba dentro herejía protestante, apoyándose en la tradición lionesa de la rebeine.

«Charles Glock's discussion of this problem in "The Role of Deprivation in the Origin and Evolution of Religious Groups" (R. Lee and M. Marty, eds., Religion and Social Conflict [New York, 1964]) is also relevant. He distinguishes between circumstances that encourage a secular response and those that encourage a religious response to social and economic deprivation (p. 29). I differ from his analysis, however, in viewing the journeymen's attempt to change the form of the Catholic Church as a realistic response (not a compensatory one)» — y en qué se aparta de Charles Glock: lee el intento de los oficiales de cambiar la forma de la Iglesia católica como respuesta realista y no compensatoria.

«Henri Hours has challenged Hauser's view in his "Proces d'heresie contre Aime Meigret," Bibliotheque d'humanisme et renaissance 19 (1957): 2o-2r. Furthermore, none of the II3 known rioters can be connected with Protestant heresy, and their vocational distribution (many were unskilled workers) differs markedly from the vocational distribution of the Protestant movement.» — y los dos datos con que Davis la refuerza: la objeción de Henri Hours en su estudio del proceso de herejía contra Aimé Meigret, y la ausencia de conexión herética en los ciento trece amotinados conocidos, de reparto vocacional distinto al del movimiento protestante; el troceo imprime la cifra como II3.

«My analysis of differentiation and secularization is related to that of Robert N. Bellah in his "Religious Aspects of Modernization in Turkey and Japan," The American journal of Sociology 64 (1958): r-2, where he distinguishes between prescriptive and principia! societies. Lyon is clearly the latter.» — Davis declara el linaje de su análisis: la distinción de Robert N. Bellah entre sociedades prescriptivas y principiales, con Lyon del segundo tipo.

«as Raymond de Roover has shown, the evil nature of "monopolies" had been discussed by Catholic theorists since the fourteenth century.» — Davis se apoya en Raymond de Roover para consignar que los teóricos católicos discutían la maldad de los monopolios desde el siglo XIV.

«Etienne Dolet's claim in 1543 that he had been turned over to the Inquisition by master craftsmen getting revenge for his support of the journeymen is hard to believe.» — la nota en que Davis objeta la versión de Étienne Dolet sobre quién lo entregó a la Inquisición.

«First, most members of the masters' committee were strongly sympathetic to Protestantism and were printing or were shortly to print the very same works that had incriminated Dolet. Second, Dolet's views of journeymen (as expressed in his Avantnaissance, written the year of the first strike) show him not sympathetic to the journeymen. It is very likely that he offered good terms to the workers he hired in I538-4o, or how else would he have been able to set up shop and print so many works right in the midst of serious labor trouble?» — y las dos razones con que la objeta: los maestros simpatizaban con el protestantismo e imprimían las mismas obras que incriminaron a Dolet, y las opiniones de Dolet sobre los oficiales, en su Avantnaissance, no le son favorables.

«Rather, this statement of Dolet's is either attributable to his paranoia (see Lucien Febvre, Le probleme de l'incroyance au XVIe siecle [Paris, 1947], pp. 34, 54) or a clever maneuver to divert the attention of the Inquisition from his many evangelical publications.» — y las dos lecturas que Davis deja abiertas, sin arbitrar: paranoia —remitiendo a Lucien Febvre— o maniobra para desviar a la Inquisición de sus publicaciones evangélicas.

«Only in its brief and losing battle with the Consulate over the College de la Trinite did the Church threaten excommunication, here against fathers who sent their children to the school.» — la nota en que Davis acota esa laxitud: la única amenaza de excomunión fue en el pleito por el Collège de la Trinité, contra los padres que mandaban allí a sus hijos.

«But in the late sixteenth century the Lyon Church wanted first and foremost to win back heretics and had neither the desire nor the apparatus to probe into the details of journeymen's organizations.» — y la razón que le atribuye: la Iglesia lionesa quería ante todo recuperar herejes, y no tenía ni ganas ni aparato para hurgar en las organizaciones de oficiales.

«R. H. Tawney, while admitting that indiscriminate charity had had its critics before the Reformation, thought it had been undermined only by the Protestant attack on monasticism and hypocritical works. "The new medicine for poverty" (to use his famous phrase)-that is, harsh discipline or deprivation to uproot the poor from idleness-may have been prompted by political and economic changes, but it was prescribed by Puritan self-righteousness.» — Davis expone la tesis de R. H. Tawney: la caridad indiscriminada quedó socavada por el ataque protestante al monacato y a las obras hipócritas, y la *nueva medicina para la pobreza* —disciplina dura o privación para arrancar al pobre de la ociosidad— la recetó la suficiencia puritana.

«More recently Christopher Hill has argued in a study of the influential Puritan divine William Perkins that it was the Calvinist view of church polity that convinced the rich not to give alms indiscriminately and the poor not to expect them. The undeserving poor were "outcasts, outside the law and outside the church," and thus, says Hill, fit only for being a large cheap labor supply for developing capitalism.» — y la de Christopher Hill sobre William Perkins: la concepción calvinista de la política eclesiástica convenció a los ricos de no dar limosna sin discriminar y a los pobres de no esperarla, dejando a los indignos como mano de obra barata del capitalismo naciente.

«Brian Tierney, for instance, has proved that canon lawyers had always perceived the spiritual dangers of involuntary poverty and had also worked out some bases for discriminating among those asking alms.» — lo que Davis atribuye a Brian Tierney: los canonistas siempre percibieron los peligros espirituales de la pobreza involuntaria y elaboraron bases para discriminar entre quienes pedían limosna.

«Other historians have said that by the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries even voluntary poverty was losing its extraordinary allure for the morally sensitive: some Florentine humanists were preferring the civic uses of wealth to voluntary poverty, while northern thinkers like Jean Gerson were valuing inner detachment from material goods over literal abandonment of one's possessions.» — y lo que atribuye a otros historiadores: humanistas florentinos que preferían los usos cívicos de la riqueza, y pensadores del norte como Jean Gerson que valoraban el desapego interior por encima del abandono literal de los bienes.

«And Emanuel Chill has demonstrated for seventeenth-century France11 that the movement to enclose the poor in disciplinarian "hospitals" was led not by Huguenots or even by government bureaucrats, but by the pious members of the Company of the Holy Sacrament.» — y lo que atribuye a Emanuel Chill: el encierro de los pobres en hospitales disciplinarios lo encabezaron los piadosos de la Compañía del Santo Sacramento, ni hugonotes ni burócratas.

«Brian Pullan, in his important book Rich and Poor in Renaissance Venice: The Social Institutions of a Catholic State, to r6zo (Cambridge, Mass., 1971), shows how the Catholic sensibility of the Counter-Reformation helped shape new welfare institutions in Venice.» — la nota en que Davis remite a Brian Pullan para la sensibilidad católica de la Contrarreforma en las instituciones venecianas de socorro.

«Already in the r88o's, when German industrialization was prompting comparative economic history, Georg Ratzinger and Franz Ehrle pointed this out.» — Davis data la observación de las semejanzas entre instituciones de socorro en los años ochenta del siglo XIX, con Georg Ratzinger y Franz Ehrle; el troceo imprime la década como r88o's.

«Building on their work, W. J. Ashley told English readers that reforms in poor relief had as intellectual sources both the continental reformers and the Catholic humanist Juan Luis Vives, while the magistrates of Ypres had cited in their support an argument from the late Conciliarist John Major. Sidney and Beatrice Webb followed Ashley's view in their well-known English Poor Law.» — y la cadena que sigue: W. J. Ashley dando dos fuentes intelectuales a la reforma —los reformadores continentales y el humanista católico Juan Luis Vives—, el argumento del conciliarista tardío John Major citado por los magistrados de Ypres, y Sidney y Beatrice Webb siguiendo a Ashley.

«They haunted the Belgian scholar Pierre Bonenfant when he described welfare reform in Catholic Mons and Ypres as "a curious and without doubt generally unconscious introduction of Lutheran principles.» — lo que Davis atribuye a Pierre Bonenfant sobre la reforma asistencial en Mons e Ypres católicos: una introducción curiosa y sin duda inconsciente de principios luteranos.

«They haunted G. R. Elton when he was trying to identify the anonymous author of an impressive draft proposal for poor-law reform in England in 1535· "Because of his opposition to indiscriminate alms," said Elton, he must be "a reformer in religion.» — y lo que atribuye a G. R. Elton: inferir del rechazo a la limosna indiscriminada que el autor anónimo del proyecto inglés de 1535 era reformador en religión.

«The employment of children, says one economic historian, owed more to an "awareness, however crude, of basic demographic circumstances» — lo que Davis atribuye a un historiador económico que no nombra: el empleo de niños debió más a la conciencia de las circunstancias demográficas que —sigue la frase en la plana siguiente— a la doctrina puritana.

«Brian Tierney has called attention to the astonishing lack of imagination with which canonists approached problems of poor relief at the end of the Middle Ages.» — el contraste que Davis toma de Brian Tierney: la asombrosa falta de imaginación con que los canonistas encaraban el socorro a los pobres a fines de la Edad Media.

«zelles attended in an uninfluential capacity. There was a little discussion of suppressing Lutheran heresy and reforming clerical morals and education; much talk about whether to help pay for the king's ransom; and no talk about hospitals or the poor. G. D. Mansi, ed., Sacrorum conciliorum ... collectio (reprint; Paris and Leipzig, 1901-27), 32: cols.» — la nota en que Davis mide el desinterés del clero secular por el concilio provincial de Lyon de 1527-28, al que Vauzelles asistió sin influencia: se habló de suprimir la herejía luterana, de las costumbres y la educación del clero y del rescate del rey, y nada de hospitales ni de pobres.

«Similarly, Brian Pullan has shown that the Scuole Grandi, the great lay confraternities of Venice, while expanding their charitable activities and developing new relations with the Venetian state, were unable to deal with the broadest problems of poverty in the sixteenth century. "The Scuole Grandi existed to serve the established, resident respectable poor .... They did not cater primarily to vagrants or displaced persons .... They provided for the pious, respectable poor, not for criminals and prostitutes .... They admitted many artisans, but did not plumb the lower depths of society.» — la nota en que Davis empareja el caso lionés con lo que Brian Pullan muestra de las Scuole Grandi venecianas: servían al pobre residente y respetable, no a vagabundos, criminales ni prostitutas, y admitían artesanos sin bajar a los fondos de la sociedad.

«Among several valuable studies that have appeared since the original publication of this essay are Harold J. Grimm, "Luther's Contribution to Sixteenth-Century Organization of Poor Relief," Archive for Reformation History 6r (1970): 222-33; Robert M. Kingdon, "Social Welfare in Calvin's Geneva," American Historical Review 76 (1971): 50-69; Jean-Pierre Gutton, La societe et les pauvres. L'exemple de la generalite de Lyon, I534-r789 (Bibliotheque de Ia Faculte des Lettres et Sciences Humaines de Lyon, XXVI; Paris, 1971); Marc Venard, "Les oeuvres de charite en Avignon a l'aube du XVIIe siecle," XVIIe Siecle 90-91 (r97r): 127-43; Howard Solomon, Public Welfare, Science and Propaganda in Seventeenth Century France. The Innovations of Theophraste Renaudot (Princeton, N.J., 1972); Michel Moilat, ed., Etudes sur l'histoire de la pauvrete (Moyen Age-XVle siecle) (Publications de Ia Sorbonne, Etudes, VIII; Paris, 1974); Brian Puilan, Rich and Poor in Renaissance Venice; Richard C. Trexler, "Charity and the Defense of Urban Elites in the Italian Communes," in F. Jaher, ed., The Rich, the Well Born and the Powerful (Urbana, Ill., 1974), pp. 64-ro9.» — la nota bibliográfica que Davis añadió al reunir el ensayo en el volumen, con los estudios aparecidos después de su publicación original: Harold J. Grimm, Robert M. Kingdon, Jean-Pierre Gutton, Marc Venard, Howard Solomon, Michel Mollat —el troceo imprime *Moilat*—, Brian Pullan —impreso *Puilan*— y Richard C. Trexler.

«In a tradition of women's history that goes back to Plutarch and Boccaccio, portraits of individual women have been collected-of the wives of Luther and Calvin, for instance, and of Protestant duchesses and queens-which show that, after all, women had something to do» — las excepciones que Davis nombra en la tradición de retratos de mujeres, de Plutarco y Boccaccio en adelante: las esposas de Lutero y de Calvino, duquesas y reinas protestantes.

«More than a century ago the Scottish pastor James Anderson published his Ladies of the Reformation, Memoirs of the Distinguished Female Characters Belonging to the Sixteenth Century; and even today are appearing the charming and useful vignettes by Roland Bainton called Women of the Reformation.» — los dos títulos con que Davis fecha esa tradición: las Ladies of the Reformation del pastor escocés James Anderson y las viñetas de Roland Bainton.

«Max Weber has suggested in his Sociology of Religion that women are always especially receptive to nonmilitary and nonpolitical prophecy and to religious movements with orgiastic, emotional, or hysterical aspects to them.» — la primera hipótesis que Davis expone, de Max Weber: que las mujeres son siempre receptivas a la profecía no militar ni política y a los movimientos orgiásticos, emocionales o histéricos.