Carnival and Culture: Sex, Symbol, and Status in Spain

«Tú eres el Carnaval, lo que tú quiere que seas, el Carnaval será.» — lema oficial de la temporada de carnaval de 1995 en Fuentes de Andalucía, que el volumen imprime como epígrafe en el andaluz del pueblo (regla 10: tal cual lo imprime el troceo); Gilmore lo traduce en la misma plana *(You are carnival: whatever you want to be, carnival will be)*.

«Ten years ago I wrote a book about the role of aggression in Spanish culture. I apologized then to my friends and colleagues in Spain as well as to my readers for concentrating on things that made people sad or uncomfortable, for emphasizing the culture's negative aspects: annoyances like gossip and slander, malicious nicknaming, backbiting, and scapegoating. By way of exculpation, I said that someday I would make up for it by writing a book about the things that made people happy. This is that book.» — Gilmore sitúa el libro como contrapartida de su obra anterior sobre la agresión en la cultura española, en el prefacio.

«I am mainly familiar with the following towns in western Andalusia and their respective festivals: Fuentes de Andalucía, La Campana, Ecija, Estepa, Osuna, and Marchena, all in Seville Province, and Montilla, Aguilar, and Montemayor in Cordoba Province.» — el prefacio acota el terreno: nueve pueblos de las provincias de Sevilla y Córdoba, que son los que nombran después las coplas.

«The carnival poets, or "maestros33 ("Meistersinger" is a possible gloss), are often illiterate, but their words are sometimes taken down by scribes or by literate friends and printed on broadsides (folletos) for sale during carnival.» — Gilmore describe quiénes componen las coplas y cómo llegan al papel; el troceo imprime *maestros33* por el entrecomillado de *maestros*, y el paréntesis sobre el *Meistersinger* es glosa suya.

«I collected some of the lyrics in this way, by buying them on location, or making recordings made during performances, still others through recompiling them from listeners' memory. Many carnival poets, especially Juanillo "El Gato" and his son Manolo Benítez, did me the honor of sitting down with me and reciting their otherwise irrecoverable lyrics over glasses of sherry.» — el método de recolección, dicho en primera persona, con los dos poetas que nombra —Juanillo El Gato y su hijo Manolo Benítez— como fuente directa de letras que de otro modo no quedarían.

«None of the songs, printed or otherwise, are copyrighted. I thank all the poets for their patience and their help and for sharing their work with me.» — Gilmore consigna que las coplas no están registradas como propiedad y agradece a sus autores.

«Finally, let me make a note on the "ethnographic present." There is no "present" here, ethnographic or otherwise. I collected the lyrics between 1972 and 199 5, but the songs themselves date from various times between 1900 and 1995, so this is a generalized work of twentieth-century texts.» — la advertencia sobre el presente etnográfico: el libro no describe un momento sino un siglo de textos.

«I have added a chapter on the evolution of carnival, which describes changes in the festival between 1982, when free elections in Spain assured the restoration of full democracy, and 1995, the time of my last experience with the carnivalesque.» — el capítulo 13 se añade para medir el cambio entre las primeras elecciones libres y 1995.

«The revelatory ceremonies themselves are diverse and of varying orders of magnitude. They include rituals of the February carnaval: not only the masquerading, burlesques, and song lyrics that are our main focus here but also more mundane events involving table manners, bar etiquette, olive picking, buying a drink, building a house, having sex, baiting one's mother-in-law, and the quotidian household routines we have come to expect in books by cultural anthropologists.» — apertura de la Introducción: Gilmore enumera lo que cuenta como ceremonia revelatoria y mete en la lista lo cotidiano —la mesa, la barra, la aceituna, la suegra— junto al disfraz y la copla.

«The first of these themes is that of sex and gender, a category that I broadly define to include all the ways in which men and women relate to each other in and out of bed. By "gender" I mean the ways in which men and women interact in the social encounters of everyday life, and by "sex" I mean the erotic and reproductive side of life. I therefore differentiate sex and gender semantically, as do most feminists (see Ortner and Whitehead i98ib), using the former term to mean anatomical/biological differences» — Gilmore define sus términos en la Introducción y declara de quién toma la distinción; el troceo imprime *i98ib* por la referencia bibliográfica.

«Our second theme is that of status — again, broadly defined. By "status" I mean not only ideas about the inequities that separate people in general, but also the invidious distinctions that separate men from women. In these two obviously linked domains, sex/gender and status, we are dealing with notions of difference and separation in human relations. Status includes not just differences in wealth or prestige but also feelings and attitudes about them, the ways in which people frame the injustices of social class, and their moral tenets about human hierarchy and democracy in a general sense» — el segundo eje del libro, definido con amplitud deliberada: no solo la desigualdad sino lo que la gente siente sobre ella.

«Why are sex and status so often debated and fought over in ceremonies? Why is ceremony so often a matter of sex and status? Why do people celebrate so furiously?» — las tres preguntas con que Gilmore abre la Introducción y que el libro se propone contestar.

«While I do not pretend to propound a new theory of carnival or to shed a new light on folk ritual or oral artistry in any general sense, I do suggest that previous views of the Latin carnival have been too one-sided and need ampli» — Gilmore acota su propia pretensión: no una teoría nueva del carnaval sino una ampliación de las vistas anteriores, que llama unilaterales —la palabra queda partida a fin de renglón, *amplification*.

«Most prior students of European carnival have seen the festival in the light of Marxist and, specifically, Gramscian models of political conflict, cultural hegemony, and proletarian resistance in which carnival rather narrowly reflects a radical oppositional consciousness.» — Gilmore describe el estado de la cuestión que va a objetar: la lectura marxista y gramsciana del carnaval como conciencia opositora.

«This political view is valid for Spain, as we shall see, but it is only a partial truth, and like all half-truths conceals much. In the Spanish case, the February madness is morally inversive and politically subversive, to be sure, challenging the high and mighty, indicting capitalism and elitism, ridiculing authority and extolling a utopia of human equality as a political alternative;» — Gilmore concede la mitad política de la lectura corriente y la llama media verdad; la frase sigue en la misma plana con el reverso.

«but paradoxically, Spanish carnival is also reversive and restorative. Although its verbal genres subvert the status quo, they also subvert their own status and sexual subversions, negate their own negative. Thus carnival rehabilitates the traditional order. In Spain, carnival capsizes the noncarnival world, but it also restores the upside-downed hierarchies to their former place, upholding and even glorifying them. Spanish carnival is both revolutionary and reactionary, subversive and conservative at the same time.» — la otra mitad de esa misma frase, que es la tesis doble del libro: el carnaval español subvierte y a la vez restaura el orden que subvierte.

«In my opinion, only the Russian semiotician Mikhail Bakhtin (1984) has fully grasped and appreciated this defining paradox of "praise-abuse" (1984: 416) in carnival lyricism toward the constituted authorities.» — Gilmore declara su deuda: entre los teóricos, solo Bakhtin habría captado la paradoja del elogio-vituperio; la frase abre con *In my opinion*.

«Those who see the carnival spirit as pure negation, as one-sided dissent and undiluted revolutionism, and who have invoked Bakhtin's work to support this view, are mistaken; they have badly misread both carnival and Bakhtin.» — Gilmore objeta a quienes invocan a Bakhtin para leer el carnaval como pura negación.

«Carnival is of course lower class (except in places like Rio and Venice, where the rich participate), but even when it is fully a working-class event, as in rural Andalusia, it is above all ambivalent.» — Gilmore concede el carácter de clase del carnaval y le antepone la ambivalencia; las excepciones que nombra son Río y Venecia.

«The first of these is the familiar ludic form: satiric, comic, and nihilistic. Such verses are sung by bands called chirigotas, jokesters or comedians. Very different are the estudiantil minstrels (students or scholars). Incongruously solemn and dignified, they sing of tragic, sentimental, and other serious themes. In Andalusian carnival, there are no symbolic markers between the two groups; they perform simultaneously, some bands even switching identity during the festivities. In tandem, the two genres obviously symbolize and personify the human condition, like a twin Greek chorus, both condemning and praising.» — Gilmore describe los dos géneros que conviven en el carnaval andaluz —chirigotas y estudiantiles— y sostiene que no llevan marca simbólica que los separe.

«Although I make no claims to any kind of historical continuity, or to relevance outside Spain, I argue that Bakhtin's analysis hits on timeless truths about the carnivalesque in contemporary Spanish culture and about Latin carnival in a more general sense.» — Gilmore acota hasta dónde lleva su uso de Bakhtin: sin continuidad histórica y sin validez fuera de España.

«In the Andalusian festivity, as others have noted (Mintz 1997), the impulse to degrade the high and mighty exists alongside a paradoxical reverence for tradition and hierarchy, as it did in early modern French celebrations; denigration of womanhood coexists with a powerful veneration derived from Marian worship and a matrilateral family structure. Fierce anticlerical feelings commingle with a deep, though heterodox, Catholic spirituality; and a political revolutionism of a particularly violent and nihilistic kind alternates with a strident conservatism.» — la lista de coexistencias que Gilmore consigna sin armonizar: degradación y reverencia, anticlericalismo y espiritualidad católica, revolucionismo y conservadurismo.

«Marked by stark opposites, such a balance of ambivalent but unambiguous forces is inherently unstable and produces a dynamic subsurface movement that, as Sigmund Freud (1905) argued with regard to wit and humor generally, finds expression in such outlets as festival ribaldry, ritual, and art.» — Gilmore describe ese equilibrio como inestable y productivo, y remite a Freud sobre el chiste para explicar por dónde sale.

«A dynamic ambivalence about key issues in life such as sex and status is by no means unique to Andalusia or Spain; affective ambivalence appears in virtually all cultures, as well as within all individuals as an integral part of normal mental functioning.» — Gilmore niega que la ambivalencia sea peculiar de Andalucía; lo peculiar, dirá enseguida, es la tolerancia a la disonancia.

«The two-sidedness of affect in this culture, this emotive ambi- or bivalence, appears with little modulation or blending. Rather, like the two carnival genres—the comedie and the scholarly—and like praise and abuse, symbolic oppositions in culture appear simultaneously, in juxtaposition, but remain in discrete and vivid contrast.» — Gilmore sostiene que en esta cultura los opuestos no se mezclan ni se modulan: se yuxtaponen y se quedan en contraste.

«This ongoing dialectic created in this way ("counterpoint" might be a better word since we are basically speaking of musical compositions) yields what the Andalusians call "the spice" (picardía) of life. This effervescent zest, which is the sparkle of juxtaposed antitheses, is what they say provides the energy for carnival and, as it finds pleasurable expression in festival laughter and earthy merriment, makes their otherwise drab lives "worth living."» — Gilmore nombra con la palabra del pueblo lo que esa yuxtaposición produce —*picardía*, la especia— y propone *counterpoint* como término mejor que dialéctica.

«The first of these secondary venues is the domestic setting, the family or household. In this bounded, sequestered world of home and hearth, where men put in only a fleeting appearance, the women command and the men obey. Otherwise subject to male control in public affairs, women thereby enact a reversal, in micropolitical terms, of the "normal" situation of male dominance. Not to put too sharp an emphasis on it, the matriarchal home is thus, metaphorically speaking, a carnivalesque parody of the public patriarchy.» — primero de los tres escenarios secundarios del libro: la casa como inversión micropolítica del dominio masculino.

«The second venue is the world of the neighborhood bar, tavern, or bodega, which, restricted by convention to men, creates an all-male world apart. Likewise bounded and defended, this café world is a place of male bonding and sanctuary, equivalent to men's secret societies or men's houses in other places (Vale de Almeida 1996). Here the men, fleeing from the woman-dominated home, establish an alternative society, separate from and equal to that of the feminized home.» — segundo escenario: la barra como mundo de hombres construido en fuga de la casa gobernada por mujeres.

«Our third venue is the wider context of community space. By space I mean, simply, the way people use and interpret their built environment, the spatial architecture of everyday life. This includes not only the division between male "public" and female "private" space but also the rules, taboos, and boundaries that define the use of public places according to sex. These prescriptions, too, undergo a series of inversions, reversals, and transformations throughout the year, culminating in carnival-time.» — tercer escenario: el espacio del pueblo y sus reglas de uso según el sexo.

«In each of these venues, the carnival copla, like a portable Greek chorus, provides moral commentary in the form of declamatory lyrics, which are remembered, repeated, and ruminated on for literally decades after their maiden performance.» — Gilmore atribuye a la copla la función de coro griego portátil, con una memoria que dura décadas.

«So I believe that carnival, much in the way anthropologists have argued the role of myth to be in preliterate societies, is the clue to the inner structure and workings of this society as a whole, and the most accessible, as well as the most entertaining, way of approaching its defining contra» — Gilmore enuncia su apuesta metodológica: el carnaval como clave de la estructura de esa sociedad, al modo en que la antropología trató el mito; *contradictions* queda partido a fin de plana.

«We begin with a historical account of carnival in its many national guises: carnaval, carnivale, Mardi Gras, Fasching, belsnicking, mumming, and so on. Then we move on to discuss anthropological interpretations of this protean festival, and then to the Spanish coplas.» — el plan del libro, dicho al cerrar la Introducción.

«Carnival is the popular festival in Catholic countries that takes place in mid-February before the Lenten fast.» — Gilmore define el objeto al abrir el capítulo segundo: fiesta popular de los países católicos en la víspera de la cuaresma.

«Widespread geographically, the holiday is known by many names: carnaval is the Spanish and Portuguese variant. French speakers knew it as carême-prenant, or more commonly today as Mardi Gras ("Fat Tuesday"), owing to the custom of eating up all the fat in the house before fasting.» — la nomenclatura de la fiesta en las lenguas romances, con la etimología popular del *Mardi Gras*.

«A secular event not condoned by the Catholic Church, in fact condemned by its hierarchy as pagan, the Latin carnival begins on Shrove Sunday, the Quinquagesima, and continues until the following Tuesday before Ash Wednesday.» — Gilmore consigna la relación del carnaval con la Iglesia —condenado por pagano desde la jerarquía— y su lugar exacto en el calendario.

«It is one of those events that anthropologists have identified as belonging to a class of "time-out" behaviors that overturn the rules of the workaday world and provide psychological relief to the masses.» — el carnaval como conducta de *time-out* en la clasificación que Gilmore atribuye a los antropólogos.

«The origin of carnival in Europe is lost in the mists of time, of course, but the Greeks already knew it by 1,100 B.C. (Rector 1984:39). It is perhaps the oldest of all Western pagan festivals still observed today.» — Gilmore data la antigüedad de la fiesta por la referencia de Rector y la llama la más vieja de las fiestas paganas que aún se celebran.

«The Bacchanalia were the celebrations observed by the ancients, both Greeks and Romans, paying homage to Bacchus and Dionysius, the gods of wine and debauchery. Not surprisingly, these events came over time to be associated with licentiousness, drunkenness, and orgies. Lupercalia were festivals celebrating the god Pan or the faun, and usually held in the middle of February. The Roman Saturnalia, observing the day of the god Saturn, were held in mid-December. The King of the Saturnalia was a satyrlike figure who became king for a day during the festival and then was symbolically killed off» — Gilmore resume las tres fiestas antiguas con que se ha conectado el carnaval —Bacanales, Lupercales y Saturnales— y describe al rey de las Saturnales como figura satírica muerta al final.

«The word carnival itself probably derives from the medieval Latin carne levare, or carnelevarium, which means to take away or remove fat or meat, indicating a day of gustatory excess before the Lenten deprivation, although there is some debate about the actual etymology of the word.» — la etimología que Gilmore da por probable, con la reserva de que hay debate.

«Carnival is, above all, inversion of the world as it is (Caro Baroja 1965:47), a turning upside down of things, a revolution in systems and order.» — Gilmore enuncia la inversión como rasgo central y la adjudica a Caro Baroja.

«Carnival, in order to be enjoyed, requires that rules and rituals be parodied, and that these rules and rituals already be recognized and respected.» — epígrafe del volumen tomado de Umberto Eco, según lo atribuye la misma plana a su texto *Frames of Comic Freedom*, en *Carnival!*

«The metaphor is probably the most fertile power possessed by man.» — epígrafe del volumen atribuido en la plana a José Ortega y Gasset, *The Dehumanization of Art*.

«That which we are capable of feeling, we are capable of saying.» — epígrafe del volumen atribuido en la plana a Miguel de Cervantes, *El Amante Liberal*, en las *Novelas Ejemplares*.

«This book is dedicated to my family, for whom it's carnival 365 days a year» — dedicatoria del volumen.

«4 Woman Degraded: Chirigota Satires 37 5 Woman Redeemed: Estudiantil Laments 57 6 Macho Man and Matriarch 74 7 Who Wears the Pants? 91 8 Up and Down: The Geometry of Sex 107 9 Here and There: The Geography of Sex 12,4 i o The Mayete as Carnival Caricature 139 11 Copla Politics: Ideology and Counterpoint 155 12, Bars, Bards, and Bawds 172.» — el índice del volumen, con el folio impreso de cada capítulo; sirve de contraprueba de los títulos, porque la plana de apertura del capítulo 10 imprime *The Muyete as Carnival Caricature* donde el índice lee *Mayete* —la forma que el cuerpo usa 134 veces— y porque el capítulo 7, que el digest rotula *Macho Man and Matriarch*, se titula aquí *Who Wears the Pants?* El OCR rinde los dos como *2,* y los unos como *i*.

«13 Carnival Evolving 189 14 Conclusions: Meanings of Carnival, Carnivals of Meaning 2.05 Notes 215 Bibliography 2.2.5 Index 241» — cierre del índice: las notas abren en el folio 215, la bibliografía en el 225 —que el OCR rinde *2.2.5*— y el índice en el 241; de ahí se mide que el folio impreso es la plana del troceo menos doce.

«A Spanish assistant, Maria del Carmen Medina, also did some interviewing for me in the towns of Las Cabezas de San Juan, Pedrera, Aznalcóllar, Los Corrales, Cines, Alcalá de Guadaira, and Cazalla de la Sierra, all of which are in Seville Province.» — el prefacio nombra a la asistente española que hizo parte de las entrevistas y los siete pueblos donde trabajó.

«In Seville, Salvador Rodríguez Becerra, perhaps the leading expert in Andalusian folklore and culture, also assisted me in my attempts to decipher some of the more obscure references and Andalusianisms in the often garbled texts.» — agradecimientos: Gilmore declara quién le ayudó a descifrar los andalucismos de unos textos que él mismo llama confusos.

«Back in the United States, a special debt of gratitude is due to Anne Jones Weitzer, who provided masterful editorial assistance, turning a lot of academic jargon into readable English. I am also indebted to Gladys Topkis, anthropology editor at Yale University Press, who provided so much encouragement and direction» — agradecimientos a la asistencia editorial y a la editora de antropología de Yale University Press.

«My field trips to Spain were supported at various times by generous grants from the following agencies and foundations, public and private: the National Institutes of Health, the National Science Foundation,» — las agencias que financiaron el trabajo de campo; la lista sigue en la plana siguiente, donde el troceo pega el folio a la palabra partida y fabrica *Founp*.

«Applying Antonio Gramsci's ideas about the workings of the "contradictory consciousness" of the proletariat (192.9-1935), most Marxists see carnival as "a contrary image of society," as sublimated "class struggle" (Le Roy Ladurie 1979) —that is, as a contested event pitting the upholders of the political status quo against their working-class opponents (Cohen 1993 ).» — Gilmore resume, nombrándolos, a los autores de la lectura marxista que va a ampliar: Gramsci, Le Roy Ladurie y Abner Cohen.

«carnival rhetoric in medieval France, he notes, is that "it was essentially ambivalent; it closely combined praise and abuse, it glorified and humiliated» — la fórmula de Bakhtin sobre la retórica carnavalesca medieval francesa, citada por Gilmore de la traducción de 1984.

«We must stress... that the carnival is far distant from the negative and formal parody of modern times. Folk humor denies, but it revives and renews at the same time. Bare negation is completely alien to folk culture» — Bakhtin sobre la diferencia entre el humor popular y la parodia moderna, en la cita que Gilmore reproduce; los puntos suspensivos son de la cita impresa.

«Terry Eagleton, for example, writes: "Bakhtinian carnival... at once cavalierly suppresses hierarchies and distinctions... and at the same time does so as part of a politically specific, sharply differentiated, combatively one-sided practice—that of the lower classes» — la frase de Terry Eagleton que Gilmore reproduce para objetarla: dice de ella, en la línea siguiente, que casi cada palabra induce a error.

«The people's ambivalent laughter," Bakhtin writes, expresses neither a monotone of rebellion nor one of acceptance but "the point of view of the whole world; he who is laughing also belongs to it» — Bakhtin sobre la risa ambivalente del pueblo, citado por Gilmore.

«In the anthropology of modern and contemporary carnival, one of the few to have captured this essential dualism is David Kertzer (1988:144-150). Looking at the political consequences of carnivals in southern Europe, Kertzer notes that the European festivity can be both revolutionary and conservative at the same time (1988:146).» — Gilmore adjudica a David Kertzer, entre los antropólogos del carnaval contemporáneo, el haber visto el mismo dualismo.

«This thematic parallelism exemplifies the inner contradictions of the kind Bakhtin identifies as energizing the folk imagination in the world of Rabelais.» — Gilmore remite a Bakhtin y a su libro sobre Rabelais para nombrar el tipo de contradicción que ve en los dos géneros del carnaval andaluz.

«what Timothy Mitchell calls "festive canalization" in Spanish folklore (1988:2,).» — Gilmore toma de Timothy Mitchell el término con que nombra la salida festiva de esa energía; el troceo rinde el localizador como *1988:2,*.

«And although this emotive ambivalence similarly seeks release or reconciliation in ritual elsewhere (Victor Turner, Mary Douglas, and others have made this point before), what is unusual about Andalusian folk culture, as the astute Mitchell (1991,1994) has argued, is its unusual» — Gilmore nombra a Victor Turner y a Mary Douglas como quienes ya habían dicho que la ambivalencia busca salida en el rito, y adjudica a Mitchell la tesis sobre lo peculiar de Andalucía.

«Thus the people "tell of themselves to themselves" (Geertz 1973:448).» — la fórmula de Clifford Geertz que Gilmore usa para describir lo que hace la copla.

«Carnival ceremony not only illustrates but is the "movement of the whole society" (Mauss 1974).» — Gilmore cierra la Introducción con la fórmula de Marcel Mauss sobre el hecho social total.

«Carnival is the people's second life, organized on the basis of laughter.» — epígrafe del capítulo segundo, atribuido en la plana a Mikhail Bakhtin y a su *Rabelais and His World*.

«Goya's famous painting The Burial of the Sardine depicts one such terminal ritual in Madrid.» — Gilmore remite al cuadro de Goya como testimonio de los ritos de cierre del carnaval; el entierro del Don Carnal y del Signore Carnivale los toma de Caro Baroja y de Silverman.

«Significantly, aggression against peers can become aggression against authorities," as Daniel Linger (1992:52) points out» — la observación de Daniel Linger sobre el paso de la agresión entre iguales a la agresión contra la autoridad, citada por Gilmore a propósito de los carnavales caribeños.

«Long before the anthropologist Max Gluckman (1963) wrote about the conservative functions of "rituals of rebellion," a sixteenth-century French lawyer wrote of carnival: "It is sometimes expedient to allow the people to play the fool and make merry, lest by holding them in with too great a rigor, we put them in despair» — Gilmore antepone a los rituales de rebelión de Max Gluckman una frase de un jurista francés del siglo XVI, que toma de Kertzer.

«David Kertzer (1988) provides some truly hair-raising instances of murder and mayhem during early modern festivals in southern Europe, as does Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie (1979) for the specific case of the French town of Romans.» — Gilmore remite a Kertzer y a Le Roy Ladurie para los episodios violentos del carnaval europeo moderno temprano.

«In 1647, for example, the rabble of Naples used the pretext of carnival to rise up against their autocratic rulers. The rebels assassinated their class enemies, beheading them and dragging their bodies throughout the city in a grisly rite of rebellion. As if to remove any doubt about their intentions, the leaders of this revolt placed placards proclaiming "Traitor to the People" on the gruesome remains of each victim» — Gilmore expone, siguiendo a Kertzer, el levantamiento de Nápoles de 1647 bajo el pretexto del carnaval.

«Murga band. Juanillo "El Gato" in street clothes (lower right), 1973.» — pie de la figura 1, con fotografía del propio Gilmore según la página de derechos.

«Murga band emerging at start of carnival, 1991.» — pie de la figura 2.

«The anthropologist Julian Pitt-Rivers has called attention to the shamelessness of carnivalesque behavior, when "anything goes» — Gilmore adjudica a Julian Pitt-Rivers la observación sobre la desvergüenza carnavalesca.

«Edward Malefakis (1970), Jerome Mintz (1982,), and Temma Kaplan (1984) cite a number of instances before and during the Second Republic where carnival provocations escalated into insur» — los tres historiadores que Gilmore cita para los casos en que la provocación carnavalesca acabó en insurrección antes y durante la Segunda República; *insurrection* queda partido a fin de renglón.

«The songs of Carnaval are recognized by some to have been the guardian of marital and pre-marital fidelity» — la frase de Pitt-Rivers que Gilmore cita para la función conservadora de la copla.

«A Spanish observer from Cadiz, Ramón Solís, notes that "the music holds a secondary place. The most important element is the lyrics, charged with critical context, and acute yet benevolent satire» — el juicio de Ramón Solís sobre la primacía de la letra sobre la música, que Gilmore toma de Mintz.

«As others have noted, in carnival "tragedy and comedy often intermingle» — la fórmula de Le Roy Ladurie que Gilmore invoca contra una etnografía del carnaval montada sobre bipolaridades fijas.

«Mascarones (male masqueraders), 1973.» — pie de la figura 3.

«Máscaras (women masqueraders), 1973.» — pie de la figura 4.

«Spanish carnival costuming differs greatly from that in Brazilian Mardi Gras and other Latin American and European carnivals (Rector 1984; DaMatta 1991). There is none of the expensive or elaborate costuming that one finds in the Rio festival, for example, in which the moneyed classes participate enthusi» — Gilmore contrasta el disfraz andaluz con el de Río, donde según Rector y DaMatta participan las clases con dinero.

«As Mintz notes in writing about the equally penniless people of Trebujena, a pueblo in Cadiz Province: "Poverty was an incentive rather than a bar to invention.» — la fórmula de Jerome Mintz sobre Trebujena que Gilmore cita.

«He quotes one working-class spokesman from that pueblo, who said: "The Trebujena costume — like that of surrounding towns—does not require any special materials, just a few rags that can be found in any house, wit, inventiveness, and cheek. The point of the costume is that besides being surprising, it must stir the laughter of the observer and the wearer at the same time» — el testimonio de un vecino de Trebujena sobre el disfraz, que Gilmore toma de Mintz y no de su propio campo.

«his study of Brazilian carnival confrontations, calls "ritualized aggression or agonistic display.» — Gilmore toma de Daniel Linger, que estudió los enfrentamientos del carnaval brasileño, el término con que nombra la agresión ritualizada del carnaval andaluz; el arranque va descabezado porque la frase viene de la plana anterior.