The Stations of the Sun: A History of the Ritual Year in Britain
The Stations of the Sun
Historia del año ritual británico fiesta por fiesta, de la Navidad a la Noche de Guy Fawkes, escrita por un historiador profesional. Hutton abre declarando el hueco que viene a llenar: las colecciones de A. R. Wright y sus equivalentes escoceses dejaron materia prima abundante y sin analizar, y «No attempt to employ and to assess the data comprehensively, and to write such a history, has ever been made.» «Hutton — The Stations of the Sun (1996) · p. 7». El libro se presenta como el tercero y mayor de una serie propia: «The Stations of the Sun is a larger work than those two put together, and is erected upon the foundation provided by both, being a complete survey of what is known of the history of the communal rituals and customs which have marked the year in Britain from the earliest recorded time until the present.» «Hutton — The Stations of the Sun (1996) · p. 9».
La cuestión que lo organiza es la de los orígenes paganos, y Hutton la plantea como problema de evidencia y no de analogía: «Finally, the claim that they were relics of ancient pagan religions needed to be examined from historical evidence, not just asserted from supposition or analogy.» «Hutton — The Stations of the Sun (1996) · p. 8». De ahí que su interés declarado sea genealógico — «In general the preoccupation of the work is with the genealogies of seasonal customs.» «Hutton — The Stations of the Sun (1996) · p. 11» — y que el marco sea el viejo *Book of Days*: «The structure is that of a classic old-fashioned ‘Book of Days’, working its way around the circle of the year.» «Hutton — The Stations of the Sun (1996) · p. 10».
Lo que el libro excluye está dicho por él mismo y acota su uso en esta base: «It is concerned with communal customs, and especially those involving the public life of societies. Thus private seasonal rites, such as divination and magic, will be almost wholly excluded for the sake of space.» «Hutton — The Stations of the Sun (1996) · p. 10». Su valor aquí es otro: es el aparato documental contra el que se mide la tesis de la supervivencia pagana que sostienen Murray, Graves, Gardner y la wicca, y la única obra del corpus que recorre el calendario festivo entero —fuegos de mayo, hogueras de mitad de verano, Samhain, Hallowe'en— consignando en cada caso qué documento lo atestigua y desde cuándo.
2677 afirmaciones · 1 fuente · 1 atribución
Atribución
se consigna, jamás se afirma«Hutton — The Stations of the Sun (1996) · p. 4»
Cadena de la obra
el testimonio procesado, en esmeraldaAfirmaciones
2677 entradas — la voz de la obra, con su pasaje«The result was a huge, though very far from complete, amount of raw material for a history of the ritual year in Britain, presented in individual entries according to source and almost devoid of comment or analysis. Today, over half a century later, they still represent the staple work on the subject.» — Hutton describe el estado de la materia: las colecciones de Wright y sus equivalentes escoceses dejaron un volumen enorme de material bruto, ordenado por fuente y casi sin comentario, y medio siglo después siguen siendo la obra de referencia.
«It was during the 1970s that my own interest in folklore caused me to project a study of the British ritual year which challenged the attitudes encapsulated by Professor Hooke on every count.» — declara el origen y el propósito de su proyecto: discutir en todos sus puntos las actitudes que resume la frase de Hooke.
«It seemed clear that, far from being definitively rural, many seasonal pastimes had flourished in or around industrial towns.» — primera objeción de Hutton al retrato rural: muchos pasatiempos estacionales florecieron en las ciudades industriales o a su alrededor.
«It was equally plain that some had altered their form and content during the time over which they had been recorded, in response to changing social needs.» — segunda objeción: las costumbres cambiaron de forma y de contenido dentro del periodo en que están registradas, respondiendo a necesidades sociales nuevas.
«Their purpose at particular moments was therefore all-important, and their practitioners had often been extremely articulate in explaining this.» — tercera objeción: contra lo *inarticulate*, Hutton sostiene que quienes las practicaban solían explicar muy bien para qué servían en cada momento.
«The relationship between Merry England and the present work is umbilical, and it is assumed that scholars will use the two together.» — Hutton declara la dependencia de este libro respecto de *The Rise and Fall of Merry England* y pide que se usen juntos.
«No original research has been undertaken into the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth centuries because the body of material already assembled by the collectors is so enormous.» — declara el límite de su investigación: para los siglos XVIII a XX trabaja sobre lo ya reunido por los coleccionistas, sin investigación original.
«Although it gives detailed treatment to the whole island of Britain, and also to the Isles of Scilly and Man, the Hebrides, the Orkneys, and the Shetlands, it deals with Irish customs only when they shed light upon those in Britain.» — declara el alcance geográfico: toda Gran Bretaña más Scilly, Man, las Hébridas, Orcadas y Shetland, y lo irlandés solo cuando alumbra lo británico.
«The simplicity, flexibility, and familiarity of this framework made it the most attractive one, but it also has the obvious disadvantage of dividing as much as relating the material gathered for it.» — Hutton enuncia el costo de su propio marco: el *Book of Days* separa tanto como relaciona el material.
«It tackled the question of the pagan origins of folk rites from the opposite end, by assessing what can be known of the pre-Christian religions of these islands.» — Hutton describe cómo su libro de 1991, *The Pagan Religions of the Ancient British Isles*, atacó la cuestión de los orígenes paganos por el otro extremo: qué se sabe de las religiones precristianas de las islas.
«In several of the chapters of Stations of the Sun, material from Merry England is reproduced wholesale in the text.» — declara que varios capítulos reproducen material de *Merry England* íntegro, y por qué decidió no suprimirlo.
«Such a task is arguably undertaken with some advantage by a historian whose centre of gravity lies in the early modern period, permitting perspectives both forward and backward.» — Hutton declara desde dónde escribe: un historiador con centro de gravedad en la época moderna temprana, que permite mirar hacia atrás y hacia adelante.
«NO modern Biblical scholars would rate the Nativity stories very highly among sources for the life of the historical Jesus. It now seems to be generally accepted that they are an extreme case in the Christian gospels of inventions by the authors to place Christ in traditional Jewish salvation history.» — Hutton abre el libro con el estado de la cuestión bíblica: los relatos del Nacimiento son, para los estudiosos actuales, invención de los autores para inscribir a Cristo en la historia de salvación judía.
«Furthermore it is patently clear that the New Testament provides not the slightest indication of the date at which Christ was born.» — y señala que el Nuevo Testamento no da indicación alguna de la fecha del nacimiento; la tradición cristiana temprana no conservó ninguna y los primeros escritores conjeturaron, casi todos, fechas de primavera.
«The first absolutely certain record which places it upon 25 December is the calendar of Philocalus, produced in 354 and apparently at Rome.» — fija el primer registro cierto del 25 de diciembre en el calendario de Filócalo, de 354, y sigue su difusión a Constantinopla, Antioquía y Belén.
«It was a custom of the pagans to celebrate on the same 25 December the birthday of the Sun, at which they kindled lights in token of festivity.» — [SCRIPTOR SYRUS] el testimonio de fines del siglo IV que Hutton cita como la explicación más franca de la elección de la fecha: los paganos celebraban el 25 de diciembre el nacimiento del Sol encendiendo luces.
«The pagan feast which Christmas replaced was not, however, itself much older. It had apparently been decreed only in 274, by the emperor Aurelian, as a major holy day of a new and syncretic state cult with the sun as its official chief deity.» — Hutton fecha la fiesta pagana desplazada: decretada apenas en 274 por Aureliano, como día mayor de un culto de estado nuevo y sincrético con el sol por deidad oficial.
«Curiously, the ‘doctors of the Church’ (whoever they were) did not impose the feast of the Nativity upon the principal one of Aurelian’s state cult.» — la objeción que se pone a sí mismo: la Natividad no cayó sobre la fiesta principal del culto de Aureliano, que era de fines de verano y de mediados de octubre.
«It is even possible that, being (by definition) a Syrian, he was guessing at what had happened in Rome and that there had in fact been no pre-Christian celebration upon that date.» — el límite que Hutton deja abierto: cabe que el Scriptor Syrus conjeturara sobre Roma y que no hubiera celebración precristiana ninguna en esa fecha.
«Augustine of Hippo and Pope Leo the Great, the most famous Fathers of the fifth-century western Church, both felt compelled to remind people that Christ, and not the sun, was being worshipped then.» — [AGUSTÍN, LEÓN MAGNO] Hutton consigna que los dos Padres más célebres del siglo V tuvieron que recordar a la gente que lo adorado entonces era Cristo y no el sol.
«The uncertainty was perfectly natural, for at midwinter and midsummer the solar orb does appear to rise and set in the same places for a few days; the very term, solstice, is taken from the Latin for ‘the sun stands still.’» — Hutton explica la incertidumbre por el fenómeno mismo: en los solsticios el orbe sale y se pone en el mismo sitio varios días, y de ahí el término.
«The traditional pagan Roman calendar had left this period as a quiet and mysterious one, and flanked it instead with a festival of preparation and one of completion: the former was the feast of Saturn, the Saturnalia, in the days after 17 December, the latter the New Year feast, the Kalendae, from 1 to 3 January.» — sostiene que el calendario romano pagano dejaba vacío el solsticio y lo flanqueaba con dos fiestas: las Saturnales desde el 17 de diciembre y las Kalendas del 1 al 3 de enero.
«The religious rites were confined to 17 December, but the revelry continued for a minimum of two and a maximum of seven days afterwards. Shops, schools, and lawcourts were closed, gambling in public was allowed, and there was general noisy rejoicing.» — describe la forma de las Saturnales: el rito en un solo día y la fiesta hasta siete más, con tiendas, escuelas y tribunales cerrados y juego permitido en público.
«Sociable men who shared a common age-group would throw lots to choose one of them as a ‘king’, who would organize party pranks.» — el rey de burlas romano sale por sorteo entre iguales de edad, y su oficio es organizar las bromas.
«The Romans were not, indeed, absolutely sure of which was the shortest day and longest night: Pliny, in the first century, put them at 26 December, while Columella, writing around the same time,» — [PLINIO, COLUMELA] el desacuerdo romano sobre cuál era el día más corto: Plinio, en el siglo I, lo pone el 26 de diciembre; la frase sigue en la plana 21, donde la conjetura de Columela queda en el 23 y el calendario oficial de Julio César lo marca el 25.
«guessed at the 23rd.8 The official calendar of Julius Caesar marked them at the 25th.» — continuación del pasaje anterior, ya en la plana siguiente: el 23 de Columela y el 25 del calendario juliano; el *8* que va pegado al punto es la llamada de nota que el troceo cose al cuerpo.
«Presents—especially candles, symbols of light—were exchanged between friends, and masters or mistresses waited at mealtimes upon their servants.» — la inversión saturnal en su forma romana: regalos de velas entre amigos y amos sirviendo la mesa a sus criados.
«Lucian wrote of the fun of becoming ‘sole king of all with a win at the knuckle-bones, so that you not only escape silly orders but can give them yourself, telling one man to shout out something disgraceful about himself, another to dance naked, pick up the flute-girl, and carry her three times around the room’.» — [LUCIANO] el testimonio con que Hutton ilustra en qué consistía el poder de ese rey de una noche.
«The Kalendae, sacred to Janus, were marked by more feasting and merrymaking, but distinctively by the exchange of gifts to bring luck during the coming year, traditionally of figs, honey, and pastry, but more often (by the time of the empire) of coins.» — lo distintivo de las Kalendas frente a las Saturnales: los regalos son para traer suerte al año que entra, de higos, miel y pasta, y ya bajo el imperio de monedas.
«The new Christian feast of the Nativity extinguished or absorbed both of them, and a string of other holy days sprang up in its wake.» — la tesis de absorción: la fiesta cristiana extingue o absorbe Saturnales y Kalendas, y a su estela brota una ristra de días santos.
«In the original gospel story (of St Matthew), they are described only as an unspecified number of wise men from the east, bringing gold, frankincense, and myrrh.» — [MATEO] lo que el evangelio dice de los magos: un número no especificado de sabios de oriente con oro, incienso y mirra.
«By the sixth century, however, they had been combined with the figures of the three kings whom the Book of Psalms had predicted would come to honour the Messiah.» — y cómo hacia el siglo VI esos sabios quedaron fundidos con los tres reyes que los Salmos anunciaban.
«In 567 the council of Tours declared that the whole period of twelve days between the Nativity and the Epiphany formed one festal cycle.» — la institución del ciclo: el concilio de Tours declara en 567 que los doce días entre la Natividad y la Epifanía forman una sola fiesta.
«The old festive tradition of the New Year, however, gradually reasserted itself, and by the eighth century the western Church had honourably surrendered by declaring 1 January to be the feast of Christ’s Circumcision.» — la reinvención en su forma más nítida: la Iglesia se rinde ante la fiesta vieja del Año Nuevo y declara el 1 de enero fiesta de la Circuncisión.
«In the eastern Christian lands, and across much of the Mediterranean, Easter remained the principal annual festival. In most of northern and central Europe, where the cold and darkness of midwinter were much greater, it was the cycle of merry-making anchored by the Nativity which was emerging as the more considerable.» — el reparto geográfico que Hutton traza: la Pascua sigue siendo la fiesta principal en el oriente y el Mediterráneo, y el ciclo navideño se impone en el norte y el centro de Europa.
«In the Boyne valley of Ireland the enormous passage grave of Newgrange was given a special aperture above the entrance, through which the rising sun at midwinter could shine down the passage to the chamber even when the entrance was blocked up.» — [ARQUEOLOGÍA] Newgrange, con su abertura sobre la entrada por la que el sol naciente del solsticio de invierno alcanza la cámara.
«One of the common features is that the midwinter sun shone into the chamber through a gap left above the blocking stone at the passage’s entrance; the difference being that the moment was that of sunset and not of sunrise.» — Maes Howe como equivalente británico de Newgrange, con la diferencia de que el momento alineado es el ocaso y no el orto.
«The resounding exception to this rule is a monument even more utterly atypical of stone circles than Newgrange and Maes Howe are of megalithic tombs: Stonehenge itself. Around 2100 BCE this was reconstructed to provide the famous alignment upon the midsummer sunrise, through its only entrance and between two sighting stones.» — la excepción que Hutton concede: Stonehenge, reconstruido hacia el 2100 a. e. c. para alinear su única entrada con el orto del solsticio de verano.
«To sum up, it is clear that at particular times and places in British and Irish prehistory the cardinal points of the sun, and particularly the winter solstice, had considerable ritual importance. None the less, the vast majority of prehistoric monuments in these islands do not relate to any of them, so that no overall or enduring pattern of cult can be detected.» — el balance arqueológico: los puntos cardinales del sol importaron ritualmente en momentos y sitios concretos, pero la mayoría de los monumentos no se alinea con ninguno y no se detecta patrón de culto.
«Furthermore, a considerable gulf separates all these monuments from the pre-Roman British Iron Age, not one of the temples of which has yet been found to have possessed a significant solar alignment.» — y añade el corte: ninguno de los templos de la Edad del Hierro prerromana británica tiene alineación solar significativa.
«Literary sources do not tell us anything conclusive about the midwinter practices of the ancient British Isles.» — enuncia la negativa central del capítulo: las fuentes literarias no dicen nada concluyente sobre las prácticas de pleno invierno en las islas antiguas.
«The Irish tales which most commonly reflect a pagan past, the Ulster cycle, do not mention any midwinter feast at all, but emphasize those at the beginning of the seasons.» — [CICLO DEL ULSTER] los relatos irlandeses que más reflejan el pasado pagano no mencionan fiesta alguna de pleno invierno y acentúan las de comienzo de estación.
«Instead, one of them, Pliny, has been the source of an enduring popular confusion over a connection between Druids, mistletoe, and midwinter.» — [PLINIO] Hutton nombra la confusión popular duradera —druidas, muérdago y pleno invierno— y la remite a un solo pasaje de Plinio.
«A brief glance at this passage is sufficient to demonstrate that it does not describe a seasonal custom, but an ad hoc one prompted by a rare botanical event, and linked to the phases of the moon and not a solar calendar. Furthermore, Pliny specifically locates it in Gaul and not in Britain.» — y lo que el pasaje dice de verdad: un rito ocasional, provocado por un hecho botánico raro, atado a las fases de la luna y localizado en la Galia.
«paganism, and are directly contradicted by St Patrick himself, writing in the fifth century when that paganism was very much alive; he denounced those in Ireland who adored the sun.» — [SAN PATRICIO] el contrapeso a los relatos irlandeses, en la plana siguiente: escribiendo en el siglo V, cuando ese paganismo estaba vivo, Patricio denunció a quienes adoraban el sol.
«The key witness here is Bede, writing a history of the calendar around the year 730. He stated, confidently, that the most important annual festival of the English had formerly been what they called the Modranicht, or ‘Mother Night’, on 24 December of the Roman calendar.» — [BEDA] el testigo clave del lado anglosajón: hacia 730 declara que la fiesta anual mayor de los ingleses había sido la *Modranicht*, el 24 de diciembre.
«This was the night which opened their new year, and they kept watch during it with (unspecified) religious rites.» — [BEDA] y que esa noche abría su año nuevo y se velaba con ritos religiosos que Beda no especifica.
«In 1038 there occurs the first recorded appearance of its enduring English name of Cristes Maessan, Christmas.» — fija la primera aparición registrada del nombre inglés: 1038.
«The tradition of twelve days of celebration following ‘midwinter’ was firmly established by 877, when the law code of Alfred the Great granted freedom from work to all servants during that span.» — sitúa el ciclo de doce días como firme en 877, cuando el código de Alfredo libera de trabajo a todos los siervos durante ese lapso.
«In the eleventh century Danish rule over England resulted in the introduction of the colloquial Scandinavian term for Christmas, ‘Yule’, which provided an alternative name for it among the English.» — el nombre *Yule* entra al inglés por el dominio danés del siglo XI, como alternativa coloquial escandinava.
«The derivation of the name has baffled linguists; it is possibly related to the Gothic heul or Anglo-Saxon hweal, signifying a wheel, or to the root-word which yielded the English expression ‘jolly’.» — y su etimología queda sin resolver: quizá emparentada con la raíz de *rueda*, quizá con la de *jolly*.
«Nothing certain, however, is known,31 and there is equal doubt over whether it was originally attached to a midwinter festival which preceded the Christian one.» — Hutton deja la duda enunciada: no se sabe si el nombre estuvo unido en origen a una fiesta de pleno invierno anterior a la cristiana.
«The earliest Scandinavian literature does not refer to it but to an undoubted pagan feast in October, the ‘Winter Nights’, which opened that season.» — [LITERATURA ESCANDINAVA] la fiesta pagana indudable que sí aparece es otra: las *Winter Nights* de octubre.
«He asserted that the pattern had been to sacrifice for an easy winter during the ‘Winter Nights’, for a good crop at Yule, and for a successful fighting season on ‘Summer’s Day’ (in April).» — [SNORRI STURLUSON] el esquema de sacrificios que adjudica al paganismo nórdico: invierno llevadero en las Noches de Invierno, buena cosecha en Yule y buena campaña el Día de Verano.
«He added that Yule had lasted for three nights, the first being midwinter night and that of the New Year, and that a Christian ruler of Norway, Hakon the Good, had made this synchronize with the feast of the Nativity.» — [SNORRI] y que Hakon el Bueno, rey cristiano de Noruega, hizo coincidir esas tres noches con la Natividad.
«This writer may, however, have been projecting Christian sentiments back into a dimly known past, while we do not know how reliable Snorri’s sources were and whether he was correct in his interpretation of them.» — la reserva de Hutton sobre los dos testimonios islandeses: pudieron proyectar sentimientos cristianos sobre un pasado mal conocido, y no se sabe qué fiabilidad tenían las fuentes de Snorri.
«When this is said, the consensus between Bede and Snorri, that the winter solstice was a major feast of the ancient Scandinavian and Norse peoples, and opened their year, is still an impressive one.» — pese a la reserva, Hutton mantiene el peso del acuerdo entre Beda y Snorri sobre el solsticio de invierno como fiesta mayor que abría el año.
«The Saturnalia seems to have perished remarkably easily, perhaps indicating that it had, after all, a narrow geographical base. By contrast, the Kalendae, or rather ancient European festivals of midwinter and New Year which churchmen compared to the Roman Kalendae, proved to be very resilient indeed.» — el contraste que Hutton subraya: las Saturnales murieron con facilidad y las Kalendas —o las fiestas europeas de pleno invierno que los clérigos comparaban con ellas— resultaron tenacísimas.
«At some point between the years 1005 and 1008 Archbishop Wulfstan of York, facing a province recently given a fresh infusion of paganism by heavy Viking settlement, condemned (among many other observations) ‘the nonsense which is performed on New Year’s Day in various kinds of sorcery’.» — [WULFSTAN] el arzobispo de York, en una provincia reinfundida de paganismo por el asentamiento vikingo, condena lo que se hace el día de Año Nuevo en toda suerte de hechicerías.
«At the other end of the realm, in the late twelfth century, Bartholomew Iscanus, bishop of Exeter, prescribed a penance for ‘those who keep the New Year with heathen rites’.» — [BARTOLOMÉ ISCANO] el obispo de Exeter prescribe penitencia a quienes guardan el Año Nuevo con ritos paganos.
«There is also good evidence in early medieval Welsh literature that the most important annual festival in Wales at that period was a midwinter one, never identified with the Christian holy day of the Nativity but always known by the secular title of ‘the New Year feast’.» — [LITERATURA GALESA] la fiesta anual mayor del País de Gales en ese periodo es de pleno invierno y nunca se identifica con la Natividad: se la llama por el título secular de fiesta del Año Nuevo.
«In the celebrated epic poem Y Gododdin, composed at any time between the seventh and tenth centuries, the warrior Gorthyn ap Urfai was admired for the fact that he ‘provided song at the New Year feast’.» — [Y GODODDIN] el guerrero Gorthyn ap Urfai es alabado por haber proveído canto en la fiesta del Año Nuevo.
«The Welsh sources at least strongly suggest that by the tenth century at the very latest, a midwinter New Year’s festival was being celebrated with a vigour which suggests a long-established tradition.» — la conclusión que Hutton extrae de lo galés, con su límite: hacia el siglo X a más tardar se celebraba un Año Nuevo de pleno invierno con un vigor que sugiere tradición larga.
«It must be obvious now that, in seeking for pagan feasts which underlie the British Christmas, the issues are complex and the evidence difficult to assess. This is true even in the case of the Roman material, which is the fullest, and infinitely more so in that of the north European data.» — el balance del capítulo: la cuestión es compleja y la evidencia difícil de evaluar, incluso en el material romano, que es el más completo.
«These writers were no more successful than the earlier prelates, to judge by the very large number of divinatory customs for New Year’s Eve and Day recorded by nineteenth- and twentieth-century folklorists.» — Hutton mide el fracaso de esas condenas por su resultado: la enorme cantidad de costumbres adivinatorias de Nochevieja y Año Nuevo que registraron los folcloristas de los siglos XIX y XX.
«If these rites were of divination, to see what the year would bring, then the condemnations were ineffectual.» — y deja dicha la condición: si esos ritos eran de adivinación, las condenas no sirvieron.
«The precise date selected was the 25th, the Christian feast of the Annunciation, and first English and then British years were reckoned from that until the calendar reform of 1752, when it was returned to 1 January.» — el cambio de 1155: el año oficial inglés pasa a comenzar el 25 de marzo, fiesta de la Anunciación, y así se cuenta hasta la reforma de 1752.
«At the same time, however, everybody from the monarch downwards continued to observe rituals and superstitions upon 31 December and 1 January; this abundantly demonstrated that these remained the New Year’s Eve and Day which were recognized in practice and to which all emotional significance was attached.» — y lo que la gente siguió haciendo por debajo de la norma: los ritos del 31 de diciembre y el 1 de enero nunca dejaron de ser en la práctica el Año Nuevo.
«It is clear that the alteration of 1752 was simply a long-overdue recognition of the realities of the situation, and likely that the highly charged atmosphere which still prevails upon the British New Year’s Eve is a faithful reflection of one of the oldest festivals of the island.» — de donde Hutton concluye que la reforma de 1752 solo reconoció una realidad, y que la carga emotiva de la Nochevieja británica refleja una de las fiestas más viejas de la isla.
«Nevertheless, there is sufficient to argue strongly for the existence of a major pre-Christian festival marking the opening of the new year,» — la conclusión del capítulo 1, con su calibre puesto: hay lo bastante para argumentar con fuerza —no para dar por probada— una fiesta precristiana mayor que abría el año nuevo; la frase se corta en el cambio de plana y sigue con *at the moment at which the sun had reached the winter solstice and its strength was being renewed*.
«The book of ceremonies most widely used in England and (until the early sixteenth century) in Scotland was the Use of Sarum, compiled at Salisbury cathedral.» — [USE OF SARUM] el libro de ceremonias que Hutton toma como norma litúrgica del periodo en Inglaterra y, hasta el siglo XVI, en Escocia.
«This directed that the day should have three masses, the first of which, Matins, commenced before dawn. At the end of this the genealogy of Christ, from St Matthew’s Gospel, was sung by a man standing in the rood loft» — y lo que prescribía para la Navidad: tres misas, la primera antes del alba, con la genealogía de Cristo cantada desde la tribuna del rood.
«Fifteenth- and sixteenth-century churchwardens’ accounts, therefore, often contain payments for candles and tapers, made or bought in bulk for Christmas morn.» — [LIBROS PARROQUIALES] cómo el rito deja rastro contable: las cuentas de mayordomos de los siglos XV y XVI pagan velas y cirios comprados al mayor para la mañana de Navidad.
«From Advent Sunday, the fourth before the Nativity, they had been enjoined to limit their diet. For the wealthy, this apparently meant having soups, stews, and fish instead of roasts or pies.» — el ayuno de Adviento y su forma desigual: para los ricos, sopas, guisos y pescado en lugar de asados y empanadas.
«In the fifteenth century James Ryman complained of eating ‘no puddings nor sauce, but stinking fish not worth a louse’.» — [RYMAN] el testimonio del siglo XV sobre lo que el ayuno era para el pobre.
«Christmas Eve was kept as a strict fast, meat, cheese and eggs all being forbidden. The feasting upon the Day was thus something of an emotional release, and also an occasion for generosity.» — Hutton explica el banquete por lo que lo precede: la Nochebuena era ayuno estricto, y el festín del Día funcionaba como descarga emotiva.
«Most manorial custumals specified that villeins were to do no work on the lord’s land during the Twelve Days and that the lord would provide a feast for them; but they were also expected to bring him gifts, which being normally in farm produce would provide most of the meal.» — [CUSTUMALES] la reciprocidad del festín señorial: el villano no trabaja y el señor le da de comer, pero el villano lleva regalos en producto que costean la mayor parte de la comida.
«The wealthy were naturally expected to open theirs with particular munificence, although it seems that in reality they mostly entertained their social equals and immediate inferiors.» — la enmienda que Hutton hace al ideal de hospitalidad: en la práctica los ricos agasajaban sobre todo a sus iguales y a sus inferiores inmediatos.
«The descriptions of Christmastide amusements in the famous fourteenth-century poem Sir Gawaine and the Green Knight 7 bear out what the accounts up to and including that period suggest:8 that even wealthy households tended to find entertainments within themselves.» — [SIR GAWAINE] Hutton hace concordar el poema con las cuentas: hasta las casas ricas se entretenían con lo que tenían dentro.
«Towards the end of that century, the itemization of purchases of food and the detail in which the feasting is recorded tend to grow more elaborate, which may reflect a better record-keeping or a genuine increase in sophistication.» — y deja abierta la lectura del dato: el detalle creciente de las cuentas puede ser mejor contabilidad o sofisticación real.
«It is also notable that wealthy households began to avail themselves much more of the services of visiting entertainers, whether professional artists or groups of village players, in a way not apparent in the accounts before.» — el cambio que sí registra: las casas ricas empiezan a contratar animadores de fuera, profesionales o compañías de aldea.
«In 1406 Richard Mitford, bishop of Salisbury, kept the Twelve Days at his manor of Potterne in a crevice of Salisbury Plain. He enjoyed the usual ‘interludes’, ‘games’, and ‘disguisings’ within his own little court, but also watched players who came from Potterne itself, Devizes, Urchfont, Seend, and Sherborne.» — [CUENTAS DE MITFORD] el caso regional: el obispo de Salisbury ve interludios y disfraces en su propia corte y además compañías venidas de cinco pueblos.
«On Christmas Day she held a feast for her household and estate officials, and on New Year’s Day one for her 300 tenants, entertaining various guests between. For the whole week she hired a single harper.» — [ALICE DE BRYENE] el extremo bajo de la élite terrateniente: banquete para la casa el día de Navidad, otro para trescientos arrendatarios el de Año Nuevo, y un solo arpista toda la semana.
«Most aristocrats, however, watched only one or two plays and concerts in each Christmas season, and Henry VIII himself marked his first one as monarch with just three dramatic productions and one sequence of music.» — la corrección de escala: la mayoría de los aristócratas veía una o dos obras por temporada, y Enrique VIII marcó la primera de su reinado con tres.
«We can only guess at the nature of the great majority of the plays which were performed. From the evidence of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, when theatrical records become more detailed, we can surmise that they would often have been just the current repertoire of the groups which staged them.» — la reserva sobre el repertorio: de la gran mayoría de las obras solo cabe conjeturar, y lo probable es que fuera el repertorio corriente de cada compañía.
«It was also commonly known in Britain as ‘mumming’, a term which, in the form of ‘momerie’, is first recorded there in the thirteenth century.» — la primera datación del término *mumming* en Gran Bretaña, en la forma *momerie*, en el siglo XIII.
«This latter form was also used across western Europe from the same period, its earliest appearance apparently being at Troyes in 1263, where the corporation banned ‘momment’ among the populace. It signified the wearing of festive masks or other disguises and may have derived from ‘mommo’, the Greek word for a mask.» — y su rastro continental: *momment* prohibido en Troyes en 1263, con la derivación propuesta desde el griego *mommo*, máscara.
«Edward III introduced it into English royal recreation during the Christmas season of 1347. The disguised people entered the King’s presence in six groups of fourteen; the first three sets were merely masked, as women, men, and angels respectively, and the remainder wore whole heads, of dragons, peacocks, and swans.» — [CRÓNICA DE 1347] la entrada del disfraz en la corte inglesa: seis grupos de catorce, tres enmascarados y tres con cabezas enteras de dragón, pavo real y cisne.
«They rode in pairs with music and torches, ‘clothed in coats and cloaks of red saye or sendall and their faces covered with vizards well and handsomely made’.» — [CRÓNICA DE 1377] la mascarada del Common Council ante el joven Ricardo II, descrita con su vestuario.
«‘Mummers’, ‘maskers’, and ‘guisers’ were also recorded among the inhabitants of British towns, and posed a problem to law and order because the combination of dark evenings and revellers in disguises afforded marvellous opportunities for crime.» — la explicación que Hutton da a las prohibiciones: noche y disfraz juntos son ocasión de delito, no escándalo religioso.
«An Act of Parliament in the third year of Henry VIII’s reign prohibited the ‘wearing of visors’ across England, as ‘a company together naming themselves Mummers have come in to the dwelling place of divers men of honour and other substantial persons; and so departed unknown’.» — [ESTATUTO DE ENRIQUE VIII] la prohibición de portar máscaras en Inglaterra, motivada por quienes se hacían llamar *Mummers* y entraban en casas ajenas.
«The same problem affected Scotland, where a man was hanged in 1508 for stealing ‘under guise of mumming.’» — el caso escocés de 1508: un hombre ahorcado por robar amparado en el disfraz.
«During the fifteenth century the performances appeared at the Scottish court, and at the English one they became more allegorical and symbolic, with speeches, plots, songs, and scenery. They grew during the sixteenth into the distinctive theatrical genre of the masque.» — la genealogía del disfraz cortesano hasta la mascarada: alegórico y simbólico en el siglo XV, género teatral propio en el XVI.
«In the English countryside a much more benign, and mysterious, sort of people were abroad at this season, known variously as Hognells, Hogglers, Hogans, or Hogners, or Hoggells, or by other versions of those names.» — los *Hognells* del campo inglés, nombrados en Hutton con todas las grafías que traen las cuentas.
«In some, especially in Devon and Somerset, they provided the largest annual contribution to parochial finances.» — y lo que pesaban: en Devon y Somerset, la mayor aportación anual a las finanzas parroquiales.
«What we are never told is what happened in that time. The derivation of the name or names is unknown. The Old English hagenhune meant a protected guest, while the Norman hoguinane signified a New Year present; and these are the dictionary’s only clues.» — la negativa que Hutton deja escrita sobre los *hogglers*: no se sabe qué hacían y la etimología no pasa de dos conjeturas de diccionario.
«We cannot say how or why they first appeared, for they feature in the first year of every book of expenses in which they occur, and none of these is older than the 1450s.» — y por qué la negativa es estructural: aparecen ya en el primer año de todo libro de gastos que los menciona, y ninguno es anterior a la década de 1450.
«The custom connected with it was first described by Peter de Langtoft, writing in the 1320s; the leader of a gathering took it, and cried ‘wassail’, Old English for ‘your health’. That person was answered ‘Drinkhail’, drank from it, and passed it to the next of the company with a kiss. Each then repeated these actions.» — [LANGTOFT] la primera descripción del rito del *wassail*, en la década de 1320: el que preside grita *wassail*, le responden *Drinkhail*, bebe y pasa la copa con un beso.
«The custom may not, in fact, have been much older than Langtoft’s time. From the famous eighth-century poem Beowulf to the fourteenth-century conduct-book of Robert of Brunne, the word ‘wassail’ appears as a toast: it is simply Anglo-Saxon for ‘be of good health’.» — Hutton advierte que el rito puede no ser mucho más viejo que ese texto: antes, la palabra solo aparece como brindis.
«The exchange reported by Langtoft, therefore, may have become traditional in the intervening few decades, around 1300, but this is impossible to prove.» — y deja el límite dicho: la costumbre pudo hacerse tradicional hacia 1300, pero no hay cómo probarlo.
«An especially flamboyant version of the custom was experienced by the Londoner Henry Machyn, when a guest at a party at Henley on Thames on Twelfth Eve 1555. Into the room came ‘twelve wessells with maidens singing, with their wessells; and after came the chief wives singing with their wessells; and the gentlewoman had ordained a great table of banquet, desserts of spices and fruit, as marmalade, gingerbread, jelly, comfit, sugar plate and divers others’.» — [MACHYN] el diario de un londinense describe la entrada de doce *wessells* con doncellas cantando en una fiesta de la víspera de Reyes de 1555.
«What is not clear is whether the whole entertainment was arranged by the household, or whether the wassail-bearers were going from house to house and were lucky enough to receive a very generous welcome at this one.» — y la duda que Hutton no resuelve: no consta si la casa organizó el espectáculo o si los portadores iban de puerta en puerta.
«In the late Middle Ages they represented a distinctive type of lyric, made to accompany a ring dance of women and men holding hands.» — la definición del villancico medieval: un tipo de lírica hecho para acompañar una danza en corro de hombres y mujeres cogidos de la mano.
«Even then, however, the specific term ‘Christmas carol’ was needed, and the word ‘carol’ signified a form of verse not a subject.» — y la precisión que sostiene esa historia: *carol* nombraba una forma de verso, no un asunto.
«Its origins are uncertain, but the Franciscan friars were so closely associated with popular religious songs by 1300, and their compositions are so similar in style and subject-matter to the early carols, that they probably either directly inspired or assisted the adoption of the entertainment in England.» — la conjetura franciscana sobre el origen del villancico, enunciada como probabilidad y no como hecho.
«No record survives of the setting for their performance there. Some were by their nature suited to the home, but many could have been sung door to door as they have been in modern times. There is no evidence, however, that it was usual to perform them in church.» — y la negativa correspondiente: no consta dónde se cantaban, y no hay evidencia de que fuera costumbre cantarlos en la iglesia.
«The first such, after Christmas itself, was 1 January, known as New Year’s Day throughout the medieval and early modern period despite the formal change of date for beginning the year to March.» — la persistencia del 1 de enero como día de Año Nuevo en el uso popular, pese al cambio formal de la fecha a marzo.
«The court ordinances of Henry VII directed that he would receive his gifts in the morning after he had put on his shoes. Trumpets then sounded, and the presents arrived carried by servants, first from the queen and then from his leading subjects.» — [ORDENANZAS DE ENRIQUE VII] la coreografía del aguinaldo cortesano: el rey recibe los regalos tras calzarse, con trompetas, primero de la reina y después de sus súbditos principales.
«New Year’s gifts appear in every full set of household accounts surviving from the period 1400-1550, underpinning the social and political order.» — la lectura que Hutton hace del aguinaldo: aparece en todas las cuentas domésticas completas de 1400 a 1550 y apuntala el orden social y político.
«half, Robert of Brunne, Chaucer, and Gower all referred to the song and dance as inseparable, and only in the fifteenth century did the two come apart, and the former acquire its association with Christmas.» — [BRUNNE, CHAUCER, GOWER] canción y danza van juntas hasta el siglo XV, cuando se separan y la canción queda ligada a la Navidad; la frase arranca en la plana anterior, con *During the following century and a*.
«What is not clear is whether they were exchanged between commoners. Polydor Vergil, at the opening of the sixteenth century, stated that they were sent by those who served lords; but Tusser, in the middle of the same century, commented that Christmas was a time when people in general ‘gave many gifts’.» — el desacuerdo entre dos testigos del siglo XVI, consignado sin armonizar: Polidoro Virgilio dice que el aguinaldo lo mandaban los que servían a señores, y Tusser que la gente en general daba muchos regalos.
«It is clear therefore that a wider tradition of exchanging gifts at this time existed, but the extent of it seems impossible to quantify.» — y la conclusión con su límite: hubo una tradición más ancha de intercambio, pero su extensión parece imposible de cuantificar.
«Twelfth Day (in Scotland ‘Uphaliday’ or end-of-holiday) began as Christmas itself had done, with a dramatic religious service.» — el nombre escocés del día de Reyes y el rito con que empezaba.
«This time it was the commemoration of the Three Kings, in places with the appearance of a Star of Bethlehem, sometimes gilded and sometimes made of brass, suspended from the rood loft or in ‘the body of the church’.» — [CUENTAS PARROQUIALES] la Estrella de Belén colgada de la tribuna del rood, dorada o de latón.
«In the Chapels Royal of Scotland and England it was the tradition by 1500 for the monarchs to make offerings symbolizing their spiritual kinship with the Wise Men; Henry VII gave packets of gold, frankincense, and myrrh, and James IV gave three gold crowns.» — la ofrenda real que remedaba a los Magos: Enrique VII daba paquetes de oro, incienso y mirra, y Jacobo IV tres coronas de oro.
«It seems to have been used almost wholly in urban parishes, Holbeach in the Lincolnshire Fens being the only rural one where it is recorded.» — la distribución de la Estrella, medida contra las cuentas: casi solo en parroquias urbanas, con Holbeach como única rural registrada.
«For him, his successor Henry VIII, and many others of all social ranks, the festivities of that night were the most sumptuous of the whole year.» — la jerarquía de la temporada: para Enrique VII, Enrique VIII y gente de todos los rangos, la noche de Reyes era la más suntuosa del año.
«For Henry VII in 1512 the Master of the Revels prepared the pageant of ‘The Dangerous Fortress’, a castle complete with towers, bulwarks, iron chains, cannon, and a banner, inhabited by six ladies and seven gentlemen in yellow and russet, six lords in gold and russet, and twelve great nobles in yellow and blue.» — [CUENTAS DE REVELS] el detalle del boato: *The Dangerous Fortress*, castillo con torres, baluartes, cadenas de hierro y cañón, con su reparto vestido por colores.
«The religious ceremonies of Christmas morn and the Epiphany were, of course, swept away when the medieval liturgy was replaced by Protestant Prayer Books, first under Edward VI and then under Elizabeth.» — el corte de la Reforma: las ceremonias religiosas de la mañana de Navidad y de la Epifanía desaparecen con los Libros de Oración protestantes.
«With their final disappearance, they left a remarkable and enduring regional (or national) legacy, in the Welsh plygain, or plygien, a candlelit assembly before dawn on Christmas Day.» — y lo que dejaron: el *plygain* galés, asamblea a la luz de velas antes del alba del día de Navidad, como legado regional del rito abolido.
«The enduring term plygain seems to be recorded first at Wrexham, in the far north-east, in 1663,36 it apparently derives from the Latin pulli cantus, or ‘cock-crow song’.» — la etimología del *plygain*, primera vez registrado en Wrexham en 1663 y derivado del latín *pulli cantus*.
«At the opening of the century the usual time for the service was three o’clock, but as it wore on the hour was either pushed later into the morning or further into the following evening, or else the custom was abolished altogether.» — el desplazamiento horario del *plygain* durante el siglo XIX, hasta su abolición en muchos sitios.
«The reason for this was not religious; indeed, as dissenting denominations spread among the Welsh during this period, those in the south often adopted the plygain, while those in the north cheerfully allowed their congregations to attend it in the local parish church.» — y Hutton descarta la causa religiosa: los disidentes del sur adoptaron el rito y los del norte dejaban ir a sus fieles a la parroquia.
«The problem was, rather, that the service was becoming increasingly disrupted by drunkenness; and whether this was a result of growing population, spreading industry, or a weakening of communal ties is a question which Welsh social historians have yet to solve.» — la causa que sí da, y la pregunta que deja abierta a los historiadores sociales galeses: la embriaguez creciente, de origen no resuelto.
«It is an art form of powerful simple beauty; it is also, apparently, the last surviving echo, in a British parochial setting, of the seasonal liturgy of the medieval Church.» — la adjudicación con que cierra el *plygain*: el último eco superviviente, en marco parroquial británico, de la liturgia estacional medieval.
«It is not known how long this had obtained, how it evolved, and (therefore) how it was related to the plygain.» — la negativa sobre el *Oie’l Verrey* manés: no se sabe desde cuándo existía, cómo evolucionó ni cómo se relaciona con el *plygain*.
«In addition to these local traditions of the established Church, the Methodists developed the habit of a ‘watch-night’ service, extending from Christmas Eve to Christmas morn.» — la *watch-night* metodista como tradición nueva del siglo XVIII, no como supervivencia.
«The royal presentation of gold, frankincense, and myrrh at the Epiphany survived the English Reformation without difficulty, reflecting as it did a direct relationship between deity and monarch which the rejection of papal authority only served to enhance.» — la explicación que Hutton da a la supervivencia de la ofrenda real: expresaba una relación directa entre deidad y monarca, que el rechazo del papado reforzaba.
«In its almost perfunctory fashion, it stands as witness to the medieval popularity of the cult of the Three Kings.» — y lo que Hutton lee en su forma actual, casi rutinaria: es testigo de la popularidad medieval del culto de los Reyes Magos.
«Under Elizabeth the mummery at court completed its transformation into the more stately and formal diversion of the masque.» — el punto de llegada de la mascarada cortesana bajo Isabel.
«When he wanted a performance upon Christmas Night 1608, and was told by his ‘lords’ that it was not the fashion, he snapped that he would make it one.» — [JACOBO I] la anécdota con que Hutton muestra que la costumbre cortesana se instituye por decisión, no por herencia.
«Masques were out of fashion after the Restoration, and the tone of elegance combined with vulgarity which Charles II set for his court was neatly symbolized by the new Twelfth Night custom there of heavy gambling.» — la sustitución tras la Restauración: la mascarada cae y en su lugar entra el juego fuerte de la noche de Reyes.
«The passion for gaming on Twelfth Night persisted under more sober monarchs, until abolished at the accession of the exceptionally prim George III.» — y su final por decreto con el ascenso de Jorge III.
«In his account, ordinary rural people enjoyed feasting (especially upon normally scarce and expensive commodities such as meat), dancing, card-playing, carol-singing, story-telling, and party games.» — [JOHN TAYLOR] el primer retrato detallado de los pasatiempos de la gente común en Navidad, hecho por un barquero del Támesis.
«The decades between 1610 and 1650 also provide the first detailed evidence of the popular association of special foods and drinks with the season.» — Hutton fecha en 1610-1650 la primera evidencia detallada de comidas y bebidas asociadas a la temporada; es decir, las trata como datables, no como inmemoriales.
«One was the ‘minced pie’, a mixture of meat, fruit, and spice baked in a pastry case. Another was ‘plum porridge’, thick beef broth with prunes, raisins, and currants stirred into it. Among meat dishes, beef and brawn, both stuck with rosemary, were especially favoured. The seasonal drink identified at this time was hot spiced ale with apples floating in it, which would be commonly known by the nineteenth century as ‘lambswool’.» — el menú que esos textos fijan: *minced pie*, *plum porridge*, vaca y carne de cerdo con romero, y cerveza caliente especiada con manzanas.
«It was the opinion of James I that the quantity was decreasing to an alarming extent, as landowners increasingly chose to remain in London during the Christmas season instead of spending it at their country residences and dispensing hospitality and charity in the traditional manner.» — [JACOBO I] la queja regia por el declive de la hospitalidad navideña, atribuida a que los terratenientes se quedaban en Londres.
«In 1616 he made a formal speech in Star Chamber calling upon them to reverse the trend, which helped to inspire a masque by Ben Jonson, a poem by George Wither, at least one popular ballad, and (eventually) the tract by John Taylor quoted above, all supporting the king’s view.» — y cómo esa queja fabricó su propia literatura: un discurso en la Star Chamber, una mascarada de Ben Jonson, un poema de Wither, una balada y el tratado de Taylor.
«Toby Matthews, archbishop of York, held six huge feasts between 26 December 1624 and 3 January 1625, which between them fed hundreds of commoners.» — [CUENTAS DE MATTHEWS] el contraejemplo del otro lado: seis banquetes enormes del arzobispo de York en nueve días.
«It seems clear that if there was a decline it was only relative, and it is even possible that there was little or none absolutely.» — el veredicto matizado de Hutton sobre el declive de la hospitalidad.
«The Elizabethan and Jacobean periods were a time of growing economic strain and a burgeoning poverty problem, and calls for a return to an ideal standard of old-fashioned seasonal hospitality may have been propelled by a growing need for the latter rather than an actual decrease in it.» — y la explicación alternativa que propone: la demanda de hospitalidad creció porque creció la pobreza, no porque la hospitalidad menguara.
«At any rate, the complaint became a historical constant.» — la observación de método que Hutton saca del caso: la queja por la hospitalidad perdida es una constante histórica, no el registro de una pérdida.
«What is less clear is how far these examples were in fact typical. As mentioned above, the household accounts of late medieval and early Tudor England do not suggest that many gentry kept open house in the Twelve Days» — la objeción de Hutton a ese apoyo: las cuentas domésticas del final de la Edad Media y del primer periodo Tudor no sugieren que muchos hidalgos tuvieran casa abierta en los Doce Días.
«The truth is once more difficult to determine.» — el registro que Hutton deja cuando la evidencia no decide: la verdad, de nuevo, es difícil de determinar.
«At one extreme was Sir George Downing, who gloated over the money which he saved by giving only broth to the neighbours whom he entertained. At the other was Sir Justinian Isham, who fed the paupers, labourers, and ‘better class inhabitants’ of two Northamptonshire villages on successive evenings.» — los dos extremos de la evidencia tardía, puestos uno junto al otro sin arbitrar: Downing presumiendo del caldo ahorrado e Isham dando de comer a dos aldeas.
«Four years later the issue was alive enough one for Washington Irving to produce a literary portrait of an Essex squire who attempted to keep open house in the Twelve Days, only to be ‘overrun by all the vagrants of the county’. He subsequently retrenched to a Christmas Day feast for ‘the decent part of the neighbouring peasantry’.» — [IRVING] el retrato literario de 1820 que Hutton usa como síntoma: el hidalgo de Essex que abre su casa y acaba invadido por los vagabundos del condado.
«At the opening of the nineteenth century a Dr Falconer lamented the manner in which the nobility and gentry had recently adopted the ‘pernicious custom’ of deserting their ‘native mansions’ at Christmastide, as if the same condemnation had not now been made almost continuously for two centuries.» — [FALCONER] y la ironía con que lo consigna: la misma condena llevaba dos siglos haciéndose sin interrupción.
«Perhaps, indeed, upper-class generosity had been ebbing over that whole span, but it is equally likely that perception and idealization were more important here than reality.» — el veredicto que Hutton deja abierto: quizá la generosidad menguó, y es igual de probable que pesaran más la percepción y la idealización que la realidad.
«What the ages of Elizabeth and James did destroy, beyond doubt, was the mysterious world of the ‘hogglers’ or ‘hognels’. It is clear that the Reformation was inimical to them, although so little is known of their activities that the reason for this is lost.» — lo que sí da por cierto: la Reforma acabó con los *hogglers*, aunque la razón se haya perdido con ellos.
«Three villages in which they collected have left accounts for the reign of Edward VI, and in each they ceased to operate as soon as the religious changes got under way; by contrast, they re-emerged at the opening of the reign of the Catholic Mary Tudor, although now recorded only in the West Country and at one village in the Sussex Weald.» — [CUENTAS PARROQUIALES] la prueba del vínculo con la Reforma: cesan al empezar los cambios religiosos bajo Eduardo VI y reaparecen bajo María Tudor.
«They resumed them seven years later, when the Civil War had disrupted the area enough to make the formal levy of a rate difficult, and continued to collect money door to door, and provide most of the church income, until the end of the fighting.» — el último episodio de los *hogglers*: reaparecen en Cheddar cuando la guerra civil impide cobrar la tasa parroquial, y sostienen el ingreso de la iglesia hasta que acaban los combates.
«The imposition of new and more regular means of fund-raising, by rates, clearly made them redundant, but the Tudor evidence obviously indicates that they also offended Protestant sensibilities.» — la explicación doble que Hutton da a su desaparición: las tasas los volvieron redundantes y además ofendían la sensibilidad protestante.
«A definition of mumming as carried on around Newcastle in the 1720s was provided by Henry Bourne, who characterized it as an exchange of clothing between young people of opposite sexes, who thus costumed went from house to house asking for hospitality.» — [BOURNE] la definición del *mumming* hacia 1720 en Newcastle: intercambio de ropa entre jóvenes de distinto sexo, que así disfrazados van de casa en casa.
«As such it persisted in Yorkshire into the mid-nineteenth century, where groups were usually composed of ‘one man in sailor’s dress, the rest being women, or rather men in women’s dress’.» — [TESTIMONIO DE YORKSHIRE] la misma inversión de vestido, ya en pleno siglo XIX.
«In the south, mummers continued to call at great houses, and to be given money and food there, all through the eighteenth century,71 though there are no descriptions of what they actually did until the end, when references multiply to the famous play which will be discussed later.» — y la negativa que Hutton deja anotada: durante todo el siglo XVIII no hay descripción de lo que los *mummers* hacían, solo constancia de que los pagaban.
«The wassail bowl is apparently not heard of at the royal court after the time of Henry VIII, but is reported at all other levels of society in the years 1600-30.» — el desplazamiento social de la copa del *wassail*: desaparece de la corte tras Enrique VIII y se registra en todos los demás niveles.
«It is in this period, too, that the bowl first features, unequivocally, as an object carried from door to door by poor people seeking hospitality.» — y la fecha en que la copa se vuelve inequívocamente objeto de puerta en puerta, llevado por pobres que piden hospitalidad.
«John Taylor, however, was quite clear when in 1631 he described how a ‘company of maids’ would call at a rural household at Christmas crying ‘Wassell, Wassell, jolly Wassell’ and bringing cakes and a bowl of drink. In return they would be given white bread, cheese, and minced pies.» — [TAYLOR] el testimonio inequívoco de 1631: una compañía de mozas llama a la casa gritando el *wassail* y recibe pan blanco, queso y *minced pies*.
«If this development of the custom indeed dated from the mid-Tudor period or earlier, it seems reasonable to suggest that it would have been increased (if it was not, indeed, actually provoked), by the much greater polarization of local society under the economic strains of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries.» — la explicación social que Hutton propone, marcada como sugerencia: la polarización local bajo la presión económica del cambio de siglo.
«Throughout the Tudor and Stuart periods they remained a vital symbol of relationships at the heart of the body politic.» — lo que el aguinaldo era para Hutton en el periodo Tudor y Estuardo: un símbolo vital de las relaciones en el corazón del cuerpo político.
«Elizabeth gave gold or silver plate in fixed quantity, from the 136 ounces due to a reigning favourite such as Robert Dudley to the 2 ounces received by the court dwarf.» — [CUENTAS DE ISABEL] el aguinaldo real graduado por rango, de las 136 onzas del favorito a las 2 del enano de la corte.
«It was only under the Hanoverians that the exchange seems to have withered quietly away, following a general fashion.» — la muerte silenciosa del intercambio bajo los Hannover, sin decreto ni condena.
«At Newcastle in the 1720s Henry Bourne noted that the presents were very common among the populace, who regarded it as lucky to make them.» — [BOURNE] el regalo de Año Nuevo entre la gente común, tenido por afortunado.
«It is not surprising therefore that, with the greater commercialization of leisure and the growth of provincial newspapers in the early half of that century, advertisements began to appear for them.» — la lectura comercial: con la mercantilización del ocio y los periódicos de provincia aparecen los anuncios de aguinaldos.
«This emphasis upon children was not, however, a sign of health in the tradition, for as the Georgian period wore on adults came increasingly to send written greetings rather than gifts, and these tended to become more formal and then more intermittent as well.» — Hutton lee el desplazamiento hacia los niños como síntoma de debilidad, no de salud: los adultos pasan de los regalos a los saludos escritos.
«By the early nineteenth century, writers upon popular customs could agree that the New Year’s gift had become almost obsolete, for reasons which neither they nor anybody since has managed to discern.» — y deja la negativa dicha: el aguinaldo de Año Nuevo quedó casi obsoleto por razones que nadie ha logrado discernir.
«The first citation of this is in 1621, and by the 1640s the custom had been extended to servants in general.» — y su cronología: primera cita en 1621 y extensión a los criados en general hacia la década de 1640.
«During the 1660s it is clear that it had been widened again to make cash gifts, now euphemistically known as ‘boxes’, to tradespeople whose services a customer had enjoyed during the year, to enable them to enjoy the holidays more.» — la tercera ampliación, en la década de 1660: la *box* en metálico para los comerciantes y menestrales cuyo servicio se usó en el año.
«In 1710 Jonathan Swift declared. ‘By the Lord Harry, I shall be undone here with Christmas boxes. The rogues of the coffee-house have raised their tax, every one giving a crown, and I gave mine for shame, besides a great many half-crowns to great men’s porters, etc’.» — [SWIFT] la queja de 1710 por lo que la costumbre le cuesta, que Hutton usa como medida de su fuerza.
«In 1756 Sir John Fielding was snarling that everybody who did anybody else the slightest service in the year now demanded a ‘box’ at Christmas, so that the total cost to some families was up to £30. He thought it ‘a very scandalous imposition upon the fair trader’.» — [FIELDING] y la queja de 1756, con cifra: hasta treinta libras por familia.
«It is not, however, one that the beneficiaries would allow to lapse without a struggle, and flourished so steadily through the nineteenth and twentieth centuries that during the later reign of Victoria the feast of St Stephen became, for ever, ‘Boxing Day’.» — el desenlace: la costumbre prospera tanto que bajo Victoria la fiesta de San Esteban queda para siempre como *Boxing Day*.
«Even a Quaker like Sarah Fell, who did not believe in holy days, still exchanged gifts of venison and game birds with neighbouring gentry families in the Furness district of Lancashire during the same period.» — [FELL] el caso que cruza la línea confesional: una cuáquera que no cree en días santos intercambia igualmente venado y aves con la hidalguía vecina.
«It is time now, however, to destroy the impression of continuity which this chapter has conveyed.» — la bisagra del capítulo: Hutton avisa que va a deshacer la impresión de continuidad que él mismo acaba de dar.
«at Christmas into an earthenware box kept by an apprentice, which he would break when it was full and so furnish himself with a treat.» — el origen documentado de la *Christmas box*: la hucha de barro del aprendiz, que él rompía cuando estaba llena; la frase empieza en la plana anterior, con *several writers referred to the kind habit of dropping money*.
«island of Britain and for a short one to make possible the complete abolition of the feast itself. It is this process which must now be addressed.» — continuación en la plana siguiente: durante un tiempo corto esas tensiones hicieron posible la abolición completa de la fiesta.
«In the course of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the festival of Christmas became the centre» — el cierre del capítulo 2: la Navidad se vuelve centro de tensiones políticas y religiosas; la frase sigue en la plana 49 y su continuación va en la línea siguiente.
«EUROPE’S Reformations made a particular point of attacking the cult of saints as divine intercessors, and each therefore involved a pruning of holy days associated with them. The feasts of the apostles and evangelists, however, were in an entirely different category, while those of Christ himself remained sacrosanct in the main reformed churches.» — el criterio con que las Reformas podaron el calendario: contra los santos como intercesores, pero las fiestas de Cristo quedaban intactas en las iglesias reformadas principales.
«Thereafter the practices of the two nations dramatically diverged, because the Scots chose to make a clean break with tradition and also with foreign example, to produce a national Kirk which was in this respect the most ‘perfectly reformed’ in Europe.» — el punto en que Escocia e Inglaterra se separan: el Kirk rompe con la tradición y con el ejemplo extranjero para quedar como el más perfectamente reformado de Europa.
«The break came in 1561, when the First Book of Discipline issued by the newly established reformed Kirk claimed that ‘the Papists have invented’ the feasts of Christmas, the Circumcision, and Epiphany, along with those of the Virgin Mary, the apostles and all other saints. It therefore abolished the lot, as unscriptural.» — [FIRST BOOK OF DISCIPLINE] la ruptura de 1561: las fiestas de Cristo se declaran invención de los papistas y se abolen por no tener base escrituraria.
«When, in 1566, the General Assembly of the Kirk adopted the Helvetic Confession of the Church of Zurich as the model for a national profession of faith, it explicitly deleted the clause which recognized the feasts of Christ.» — y la enmienda deliberada al modelo suizo: la Asamblea General borra explícitamente la cláusula que reconocía las fiestas de Cristo.
«It seems to have opened at St Andrews, in 1573, when the kirk session, the local unit of church government, punished a number of people for ‘observing of superstitious days and specially of Yuil-day.’» — [ACTAS DE SESIÓN] el primer castigo registrado por guardar el Yule, en St Andrews.
«The following year it made a particular example of a baker, for filling his house with lights and guests on New Year’s Day and shouting ‘Yuil! Yuil! Yuil!’» — [ACTAS DE ST ANDREWS] el panadero castigado por llenar su casa de luces y convidados el día de Año Nuevo.
«In that year, too, the kirk session at Aberdeen tried fourteen women for ‘playing, dancing and singing of filthy carols on Yule Day at even’.» — [ACTAS DE ABERDEEN] catorce mujeres juzgadas por cantar villancicos la tarde del Yule.
«The appeal to Morton was provoked by the first check received by the campaign; at Dumfries, where the corporation defiantly paid a musician with a pipe and tabor to accompany the preacher to the town kirk ‘all the holy days’ of Christmastide.» — [ACTAS DE DUMFRIES] el primer freno a la campaña: la corporación paga desafiante a un músico para acompañar al predicador todos los días de fiesta.
«The same sorts of record (which are all that we have) also make clear the large amount of opposition which these measures encountered.» — la advertencia de método: esas mismas actas, únicas que existen, son las que dejan ver cuánta oposición hubo.
«The ruling at Glasgow had to be repeated four times up to 1604, a sure sign of resistance to it.» — y cómo Hutton lee la repetición de una ordenanza: cuatro veces en Glasgow es señal segura de resistencia.
«Every one of those before had been defied by revellers disguised by blackened faces, masks, handkerchiefs, or fancy dress; traditional festival costume now assuming a practical advantage.» — la observación que da vuelta al disfraz: el traje festivo tradicional adquiere ahora ventaja práctica frente a la vigilancia.
«In 1593 the minister of Errol equated this pastime with fornication and in 1599 the local élite of Elgin prepared for the season by forbidding ‘profane pastime … viz. footballing through the town,» — [ERROL Y ELGIN] el ministro de Errol equipara cantar villancicos con la fornicación, y la élite de Elgin prohíbe para la temporada el *profane pastime*; la lista sigue en la plana siguiente con *snowballing, singing of carols or other profane songs, guising, piping, violing and dancing*.
«At Aberdeen in 1606, thirty years after the campaign of repression began, the kirk session had to condemn anew ‘the superstitious time of Yule or New Year’s Day’ and direct that henceforth the citizens should not ‘presume to mask or disguise themselves in any sort, the men in women’s clothes, nor the women in men’s clothes, nor otherways, be dancing with bells, other on the streets of this burgh or in private house’.» — [ACTAS DE ABERDEEN] treinta años después de iniciada la represión hay que volver a condenar el tiempo del Yule y el travestismo de la fiesta.
«The reformers might have taken consolation from the fact that by the new century such conflict seems to have been concentrated in these north-eastern towns and to have receded from the south; although the continuing total lack of evidence from the Highlands probably suggests that the old ways continued there largely unmolested.» — el mapa del conflicto según Hutton, con su reserva: concentrado en el nordeste y retirado del sur, mientras la falta total de evidencia de las Highlands sugiere que allí siguió sin estorbo.
«Most striking of all, the King himself, James VI, had shown an increasing disposition towards the old feasts. In 1598 and again in 1599 the presbytery of Edinburgh campaigned in vain to stop the celebration of Yule at the royal court.» — [JACOBO VI] la corte del propio rey como límite de la campaña: el presbiterio de Edimburgo pide en vano que se deje de celebrar el Yule allí.
«One of these reimposed the religious celebration of seasonal holy days. It was a royal campaign parallel to, and in some ways connected with, James’s more celebrated defence of English summer games embodied in the royal Book of Sports.» — Hutton empareja los Cinco Artículos de Perth con el *Book of Sports* inglés como una sola campaña regia.
«To the local lairds and burgh merchants or tradesmen who made up the bulk of the lay membership of kirk sessions and presbyteries, just as to English gentry confronted with the Books of Sports, the Crown’s measures carried a real threat that their control of local society, never apparently more necessary than in a time of population growth and price rises, would be weakened.» — y la explicación social que da a la resistencia: la medida regia amenazaba el control de la sociedad local en tiempo de crecimiento demográfico y alza de precios.
«In 1623 five ‘guisers’ performed a sword dance in the kirkyard, and being masked they evaded all punishment.» — [ACTAS DE ELGIN] la danza de espadas de 1623 en el cementerio, impune por ir enmascarados los danzantes.
«The General Assembly of 1638 called for the total abolition of Yule, and the recension of the Five Articles was eventually ratified by Charles I in 1641, after his defeat by the Covenanting Scots in two wars.» — la abolición total del Yule pedida en 1638 y ratificada por Carlos I en 1641, tras su derrota ante los Covenanters.
«Instead, across the Lowlands in the later 1640s, there is abundant evidence of a campaign to prevent any private celebration, let alone public revelling, at Yule. People were expected to be seen at work, and questioned if they were not.» — el giro de la represión en la década de 1640: se vigila la celebración privada, y se espera ver a la gente trabajando.
«There one kirkman, Murdoch Mackenzie, became notorious ‘for searching people’s kitchens on Yule Day for the superstitious goose, telling them that feathers of them would rise up against them one day’.» — [MACKENZIE] la inspección de cocinas el día de Yule en busca del ganso supersticioso.
«At Urquhart on Loch Ness the minister reported that he had inspected all the houses in his parish on that date, and found the people at work, ‘but was suspicious that some of them wrought no longer than he was present’.» — [ACTAS DE URQUHART] y el propio ministro dejando por escrito su sospecha de que la gente trabajaba solo mientras él miraba.
«Until 1640 only a tiny number of extraordinarily radical English Protestants had shared the hostility of the Kirk towards seasonal festivals.» — la cifra que Hutton pone al puritanismo inglés antes de 1640: solo un puñado de protestantes radicales compartía la hostilidad del Kirk a las fiestas.
«Even prominent advocates of a further reform of the Church of England, such as William Harrison in the 1570s or William Prynne and Henry Burton under Charles I, had only urged that the old feasts be reduced in status to enhance that of Sunday, not abolished altogether.» — [HARRISON, PRYNNE, BURTON] y lo que esos sí pedían: rebajar las fiestas viejas para realzar el domingo, no abolirlas.
«Harrison, indeed, would have increased the importance of Christmas and Easter, by turning the whole of the week following each into a succession of holidays, created by concentrating the festivals of all the apostles and evangelists in them.» — [HARRISON] el caso que da vuelta al tópico: un reformador que quería *ampliar* la Navidad y la Pascua a semanas enteras de fiesta.
«Secular celebration was once again going to be another matter, a fact demonstrated resoundingly at Aberdeen on Yule Day 1642. To compound the offence, the date was also a sabbath day, but despite the preaching of the ministers and the warnings of the bellman,» — [CRÓNICA DE ABERDEEN] la distinción que el libro sostiene todo el tiempo: abolido el rito, la celebración seglar sigue; el Yule de 1642 cayó además en domingo y, pese a los sermones, *many Aberdonians made good cheer and banqueting*, con los estudiantes robándose la campana del pregonero.
«He seems, however, to have been setting up the flimsiest of straw men, for all the evidence suggests that such individuals were very few indeed.» — [BEN JONSON] Hutton lee la mascarada de 1616 contra los enemigos de la Navidad como un ataque a un enemigo casi inexistente.
«An example of one was the widow of a separatist lay preacher at Bristol in the 1630s, who kept her grocer’s shop open on Christmas Day to signify her disapproval of the feast as a Papist survival. The significant thing about her is that she was considered to be so eccentric that she escaped prosecution.» — el caso de la viuda de Bristol que abría su tienda el día de Navidad, y lo que Hutton subraya de él: era tan excéntrica que ni la procesaron.
«The Barringtons, an Essex gentry family which favoured ecclesiastical reform and patronized godly preachers, still gave money to wassailers and spent lavishly on their own celebration of Christmas.» — [CUENTAS DE LOS BARRINGTON] el dato que Hutton opone al retrato del puritano enemigo de la fiesta: una familia favorable a la reforma paga a los *wassailers* y gasta a manos llenas en su Navidad.
«The only distinction of these ‘puritans’ was that they termed the day ‘Christ-tide’ in preference to the old name with its memory of the mass.» — y la única diferencia real que Hutton les encuentra: llamaban al día *Christ-tide* para evitar el recuerdo de la misa.
«When Scottish representatives arrived in London in 1640 to conclude a treaty after their decisive defeat of Charles I, they were surprised and angry to find that their English counterparts (many of whom had considerable sympathy for the Scots) suspended the negotiations for what the Scotsmen termed ‘their Christmas’.» — la escena de 1640 que mide la distancia entre los dos reinos: los escoceses se asombran de que sus aliados ingleses suspendan las negociaciones por la Navidad.
«Until now, the status of Christmas had not been an issue in the war with the royalists, but an attack upon it followed immediately upon the signature of the Solemn League.» — la datación exacta del ataque: la Navidad no era asunto de la guerra hasta la firma de la Solemn League con los escoceses.
«Despite a few desperate efforts upon both sides to find some scriptural indication of the true date of Christ’s birth, a common ground was established almost at once; that as there was indeed no objective evidence of when Christ was born, the feast of the Nativity was wholly a creation of later authorities and supported by tradition and not the Bible.» — el terreno común del debate de 1643: como no hay evidencia objetiva de la fecha, la fiesta es creación de autoridades posteriores y se apoya en la tradición, no en la Biblia.
«Royalists and orthodox Anglicans argued that only the King possessed the legal right to abrogate it, and that tradition deserved respect.» — [REALISTAS] el argumento de una parte: solo el rey podía abrogar la fiesta, y la tradición merecía respeto.
«On 19 November 1644 this resolved that Sunday was the ‘only standing holy day under the New Testament’ and within a week had decided to recognize no other.» — [ASAMBLEA DE WESTMINSTER] el mandato clerical que faltaba: el domingo declarado único día santo permanente del Nuevo Testamento.
«The new national liturgy which it delivered to Parliament, and which was issued on 4 January 1645, accordingly made no provision for Christmas, and its abolition was thus legally achieved, although more than two years passed before a parliamentary ordinance was produced to declare its celebration an offence.» — la mecánica de la abolición: la liturgia nueva simplemente no previó la Navidad, y la ordenanza que la volvía delito tardó más de dos años.
«One of the most obvious features of the literary debate over Christmas was that its defenders assumed that they would have a popular audience and its opponents did not.» — la observación que Hutton extrae del propio debate: los defensores daban por hecho un público popular y los adversarios no.
«The loss of a well-beloved festival compounded hostility felt by the majority of the population towards a regime which was associated with high taxation and the quartering of a huge army among civilians.» — y la lectura política: la pérdida de la fiesta se sumó a la hostilidad por los impuestos altos y el alojamiento del ejército.
«On what should have been Christmas Day there were riotous celebrations at Bury St Edmunds, Norwich, Ipswich (where one reveller was killed), and Canterbury, where they developed into a full-scale royalist uprising.» — [CRÓNICAS DE 1647] los disturbios navideños de 1647, con un muerto en Ipswich y un alzamiento realista en Canterbury.
«The evidence of the 1650s strongly suggests that the ‘Puritan Revolution’ was indeed largely successful in ending Christmas as a holy day.» — el balance con su calibre: la evidencia sugiere con fuerza que la abolición logró acabar con la Navidad como día santo.
«Literary comment agrees that most churches remained closed then, and this is borne out by a sample of accounts from 367 parishes, of which thirty-four (9 per cent) paid for communion then. All, save one brave London example, St Mary Woolchurch Haw, were in small villages.» — [CUENTAS PARROQUIALES] y la medida de esa afirmación: de 367 parroquias muestreadas, 34 pagaron comunión, casi todas de aldea.
«John Evelyn’s diary illustrates the difficulties of a devout Anglican searching for a Christmas service in the London area; he could find none until 1656, when he began to attend worship held by royalist clergy in private settings. On one occasion the congregation was detected and arrested by soldiers.» — [EVELYN] el diario que mide la eficacia de la prohibición desde dentro: no halla servicio navideño en Londres hasta 1656, y en una ocasión la congregación clandestina es arrestada.
«England during the Interregnum possessed none of those institutions, like kirk sessions and presbyteries, which had led enforcement of the Scottish reform; the republican regimes deliberately avoided setting them up in order to produce a feebler national Church.» — la explicación institucional del contraste con Escocia: Inglaterra no tuvo sesiones ni presbiterios, porque el régimen republicano evitó crearlos para tener una Iglesia nacional más débil.
«Also noticed there was the famous Welsh writer of Christmas carols, Huw Morris; the bulk of his work was actually composed in the 1650s, as a response to the official proscription of the feast.» — [HUW MORRIS] el caso que invierte la expectativa: el grueso de sus villancicos se compuso en los años cincuenta, como respuesta a la proscripción.
«The impact of the Puritan Revolution had been only to strip the festival of its public aspect and (ironically) of much of its Christian content.» — la conclusión, con su ironía dicha: la revolución puritana solo despojó a la fiesta de su faceta pública y de buena parte de su contenido cristiano.
«As the government of England was declared in May 1660, to be comprised of monarch, Lords and Commons, all the legislation since early 1642 was automatically invalidated, including that which had endorsed the new liturgy and abolished the old feasts.» — la mecánica de la restauración de la fiesta: al invalidarse toda la legislación posterior a 1642, la abolición cayó sola.
«To have an episcopalian Kirk which stressed hierarchy and order now seemed to be a guarantee of stability, and so in 1661 a Parliament repealed all legislation since 1637. This effectively reactivated the Five Articles of Perth, and with them the legal status of holy days.» — el giro escocés de 1661, explicado por el hartazgo de la élite: la jerarquía parece garantía de estabilidad y con ella vuelven los días santos.
«It is not clear, once again, how far these were accepted, or imposed, across the country, especially as Scotland was now far more bitterly divided over religion than it had been in the 1620s and 1630s.» — y la negativa correspondiente: no se sabe cuánto se aceptaron o se impusieron en un país ya más dividido en religión que antes.
«This was to end for a very long time with the next set of revolutionary changes, in 1688-90, which uncoupled the practice of the two national churches completely, as the new rulers William and Mary allowed their Scottish allies to remove both bishops and festivals, once again, from the Kirk. This time the abolition was permanent.» — la fecha del divorcio definitivo: 1688-90, cuando Guillermo y María dejan a sus aliados escoceses quitar del Kirk obispos y fiestas, esta vez para siempre.
«Some communities in the Outer Hebrides effectively never experienced a Reformation at all, and in these during the early nineteenth century Christmas was still celebrated in the traditional fashion. Christmas Eve was known as Oidhche Choinnle, Candle Night, because of the custom of lighting up windows upon it.» — [TESTIMONIOS DE LAS HÉBRIDAS] comunidades que en la práctica nunca tuvieron Reforma, con la Nochebuena llamada *Oidhche Choinnle*, Noche de la Vela.
«In eighteenth-century Shetland, Yule was maintained as a prolonged celebration lasting a full twenty-four days, ‘and on each of the nights, Sundays excepted, a dance was held in some house in the community’.» — [TESTIMONIO DE SHETLAND] el Yule del siglo XVIII como celebración de veinticuatro días, con baile cada noche salvo los domingos.
«The ‘Yule bread’ for which bakers had been prosecuted in the sixteenth century was still made in the nineteenth, as ‘Yule Cake’ in the Shetlands or ‘Yule Brehd’ or ‘Yule Bannock’ in the shires all around the Moray Firth; in all cases it was a large round cake.» — la continuidad medida sobre un objeto concreto: el pan de Yule por el que se procesó a panaderos en el siglo XVI seguía haciéndose en el XIX.
«In the north-eastern districts of Buchan and Mar, the week between Christmas and New Year was known collectively as ‘Yeel’. Balls were held in barns, and an especially large breakfast and dinner were provided on Christmas Day itself, with meat eaten even by those who could never otherwise afford it.» — [TESTIMONIOS DE BUCHAN Y MAR] la semana llamada *Yeel*, con bailes en los graneros y carne en la mesa de quien no podía comprarla el resto del año.
«Much more to the point, the emotional requirement for a midwinter feast was met by transferring the revelry traditionally associated with Christmas to New Year’s Eve and Day (long themselves, of course, festive occasions) which were less tainted by religious associations.» — la tesis de desplazamiento que sostiene el caso escocés: la necesidad de fiesta se satisfizo trasladando el jolgorio de la Navidad a la Nochevieja y el Año Nuevo.
«All through the eighteenth century the Eve was kept with an ever greater ebullience at Edinburgh until by the 1800s there were more people abroad on the streets in the hour after midnight than at noon.» — la medida del traslado en Edimburgo: hacia 1800 había más gente en la calle la hora después de medianoche que a mediodía.
«It was Burns Night, the anniversary of Robert Burns’s birthday upon 25 January, which came to be celebrated first with suppers alone and then with dances as well.» — la fiesta nueva del calendario escocés: la Noche de Burns, nacida de los clubes y primero solo de cenas.
«It represented one part of a process by which the Scots of the period strove to assemble a distinctive set of costumes, customs, and symbols to prevent the submergence of their national identity in that of the English.» — y su función declarada: parte del esfuerzo por reunir un repertorio propio de trajes, costumbres y símbolos frente a la identidad inglesa.
«It also embodied the irony that the Scottish Enlightenment had produced a holy day to replace those removed by the Kirk.» — la ironía con que Hutton cierra el caso: la Ilustración escocesa fabricó un día santo para sustituir los que el Kirk había quitado.
«The Oxford English Dictionary gives the first appearance of it as ‘Hogmynae-night’, condemned in the declaration of a radical Protestant group, the Gibbites, in 1680;» — [OED] la primera aparición registrada de *Hogmanay*, en la declaración de los Gibbites de 1680.
«Its derivation is certain enough, for it descends from the medieval French aguillanneuf, commonly used likewise to describe either the New Year or a New Year’s gift.» — la etimología que sí da por segura: del francés medieval *aguillanneuf*.
«We do not know, however, where the French word came from, or how the Scots took it over.» — y el límite de esa certeza, dicho: no se sabe de dónde salió la palabra francesa ni cómo la tomaron los escoceses.
«What is patent enough is that the long and desperate efforts of the reformed Kirk had simply caused the Lowlanders, at least, to abandon the Christian festival of the Nativity for a semi-secular one to honour the New Year, much closer to the pattern of the pagan Vikings and Saxons, and perhaps of the ancient British as well.» — la conclusión del capítulo 3: los esfuerzos del Kirk llevaron a los Lowlanders a cambiar la Natividad por una fiesta semiseglar de Año Nuevo, más cercana al patrón de vikingos y sajones.
«north one went in Britain, the colder and longer the midwinter nights were and the less there was for farmers and fisher folk to do at that season; northern Scotland and the Isles provided both the need and the opportunity to spend it in making merry.» — la explicación material que Hutton da a la supervivencia norteña de la fiesta: más noche, más frío y menos que hacer para labradores y pescadores; la frase arranca en la plana anterior con *The simple truth was that the further*.
«Here, however, it is proposed to consider direct ripostes to the three most obvious privations of the season: the lack of green leaves, light, and warmth.» — el criterio con que Hutton organiza los ritos de pleno invierno: réplicas directas a tres privaciones —faltan hojas verdes, luz y calor—.
«It was a general custom in pagan Europe to decorate spaces with greenery and flowers for festivals, attested wherever records have survived.» — la única continuidad pagana que concede sin reservas: adornar los espacios con verde y flores para las fiestas.
«Those who condemned the practice included St Gregory Nazianzen, Bishop Martin of Braga, and the clerics who gathered at the latter’s Council of Braga.» — [NAZIANZENO, MARTÍN DE BRAGA] el desacuerdo eclesiástico temprano sobre el adorno vegetal, con los que lo condenaron nombrados.
«Most, however, did not, and among those who positively recommended it was Pope Gregory the Great, at the opening of the seventh century, with England specifically in mind.» — [GREGORIO MAGNO] y quién lo recomendó con Inglaterra en mente.
«By the time that parish accounts became available, from the late Middle Ages, virtually all those of urban churches show payments for the purchase of holly and ivy as decorations at Christmastide.» — [CUENTAS PARROQUIALES] la evidencia contable del adorno: casi todas las iglesias urbanas pagan acebo y hiedra en Navidad.
«Their absence from rural accounts is almost certainly due to the fact that they were to be found in the parish.» — y cómo lee el silencio de las cuentas rurales: en la aldea no había que comprarlos.
«Certainly there appears to have been no sense in this period that either plant was chosen for arcane properties. It was the custom to fill buildings with greenery for any celebrations, and ivy and holly were simply, in Stow’s words, ‘whatsoever the season of the year afforded to be green’.» — la negativa que desactiva la lectura esotérica: en ese periodo no consta que acebo o hiedra se eligieran por propiedades arcanas, sino por ser lo verde disponible.
«the use of mistletoe in medieval or Tudor English Christmases.» — la negativa que importa a la leyenda druídica: no hay referencia al uso del muérdago en las Navidades inglesas medievales o Tudor; la frase arranca en la plana anterior.
«As a custom of demonstrable pagan origin, irrelevant to any of the requirements of the Christian religion, decking with greens would not recommend itself to Protestant reformers.» — el caso que Hutton usa para medir la reacción protestante: un adorno de origen pagano demostrable y sin función cristiana.
«The latter seem to have regarded it as too trivial to be worth denunciation in print, but it is noticeable that, as a Protestant national Church was constructed under Edward VI, payments for the Christmas foliage vanish from the surviving churchwardens’ accounts, with the exception of those for the London parish of All Hallows Staining.» — [CUENTAS PARROQUIALES] el dato que no está en los libros impresos sino en las cuentas: el pago del follaje desaparece al construirse la Iglesia protestante bajo Eduardo VI.
«Equally significant is the fact that they reappear in the reign of the Catholic Mary, as generally as before, and persist widely in the first decade after the more moderate Reformation of Elizabeth. From that decade, however, the custom atrophied again as Protestantism spread at the local level, until by 1590 it had almost vanished.» — y el vaivén que Hutton alinea con esa lectura: reaparecen bajo María, persisten diez años tras la Reforma isabelina y se atrofian hasta casi desaparecer en 1590.
«From the 1590s, however, it began to wax again as part of a much wider drift back towards ornamentation and ceremony now that the population had been decisivly converted from Catholicism and these phenomena were no longer regarded as so dangerous by many Protestants.» — la explicación del regreso del adorno: una deriva más amplia hacia el ornato y la ceremonia, una vez que la población ya no se tenía por católica.
«The practice does not seem to have been a test of general attitudes to religion, for at Chester it was certainly readopted in parishes which had prominent ‘puritan’ ministers.» — y la negativa que lo acota: el adorno no era prueba de partido religioso, pues volvió a adoptarse en parroquias de ministros puritanos notorios.
«The sole known exceptions were the two parish churches flanking the royal winter palace of Whitehall,7 which must be linked to the fact that Elizabeth herself paid for holly and ivy to deck the palace each Christmas.8» — [CUENTAS DE WHITEHALL] las dos únicas parroquias que siguieron adornando flanqueaban el palacio de invierno de la reina, que pagaba de su bolsa el acebo y la hiedra del palacio.
«Around 1600 western towns such as Chester and Bristol began to deck their churches with Christmas greenery again, and over the following forty years the revival spread across the nation, so that by 1639 it obtained (for example) in twenty-three out of the fifty-one London parishes which have left good records for that year. Only at Norwich does it seem to have been very muted, the proportion there being one church out of four.» — la medida del regreso, contada parroquia por parroquia: veintitrés de cincuenta y una en Londres en 1639, y solo una de cuatro en Norwich.
«Robert Herrick, writing in the 1620s or 1630s, listed holly, ivy, rosemary, bay, and (at last) mistletoe as the favourites.» — [HERRICK] la primera lista poética que incluye el muérdago entre los verdes favoritos de la Navidad.
«Another botanist could comment in 1656 that mistletoe ‘is carried many miles to set up in houses around Christmas-time, when it is adorned with a white glistening berry’.» — [BOTÁNICO DE 1656] el muérdago llevado muchas millas para ponerlo en las casas por Navidad.
«It is an illustration of its popularity that, despite this, St Michael at Gloucester, St John Baptist at Bristol, and three London churches all continued to be given their seasonal holly and ivy in the 1650s although none can be shown to have held Christmas services.» — [CUENTAS PARROQUIALES] el dato que separa lo seglar de lo litúrgico: cinco iglesias siguieron comprando acebo y hiedra en los años cincuenta sin celebrar oficio de Navidad.
«The custom had begun, and long remained, one of common people, found in farm kitchens, cottages, and servants’ quarters.» — y su asiento social: costumbre de gente común, de cocinas de granja, casitas y cuartos de servicio.
«The custom of kissing under a bunch of foliage seems to have commenced in the late eighteenth century,» — la datación del *kissing bush*: no antes de finales del siglo XVIII; la frase sigue en la plana 67 con su mapa de difusión, del Yorkshire hacia el sur.
«The ‘bush’ could be made of mistletoe alone, and this plant was often a valued component in it, either because of some significance (never explained) or simply because it was relatively hard to find and so acquired the value of scarcity.» — y la lectura del muérdago, con las dos posibilidades puestas una junto a otra sin arbitrar: algún significado nunca explicado, o el simple valor de lo escaso.
«As should be clear from the sources cited above, the hanging of mistletoe is well recorded from the seventeenth century; but the kissing custom seems to have been a device of the next one.» — la distinción cronológica que sostiene el caso: colgar muérdago está documentado desde el siglo XVII, pero el beso es invención del XVIII.
«Washington Irving, in his short story ‘Christmas Day’ (1819), gave his readers a romantic frisson by suggesting that it was a pagan plant, beloved of Druids and never trusted by the Church.» — [IRVING] la fuente del prestigio pagano del muérdago: un relato de 1819 que se lo atribuye a los druidas y a la desconfianza de la Iglesia.
«In reality, churchwardens’ accounts prove that it was employed in church decoration from the time that it became fashionable in the seventeenth century.» — [CUENTAS PARROQUIALES] y lo que las cuentas registran: muérdago empleado en el adorno de las iglesias desde que se puso de moda.
«Herrick had asserted that it remained in the home until Candlemas, the traditional end of winter, and that the superstitious believed that the house would be haunted by a goblin for every twig left behind.» — [HERRICK] el plazo del adorno y la creencia asociada: hasta la Candelaria, con un duende por cada ramita que quedara.
«Generally in England and Wales, however, and also in Ireland, the decorations were now removed on the day after Twelfth Night,23 although in Devon and the Welsh Marches the ‘kissing bush’ was left up for the year in the belief that it gave magical protection to the house.» — la variación local del plazo, con la excepción de Devon y las Marcas galesas, donde el *kissing bush* se dejaba todo el año por protección.
«It is Scotland which presents the largest contrast, for references to decking with midwinter greenery are rare; the exception is that holly was often hung in the house by Highlanders, especially upon New Year’s Eve, ‘to keep out the fairies.’» — el contraste escocés: adornar con verde de pleno invierno apenas se menciona, salvo el acebo colgado por los Highlanders para dejar fuera a las hadas.
«Nevertheless, as said before, midwinter merry-making was kept up by many Scots, with sufficiently detailed accounts of it to make the comparative silence about holly and ivy surprising.» — y por qué el silencio sigue siendo llamativo pese a esas razones.
«In 1725 Henry Bourne, a Newcastle clergyman, commented that many people in the north of England lit huge ‘Christmas candles’ on Christmas Eve.» — [BOURNE] las *Christmas candles* del norte de Inglaterra, encendidas en Nochebuena.
«The aim was to fill a family’s common living space with light, just as churches had been on Christmas morning before the Reformation.» — la lectura que Hutton hace de la vela navideña: llenar de luz la sala común, como las iglesias la mañana de Navidad antes de la Reforma.
«It was only missing from the Northern and Western Isles, where wood was scarce, from southern and central Scotland, where Christmas was hardly celebrated in the nineteenth century, and from East Anglia and most of south-eastern England, where it seems to have been considered unsophisticated by then. It was above all a tradition of rural districts, where logs were readily obtainable.» — y su mapa negativo, explicado por causas materiales y no por herencia: falta donde no hay leña, donde no se celebraba la Navidad y donde ya se tenía por poco fino.
«That tradition was apparently first recorded in Britain by Robert Herrick, writing in the 1620s or 1630s, He called it ‘the Christmas log’, and portrayed it as being brought to the farmhouse by cheering lads, whom the farmer’s wife rewarded with all the drink that they could take.» — [HERRICK] el primer registro británico del leño, con los mozos que lo traen y la granjera que los paga en bebida.
«He also commented that the presence of the log was thought to bring prosperity, and that it was lighted to music, with the remnant of the last year’s one. The latter, he added, was believed to protect the house from evil if laid up there safely during the intervening months.» — [HERRICK] y las creencias que ya lleva adheridas: prosperidad, encendido con música y con el resto del leño del año anterior, guardado como protección.
«disparity: early parish and household accounts are not available for Scotland; the Christmastide festivities were banned across much of the country during the time from which most evidence survives; and the favourite winter plants would be hard to find in some parts of the north.» — las tres razones que Hutton da al silencio escocés sobre el adorno vegetal antes de leerlo como ausencia de costumbre; la frase arranca en la plana anterior con *There are several apparent reasons for the*.
«Folklorists have usually called it the Yule Log, a name indeed found across its English range although it was known by many others. Yule Clog was a favourite in the north-east and the north-east Midlands, although also heard in Devon. Yule Block was often used in the west Midlands and West Country, with the variants Gule Block in Lincolnshire and the Stock or the Mock in Cornwall.» — los nombres ingleses del leño de Navidad, condado por condado, tal cual los traen las fuentes.
«In Wales it was Y Bloccyn Gwylian (the Festival Block), in the Scottish Highlands the ‘Yeel Carline’ or ‘Yeel Cyarlin’ (the Christmas Old Wife), and in Ireland Bloc na Nollaig (the Christmas Block).» — y los nombres galés, gaélico e irlandés del mismo leño, con su traducción dentro del texto.
«Bourne opined that it might have descended from an Anglo-Saxon fire ceremony of the winter solstice, and Sir James Frazer added it to his collection of putative pagan fire rituals from ancient Europe.» — [BOURNE, FRAZER] las dos adjudicaciones paganas del leño que Hutton pasa a discutir: una ceremonia de fuego anglosajona del solsticio y la colección de rituales de fuego de Frazer.
«Even von Sydow, however, conceded that at times the log was regarded as conferring some kind of magical protection upon the home; and this function is abundantly clear in the earliest account of it in Britain, that of Herrick.» — la enmienda de Hutton a von Sydow: hasta él concedía la función protectora, y esa función está clara en el testimonio británico más antiguo.
«In the British examples, at least, the aspects of competition and frivolity are much more to the fore. They tend to emphasize the sheer size of the log, usually sufficient to fill a hearth and often enough to be dragged in by a team of men or by one or more horses. It was not traditionally taken from any special species of tree, but from those most readily available which provided the best logs for burning.» — y lo que las fuentes británicas sí subrayan: competencia y jolgorio, con el leño tomado no de una especie especial sino de la que mejor ardía.
«In parts of Montgomeryshire, the ashes of the log were put on the cereal fields to fertilize them.42 The people of Penistone in Derbyshire preferred to pile them in the cellar, ‘to keep the witch away.’» — las asociaciones mágicas que sí aparecen, localizadas: ceniza en los trigales en Montgomeryshire y ceniza en el sótano en Penistone.
«It is hard to argue conclusively that any of these local variants were originally integral to the custom, rather than grafted onto it, and the other early British sources, Aubrey and Bourne, say nothing about superstitions equivalent to those in Herrick. The matter therefore remains open.» — el registro de indecisión con que Hutton cierra el leño: no hay cómo saber si esas variantes eran integrantes o injertadas, y el asunto queda abierto.
«Herrick, perhaps significantly, did not write about the custom despite his long residence in Devon, and indeed there is apparently no mention of it until the end of the eighteenth century.» — la negativa que fecha el *ashen faggot*: Herrick vivió en Devon y no lo menciona, y no hay noticia de él hasta fines del siglo XVIII.
«The Yule log vanished steadily from the late nineteenth century onwards, removed by the reduction in farm labour and the disappearance of the oldfashioned open hearths.» — la causa material de la desaparición del leño: menos jornaleros y menos hogares abiertos; *oldfashioned* sale pegado porque el troceo parte la palabra al fin de renglón.
«As the proprietors, or a particular villager, provide the faggot, there are, however, no longer any free drinks at any of these places.» — y lo que queda del rito reciprocado cuando el pub lo sostiene: ya no hay bebidas gratis en ninguno de esos sitios.
«ONE of the most important aspects of the Yule season in eighteenth-century Shetland was ‘saining’, signifying rituals intended to safeguard people and property against the powers loose in that time of darkness and also during the coming year.» — la definición de *saining*: ritos para resguardar a personas y bienes de los poderes sueltos en el tiempo oscuro y durante el año que entra.
«It began on ‘Tul-yas-e’en’, seven nights before Yule Day, when farmers would put a straw cross at the entrance to the cornyard, hang a plait of hairs from all the beasts on the croft over that of the byre, and carry a burning peat through the outbuildings.» — [TESTIMONIO DE SHETLAND] la secuencia concreta del *saining*: cruz de paja en la entrada del corral, trenza de pelos de todas las bestias y turba encendida por las dependencias.
«On Yule E’en itself the house was cleaned and all locks polished, after which an iron blade was left inside the main door to scare off trows (trolls), and a light burned all night.» — y el resto del ciclo: casa limpia, cerraduras bruñidas, hoja de hierro tras la puerta contra los *trows* y una luz encendida toda la noche.
«In the 1770s Thomas Pennant recorded that people burned it in front of their cattle upon New Year’s Day.» — [PENNANT] el enebro quemado ante el ganado el día de Año Nuevo en las Highlands.
«During the following century it was still observed as being set alight in houses and byres upon that date or on Yule morn, all openings being stuffed to hold in the acrid smoke, as a literal and spiritual fumigation.» — la forma que Hutton identifica como el núcleo del rito: fumigación literal y espiritual, con las aberturas tapadas para retener el humo.
«In 1714 the kirk session at Inveravon in Banffshire passed ‘an act against clavies’, a local word apparently derived from the Gaelic cliabh, a basket, and referring to pots or torches of fire carried round cornfields and byres of livestock at this season to bless them.» — [ACTAS DE INVERAVON] la *clavie* nombrada en un acta de 1714, con su etimología gaélica y su uso.
«In the nineteenth century the people making it would use only a stone hammer, following the very old Highland belief that metal should not be employed in the lighting of a sacred fire» — [TESTIMONIO DE BURGHEAD] el martillo de piedra con que se hacía la *clavie*, por la vieja creencia de que el metal no debe emplearse al encender un fuego sagrado.
«Burghead is not, however, itself an old town, but one designed in the early nineteenth century, and it looks as if a genuine local tradition was transplanted there, and endured, precisely because it provided a focus for an artificial (and isolated) community.» — la lectura que Hutton hace del caso: Burghead es una fundación del siglo XIX, y la tradición arraigó allí justamente por dar foco a una comunidad artificial.
«The swinging of fireballs (ropes and rags soaked in paraffin and tied in wire cages) at Stonehaven, near Aberdeen, was commenced under Victoria.» — la datación de las bolas de fuego de Stonehaven: costumbre iniciada bajo Victoria.
«It developed out of a Methodist watch night service in about 1858, although the local people now believe that it is pagan and prehistoric.» — el caso de Allendale, que Hutton deja como desacuerdo consignado: nació de un oficio metodista hacia 1858 y la gente del lugar lo tiene hoy por pagano y prehistórico.
«It was sponsored by the local Total Abstinence Society after 1870, to divert the island’s young men from their accustomed drunken rowdiness on Christmas Eve and New Year’s Eve.» — [UP-HELLY AA] el origen documentado de la procesión vikinga de Lerwick: una sociedad de abstinencia que buscaba desviar a los mozos de la borrachera.
«The name is derived from Upholiday, the Lowland Scots’ one for Twelfth Day, brought to Shetland by immigrants at that period; now, however, the festival is used as a means to assert the islanders’ separate cultural identity from the rest of Scotland.» — y su función actual, cambiada: el nombre viene del *Upholiday* de los Lowlands y la fiesta sirve hoy para afirmar una identidad separada del resto de Escocia.
«Put together, this makes quite an impressive list, but it represents a number of communities very widely separated on the map.» — la cautela con que Hutton lee una lista larga: son comunidades muy separadas en el mapa, no una tradición regional.
«The lack of a well-recorded regional custom behind most is the more striking in comparison with the other Scottish ritual fires, at Beltane, Midsummer, and Hallowe’en.» — y el contraste que lo hace notable: los otros fuegos rituales escoceses —Beltane, mitad de verano, Hallowe’en— sí tienen tradición regional documentada.
«The only midwinter fires recorded there (other than on the hearth) were lit on cliff-tops in the Isle of Man, upon 21 December, called ‘Fingan Eve’. ‘Fingan’ to the Manx merely signified cliffs, and there were no rituals or superstitions connected with the blazes.» — [TESTIMONIO MANÉS] la negativa que corta la analogía céltica: los únicos fuegos de pleno invierno son los de los acantilados de Man, y sin rito ni superstición asociados.
«Most of these practices may be more useful in teaching us about the way in which certain small Scottish towns defined and regulated the sense of community in the nineteenth century.» — la reasignación que Hutton propone para esos fuegos: dicen más sobre cómo ciertos pueblos escoceses definieron y regularon su sentido de comunidad en el siglo XIX.
«It may well have been pre-Christian, and can certainly be said to have come down from prehistory in the limited sense that it was long firmly established by the eighteenth century, when accounts of the culture of the region begin.» — y el calibre que sí concede al *saining* de las islas occidentales, con la acotación del *limited sense* dentro de la misma frase.
«The first to record it was Dr Johnson, on Coll in the 1770s, who was told how a man dressed in a cow’s hide would run round the hall of a laird’s house or castle at New Year, while others beat him with sticks. Their gambols would drive the rest of the people outside, and they could only be readmitted after speaking a verse.» — [JOHNSON] la primera noticia del rito de la piel de vaca, tomada en Coll en la década de 1770.
«One, wearing the cow’s hide, would run three times sunwise (deosil or deiseal, the lucky direction) around the outside of the building, while others hammered at the hide. This would gain the attention of the family inside, who would admit the party.» — [RAMSAY] la forma plena del rito: tres vueltas en el sentido del sol alrededor de la casa, con los demás golpeando la piel.
«Each then lit a small piece of the hide on the end of a staff and held it, smouldering, to the nose of every person and pet animal in the home, believing that the pungent smoke (like the burning juniper further east) would drive away ill luck.» — [RAMSAY] y su núcleo: el humo pungente de la piel quemada llevado a la nariz de cada persona y de cada animal de la casa.
«This seems to have been a debasement, into a glorified party game, of a ritual next mentioned by John Ramsay, recalling the last third of the» — y la lectura de Hutton: lo que Johnson vio ya era el rito degradado en juego de fiesta, frente al que describe John Ramsay para el último tercio del siglo XVIII.
«The reference to the three old women is a riddle, as the third is plainly a quern, but it also has a striking echo of the pagan European veneration of triple goddesses (especially strongly marked among the Irish) and of the common Irish and Welsh fear and reverence of the hag.» — la lectura que Hutton propone para las tres viejas de la rima, con el eco pagano dicho como eco y no como filiación.
«All told, specific accounts of the animal-hide blessing come from the whole of the Hebrides except for Skye and Jura, and from parts of Argyll on the mainland. It had died out everywhere by the mid-nineteenth century.» — el mapa y la fecha de muerte del rito de la piel: todas las Hébridas salvo Skye y Jura, y extinguido a mediados del siglo XIX.
«The local names for it, a calluinn, a challuinn, or na callaig, all signify a New Year gift or a New Year blessing; a fairly exact equivalent of the Lowland Scots ‘hogmanay’.» — y la equivalencia que enuncia entre los nombres gaélicos del rito y el *hogmanay* de los Lowlands.
«Sir James Frazer proposed that it was a relic of the worship of a sacred animal, portions of whose sacrificed carcase were distributed for luck.» — [FRAZER] la adjudicación que Hutton pasa a discutir: reliquia del culto a un animal sagrado cuya carne se repartía por suerte.
«It may be suggested instead, once more, that the fumigation was the essential part of the rite, juniper being employed in the east and animal skin in the west.» — y la lectura alternativa que propone, marcada como sugerencia: lo esencial era la fumigación, con enebro al este y piel al oeste.
«The custom was also, like that of the ashen faggot, one of hospitality and social reciprocity, as the boys usually expected a reward.» — el segundo eje que le reconoce: hospitalidad y reciprocidad social, porque los mozos esperaban recompensa.
«Most are well recorded by the early modern period, and they may quite easily have descended directly from pagan practices, although it is also possible that they developed outward from the domestic wassail.» — las dos genealogías posibles del *wassailing* del sur de Inglaterra, puestas una junto a otra sin arbitrar: descendencia directa de prácticas paganas, o desarrollo a partir de la copa doméstica.
«It is first mentioned at Fordwich, Kent, in 1585, by which time it was already in part the preserve of groups of young men who went between orchards performing the rite for a reward.» — la primera mención del *wassail* de los árboles frutales, en 1585, y ya entonces oficio de cuadrillas de mozos que cobraban.
«John Aubrey, describing West Country customs in the same period, said that on Twelfth Eve men ‘go with their wassel-bowl into the orchard and go about the trees to bless them, and put a piece of toast upon the roots, in order to it’.» — [AUBREY] la forma del rito en el West Country: van al huerto con la copa, rodean los árboles para bendecirlos y ponen una tostada en las raíces.
«We have here, then, two rather different versions of the rite, with different words, observed a few miles from each other in the same generation.» — el desacuerdo que Hutton consigna sin armonizar: dos versiones del mismo rito, con palabras distintas, a pocas millas y en la misma generación.
«The shots were later explained to (or by) folklorists as attempts to drive away evil spirits; Bob Pegg has recently suggested that they could, as plausibly, have been merely an expression of high spirits.» — el desacuerdo sobre los disparos al huerto, con las dos lecturas nombradas: espíritus ahuyentados, según los folcloristas, o pura algazara, según Bob Pegg.
«During this period the custom was recorded, as it had apparently always been, in three distinct areas. One consisted of eastern Cornwall, Devon, west and south Somerset, and the western fringe of Dorset. The others were southern Surrey and northern Sussex, and western Worcestershire.» — las tres zonas en que se registra el *wassail* del manzano, que Hutton trata como distribución y no como resto disperso.
«In the West Country it was the responsibility of workers on the farms concerned or (occasionally) of the whole parish, going on a round. In the Surrey and Sussex Weald it was the preserve of groups of labourers going from property to property and soliciting reward.» — la diferencia social entre las dos zonas: en el oeste lo hacen los de la propia granja, y en el Weald cuadrillas que van de finca en finca a cobrar.
«The date of the operation could be any of the Twelve Days, Christmas Eve, New Year’s Eve, and Twelfth Eve all being favourites; as the calendar was shifted twelve days in 1752, some of the observations were left behind in what was now mid-January.» — la fecha variable del rito y el rastro del cambio de calendario de 1752, que dejó algunas observancias en pleno enero.
«It was gone from Worcestershire by the middle part of that century and vanished in the Weald and from most of the West in the early decades of the next one. In Devon various attempts were made to revive it from the 1920s onward, but none seems to have lasted.» — la curva de declive del *wassail* del manzano y el fracaso de los intentos de revivirlo en Devon desde los años veinte.
«Having lapsed twice since 1900, it is now famous enough to be secure and includes the full accompaniment of guns and soaked bread and the standard rhyme out of Brand.» — el caso de Carhampton, donde Hutton señala de dónde sale hoy la rima que se canta: del libro de Brand.
«This includes the innovation of a Wassail Queen who performs the blessing, but otherwise the ritual is similar, as is the amplitude of the hospitality.» — y la innovación declarada como tal en el revival de Norton Fitzwarren: una Reina del Wassail que hace la bendición.
«originally have been gifts to the tree, though latterly it was said in some places that they were for robins, regarded as lucky birds.» — la doble explicación del pan mojado en las ramas, una junto a otra: don al árbol en origen, y comida para los petirrojos según se decía después; la frase arranca en la plana anterior con *The cakes and bread may*.
«The latter was a distinctive form of wassailing confined to the region around the Wye and lower Severn.» — la segunda forma de *wassail*, la de fuego, acotada a la región del Wye y el bajo Severn.
«In 1791 another Herefordshire correspondent of the Gentleman’s Magazine noted that the activity was called ‘wassailing’, that it was accompanied by a lot of shouting, and that at one time on Twelfth Eve fifty or sixty such fires could be seen at once.» — [GENTLEMAN’S MAGAZINE] la escala del rito según un corresponsal de 1791: cincuenta o sesenta hogueras visibles a la vez la víspera de Reyes.
«It took place upon Twelfth Eve, Twelfth Night, or Christmas Eve, and was commonly held to prevent blight from striking the next year’s crop.» — la función que se le atribuía: impedir que el tizón atacara la cosecha del año siguiente.
«There was no generally accepted theory of what the fires represented: some held that they symbolized the apostles, and some that they were witches, while the single large fire was to some Judas, to others the Virgin Mary, and to yet others, Old Meg, a traditional Herefordshire heroine.» — el hallazgo que Hutton subraya: los propios practicantes no tenían una teoría común de lo que las hogueras representaban.
«As a reflection of the popular assumption (which in this case may well be correct) that such traditions are survivals of ancient pagan ceremonies, it was confidently stated that the large fire represented the sun, and the twelve smaller fires the months of the year.» — [REVIVAL DE LEOMINSTER, 1994] la interpretación que el revival da por sentada: la hoguera grande es el sol y las doce pequeñas los meses.
«All the servants of every particular farmer assemble together in one of the fields that has been sown with wheat; on the border of which, in the most conspicuous or most elevated place, they make twelve fires of straw, in a row;» — [PENNANT] la descripción de 1776 del *wassail* de fuego: doce hogueras de paja en hilera al borde del trigal; la frase sigue en la plana 82, donde en torno a la mayor beben sidra a la salud del amo y al éxito de la cosecha futura.
«interpretation never credited to the country people who used to light them.» — la enmienda documental con que Hutton cierra el revival de Leominster: esa lectura solar nunca se atribuyó a la gente del campo que encendía las hogueras.
«In the Ross on Wye district twelve fires were made in a horseshoe pattern, with a tall pole in the centre crowned with a human effigy of straw, called ‘the Maiden’ or ‘the Mary’. This was set alight as well.» — [TESTIMONIO DE ROSS ON WYE] la variante con efigie de paja llamada *the Maiden* o *the Mary*, quemada también.
«A curious outlier of the tradition was also recorded in the 1820s at Stanton, on the edge of the Staffordshire Moorlands, where men ran around wheat fields with torches of straw on Twelfth Night ‘to scare witches and other enemies’.» — el caso aislado de Stanton, con antorchas de paja alrededor de los trigales para espantar brujas y otros enemigos.
«Aubrey described another form of wassail among West Country ploughmen: on Twelfth Eve ‘they go into the ox-house to the oxen, with the Wassellbowl and drink to the ox with the crumpled horn that treads out the corn; they have an old conceived rhyme’.» — [AUBREY] el *wassail* al buey: entran al establo con la copa y beben al buey del cuerno retorcido que trilla el grano.
«The bowl, decorated with evergreens and filled with hot spiced ale, was passed round while a toast was sung. Then a basket, similarly decorated and containing a cake, was put on the animal’s horns. If he remained quiet, it was taken as a good omen.» — [TESTIMONIO DE GALES DEL SUR] la forma galesa del rito al buey, con el cesto y la torta en los cuernos y el presagio leído en su quietud.
«The large area between the northern Scottish saining and the southern English wassailing was occupied by the tradition of the First Foot; the belief that the nature of the first person to enter a home at the New Year (usually members of the household) determined its luck during the coming twelve months.» — la definición del *First Foot* y su geografía: ocupa el espacio entre el *saining* escocés y el *wassailing* inglés.
«indeed, the only parts of Britain in which it was not found by the nineteenth century were the Northern and Western Isles, and most of the Highlands of Scotland, and the quarter of England south of Leicestershire and Suffolk and east of Wiltshire and» — el mapa negativo del *First Foot*, que Hutton mide por donde falta y no solo por donde está; la frase sigue en la plana 84.
«Across this huge range, the favoured First Foot was almost always male, preferably adult and darkhaired.45 This preference served, of course, to reinforce prevailing stereotypes of gender dominance and biological normality.» — la lectura que Hutton hace del *First Foot* preferido: varón, adulto y moreno, reforzando estereotipos de dominio de género y de normalidad biológica; *darkhaired* sale pegado porque la capa de texto pierde el guion.
«There, the visit of a woman on New Year’s morn was regarded as unlucky even if many men had preceded her, while an actual female First Foot could be blamed for deaths or monstrous births in the household.» — [TESTIMONIO DE SHROPSHIRE] la forma más dura de esa misoginia: la visita de una mujer culpada de muertes o de nacimientos monstruosos.
«Carmarthenshire and Cardiganshire people provided a more equitable balance of fortune by holding that it was lucky for each person to come across a member of the opposite sex on a first journey at New Year.» — el contraejemplo galés, que reparte la fortuna: es afortunado encontrarse con alguien del sexo contrario.
«What needs to be stressed is that scattered across the range of the custom were places which, by local caprice, had different priorities (without suffering any worse luck).» — el punto que Hutton subraya contra toda lectura unitaria: hay sitios con prioridades distintas por capricho local, y no les fue peor.
«Around Bradford and Huddersfield in Yorkshire’s West Riding, the single taboo still enforced everywhere else was joyfully broken, and a red-haired man was considered lucky, along with all shades of blonde.» — y el caso extremo: donde el único tabú común se rompe y el pelirrojo cuenta como afortunado.
«Despite its very wide distribution, there is no doubt that the custom was most elaborate and highly developed in northern England and the Lowlands of Scotland, and may indeed have sprung from there.» — el foco del *First Foot* según Hutton: más elaborado en el norte de Inglaterra y los Lowlands, y quizá nacido allí.
«In County Durham the First Foot had to bring bread and a bottle of spirits, and recite: ‘Happy New Year t’ye! God send ye plenty! Where ye have one pound note I wish ye may have twenty’.» — [TESTIMONIO DE DURHAM] la forma completa del rito, con su fórmula hablada.
«There seems to have been a tendency for First-Footing further south in England, and in Wales, to grow more ornate in the twentieth century, until it reached northern standards.» — el movimiento inverso al que suele contarse: el rito se vuelve más ornamentado en el sur en el siglo XX, hasta igualar el patrón del norte.
«As this account would indicate, the custom did not, like those described above, atrophy as the modern period wore on. Indeed, in the mid-twentieth century it actually extended its range as immigration and improved communications carried it into south-eastern England.» — y su ampliación en pleno siglo XX, llevada por la inmigración y las comunicaciones al sureste de Inglaterra.
«What is far more difficult to determine is how long it has been operating, for there is apparently no record of it anywhere before the eighteenth century.» — la negativa documental sobre el *First Foot*: no hay registro alguno anterior al siglo XVIII.
«The absence of data, however, is only relative, and it is surprising that, had the First Foot enjoyed its later importance from the Middle Ages, it is apparently not mentioned in a single poem, ballad, household account, or kirk sessions minute.» — y el argumento con que Hutton pesa ese silencio: de haber tenido su importancia posterior desde la Edad Media, algo habría dejado en un poema, una balada, una cuenta o un acta de sesión.
«In nineteenth-century Lancashire a dark-haired man could earn up to 10s. in gold each time by going door to door in a wealthy district after midnight on New Year’s morn.» — [TESTIMONIO DE LANCASHIRE] el lado económico del rito: un hombre moreno podía ganar hasta diez chelines en oro por ronda.
«It is possible (but no more) that the custom gained importance with the increasing intensity with which the Scots celebrated the New Year, and then travelled south into England.» — la hipótesis con su calibre explícito: pudo crecer con la intensidad del Año Nuevo escocés y viajar de ahí al sur.
«The former were commonly used in the Highlands of Scotland during the early nineteenth century, households sharing some of a pitcher of spring water on New Year morning and sprinkling some of the rest in each room.» — la bendición por agua en las Highlands: agua de manantial compartida la mañana de Año Nuevo y asperjada por los cuartos.
«They would go about at any time from 3 a.m. on New Year’s Day, carrying jugs of water and tufts of evergreen or sea spurge. With these they would sprinkle passing people and call at houses offering to shake drops in each room.» — [TESTIMONIO DE PEMBROKESHIRE] la misma bendición apropiada por los niños como medio de ganancia.
«No observer of this chant could ever make sense of the last four lines.» — la negativa que Hutton deja escrita sobre el canto del agua nueva: nadie ha podido dar sentido a sus cuatro últimos versos.
«The custom went into decline from the latter part of the century, when it was increasingly stigmatized as begging, but lingered at Tenby into the 1940s or 1950s.» — y la causa de su declive, que no es religiosa: pasó a tenerse por mendicidad.
«In much of lowland Scotland, northern England, and the West Midlands it was considered very bad luck to give anybody a light from one’s own home upon New Year’s Day, for the luck of the house would be stolen with it.» — la prohibición de dar lumbre el día de Año Nuevo, porque con ella se iría la suerte de la casa.
«Those unhappy enough to have their fire go out on 1 January would be left without one until the following day, and this situation was only altered with the invention of safety matches.» — y lo que costaba cumplirla, hasta que la cerilla de seguridad cambió la situación.
«The symbolism and context of the tradition is plain enough; what remains baffling is why it should have occupied this particular geographical range.» — el límite que Hutton deja dicho: el símbolo se entiende, y lo que sigue sin explicación es por qué ocupa ese territorio y no otro.
«The expectation that resident landowners would entertain tenants and guests from the neighbourhood continued right up until the later nineteenth century, when the decline of British agriculture and increasing rural depopulation put paid to the old social and economic relationships of the countryside.» — la fecha en que Hutton da por terminada la hospitalidad señorial y la causa que le adjudica: el declive de la agricultura británica y la despoblación rural.
«Just as agricultural workers had their sheep-shearing feasts and harvest homes, so artisans held equivalent festivities associated with medieval patron saints, at a time of year when food was abundant but the season of privation on its way.» — la lógica de las fiestas de oficio: caen cuando la comida abunda y la escasez se acerca.
«They began near the end of autumn, with the day of the cobbler saints Crispin and Crispinian on 25 October.» — la apertura del ciclo de oficios, en el día de Crispín y Crispiniano.
«On 23 November fell the old feast of Clement, patron of ironworkers, carpenters, blacksmiths, and anchor-makers.» — y la fiesta de Clemente, con los oficios que lo tenían por patrón.
«It cannot be a coincidence that this county had a thriving early iron industry; until 1860 the corporation of one centre of it, Walsall, threw apples and nuts to the crowd on this date from the windows of the town hall.» — la correlación que Hutton señala entre el oficio y el territorio: Staffordshire tenía industria del hierro temprana.
«Blacksmiths celebrated with especial exuberance in nineteenth-century Hampshire and Sussex, commonly exploding gunpowder on their anvils and holding suppers at inns in some small towns.» — [TESTIMONIOS DE HAMPSHIRE Y SUSSEX] los herreros haciendo estallar pólvora sobre los yunques en su día.
«this procession, which developed in the late eighteenth century, became controversial in the nineteenth when it became attended by a mob carrying torches and throwing fireworks. In 1837 it frightened a horse pulling an omnibus into bolting through a shop window, and was stopped soon after.» — el final de la procesión de Woolwich, suprimida tras un accidente en 1837: una costumbre que muere por orden y por causa fechable.
«The queen in these places, and at Chatham, was supposed not to be the saint but the historic Catherine of Aragon, remembered as a special friend of the poor and alleged foundress of lace schools and the ropery.» — la sustitución que Hutton registra: la reina de la fiesta no era la santa sino Catalina de Aragón, recordada como amiga de los pobres.
«None the less, she was honoured on the saint’s feast day, which provided a special prominence for the women of the community, who were the principal practitioners of the skills concerned.» — y lo que la fiesta daba a cambio: prominencia especial para las mujeres de la comunidad, que eran quienes ejercían los oficios.
«Finally, 30 November was St Andrew’s Day, ‘Tandrew’ in Northamptonshire and Bedfordshire, where the lace-making villages chose to celebrate now instead of upon the feast of Catherine; perhaps because unlike the latter it was still a holy day under the post-Reformation Church of England.» — la conjetura con que explica el cambio de fecha en los pueblos encajeros: San Andrés seguía siendo día santo tras la Reforma y Santa Catalina no.
«What is likely, but less easy to document, is that most had developed along with the proliferation of such domestic industry in the course of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, a process which peaked along with most of the observations towards the end of that period.» — la genealogía que propone para las fiestas de oficio, marcada como probable y difícil de documentar: nacen con la industria doméstica de los siglos XVII y XVIII.
«What is striking about them all is their intense regionalism; there were smiths all over England, but only those of two southern counties made much of ‘Clem’.» — el rasgo que Hutton subraya: el regionalismo intenso, que impide leerlas como herencia general.
«Most were held upon feasts which had not been included in the Church’s official calendar since 1559, and depended upon medieval associations of the saints concerned.» — y la antigüedad que sí les reconoce: caen en fiestas borradas del calendario oficial en 1559 y dependen de asociaciones medievales.
«The story of these festivities is a neat illustration of how popular culture managed with an equal intensity to be localized, constantly creative, conservative, and independent.» — la tesis de cultura popular que Hutton extrae del caso: localizada, creativa, conservadora e independiente a la vez.
«The same seems to be true of the chain of regional begging customs which occupied the same chronology in the same period and were calculated to appeal to the generosity of donors while supplies were still ample but winter had arrived.» — el criterio con que Hutton ordena las costumbres de pedir de principios de invierno: apelan a la generosidad mientras las despensas siguen llenas.
«Despite the close geographical proximity of the two, there was a sharp distinction between them, no villages containing them both, so that their distribution pattern in the overlap resembled that of a chess-board or quilt.» — el hallazgo cartográfico: *Clementing* y *catterning* nunca coinciden en un mismo pueblo, y su distribución dibuja un tablero.
«Really all that distinguished them was the date (not a constant difference) and the rhyme used.» — y la diferencia real entre ambas, reducida a la fecha y a la rima.
«The basic similarity to elementing (and souling) rhymes is obvious, structure and many lines being identical; the basic message is a demand for food, usually coupled with an appeal to the pious associations of charity and often with one to sympathy.» — la anatomía de estas rimas: demanda de comida, apelación piadosa a la caridad y apelación a la compasión.
«An oddity about catterning was that, by some caprice which no records explain, it was also found among the children of some villages in eastern Sussex.» — la anomalía que Hutton consigna sin resolver: el *catterning* aparece también en Sussex oriental, sin que los registros lo expliquen.
«The stated relationship between the saints was, of course, a local invention.» — y la adjudicación de la rima de Sussex, que hace a Catalina madre de Clemente: invención local.
«The words are not very appropriate to youngsters, and may well have been taken over from the earlier» — la conjetura de traspaso: las rimas del *Clementing* infantil no encajan con niños y pudieron tomarse de la tradición anterior de hombres adultos, según sigue la frase en la plana 92.
«In general, the rhymes which were essential to ‘legitimize’ the children’s begging customs were rare in this one, as its claim was held to be so self-evidently just.» — la observación de método sobre las rimas: legitiman la petición, y por eso faltan donde la petición ya se tenía por justa.
«The activity was known commonly as ‘Thomasing’, ‘gooding’, ‘mumping’, and ‘corning’, and occasionally as ‘doleing’, or ‘gathering’, or (frankly) as ‘Begging Day’.» — los nombres de la costumbre de San Tomás, incluido el que la llama por su nombre.
«‘Mumping’ seems to have derived from ‘mumper’, a common expression for a beggar, in turn based upon a dialect word signifying ‘to mutter’, as so many beggars were old and toothless.» — las etimologías que Hutton propone para esos nombres, empezando por *mumping*.
«Generally, however, it was associated with females, and in Sussex and Hampshire widows amongst them received double amounts.» — quién pedía: sobre todo mujeres, con doble ración para las viudas en Sussex y Hampshire.
«The practice was never a very just or rational way of relieving the poor, for it was the sickest, feeblest, and most heavily burdened who were least able to profit from it.» — la objeción de Hutton al propio rito de caridad: los más enfermos y cargados eran los que menos podían aprovecharlo.
«A more fundamental blow was struck by rising standards of living and more stable food prices, and the institution of old age pensions was decisive in terminating the tradition.» — y las causas de su muerte, todas fechables: nivel de vida, precios estables y la pensión de vejez.
«Few of those who abetted their demise were as gleefully forthright as a Mr Ray of Brewood in the Staffordshire ironworking belt: ‘Clementing was a great pest. I used to take my stick to them.’» — [RAY DE BREWOOD] el testimonio con que Hutton cierra el asunto, en boca de quien contribuyó a acabar con la costumbre.
«It is possible to suggest that the practice grew up during this period as traditional genteel charity and hospitality waned.» — la hipótesis alternativa que propone, marcada como sugerencia: la costumbre creció al menguar la caridad y la hospitalidad de la gente principal.
«The trouble is that, as stated above, there is no solid evidence that upper-class provision for the poor at this season ever was extensive enough to make make begging unnecessary.» — y la objeción que él mismo le pone: no hay evidencia sólida de que esa caridad fuera nunca bastante para hacer innecesaria la mendicidad.
«The rise of customary beggary on such a large scale is, therefore, a puzzle.» — el registro con que cierra: el auge de la mendicidad consuetudinaria a esa escala queda como enigma.
«The season provided a triple reason for such services to be offered: they were much in demand, poorer people had an exceptional need for extra earnings, and the absence of opportunity for agricultural work, fishing, or trading left their practitioners seeking alternative employment.» — la explicación económica de los visitantes con espectáculo: demanda alta, necesidad de ingreso extra y falta de trabajo agrícola.
«Some in England offered varieties which had become more normally associated with other seasons, such as morris dancing, which in the West Midlands was principally a Christmastide activity.» — el dato que descoloca el calendario recibido: en las Midlands occidentales la danza morris era sobre todo cosa de Navidad.
«It apparently never took root in most of the North Country, in Wales, or in Scotland,» — el mapa negativo del *Thomasing*, que Hutton usará contra la tesis de origen céltico: nunca arraigó en casi todo el norte, ni en Gales, ni en Escocia.
«Against it may be set the total absence of them from Wales and Scotland, and also from either literary sources or household accounts dating» — y las dos negativas con que la contesta: faltan por completo en Gales y Escocia, y tampoco aparecen en fuentes literarias ni en cuentas domésticas, según sigue la frase, *from before 1700*.
«Across much of England, and including London and Westminster, this was carried on by the town ‘waits’, the body of musicians retained by the corporation.» — quiénes cantaban villancicos por la calle: los *waits*, músicos asalariados de la corporación municipal.
«During the nineteenth century their repertoire consisted increasingly of the carols printed in national collections; they were as familiar a sight in the towns and neighbouring villages of Lancashire, Cambridgeshire, or Dorset as in the capital.» — y el efecto del impreso sobre el repertorio: cada vez más los villancicos de las colecciones nacionales.
«They tended to be less often equipped with musical instruments and their carols were inclined to be older although still usually drawn from a common stock found in national printed works. Different parishes or small towns did, however, make different selections and combine them in distinctive cycles.» — la variación local dentro de un repertorio impreso común: cada parroquia elegía y combinaba en ciclos propios.
«Once again, the heyday of this tradition seems to have been in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, and atrophy to have set in during the latter because of a withdrawal of public support.» — el apogeo y la caída del canto de villancicos por cuadrillas, con su causa: se retiró el apoyo del público.
«There young men variously called gillean nollaig (Christmas lads), fir duan (song men), gaisearan (guisers), or nuallairean (rejoicers) went about providing Gaelic carols and wearing long shirts and tall white hats to imitate surplices and mitres.» — [TESTIMONIO DE LAS HÉBRIDAS] los mozos que cantaban villancicos gaélicos con camisones largos y sombreros blancos, imitando sobrepellices y mitras.
«They combined the choruses with a typically Hebridean blessing rite by putting the youngest child of a household on a white lambskin and carrying it three times around the fire; the baby was held to represent the Christ Child or Lamb of God.» — y el rito de bendición que acompañaba al canto: el niño más pequeño llevado tres veces alrededor del fuego sobre una piel de cordero.
«One is from Exmoor, where the carollers were called Holly Riders. They made tours of the remote farms carrying lanterns and wearing a sprig of holly on jacket or coat and a holly wreath around each hat. After each performance they were rewarded with pennies or with cakes and cider.» — [TESTIMONIO DE EXMOOR] los *Holly Riders*, que recorrían las granjas remotas con linternas y ramitas de acebo.
«In Wiltshire the visits occurred in ascending order of importance. The children would be out singing from house to house for up to a month before Christmas, and the adults only appeared after dark upon the Eve itself. They usually numbered about a dozen, with lanterns, fiddles, and viols, performing through the middle of the night and ending each serenade with the cry, ‘Good Morning, we wish you a Merry Kersmass and an Happy New Year.’ Two of them would reappear at breakfast time with a collecting box.» — [TESTIMONIO DE WILTSHIRE] el circuito jerarquizado: los niños durante un mes y los adultos solo en la noche de la víspera.
«In the mid-seventeenth century this remained especially associated with young women, and could already be a matter for grumbling: the famous lawyer John Selden became momentarily a forerunner of Scrooge when he complained to friends of ‘wenches with wassells at New-Year’s-Tide’ who ‘present you with a cup and you must drink of the slabby stuff, but the meaning is, you must give them monies, ten times more than it is worth’.» — [SELDEN] la queja del jurista contra las mozas del *wassail*, que Hutton usa para fechar la costumbre y su carga de obligación.
«On Christmas Eve 1759 a young girl at Wootton Wawen, in Warwickshire’s Forest of Arden, saw ‘two tall women’ call at her grandmother’s house, carrying between them a large wassail bowl ‘finely dressed on the outside with holly, mistletoe, ribbons, Laurustinus, and what other flowers could be had at that season’. The brew inside was offered in a ‘pretty silver cup’, and the women sang a ‘long carol’.» — [TESTIMONIO DE 1759] la descripción de la copa del *wassail* llevada por dos mujeres, con su adorno vegetal y su copa de plata.
«The story of the song is almost a classic case of how folklore could be disseminated; it was printed and published by a Mr Rann of Dudley in 1819, specifically for the use of local wassailers, and soon became their favourite all across the north Midlands.» — el caso que Hutton usa como modelo de difusión del folclore: una canción impresa en 1819 para uso de los *wassailers* locales, vuelta favorita de toda la región.
«Much more famous was the Gloucestershire wassail carol noted down by Samuel Lysons in the late eighteenth century and published prominently in the hugely influential edition of John Brand’s collection of folklore brought out in 1813, upon which Mr Rann (among many others) drew for material:» — [LYSONS, BRAND] la genealogía impresa del villancico de Gloucestershire, del que bebieron los demás.
«This song, or very similar versions of it, was subsequently found throughout the whole southern English zone in which the wassail bowl was taken round villages and towns; comprising southern Cornwall, northern Dorset, most of Somerset, Gloucestershire, Wiltshire, and Herefordshire.» — y su difusión posterior por toda la zona meridional donde la copa iba de casa en casa.
«The standard verses were given still further prominence by being collected again in Gloucestershire by Ralph Vaughan Williams at the end of the century and published by him in turn;45 although they never quite eclipsed some completely different local wassailers’ songs.» — [VAUGHAN WILLIAMS] la segunda ronda de difusión impresa, a fin de siglo, que aun así no eclipsó del todo las canciones locales.
«In the last three of those areas it was children who had appropriated them, and the variants used were often corrupt; the West Midland renderings usually began ‘whistle, wastle, through the town’, or even ‘wisselton, wasselton, who lives here?’» — la corrupción de la letra al pasar a los niños, con las formas que las fuentes registran.
«It seems to have been in the eighteenth century that the carrying of it from house to house became, for reasons which the sources do not provide, purely a western custom.» — la negativa de causa, dicha como tal: la copa quedó como costumbre del oeste por razones que las fuentes no dan.
«In the early 1790s, for example, only one elderly couple still perambulated Guthlaxton Hundred in Leicestershire every Christmas, ‘with a fine geegaw which they call a Wassail’, and it was expected that the practice would die with them; as apparently it did.» — [TESTIMONIO DE LEICESTERSHIRE] el último matrimonio que llevaba la copa por el Hundred, y la previsión de que la costumbre moriría con ellos.
«In at least some places in Sussex, those gathered to drink from it first walked round it sunwise, stirring it with silver spoons.» — [TESTIMONIO DE SUSSEX] el giro en el sentido del sol alrededor de la copa, removida con cucharas de plata.
«In South Wales the bowl was taken house to house in search of profit, as a direct geographical extension of the practice of the English West Country.» — la lectura geográfica del caso galés: extensión directa de la práctica del West Country inglés.
«There, by the 1810s, women or children were observed going from house to house with a box instead of a bowl, likewise decorated with greenery and ribbons. Instead of containing drink, it held fruit and sugar, or (very often) a decorated doll to represent the infant Jesus.» — [TESTIMONIOS DE YORKSHIRE] la caja del *wassail* con muñeco del Niño Jesús dentro, en lugar de la copa.
«The assemblage was covered with a cloth or glass front, which was raised to allow those who gave food or money to view it: a procedure very similar to that of southern and midland English May-dolls, although it is not clear how the two traditions were related.» — y la comparación con las muñecas de mayo, dejada como pregunta abierta.
«In 1932 some of the former Cornish wassailers were still alive and healthy even though the practice was by then obsolete; an observer commented bluntly of them that they gave it up when they no longer needed to beg.» — [OBSERVADOR DE 1932] la explicación que dio quien los conoció: dejaron la costumbre cuando dejaron de necesitar pedir.
«They sing traditional local wassailing carols and offer beer or cider from the bowl, getting money in return which they now donate to charity.» — y la inversión del sentido en el revival: se recoge dinero, pero ahora para donarlo a la beneficencia.
«the custom functions there neither principally as a fund-raising exercise, nor as an entertainment, but as a bonding exercise in communal solidarity.» — la función que Hutton adjudica al *wassail* revivido de Curry Rivel: ni recaudación ni espectáculo, sino ejercicio de solidaridad comunal.
«where the perambulating bowl had died out or never been adopted: in much of northern England, the northwest Midlands, and Sussex.» — la distribución complementaria que Hutton observa: la copa doméstica floreció bajo Victoria justo donde la ambulante había muerto o nunca se adoptó; la frase arranca en la plana anterior.
«The ancient tradition of New Year’s gifts, and the helpful ambivalence of the word ‘hogmanay’, signifying either a present or a blessing, encouraged many poorer people, and especially the young, to solicit charity at that time.» — la explicación del *hogmanay* como costumbre de pedir: la palabra significa a la vez regalo y bendición, y esa ambivalencia lo autorizaba.
«Some of these rhymes also reached Skye, though the fact that they were recited in English indicates that they were recent importations from the Lowlands when recorded there in the nineteenth century.» — el criterio con que Hutton fecha una importación: la rima se recita en inglés en una isla gaélica, luego es reciente.
«If spurned, they would pile a cairn of stones near the door as a warning to others, and tramp off shouting:» — [OIDHCHE CHALLAIG] lo que hacían los mozos ante una puerta cerrada: un montón de piedras junto a ella como aviso a los demás.
«Sometimes it was secularized to ‘Queen Mary’, although as the only Scottish queen of that name was a Catholic, it achieved no more to Protestantize the verse than turning St Catherine to Catherine of Aragon.» — el paralelo que Hutton traza entre dos sustituciones fallidas: la Virgen vuelta reina María protestantiza tan poco como Santa Catalina vuelta Catalina de Aragón.
«The Welsh form of the tradition was to go door to door on New Year’s morning asking for the calennig or calenia, signifying a New Year’s gift.» — la forma galesa de pedir de Año Nuevo, con su nombre propio.
«It was not youths who carried out this work but local poor people in general, although it increasingly became a children’s custom in the course of the nineteenth century.» — y el desplazamiento social que Hutton fecha: de los pobres en general a los niños, a lo largo del siglo XIX.
«In its most elaborate form, it consisted of an apple or orange, resting on three sticks like a tripod, smeared with flour, stuck with nuts, oats or wheat, topped with thyme or another fragrant herb and held by a skewer.» — [TESTIMONIOS DEL SURESTE DE GALES] la fábrica del *calennig*: manzana o naranja sobre tres palos, enharinada, claveteada de nueces y coronada de hierba.
«These three components, of fruit, cereal or nuts, and herb, were supposed to represent the gifts of the Three Wise Men, of sweetness, wealth, and immortality.» — la exégesis que se le daba al objeto: los tres dones de los Magos, dulzura, riqueza e inmortalidad.
«Again, it is possible that what had been an adult practice had descended to children, for in Herefordshire, at least, back in 1821 it had been the ‘peasantry’ in general who sent the token round, but only their youngsters by the 1880s.» — y el mismo desplazamiento medido en Herefordshire entre 1821 y la década de 1880.
«The whole arc of England between the calennig and the ‘hagmena’, comprising the west and north Midlands and Yorkshire, was occupied by an almost identical parallel to both, distinguished only by its rhymes and its often explicit linkage to the custom of the First Foot.» — el arco inglés que une las dos costumbres, distinguido solo por sus rimas y por su enlace con el *First Foot*.
«Throughout, there was an opportunism and a flexibility in their application, as illustrated nicely at the Shropshire village of the folklorist Charlotte Burne, where in the 1880s ‘souling’ was checked by the disapproval of a new vicar but ‘Thomasing’ burgeoned with the arrival of a rich and open-handed family.» — [TESTIMONIO DE BURNE] el caso que muestra la plasticidad de estas costumbres: una decae por el nuevo vicario y otra florece por una familia rica recién llegada.
«There is, then, excellent evidence for early and mid-winter begging customs, sanctioned within particular traditional forms, across more or less the whole of Britain and its satellite islands during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.» — el balance del capítulo 6: la evidencia de costumbres de pedir de principios y mitad de invierno es excelente para los siglos XVIII y XIX.
«What is important, and also frustratingly difficult to ascertain, is the antiquity of these traditions. It has already been suggested that in England the wassailing customs go back at least to the beginning of the seventeenth century, while ‘Thomasing’, for all its later importance, does not.» — y lo que sigue sin poder fijarse: la antigüedad de esas tradiciones, con el *wassailing* datado en el XVII y el *Thomasing* no.
«At first sight the Scottish islands promise still more antiquity for their equivalents; after all, the standard rhyme in the Northern Isles refers to a religion proscribed in the sixteenth century, while the Gaelic curse from South Uist called upon the wild boar, extinct in Scotland by the seventeenth, and the wolf, reduced to a tiny number by 1700 and last recorded in 1753.» — el argumento de antigüedad que las islas parecen ofrecer: la rima nombra una religión proscrita en el XVI y la maldición invoca jabalí y lobo ya extinguidos.
«The problem with the former argument is that an appeal to antiquity could be a way of legitimating an action; the reference to ‘King Harry’s day’ at Richmond is probably in this category, as is the appeal of children begging at New Year in eighteenth-century Cumberland to ‘the bounty we were wont to have in old King Edward’s days’.» — y la objeción que Hutton le pone: apelar a la antigüedad es una manera de legitimar lo que se pide, como en las rimas que invocan a reyes antiguos.
«The Hebridean curse also refers to the bear, an animal which had been wiped out all over the British Isles by the Middle Ages; so that either it is amazingly old or else it assembled a catalogue of well-known European menaces, starting with those actually found in the Hebrides by the eighteenth century and moving on to bears and ghouls.» — y la objeción al segundo argumento, con las dos lecturas puestas una junto a otra: o la maldición es asombrosamente vieja o es un catálogo de amenazas europeas conocidas.
«Bereft of either records or inferential evidence, a historian can only leave the matter open. What is beyond doubt is the major importance of these traditions in the years around 1800.» — el registro con que cierra: sin documentos ni evidencia inferencial, el historiador solo puede dejar el asunto abierto, y lo indudable es la importancia de estas tradiciones hacia 1800.
«In a class of their own were the midwinter ritual plays and dances which have always excited much more interest among folklorists; and they now deserve a proportionately extended treatment.» — la bisagra al capítulo siguiente, con la razón dicha: las obras y danzas rituales de pleno invierno son las que más interés han despertado entre los folcloristas.
«The typical Mummers’ Play opens with a naive introduction in which one of the performers craves the spectators’ indulgence, asks for room and promises a fine performance. When this is concluded the two protagonists appear, and after each has boasted of his valour they fall to fighting.» — [TIDDY] la definición del argumento típico de la *Mummers’ Play*, con que abre el capítulo.
«In this duel one or the other is wounded or killed. A doctor is then summoned who vaunts his proficiency in medicine and proceeds to revive the fallen hero. Here the main business of the play ends. It is now the turn of minor characters to enter and provide irrelevant amusement of a simple sort. One of them collects money and the performance finishes with a song.» — [TIDDY] y el resto de la secuencia: muerte, doctor que resucita al caído, personajes menores, colecta y canción.
«everywhere St George or King George was the most common champion, fighting either a Saracen knight or a swaggering soldier called, most frequently, Slasher.» — los personajes fijos de la obra: San Jorge o el rey Jorge contra un caballero sarraceno o un soldado fanfarrón.
«The tone was consistently comic and the structure loose, with no integrated plot, love interest, or sense of historic setting.» — la descripción formal que Hutton subraya, y que juega contra la lectura ritual: tono cómico, estructura suelta, sin trama integrada ni sentido de época.
«The key point of the performance came when the men meshed swords to form an interlocking pattern called the lock or the nut, which was laid on the ground, held breasthigh, or raised overhead.» — el momento central de la danza de espadas: la traba de las hojas en la figura llamada *lock* o *nut*.
«Scores of local names were substituted for those commonly given to the cast and, although they were roughly divided into two regional traditions by the Thames valley,» — la tensión que la obra plantea y que Hutton subraya: decenas de nombres locales y dos tradiciones regionales separadas por el valle del Támesis, con armazón constante y diferencias enormes de detalle.
«transvestite stepped into the ring and the lock was placed around his neck; sometimes a spectator was put in this position.» — lo que se hacía con la figura de espadas trabadas: ponerla alrededor del cuello del travestido, del bufón o de un espectador.
«For most of that century they were viewed primarily as colourful pieces of drollery or as a means for working men to make extra money to provide for their Christmas celebrations;» — cómo se leyeron obra y danza durante casi todo el siglo XIX: como bufonada vistosa y como medio de ganar dinero para la propia Navidad.
«Such notices began to be replaced, from the last decade of the century onward, by others, marked with a new tone of acute interest and profound respect. No new evidence had been produced; what had happened was that scholars were looking at the entertainments with different eyes.» — la observación historiográfica central del capítulo: no apareció evidencia nueva; lo que cambió fue la mirada de los estudiosos.
«The same pattern was traced in Ireland, where the play was found only in areas of English immigration even though it overlapped easily with some native popular entertainments.» — y el mismo patrón en Irlanda: la obra solo donde hubo inmigración inglesa, pese a encajar bien con entretenimientos nativos.
«Welsh locations were in the Glamorgan coalfield, where it had fairly obviously been introduced from England.» — el mapa de la obra fuera de Inglaterra: en Gales solo en la cuenca minera de Glamorgan, y llevada allí desde Inglaterra; la frase arranca en la plana anterior con que nunca llegó a las Highlands.
«The play at Marshfield, in the Cotswolds north-east of Bath, was recreated in 1932 by Violet Alford. She happened to be the sister of the vicar, and employed her enthusiasm and her social status to reproduce the action after a lapse of about fifty years.» — [ALFORD] el caso de Marshfield: una obra recreada en 1932 tras medio siglo de interrupción.
«Expediency forced her to compromises, so that a work formerly performed on several nights, by boys, and indoors, now became the preserve of men, operating out of doors upon St Stephen’s Day.» — y las transformaciones que esa recreación impuso: de varias noches a una, de niños a hombres, de puertas adentro a la calle.
«Against her will the performers insisted upon adding a town crier and a closing song, but she in turn impressed upon them the idea that they were enacting an ancient ritual and that they formed a magic circle as they worked.» — el intercambio que Hutton registra entre la folclorista y los actores: ellos añadieron pregonero y canción final, y ella les inculcó que representaban un rito antiguo.
«Once patched together, this new version of the play became ‘traditional’, to be reproduced without innovation or deviance thereafter.» — y el resultado: esa versión nueva quedó como *tradicional*, a reproducir sin innovación ni desviación.
«Frequently the texts used were those published by folklorists, so that the majority of those employed in recent Dorset revivals, for example, actually came from outside the county.» — la consecuencia documental de los revivals: la mayoría de los textos usados hoy en Dorset viene de fuera del condado.
«What all these recreations had in common was that they were invariably undertaken in the belief that an ancient ritual was being saved from oblivion; without this it is unlikely that the performances of nineteenth-century working men would have excited anything like the same degree of interest.» — la lectura que Hutton hace de todos los revivals: sin la creencia de estar salvando un rito antiguo, las funciones de unos obreros del siglo XIX no habrían despertado ese interés.
«As Chambers had seen at the beginning, the belief possessed one serious weakness: the extant records of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England were filled with references to popular customs, but included not a single one to this supposedly ancient folk» — la objeción documental que Hutton pone en el centro, y que Chambers ya había visto: los registros de los siglos XVI y XVII rebosan de costumbres populares y no traen una sola mención de este drama.
«Mummers indeed there were in plenty but none was described as performing the combat- and-resurrection play. The contrast with the luxuriant evidence from the nineteenth century could hardly, in fact, have been more complete.» — y la formulación precisa de esa negativa: hubo *mummers* de sobra y de ninguno se dice que representara el combate y la resurrección.
«The earliest full text was found in a printed, chapbook, version, dating from anywhere between 1746 and 1769 and intended specifically to be used by groups requiring a piece of theatre to be acted around Christmastide.» — la datación del texto completo más antiguo: un pliego de cordel impreso entre 1746 y 1769 para uso de quienes necesitaran una pieza que actuar en Navidad.
«Before then came only four lines, extracted from a play of this sort acted around Exeter in about 1738, and it was only after 1750 that references to the custom began to multiply across the country, and in the American colonies.» — y lo que hay antes: cuatro versos de hacia 1738, con las referencias multiplicándose solo después de 1750.
«It does not, however, describe the action, and is not an original document. It is, rather, one of a collection of jottings made by the antiquary Thomas Crofton Croker, probably in the 1820s. In this case his source is lost, and its worth, or his accuracy of transcription, cannot be verified; for example, a slip when copying the date, of ‘1685’ for ‘1785’ would make a crucial difference.» — el examen del único testimonio aparentemente temprano, el de Cork: no describe la acción, no es documento original y un desliz de copia en la fecha lo cambiaría todo.
«The genre of such dances was very well established in Germany and the Netherlands from the fourteenth century onward, sometimes including formations of dancers, and the locking of blades in a pattern, later found in England.» — el linaje continental de la danza de espadas: bien establecido en Alemania y los Países Bajos desde el siglo XIV, con las figuras que luego aparecen en Inglaterra.
«The problem with all this is that the ‘lock’, and the additional characters, are not recorded in England until 1777, when the antiquary John Brand watched such a dance on Tyneside.» — y la negativa que lo acota: el *lock* y los personajes añadidos no se registran en Inglaterra hasta 1777.
«How the Germanic, Dutch, or Flemish sword dance got into Yorkshire or the Shetlands, and when, is anybody’s guess.» — la negativa que Hutton deja abierta sobre el eslabón que falta.
«The actual origins of the play and the dance thus remain a mystery.» — el registro con que Hutton deja la cuestión: los orígenes reales de la obra y de la danza siguen siendo un misterio.
«It therefore looks at present as if the Mummers’ Play and the sword dance with the locked blades evolved between 1700 and 1750, spreading rapidly thereafter and reaching a peak of popularity in the early nineteenth century. This seems to have been the consensus among those directly concerned with the issue since 1980, with an emphasis upon the importance of printed sources such as chapbooks in spreading the play.» — la cronología que Hutton da por consensuada desde 1980: la obra y la danza con espadas trabadas nacen entre 1700 y 1750 y se difunden por impreso.
«As the performances seem invariably to have been given by labouring men, artisans, or youths, to earn extra money, their wide and speedy dissemination can only be explained by the facts that the presenters were in need of food, drink, or cash, and the audiences found the drama acceptable entertainment;» — la explicación económica de esa difusión rápida: quienes actuaban necesitaban comida, bebida o dinero, y el público lo aceptaba como espectáculo.
«Flora Thompson, in her semi-fictionalized account of childhood in a south Midland hamlet in the 1880s, made the telling comment that mummers never visited her settlement because it was too small to be financially worth while.» — [THOMPSON] el testimonio que Hutton alinea con esa lógica desde dentro: a su aldea no iban *mummers* porque era demasiado chica para que compensara.
«Unhappily, the observation of both performers and audiences in the crucial period 1750–1850 was so slight and careless as to furnish very little information about either.» — la deuda documental del periodo decisivo: entre 1750 y 1850 nadie miró de cerca ni a los actores ni al público.
«The actual evolution of the play remains a complete mystery, and a very intriguing one as the assemblage of characters and sequence of action is apparently unlikely.» — y lo que a Hutton le parece más notable del enigma: el reparto y la secuencia de acción son en sí improbables.
«It should perhaps be stressed again how remarkable this silence is to a specialist in early modern studies. The Early Morris Project, to be discussed later, has recovered several hundred references to morris dancing before 1700,» — el argumento con que Hutton pesa el silencio documental: el proyecto sobre el morris recuperó varios centenares de menciones anteriores a 1700, y del drama folclórico, según sigue la frase en la plana 120, no hay ni una.
«The particular comparison no longer works, because there is now considerable doubt as to whether the Giant itself is older than the late seventeenth century.» — y por qué esa comparación ya no sirve: hoy se duda de que el Gigante mismo sea anterior al siglo XVII.
«This sort of deity does not, however, seem to have been popular in ancient Britain, and how this image manages to leap-frog over a thousand years to turn up in eighteenth-century England is a real puzzle;» — y la objeción que él mismo le pone: ese tipo de deidad no parece haber sido popular en la Britania antigua, y el salto de mil años queda sin explicar.
«All told, the collapse of the theory of pagan origins has created more problems that it has solved in the quest for the origins of the Mummers’ Play.» — el balance del capítulo: la caída de la tesis de los orígenes paganos dejó más problemas que los que resolvió.
«Piggott’s instinct was, however, a sound one, because Beelzebub does look amazingly like the ancient Celtic god-form venerated in Gaul under the name of Sucellus and in Ireland as the» — la enmienda con que Hutton salva la intuición de Piggott: Belcebú se parece mucho a la forma divina céltica venerada en la Galia como Sucellus y en Irlanda como el *Daghda*, figura masculina con maza y caldero.
«All the recent works of this sort concur that the action is intended to be at once comic and disturbing.49 The dance is both stylish and menacing.» — lo que la investigación reciente sí adjudica a la obra: una acción a la vez cómica e inquietante.
«Through their essential lack of realism, they make acceptable the representation of social misconduct, mock violence, irony, and disrespect; in many ways they are a popular counterpart of the professional theatre of (say) Brecht.» — y la función que Hutton les adjudica: por irreales, vuelven aceptable la representación de la mala conducta, la violencia fingida y la falta de respeto.
«In general the plays entertained and amused, and served as a platform for people who were articulate and yet normally denied a means to express themselves or win esteem within a local society.» — la función social que les reconoce: plataforma para gente elocuente a la que la sociedad local no daba otro modo de expresarse.
«Some honoured the past, some parodied it, and some afforded a romantic journey into it. Like a club or a sports team, all provided cohesion for small groups within a wider community.» — y la variedad de sentidos que conviven en ellas, consignada sin reducirla a uno solo.
«I asked one of them if he thought that his play was pagan. He replied that, whether it was ancient or not, it was certainly pagan in spirit, for nothing could be less Christian than the resurrection from death of a braggart, performed by a quack armed with a medicine bottle.» — [MUMMER DE WATERLEY BOTTOM] la respuesta de un actor a la pregunta de Hutton, que traslada la cuestión de la antigüedad al espíritu de la pieza.
«I asked him if he regarded it as a ritual. He answered that anything becomes a ritual if you have to do it ten times in a single night.» — y su definición de rito, que Hutton deja sin comentar más que para decir lo que le pareció.
«The play’s characters are essentially outcasts; devils, tramps, half» — el reparto leído por su posición social: todos son marginales —diablos, vagabundos, y en el renglón siguiente *half-wits*, curanderos y aventureros fanfarrones—.
«The tradition represents a tremendous reaffirmation of communal pride and solidarity in this small and normally quiet settlement; nobody is allowed to take part in either procession unless their family has lived there for at least two generations.» — la función que Hutton adjudica al caballito de Padstow: reafirmación de orgullo y solidaridad comunal, con su regla de pertenencia.
«The details of this theory made it instantly recognizable as one propagated by one of Mrs Banks’s colleagues, Lord Raglan, ultimately based (like hers) upon those of Sir James Frazer, and systematically refuted within academe in the late 1960s.» — y el rastro de la teoría que los vecinos le contaron a él en 1985: Raglan sobre Frazer, revisada en la academia en los años sesenta.
«The official pamphlet printed by the town avoided any specific schemes of origin, simply stating that it is a Celtic custom about four thousand years old.» — y lo que el folleto oficial del pueblo afirma sin más: costumbre celta de unos cuatro mil años.
«The author of the account thought that such an entertainment was ‘not British’, that is, Cornish; and indeed all previous descriptions of the county are barren of references to it, including some, like that of Richard Carew, which pay particular attention to its customs.» — y las dos negativas que lo sostienen: el propio testigo de 1803 lo tenía por ajeno a Cornualles, y las descripciones anteriores del condado no lo mencionan.
«In the course of the nineteenth century some details of the Padstow celebration were dropped, such as the tall maypole which had been erected annually,4 and others were added, such as the second horse and the masks.» — el dato que Hutton pone contra la lectura de reliquia intacta: el rito perdió elementos y ganó otros durante el siglo XIX.
«There is no doubt that the frisson of ancient and arcane ceremony which has been attached to it is in large part responsible for its popularity, and indeed the ferocity of local pride manifested in Padstow on May Day, the pounding of the drums, and the clumsy lunges of the great beasts do combine to produce an archaic atmosphere of disturbing or exhilarating intensity; even though there is now no reason to assign the tradition a greater age than the late eighteenth century.» — la conclusión doble de Hutton, que no niega la experiencia y sí la datación: el aire arcaico es real y no hay razón para dar a la tradición más edad que el siglo XVIII.
«Its traditional role is to raise money from the spectators, and the inscription ‘Sailors’ Horse’ traditionally painted on its side may suggest that it was a particular venture of the town’s seamen.» — [MINEHEAD] la función del caballito y lo que su propia inscripción sugiere sobre quiénes lo sacaban.
«This is borne out by the earliest description, in 1830, when it was said that they, and the fishermen, used to bring out several hobby-horses each May Day and punish anybody who refused donations with a ceremonial beating.» — [TESTIMONIO DE 1830] la descripción más antigua del caballito de Minehead, con la paliza ceremonial a quien no daba.
«Model horses of this sort featured as common entertainments in early modern May-games, and it is no accident that those preserved to the present day should be found at that season.» — la explicación que Hutton da a la fecha de los caballitos supervivientes: eran diversión común de los juegos de mayo modernos tempranos.
«Thus, the royal court of Edward VI ordered thirteen hobby-horses for the Twelve Days in 1551-2, that of Elizabeth regularly provided sets of them for the same period, and the Crown officials in charge of Wisbech castle brought one out at Christmas 1594.» — [CUENTAS REALES] los caballitos como material de fiesta encargado por lote para los Doce Días.
«Gentry households obtained the same diversion by rewarding performers who toured them during ‘the Christmas time’; for example two in Essex did so in different generations, the Catholic Petres in 1576 and the Puritan Barringtons in 1635.» — y el dato que cruza la línea confesional: una casa católica y otra puritana pagando a los mismos comediantes.
«The name has no proven derivation, but the simplest one is that it refers to the ‘hooded’ man carrying it.» — la etimología del *Hooden Horse*, dada como la más simple y no como la probada.
«It was recorded from 1807 to 1908 but revived at Canterbury in 1952 and now flourishes again in the Whitstable area under the mantle of the ‘Ancient Order of Hoodeners’ (the word is traditionally pronounced without the ‘H’); its success has been due largely to the desire of many people in Kent to preserve a separate identity from London.» — la datación del *Hooden Horse* y la razón que Hutton adjudica a su éxito actual: el deseo de Kent de tener identidad separada de Londres.
«An essential part of the custom was that the group with the ‘mari’ would sing outside a house to be admitted and the inhabitants sang back providing a reason for refusal.» — [MARI LWYD] el núcleo de la costumbre: un duelo cantado de admisión y negativa entre los de fuera y los de dentro.
«After a few verses both parties began to extemporize, and continued until one or the other gave up; if those on the outside cracked first, they would appeal for generosity.» — y la forma del duelo: ambas partes improvisan hasta que una se rinde.
«It is a distribution which overlaps not only some very different economic regions but also crosses the boundary between English and Welsh-speaking districts, although more a feature of the latter.» — el mapa de la *Mari Lwyd*, que cruza a la vez regiones económicas distintas y la frontera lingüística.
«The tradition was first recorded in 1800, and seems to have become defunct in the early twentieth century; but it was revived at Llangynwyd, on the edge of the vale of Glamorgan, in the middle of that century.» — la datación de la *Mari Lwyd* y su extinción y revival.
«During the 1980s it also reappeared around Caerphilly, Llantrisant, and St Fagans in the same borderland between Vale and mountains, partly because of the need of Glamorgan people to reaffirm a sense of cultural identity during the collapse of traditional industries, and partly because of the presence of the Welsh Folk Museum in this area.» — y las dos causas que Hutton adjudica a su reaparición en los ochenta: la necesidad de identidad cultural ante el desplome industrial y la presencia del Museo Folclórico Galés.
«In the end the fiddler was blindfolded and put through a mock beheading, after which his head was laid in the lap of the Laare Vane and he had to answer questions about the nature of the coming year.» — [LAARE VANE] el rito manés que cierra con una decapitación fingida y un oráculo sobre el año que viene.
«There seems to be a genuinely old Celtic literary and folkloric motif here, of the magical properties of a severed head,» — el único elemento al que Hutton concede antigüedad céltica genuina en este capítulo: el motivo de la cabeza cortada.
«This northern ‘horse’ was first noticed in the 1840s, and seems to have become obsolete, again, in the early twentieth century.» — la datación del *Old Horse* del norte.
«Again, the first certain reference to the custom is in 1845, but unlike all its equivalents it has continued to flourish, as a seasonal means by which adolescents earn extra money.» — el *Old Tup*, primera referencia cierta en 1845, y el único de la serie que sigue vivo como medio de que los adolescentes ganen dinero.
«It was still a working-class tradition, based strongly upon families and finding its audience in pubs and clubs. It also retained a considerable variety of styles of performance and some of characters, the main difference being that girls were now included.» — y su forma actual, con el cambio que Hutton señala: ahora también participan muchachas.
«As such it represents the most noteworthy example of continuously performed regional ‘folk-drama’ in Britain.» — la adjudicación que le da: el caso más notable de drama folclórico regional representado sin interrupción en Gran Bretaña.
«It often accompanied the more usual wassail bowl, and its records occupy the same trajectory as most of the similar customs, appearing in the 1830s and ending a hundred years later.» — [EL BROAD] la misma trayectoria documental que casi todas las demás: aparece en la década de 1830 y termina cien años después.
«This was carried by youths in the Marlborough district until the 1830s, in noisy processions to mock neighbours whose partners were suspected of marital infidelity; horns were the traditional sign of a cuckold.» — [TESTIMONIO DE MARLBOROUGH] el *Wooset*, cráneo de caballo con cuernos de ciervo usado para escarnecer a los maridos burlados.
«They were used in just the same fashion in Wiltshire and Somerset back in the early Stuart period,28 and may well indicate the original association, if not the actual use, of the Ooser.» — y lo que Hutton propone para el *Ooser* a partir de ese uso, marcado como probable y no como probado.
«Their function was obviously to provide the poorer members of a community with another means of raising money or obtaining food and drink at midwinter.» — la función que Hutton da por evidente en todas las cabezas de animal: dar a los pobres un medio de recaudar en pleno invierno.
«What is less obvious is why the means should have taken this particular form.» — y la pregunta que sí queda abierta: por qué ese medio tomó justamente esa forma.
«The earlier writers who spoke confidently about such origins were greatly encouraged by the existence of a series of denunciations, issued by churchmen between the fourth and eleventh centuries, of popular practices at the traditional midwinter festivals.» — de dónde sacaban confianza los autores antiguos: las denuncias eclesiásticas de prácticas populares de pleno invierno entre los siglos IV y XI.
«These consisted pre-eminently of dressing up in the skins of animals, especially stags but also bulls, and also sometimes of ‘making the old woman’.» — y qué condenaban esas denuncias: vestirse con pieles de animal, sobre todo ciervo y toro, y *hacer la vieja*.
«The latter reference was sometimes clearly to ritual transvestism, of the sort often noted in British Christmastide customs, but at others it might have been to a hideous effigy representing winter and death, called ‘the Old Woman’ and ritually destroyed in parts of Italy, Sicily, Spain, and the Balkans until the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.» — las dos lecturas de esa segunda fórmula, puestas una junto a otra: travestismo ritual, o la efigie del invierno y la muerte destruida ritualmente en el sur de Europa.
«They originate from Italy, Spain, Greece, Africa, France, and Germany, although mainly from the first of those; there is a possibility that some of the directives concerned were merely repeating formulas found in others.» — y de dónde vienen, con la reserva de que algunas pueden estar repitiendo fórmulas de otras.
«The first is that none occurs after the very early eleventh century, although the publications of churchmen become still more abundant (and their anxiety about popular superstition remains constant).» — el primer problema de usarlas como evidencia: se acaban a principios del siglo XI aunque la literatura eclesiástica sigue creciendo.
«The second is that none of these texts refers to Britain.» — y el segundo, que Hutton deja en una sola frase: ninguno de esos textos habla de Gran Bretaña.
«The first concerns the Penitential issued by Theodore of Tarsus, archbishop of Canterbury in the late seventh century. About two centuries later it was copied by an unknown cleric working somewhere in what is now France or Germany, who made his own additions. One was a particularly vivid condemnation of the wearing of animal skins at midwinter celebrations.» — [PSEUDO-TEODORO] el primero de los dos errores eruditos que sostenían la evidencia británica: una adición continental a un penitencial inglés.
«Chambers himself, however, did accept a second apparent reference from an English source, a letter from St Aldhelm in the mid-seventh century which speaks of the former worship of the ermulus (a word which seems unique to this source) and the stag in pagan shrines.» — [ALDHELM] el segundo error: una carta del siglo VII que habla del culto al ciervo en santuarios paganos.
«While good evidence for a stag cult among the pre-Christian Anglo-Saxons, the passage has absolutely no connection with seasonal rites,» — y la enmienda de Hutton: el pasaje atestigua un culto al ciervo entre los anglosajones precristianos y no tiene conexión alguna con ritos estacionales.
«Although now performed on the first Monday after 4 September, it was in the early seventeenth century an entertainment of the Christmas season, and the date was probably changed when it was revived in the early eighteenth century, after a lapse of up to a hundred years.» — la Horn Dance de Abbots Bromley: hoy en septiembre, en el siglo XVII entretenimiento de Navidad, con la fecha cambiada probablemente al revivirla.
«In the nineteenth, the dancers acquired their present costumes and the addition of a man-woman who was subsequently called Maid Marian.» — y lo que el siglo XIX le añadió: los trajes actuales y un hombre-mujer al que después se llamó Maid Marian.
«with this man danced 6 others, carrying on their shoulders as many reindeer’s heads, three of them painted white and three red, with the arms of the chief families (viz. of Paget, Bagot and Wells) to whom the revenues of the town chiefly belonged, depicted on the palms of them, with which they danced the Hays, and other country dances.» — [PLOT] y los seis danzantes con cabezas de reno, pintadas de blanco y rojo y con las armas de las familias principales.
«To this Hobby-horse dance there also belonged a pot, which was kept by turns, by 4 or 5 of the chief of the town, whom they called reeves, who provided cakes and ale to put in this pot; all people who had any kindness for the good intent of the institution of the sport; giving a pence for themselves and their families; and so foreigners too, that came to see it; with which money (the charge of the cakes and ale being defrayed) they not only repaired their church but kept their poor too.» — [PLOT] la economía del baile, dicha por el propio Plot: con lo recaudado reparaban la iglesia y mantenían a sus pobres.
«The connection of the dance with parish finance seems to have been broken at the Civil War, when the lapse in the custom began.» — la fecha en que se rompe esa economía y empieza la interrupción de la costumbre.
«The date of the earliest record of the latter has now been pushed back to 1532, when it was already a well-established tradition; the hobby-horse alone is mentioned, but the antlers may have been present already and passed over in silence.» — el registro más antiguo, ya de tradición establecida, con la reserva sobre los cuernos dicha como tal.
«It was then called the Hobby-horse dance, from a person that carried the image of a horse between his legs, made of thin boards, and in» — [PLOT] la descripción de 1686 del baile tal como era hacia 1630, empezando por el caballito de tablas delgadas que un hombre llevaba entre las piernas.
«The latter have at last been submitted to a proper examination by naturalists and to chemical dating procedures, and were found to be, indeed, very old, for they were worn by reindeer which had been castrated, that is, domesticated, and lived at some time in the eleventh century.» — el dato que ninguna lectura folclórica había producido: los cuernos son de renos castrados, es decir domesticados, del siglo XI.
«This does, however, make them even more of a puzzle, as wild reindeer were certainly extinct in England and Wales, and probably in Scotland too, by that period; and there are no records of or archaeological traces of domesticated herds.» — y por qué ese dato agrava el enigma en vez de resolverlo: no había renos salvajes ni rebaños domesticados en Inglaterra en esa época.
«It has long been regarded as an archetypal relic of a pagan custom, and this plays a large part in the importance attached to it in the present.» — la reputación de la Horn Dance como reliquia pagana arquetípica, y el peso que esa reputación tiene hoy.
«It is, in effect, an Abbots Bromley original, and all the more worthy of respect for that.» — y la conclusión que Hutton saca de esa anomalía, que no es un desprestigio: es un original de Abbots Bromley.
«The priority which the Tudor and Stuart references give to the hobby-horse in the custom strongly suggests that this was the original component» — la lectura que Hutton propone para la Horn Dance: la prioridad que las fuentes Tudor y Estuardo dan al caballito sugiere que él era el componente original, con los cuernos injertados encima como añadido exótico.
«On the other hand, once the dance is stripped of its antlers it has a perfectly recognizable context, that of a north Midland tradition of hobby-horse dances employed to raise money for parish funds, which is well-attested in the early Tudor period.» — y el contexto que sí le encuentra una vez quitados los cuernos: una tradición del norte de las Midlands de bailes de caballito para recaudar fondos parroquiales.
«Virtually all the information comes from churchwardens’ accounts, of which only relatively few survive for this time in the region concerned.» — [CUENTAS PARROQUIALES] de dónde sale esa evidencia y cuán poca es.
«In the parishes concerned, it took the part of the church ales, May games, Plough Monday collections, and Hocktide bindings which were equivalent fund-raising events during the same age elsewhere in England.» — la función equivalente que le adjudica: lo que en otras partes hacían las *church ales*, los juegos de mayo y las colectas del Lunes del Arado.
«The Horn Dance, however, rose again, probably because of the glamour of those remarkable antlers, and survives, from this perspective, as a single living reminder of north Midland winter revelry half a millennium ago.» — la explicación que da a su supervivencia, marcada como probable: el prestigio de esos cuernos notables.
«The name itself is of no help, being a tautology as a ‘hobby’ was just a word used from the fourteenth century in England to denote a small horse.» — la etimología de *hobby-horse*, que Hutton desactiva como pista: es una tautología.
«How long it had been established before the first record of it in the 1520s is impossible to say, but it seems generally to have been» — la negativa sobre su antigüedad: cuánto llevaba establecida antes del registro de la década de 1520 es imposible de decir, y lo que sigue es su supresión general en la Reforma de 1547-9.
«but the first known record of the expression, and object, of hobby-horse is in a Welsh poem by Gruffudd Gryg, writing in Anglesey in the latter half of the same century. He called it by its English name and mocked it for having been a much-admired recent novelty, though it was actually ‘a miserable pair of lath legs, kicking stiffly’.» — [GRUFFUDD GRYG] el primer registro conocido del caballito, en un poema galés que se burla de él como novedad muy admirada.
«In 1460 the London parish of St Andrew Hubbard paid a child of one of its members ‘for dancing with the “hobye” horse’, as an unusual entertainment.» — [CUENTAS DE ST ANDREW HUBBARD] el segundo registro, y el adjetivo con que Hutton lo califica: entretenimiento inusual.
«Of these three early records, all that can be said with confidence is that a model horse with human ‘rider’ or operator was a popular entertainment in Britain by the late fourteenth century, having originated in England and reached North Wales by that period.» — lo que Hutton da por seguro a partir de esos tres registros, y solo eso.
«It was then a novelty to the Welsh, but there is no evidence of whether it was also one to the English, for the time concerned was the first in which records of seasonal customs begin to exist in anything more than an occasional and accidental form.» — y la precaución que añade sobre el silencio: el periodo es el primero en que hay registros de costumbres estacionales en forma no accidental.
«It is possible that the popularity of the tournament, from the twelfth century onward, may have inspired the entertainment of a model steed controlled by a human rider, but this is pure conjecture.» — la hipótesis del torneo como origen del caballito, con su calibre puesto por el propio autor.
«The various references make clear that it was primarily a comic entertainment, but one demanding considerable skill, to imitate the movements and noises of a real horse, and also stamina, as the framework must often have been quite heavy.» — lo que las fuentes sí dejan claro del caballito: entretenimiento cómico que exigía destreza y aguante.
«It soon became an almost integral part of the morris dance, and remained so until the 1630s, when horse and dance came apart again until the Victorian revival of May games in a Tudor image.» — la trayectoria del caballito dentro del morris, con su separación en la década de 1630 y su reunión en el revival victoriano.
«That suggestion gains a little further substance from the general loss of interest in the entertainment from the 1630s onward, as tournaments finally ceased to be a part of national culture.» — el argumento con que Hutton refuerza la hipótesis del torneo: el interés por el caballito cae cuando los torneos dejan de ser parte de la cultura nacional.
«By contrast, none of the surviving early modern pictures shows a pole-and-head animal, with the operator concealed under a sheet, of the sort commonly used in the nineteenth-century local customs.» — la negativa iconográfica: ninguna imagen moderna temprana muestra el caballo de palo y cabeza con el operador bajo una sábana.
«All this, however, is conjecture, and the eccentricity of the Linlithgow case is highlighted by the fact that neither hobby-horses nor the carrying of animal heads from door to door seem to be recorded in Scotland at any period.» — y la negativa escocesa que cierra la serie: ni caballitos ni cabezas de animal llevadas de puerta en puerta se registran en Escocia en ninguna época.
«There seem to be no demonstrable links between them, and after the most diligent possible search for some, E. C. Cawte was reduced to crying out that ‘there must have been something going on’.» — [CAWTE] el balance del capítulo: tres grupos de costumbres sin vínculo demostrable entre sí, y la exclamación a la que quedó reducida la búsqueda.
«All the features noted may owe their widespread and long-lived popularity to functional value, because two of the simplest ways of expressing festive licence and signalling the existence of legitimate misrule have always been for the sexes to cross-dress or for people to put on animal skins or masks. Both indicate the suspension of the normal.» — la explicación funcional que propone en su lugar: travestirse o ponerse pieles y máscaras son los dos modos más simples de señalar licencia festiva.
«Likewise, in societies in which most of this formalized misbehaviour is carried on by young men, young women are always going to be the favourite objects of attention.» — y la consecuencia que extrae sin recurrir a la fertilidad: donde el desorden lo llevan los mozos, las mozas serán siempre el blanco favorito.
«There seems to be no way of making any direct connection between the animal disguises cited in the early medieval clerical complaints and the early modern hobby-horse. Evidence from the intervening period is certainly so meagre that the problem may be one of surviving data, but there is also a mismatch between the two phenomena.» — la negativa sobre el eslabón medieval, con los dos motivos: escasez de datos y desajuste entre los dos fenómenos.
«The comparable case is the morris, which having been a nation-wide craze in the Tudor and early Stuart periods gradually evolved thereafter into a set of sharply delineated regional traditions, associated very often with areas peripheral to its original, metropolitan heartland such as Wales and its Marches, and Lancashire and Cheshire.» — el caso análogo con que Hutton construye su propuesta: el morris, de moda nacional a conjunto de tradiciones regionales periféricas.
«All depended for effect upon the same mixture of clowning and dexterity; all likewise provided opportunities for rather risqué and exciting licensed misconduct, as the model beast kicked, gambolled, and pretended to attack.» — la continuidad que sí le reconoce entre caballito y cabezas de animal: la misma mezcla de bufonada y destreza, y la misma licencia para lo osado.
«The present author, who has had that experience, must agree, and testify to the nervousness in the laughter of most spectators at the approach of something that is, and yet is not, a human being.» — Hutton pone su propia experiencia como testimonio, declarada como suya.
«As was said earlier of the celebrations at Padstow, these customs do have a way of communicating something genuinely archaic, whatever their actual age.» — y la fórmula con que cierra el capítulo, que separa la antigüedad de la experiencia: estas costumbres comunican algo genuinamente arcaico sea cual sea su edad real.
«disproof, and there is nothing inherently unattractive about it; there are, however, grounds for ‘reasonable doubt’.» — la objeción de método a la explicación de la fertilidad: no es refutable, y aun así hay motivos de duda razonable; la frase arranca en la plana anterior con *This explanation is not susceptible of*.
«turning into simpler, head-and-pole, forms, then it is possible to see patterns in the distribution; the survival of the ‘tournament’ horse in the south-west, the development of the isolated ‘hooden horse’ in East Kent and of the linked dramas of Old Tup and the Old Horse in the Sheffield region, and the evolution of the ‘white’ or ‘grey’ horses of southern Ireland, South Wales, and Man.» — la propuesta de Hutton con su condicional, que arranca en la plana anterior: si el caballito se volvió regional como el morris, la distribución de las formas modernas dibuja un patrón.
«In the Shetland Isles the ‘skeklers’ or ‘gulicks’ were abroad during the evenings of the Twelve Days; youths dressed in straw costumes with conical hats, handkerchiefs covering their faces.» — [TESTIMONIO DE SHETLAND] los *skeklers*, mozos con traje de paja y sombrero cónico durante los Doce Días.
«Doors were often left unlocked for them, and if they entered a household of their own social rank they sometimes claimed the right to kiss every woman in the room.» — [TESTIMONIOS DE ESCOCIA ORIENTAL] el derecho que los *guisers* reclamaban al entrar en una casa de su mismo rango.
«They entered houses without warning and expected to receive food and drink as of right; in 1868 a youth knocked down a couple at their door for refusing it.» — [TESTIMONIO DE BRADFORD] el caso en que la costumbre cambia de signo: el disfraz de Año Nuevo como invasión de los barrios acomodados.
«What had presumably begun as a tradition by which communal solidarity was reaffirmed had become one of social confrontation and aggression.» — y la lectura de Hutton sobre ese cambio: lo que se supone que empezó como solidaridad comunal acabó en confrontación social.
«The tradition seems to have undergone the same metamorphosis, as local society grew apart, as at Bradford.» — el mismo proceso en los *guise-dancers* de Cornualles, atribuido al distanciamiento de la sociedad local.
«Around 1800 they were welcomed as entertainers and poor neighbours, but by the latter part of the century ‘they often behaved in such an unruly manner that women and children were afraid to venture out. If the doors of the houses were not locked, they would enter uninvited, and stay, playing all kinds of antics, until money was given to them to go away’.» — [TESTIMONIO DE CORNUALLES] el contraste medido en un siglo: de bienvenidos a temidos.
«The masks provided an opportunity for anonymous attacks to settle grudges.» — y lo que el disfraz permitía entonces: ajustar cuentas en el anonimato.
«Thus, said a commentator in 1796, ‘by this sort of sport according to yearly custom and toleration, there is a spirit of wit and drollery kept up among the people’.» — [COMENTARISTA DE 1796] la función que el propio testigo le adjudica: mantener vivo el ingenio y la chunga entre la gente.
«What must be clear from the above is that festival disguise may in places have been an expression of merry-making, but was generally, by the nineteenth century, another part of the considerable number of ritualized means of making money or earning hospitality at midwinter.» — la tesis que Hutton extrae del disfraz festivo: para el siglo XIX era, sobre todo, otro medio ritualizado de ganar dinero u hospitalidad.
«The wren is the smallest bird native to Europe, and to kill it has generally been regarded as an especially craven and unlucky act, a belief equally well recorded among the ancient Greeks and Romans as among modern Italians, Spaniards, French, Germans, Dutch, Danes, Swedes, English, Welsh, and Scots.» — la creencia que da sentido a la caza del reyezuelo: matarlo se tenía por acto cobarde y de mal agüero en toda Europa.
«To the early medieval Irish writer Cormac of Cashel, one derivation of the Old Irish name for the wren, dreean, was from‘druién, druid-bird, i.e. a bird that makes prophecy’.» — [CORMAC DE CASHEL] la etimología irlandesa temprana del nombre del reyezuelo, que lo liga al druida y a la profecía.
«His theory may well be correct, but is not susceptible of proof or disproof because of the total lack of any record of the hunt in any ancient or medieval literature.» — y la medida que Hutton le pone, sin negarla: puede ser correcta y no hay cómo probarla ni desmentirla, porque no hay registro antiguo ni medieval de la caza.
«There the young men and women exchanged clothes or dressed in parti» — [TESTIMONIO DE SCILLY] el intercambio de ropa entre mozos y mozas y el vestido *parti-coloured* partido por la mitad, palabra que el troceo corta al fin de renglón.
«It may have been instead a striking demonstration of a festive suspension of norms, developed at a time when the old» — la lectura alternativa que propone: una demostración de suspensión festiva de las normas, nacida cuando la vieja superstición sobre matar al ave ya se había desgastado bastante como para burlarse de ella.
«In the nineteenth century the centre of the custom was Ireland, from which it may indeed have spread along the trade routes to France as well as Britain.» — el centro de difusión que Hutton propone para la caza del reyezuelo, y la ruta: las rutas comerciales desde Irlanda.
«It was found across the whole land with the exception of most of Ulster, an anomaly which may reflect the denser British settlement there.» — la anomalía del Ulster y la explicación que le da: el asentamiento británico más denso.
«It was first recorded in Ireland by Thomas Crofton Croker in 1824, as being well established in the form in which it was to endure; on St Stephen’s Day groups of ‘wren-boys’ went from house to house seeking money, carrying ‘a holly bush adorned with ribbons, and having many wrens depending from it’.» — [CROKER] la primera constancia irlandesa, ya en la forma que iba a durar.
«Occasionally in the later decades of the century the bird was carried in a box, and increasingly it became incidental to the entertainment offered by the lads, of dancing, songs, clowning, or mock combats.» — el desplazamiento interno de la costumbre: el ave se vuelve accesoria frente al espectáculo que ofrecen los mozos.
«They survive, however, in districts such as the Dingle peninsula as a self-conscious part of ‘folk’ heritage, and the song or rhyme is still very familiar to Irish children.» — y lo que queda hoy: los *wren-boys* como parte autoconsciente de un patrimonio folclórico.
«It seems to have originated in English, as the few Irish versions are translations, but this need not indicate that the tradition itself began in areas of English settlement.» — la lengua de la canción como dato, y el límite que Hutton le pone: que naciera en inglés no dice que la costumbre naciera donde había ingleses.
«That tradition is recorded in Britain most densely in areas exposed to direct contact with eastern and southern Ireland: the Isle of Man and West Wales.» — el mapa británico de la caza del reyezuelo, leído como contacto y no como herencia.
«The Welsh records are, in fact, the earliest of all, beginning with an account of it in late seventeenth-century Pembrokeshire by Edward Lluyd. It took place there upon Twelfth Night, two or three young men carrying the tiny corpse ‘in a bier with ribbons’ and singing carols.» — [LLUYD] el registro más antiguo de todos, de fines del siglo XVII en Pembrokeshire.
«Thereafter versions of wren-hunting songs were noted all over Wales, but the custom itself remained confined to Pembrokeshire and adjacent parts of Cardiganshire and Carmarthenshire, where it occupied the niche filled elsewhere among the South Welsh by wassailing and Mari Lwyd.» — la distinción entre la canción y la costumbre: las canciones por todo Gales, el rito solo en el suroeste, ocupando el nicho del *wassail* y la *Mari Lwyd*.
«The beauty of taking the wrens alive was not merely that it displayed superior skill but that they could be released afterwards and so the hunters could counter growing moral objections to the custom.» — la explicación funcional del cambio a capturar vivas las aves: permitía soltarlas y contestar a las objeciones morales crecientes.
«In the last stages of the later, as in Ireland, the actual bird was dispensed with altogether and replaced by a decorated bush; but even in this form it had totally vanished by the 1920s.» — y el final de la costumbre en Gales, con el pájaro ya sustituido por un arbusto adornado.
«Servants would attend a midnight service at the end of the Eve, and then hunt the birds while they roosted in the early hours of the morning. After daybreak they would hoist the body of a successful catch, wings spread, on top of a pole, and carry it from house to house chanting a rhyme and gathering money. At the end they buried it in a churchyard, reverently, and danced.» — [TESTIMONIO MANÉS] la secuencia de la caza en Man a fines del siglo XVIII, que termina con entierro reverente en el cementerio y baile.
«Donors of money were given a feather each, as a charm against shipwreck, and the bird was now buried in wasteland instead of consecrated ground.» — y los dos cambios del siglo XIX: la pluma como amuleto contra el naufragio y el entierro fuera de tierra sagrada.
«A wonderful Chinese Whispers effect during its transmission resulted in the rhyme beginning ‘The Ram, the Ram, the King of the Jews’, and a pair of ram’s horns being carried round in a bush instead of the bird.» — [TESTIMONIO DE DEVONPORT] la corrupción de la rima al transmitirse, con el reyezuelo vuelto carnero.
«It is possible to speculate that Irish migrant labour may have carried them; but there is no evidence for this, and the matter serves to illustrate how much of a puzzle the nature of Victorian popular culture can still be.» — la negativa y el registro de ignorancia con que Hutton cierra la caza del reyezuelo en Inglaterra.
«This was the Feast of Fools, or of Asses, or of Sub-Deacons, essentially a celebration of the lower clergy of cathedral chapters who held only minor orders.» — la definición de la Fiesta de los Locos y quiénes la celebraban.
«At its inception it was an exercise in Christian humility on the part of the higher clergy, whereby they handed over to the lowest the leadership in religious ceremonies at the time of the New Year feast. Soon, however, it spread backwards into the holy days between Christmas and New Year and began to involve burlesques of the same rites.» — el origen que Hutton le adjudica, y su deriva: ejercicio de humildad cristiana que acabó en burla de los propios ritos.
«Its history in England can, therefore, be traced through the complaints of pious prelates. In 1236 and 1238 Robert Grosseteste, bishop of Lincoln, forbade in his diocese the practice of inverting the proper order of worship and pretending to praise demons at the New Year.» — la advertencia de método: la historia inglesa de esa fiesta se reconstruye por las quejas de los prelados piadosos, no por sus propios documentos.
«The occasional cathedral inventory lends support to this presumption; one for Salisbury in 1222 includes costumes for the ‘Feast of Fools’, as does one for St Paul’s in 1425.» — [INVENTARIOS CATEDRALICIOS] la evidencia que apoya esa presunción: trajes para la Fiesta de los Locos en el inventario de Salisbury de 1222.
«and energetic churchmen, and the silence on the issue which obtains otherwise may conceal a widespread toleration of it by most.» — cómo Hutton lee el silencio de los demás obispos: los que condenan son un grupo excepcionalmente celoso, y el silencio de los demás puede ocultar tolerancia general.
«Nevertheless, the custom is not recorded in any source after the latter date, and it does seem that by the early fifteenth century opinion had at last decisively swung against it in England.» — la fecha en que la Fiesta de los Locos desaparece del registro inglés.
«It grew directly out of a custom settled in the Church in Germany by the early tenth century, whereby the junior clergy and assistants of cathedrals were honoured by being allowed to hold processions on the successive holy days after Christmas; deacons on St Stephen’s, priests on St John’s, and choirboys on Holy Innocents, the commemoration of the slaughtered children of Bethlehem.» — el origen del obispillo: las procesiones sucesivas de diáconos, presbíteros y niños de coro tras la Navidad.
«In the twelfth century the choristers’ feast became linked with the burgeoning cult of St Nicholas of Myra, patron of children.» — y el enlace que lo fija: el culto creciente a San Nicolás de Mira.
«This was known throughout most of western Christendom for the rest of the medieval period, but seems to have been especially popular in Britain, where it rapidly took root at all stages of religious organization.» — la distribución del obispillo, con el matiz que Hutton añade: especialmente popular en Gran Bretaña y en todos los niveles de organización religiosa.
«As rites of reversal went, it was much more easy to regulate and control than those of adult men; but in any case it was only in one sense a ceremony of festive inversion. In another, it was a reaffirmation of Christ’s own teaching about the special relationship of children to the kingdom of heaven, and of the Church’s especial respect for innocence and purity—a celebration of norms.» — la lectura que le da, y que enmienda la de inversión: en otro sentido era una reafirmación de la doctrina sobre los niños y el reino de los cielos, una celebración de las normas.
«It is therefore attested at every cathedral in Britain at which a medieval archive has survived,» — la medida de su extensión: el obispillo está atestiguado en todas las catedrales británicas cuyo archivo medieval se conserva.
«At Salisbury the choirboys retained the right to elect the ‘bishop’ from among their number. He appeared after vespers on St John’s Day, leading the choristers to the high altar dressed in his full episcopal robes while his companions wore silk copes (mantles) like higher clergy, carried candles, and sang.» — [USO DE SALISBURY] la coreografía de la inversión: el obispillo elegido por los propios niños, con capas de seda y velas.
«The lads then took the stalls normally reserved for the chapter, and their ‘bishop’ presided over all services for the next twenty-four hours, except mass itself.» — y hasta dónde llegaba la inversión: los niños en las sillas del cabildo y el obispillo presidiendo todo salvo la misa.
«At St Paul’s the higher clergy reformed procedures in 1263 to reserve the choice of the boy bishop to themselves and to excuse themselves from menial functions while he reigned.» — la contrarreforma interna de 1263 en San Pablo: el clero mayor se reserva la elección y se excusa de las funciones serviles.
«He may indeed have written them, as did other adult clerics at other cathedrals in later times, utilizing the occasion to display a sardonic wit at the expense of the world of maturity.» — lo que Hutton sospecha de los sermones del obispillo: escritos por clérigos adultos que aprovechaban la ocasión para burlarse del mundo de los mayores.
«En route, he collected money from hosts and spectators, raising in 1459 the large sum of 89s. 11d.» — [CUENTAS DE SALISBURY] la economía del obispillo, con su cifra.
«The statutes, uniquely, prescribed that he had to be good-looking and have a fine voice.» — [ESTATUTOS DE YORK] el único sitio que fijaba por estatuto que el obispillo fuera buen mozo y de buena voz.
«In the thirteenth century, indeed, it had been a practice for nunneries themselves to let the sacred offices and prayers be performed by girls on Holy Innocents’ Day, but this met with the disapproval of Archbishop Peckham in 1279.» — la versión femenina del rito, en conventos, y la condena que recibió.
«It is clear that while going on procession the little prelates blessed spectators and collected money from them for parish funds;» — la función económica del obispillo parroquial: bendecir y recaudar para los fondos de la parroquia.
«Their good reputation among the people is suggested not just by their wide distribution and by the sums collected, but by the fact that several of the vestments mentioned above were bequests from parishioners.» — la evidencia con que Hutton mide su aceptación popular: varias de las vestiduras eran legados de feligreses.
«What is clear is that their popularity, and range, continued to grow until Henry VIII suddenly turned against them in 1541, and banned them by royal proclamation as a late part of his reformation of the Church; he had been persuaded that they affronted an ecclesiastical dignity of which he was now the guardian.» — la causa fechable de su abolición: Enrique VIII se convence en 1541 de que ofenden una dignidad eclesiástica de la que él es ya guardián.
«With them he forbade the costuming of children to represent Sts Catherine and Clement upon their feast days, a custom which must by contrast have been so rare, and localized, that nothing else is heard of it.» — y el dato que la propia prohibición conserva: una costumbre tan rara que solo se conoce por el edicto que la prohíbe.
«As soon as the Catholic queen Mary succeeded, however, they were restored at London. In 1554, the first year of the reign, a royal order did indeed reimpose the ban upon them, solely because it was feared that they would distract attention from the grand ceremony of reconciliation with the papacy.» — el vaivén bajo María, con la razón que el propio edicto de 1554 da para prohibirlos de nuevo: no distraer de la reconciliación con el papado.
«In 1556 they were ‘abroad the most part in London singing after the old fashion, and received with many good people into their houses, and had such good cheer as ever they had’.» — [CRÓNICA DE 1556] el obispillo de vuelta en Londres, recibido en las casas como antes.
«A woman parishioner of St Katherine by the Tower refused to admit the one who called at her door, and rapidly had to excuse her behaviour to an angry priest backed by a crowd.» — y el caso que mide la presión social sobre quien se negaba.
«Nevertheless, they are recorded in a small minority of the parishes in each locality for which records survive, while that minority which did adopt them spanned a considerable range of size and economic function.» — la corrección de escala sobre el obispillo: aparecía en una minoría de las parroquias de cada comarca, de tamaños y economías muy distintos.
«Their institution seems in most cases to have been the result of local caprice.» — y lo que Hutton concluye de esa distribución: en la mayoría de los casos, capricho local.
«The institution of a parish boy bishop was revived in 1899 at Berden in the north-western corner of Essex, as a piece of sentimental antiquarianism devised by an Anglo-Catholic country vicar.» — el revival del obispillo parroquial en 1899, descrito como anticuarismo sentimental de un vicario anglocatólico.
«It seems to have arisen as part of the large expansion in school education under the Tudors, and as a response to the initial absolute authority of masters.» — el *barring out* explicado por su contexto: la expansión escolar Tudor y la autoridad absoluta de los maestros.
«The regular pattern was for boys to gather weapons and provisions as Christmas drew near, and then seize the school one morning; which normally in practice meant barricading the single room in which lessons were provided. If they could hold out for a set period (usually three days), then they were allowed an addition to the usual Christmas holiday period or a relaxation of the normal rate of flogging. If the master broke in, however, they were generally beaten severely.» — la mecánica del *barring out*, con su apuesta: tres días de asedio a cambio de vacaciones o de menos azotes.
«The first record of the custom is in the foundation statutes of Witton School, Cheshire, in 1558, which established it immediately on the grounds that it was already ‘old’ in ‘other great schools’.» — [ESTATUTOS DE WITTON] el primer registro, que instituye la costumbre declarándola ya vieja en otras escuelas grandes.
«What is by no means evident is whether it was ever more than a tradition of northern grammar schools. It seems to be no accident that the earliest reference is in Cheshire, and the most southerly known example seems to have been at Lichfield in the 1680s, where a ‘barring’ was organized by the future writer Joseph Addison.» — la negativa geográfica sobre el *barring out*: no consta que fuera más que tradición de escuelas de gramática del norte.
«The growing tendency to spell out the rights of pupils in school charters was rendering it increasingly obsolete in practical terms, but it had a long afterlife as a source of seasonal fun and as an embodiment of institutional tradition in particular schools, such as Bromfield and Scotby in Cumberland.» — la causa que Hutton adjudica a su obsolescencia: los derechos de los alumnos escritos en las cartas escolares.
«In an ancient or medieval European society, midwinter was an especially appropriate time for role-reversal and relaxation of norms. Farming, trade, and warfare were all equally difficult and could be set aside for a time, permitting the ruling élites in particular to take life, and themselves, a little less seriously than usual, even if the forms of recreation adopted were inevitably designed to confirm the usual hierarchy either explicitly or by parody.» — la tesis de la inversión con su límite dentro: la relajación de normas confirmaba la jerarquía, explícitamente o por parodia.
«The Roman mock-kings at the Saturnalia are an early example of this tendency, and they were either continued directly or imitated at medieval courts.» — el linaje que Hutton traza para los reyes de burlas, dejando abiertas continuidad e imitación.
«Late medieval French royalty were especially fond of such figures, and sponsored several diffierent kinds including a ‘bean king’ who seems to have been chosen (like the Saturnalian monarchs) by lot; in this case by baking a bean into a cake and crowning the man who selected the slice containing it.» — [REALEZA FRANCESA] el rey del haba elegido por sorteo, con el haba cocida dentro del pastel.
«This was apparently imitated at the courts of Edward II and Edward III, where a ‘bean king’ was rewarded at the Christmases of 1315,1316, and 1335. After this, however, royal interest in the custom seems to have lapsed, and the mock-monarchs most generally recorded in thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Britain were the village youths crowned for summer games.» — y la interrupción que Hutton señala: tras esas fechas el interés regio decae y los reyes de burlas mejor documentados son los mozos coronados en los juegos de verano.
«This conceit may have drawn upon an existing tradition, or may have been an original device.» — las dos lecturas del Rey de la Navidad de Norwich de 1443, consignadas sin arbitrar.
«Henry VII of England paid for the services of both a ‘Lord of Misrule’ and an ‘Abbot of Unreason’ (presumably to parody leaders of State and Church respectively) in all Christmases from 1489 onward, while James IV of Scotland retained both an ‘Abbot of Unreason’ and a ‘King of the Bean’ from the 1490s.» — la institucionalización cortesana del desorden, con los dos cargos y su función paródica anotada por Hutton.
«Likewise, the seasonal sovereigns at Oxford may have been inspired directly by Roman literature, and it may have been as a conscious piece of Renaissance classicism that they suddenly became fashionable at the apex of British society near the end of» — la hipótesis que Hutton propone para los reyes de temporada: inspiración directa en la literatura romana y clasicismo renacentista consciente al ponerse de moda en la cumbre de la sociedad británica a fines del siglo XV.
«Its most celebrated occupant was the last, George Ferrers, who combined the traditional fun of inversion and parody with a dash of Renaissance metaphysics, both lavishly funded by the King’s protector, the duke of Northumberland, who was anxious to divert his child master.» — [FERRERS] el último Lord of Misrule regio, y la lectura política que Hutton hace de su esplendor: lo financiaba un protector que quería distraer al rey niño.
«He was originally chosen by the permanent Master of the Revels, but devised all his own entertainments; and the latter were designed to delight not only Edward and his court, but the people of London.» — y el público al que apuntaban sus espectáculos, que no era solo cortesano.
«The close association of the office with Northumberland’s regime proved to be its undoing, for when Edward died and Mary succeeded, the duke was beheaded and no royal Lord of Misrule ever appointed again in England.» — la causa política de la muerte del cargo: su vínculo con el régimen decapitado.
«At the Scottish royal court the custom took a different, and more demure, form, of appointing a ‘Queen of the Bean’, presumably by lot like the former ‘kings’.» — la forma escocesa del rito, con una Reina del Haba elegida por sorteo.
«In this (literally) glittering manner the tradition ended in British royal households, for the troubles of Mary’s reign intervened in successive winters and her son James did not revive it; it had flourished for a little over eighty years.» — y la duración total que Hutton le adjudica en las casas reales británicas: poco más de ochenta años.
«John Stow, looking back upon the reign of Henry VIII, asserted confidently that a ‘Lord of Misrule, or Master of merry disports’ had been found then ‘in the house of every nobleman, of honour and good worship’.» — [STOW] la afirmación que Hutton pasa a medir: un Lord of Misrule en casa de todo noble.
«This would seem, to judge from household accounts, to have been an exaggeration, and it was only a minority of nobles who troubled to retain these figures themselves;» — [CUENTAS DOMÉSTICAS] y la medida: solo una minoría de nobles se molestaba en tenerlos.
«Another was John Evelyn’s father Richard, who in the 1630s gave his own Lord of Misrule permission to break down doors to get at those who disobeyed his commands.» — el alcance real del poder de un Lord of Misrule doméstico: permiso para tirar puertas abajo.
«Stow also held that high churchmen retained them, but among these the chapter of Exeter cathedral, in 1533, is apparently the only case in which the custom can be proved.» — la afirmación de Stow sobre el clero alto y el único caso documentado que Hutton halla.
«In one area of the country the upper-class fashion for such comic heroes found a genuinely popular counterpart, in the institution of parish ‘lords’ to preside over local revelry, of the kind more prominent, and ancient, in the summer games.» — el único caso en que la moda cortesana encuentra contrapartida popular, y la advertencia sobre dónde estaba el modelo antiguo: los juegos de verano.
«Instead, from the same decade until the 1560s, ‘Lords of Misrule’ or ‘Christmas lords’ featured as a well-documented local tradition in Norfolk, Suffolk, and Essex, raising money for church funds.» — [CUENTAS PARROQUIALES] los *Christmas lords* de East Anglia como tradición local documentada para recaudar fondos de iglesia.
«They may indeed have been characteristic of East Anglia before that, and helped to inspire the pageant at Norwich in 1443 but, despite the existence of a number of parish records from the area predating 1520, there is no trace of these mock-rulers until the succeeding decade.» — y la reserva documental que Hutton opone a esa conjetura: pese a haber registros parroquiales anteriores a 1520, no hay rastro de ellos.
«Only at the Essex port of Harwich (in 1535) is there any indication of how they were chosen or what they did; the ‘lord’ there was elected by the town’s youth, gathered in the parish church, from among their number, and went about the streets with musicians, calling out the people to make merry.» — el único documento que dice cómo se elegía uno de esos *lords* y qué hacía.
«The Christmas mock-sovereigns were best established, and endured longest, where they had appeared in the early fifteenth century: in educational establishments filled with wealthy and energetic young men.» — dónde duraron más los reyes de burlas, y el rasgo social que Hutton subraya del lugar.
«Urban enthusiasm for them waned, however, as part of a general decrease in élite support for visiting players and traditional popular recreations,» — la caída del entusiasmo municipal por los *lords*, leída dentro de un descenso general del apoyo de las élites a los comediantes ambulantes y a las diversiones populares tradicionales.
«The heyday of these local ‘lords’ was in the later reign of Henry VIII. They vanish from sight in the general disapproval of parish festivity under Edward, reappear in western Norfolk alone under Mary and in the early years of Elizabeth, and then disappear permanently in the renewed campaign against popular revels in the middle Elizabethan period.» — la curva completa de los *lords* parroquiales, con su desaparición definitiva en la campaña isabelina contra las diversiones populares.
«At Cambridge, it is true, the enthusiasm of Henry VIII seems to have worn out the senior members, because soon after his death the heads of colleges agreed that nobody would henceforth be ‘a lord of games at Christmas in whatever way he is titled’.» — el hartazgo de los rectores de Cambridge, dicho en su propio acuerdo.
«What seems to have altered was that something that had been annual and low-level became ever more elaborate, spectacular—and rare.» — el cambio de forma que Hutton señala en las universidades: de anual y modesto a cada vez más espectacular y más raro.
«The figure that the governing body of the Inn would not tolerate was ‘Jack Straw’ (named after the rebel leader of 1381), who was clearly an instigator of wild pranks among the young men.» — [LINCOLN’S INN] la figura que el gobierno del colegio no toleraba, nombrada por el cabecilla rebelde de 1381.
«A fox and a cat were hunted around the hall with about a score of hounds. The two animals were cornered and torn to pieces in front of the fire, after which everybody sat down to enjoy a good supper.» — [INNER TEMPLE] lo que la diversión del Lord de burlas incluía en 1561, consignado sin suavizar.
«What killed the taste for those figures among the English ruling classes was an experience of genuine ‘misrule’ and political inversion in the form of the Civil Wars and Revolution of the 1640s. When the traditional political and social order was restored in 1660, almost nobody felt much like simulating that experience any more.» — la explicación que Hutton da a la muerte del desorden ritual entre las élites: haber vivido el desorden de verdad en las guerras civiles.
«By the 1680s John Aubrey could declare Lords of Misrule to be a thing of the past.» — [AUBREY] la fecha en que el propio testigo los da por cosa del pasado.
«Instead, misrule metamorphosed into a much more harmless, inexpensive, scaled-down and domesticated from, based apparently upon the reintroduction to England from Europe of the medieval tradition of the ‘bean king’.» — la metamorfosis que sí hubo: un desorden doméstico y barato, reintroducido desde Europa.
«In the sixteenth-century Netherlands and in Germany there was a popular custom of choosing a household king or lord upon Twelfth Night by baking a coin in a cake and awarding the title to the man who found it in his slice.» — [TESTIMONIOS CONTINENTALES] la forma neerlandesa y alemana del rey de la casa, con moneda en lugar de haba.
«In the next century the same procedure was also common in France and Spain, save that it corresponded much more closely to the medieval one in that the token was not a coin but a bean.» — y la forma francesa y española, más cercana a la medieval por conservar el haba.
«It had reached England by the late Tudor period, when it was referred to obliquely in a speech made to Queen Elizabeth at Sudely Castle, and it was cited again in the 1610s, when Ben Jonson could count a ‘great cake with a bean and pea’ among the trappings of Christmastide.» — [JONSON] la datación inglesa del pastel con haba y guisante.
«He and his guests followed a ‘new fashion’ in drawing titles from a hat instead of seeking tokens in the cake itself, a practice which afforded a much greater range of characters to add to the royal couple. Several were taken from a recent stage comedy.» — [PEPYS] el cambio de procedimiento en 1669, que amplía el reparto de personajes y los toma de una comedia reciente.
«His legacy also provides wine in which the performers drink to his memory; and the accident of his whim ensures that a relic is also preserved of all the ‘bean kings’ who lorded it over royal courts and family homes since the time of the Saturnalia.» — el cierre del capítulo: el último resto del rey del haba conservado por el capricho testamentario de un actor.
«As the nineteenth century wore on, the vegetable tokens tended to be replaced by silver equivalents, to indicate not a character but a» — el cambio de sentido de las prendas del pastel en el siglo XIX: de haba y guisante a equivalentes de plata que anuncian no un personaje sino un futuro —moneda para la riqueza, anillo para el matrimonio, dedal para su falta—.
«AN elegiac note has prevailed through most of the preceding chapters, chronicling as they do a series of customs which were at their apogee in earlier centuries and have declined or vanished since. It is, however, absolutely patent that the Christmas season is the most important complex of festivals in the modern British year and contains by far the largest number of customary practices.» — la observación que abre el capítulo de la reinvención: los capítulos previos son elegíacos y, sin embargo, la Navidad es hoy el complejo festivo más importante del año británico.
«In part this was the product of nostalgic illusion, as authors such as Sir Walter Scott, Washington Irving, William Wordsworth, Robert Southey, and Charles Dickens contemplated with alarm the apparent growth of division and instability in a society undergoing rapid industrialization.» — [SCOTT, IRVING, WORDSWORTH, SOUTHEY, DICKENS] el origen de la nostalgia navideña que Hutton nombra por sus autores.
«They turned instinctively to traditional festivities as relics of a time of greater order, deference, and harmony,» — y lo que buscaban en ella: reliquias de un tiempo de mayor orden, deferencia y armonía.
«On the other hand, the perception of decline was firmly anchored in reality. Between 1790 and 1840 employers, led by the government, carried out a ruthless pruning of the Christmas holidays without encountering any resistance.» — la mitad del cuadro que no era ilusión: entre 1790 y 1840 los patrones podaron las vacaciones navideñas sin encontrar resistencia.
«In twenty of the years between 1790 and 1835 The Times did not mention the festival, and it never referred to it with enthusiasm. To the fashionable world it was increasingly an anachronism, and a bore.» — [THE TIMES] la medida del desinterés: en veinte de esos años el periódico no menciona la fiesta.
«None the less, a closer look at them reveals that a more pronounced importance was accorded to other remnants of the old twelve-day cycle, such as New Year in the northern counties (as in Scotland) and Twelfthtide in the West of England, rather than to the feast of the Nativity.» — la corrección que Hutton hace a la evidencia de las costumbres: la importancia estaba en el Año Nuevo y en Reyes, no en la Natividad.
«The Factory Act of 1833 put the seal upon this process by declaring that Christmas and Good Friday were the only two days of the year, excepting» — la ley fabril de 1833 como sello de ese proceso: Navidad y Viernes Santo, únicos días del año, salvo los domingos, en que el obrero tenía derecho legal a faltar.
«Furthermore there were a number of regions—parts of Wales, the south Midlands, and the Home Counties are examples5—in which observers in this period found that Christmas had become a remarkably colourless and humdrum day of rest for ordinary people.» — y las regiones donde la Navidad se había vuelto un día de descanso incoloro y rutinario.
«One was the appearance of the Oxford Movement in the Church of England, embodying an enhanced feeling for ritual and decoration, and therefore for the old holy days.» — [MOVIMIENTO DE OXFORD] la primera de las causas del giro: un sentimiento realzado por el rito y el adorno.
«More important were a complex of emotions waxing within the rapidly growing middle class: a fear of the rift between rich and poor, an enhanced consciousness of the value of family ties, a novel interest in protecting children from the world, and a yearning for a ‘safer’ pre-industrial England.» — las cuatro emociones que Hutton adjudica a la clase media en ascenso y que explican el giro navideño.
«In 1841 also, Prince Albert deliberately publicized an image of himself, Victoria, and their children gathered to celebrate at Windsor Castle which promoted an atmosphere of familial domesticity to replace the flamboyant Christmastide revelry of earlier royal courts.» — [ALBERTO] la publicidad deliberada de una imagen familiar que reemplazara el jolgorio cortesano anterior.
«The Carol was different; it was a passionate avowal of how the festival ought to be kept, dashed off in six weeks by a writer in love with his subject.» — [DICKENS] lo que Hutton adjudica al *Carol* frente al Pickwick: una declaración apasionada de cómo debía guardarse la fiesta.
«Dickens succeeded in turning Christmas celebration into a moral reply to avarice, selfishness, and greed. He linked worship and feasting, within a context of social reconciliation.» — y lo que esa declaración hizo con la fiesta: convertirla en respuesta moral a la avaricia y el egoísmo.
«From the centre of the festival Dickens displaced the wider community, and guests, and substituted the family, and children.» — el desplazamiento que Hutton le adjudica: fuera la comunidad y los convidados, dentro la familia y los niños.
«Christmas, as portrayed by Dickens, invested materialism with a spiritual quality which enabled the newly-rich to enjoy their wealth.» — la lectura que Hutton hace del efecto del *Carol*: dotó al materialismo de una cualidad espiritual que permitía a los nuevos ricos gozar de su riqueza.
«Once again, it may be necessary to stress that neither Charles Dickens nor Prince Albert ‘invented’ the new attitude to Christmas; as the case of the Punch stories shows, they were responding to a mood already coming into existence.» — la enmienda que Hutton hace a la propia historia que cuenta: ni Dickens ni Alberto inventaron la actitud nueva, respondieron a un ánimo ya en marcha.
«In 1871 the Bank Holidays Act began to reverse the attrition of midwinter holidays, by declaring St Stephen’s Day (now officially secularized as ‘Boxing Day’) to be a day of leisure again in order to allow the nation a double dose of pleasure.» — la ley de 1871 que invierte la poda de fiestas, con el *Boxing Day* ya secularizado.
«It had been based upon their rejection of Christianity itself, impelled by rationalism; but when their eldest child was 5 years old they felt obliged to organize festivities in order to evade a suspicion of parental cruelty.» — [LOS AMBERLEY] el caso que mide la fuerza social de la fiesta nueva: unos racionalistas que ceden para no parecer padres crueles.
«Their consciences may have been placated by the fact that virtually none of the new set of Christmas customs adopted in this same period had any Christian context whatsoever.» — y el dato con que Hutton cierra la paradoja: casi ninguna de las costumbres navideñas adoptadas entonces tenía contexto cristiano.
«It had long been a custom in the Rhineland, although even there it was not a medieval one, as the first record of it comes from the 1520s.» — la datación del árbol de Navidad, que no es medieval ni siquiera en Renania.
«The next year, however, that good German Prince Albert made the custom fashionable by setting one up at Windsor Castle, and by 1845 the author of a piece upon it could say that it had ‘long been well known to a few in England’ but was now becoming familiar.» — [ALBERTO] cómo el árbol se vuelve moda, y la fórmula ambigua con que en 1845 se lo declaraba a la vez viejo y nuevo.
«through the centuries, to inculcate a sense of their continuous identity as a time of festivity and benevolent hierarchy.» — [ILLUSTRATED LONDON NEWS] la fabricación deliberada de continuidad: series de dibujos de Navidades inglesas a través de los siglos, para inculcar un sentido de identidad continua.
«Their particular appeal was to the middle classes, for they represented a perfect focus for a family gathering while (as Dickens made clear) it was at first customary to hang the Christmas presents from the branches before distribution, providing a display of the household’s wealth, generosity, and popularity.» — la función social del árbol de Navidad: exhibir la riqueza, la generosidad y la popularidad de la casa.
«Among the working class they spread far more slowly, families often being content with the old holly and ivy, and (in appropriate regions) the kissing-bough. Only in the 1950s did the tree become virtually ubiquitous.» — y la cronología social de su difusión, que no se generaliza hasta los años cincuenta del siglo XX.
«The Christmas card represented a convenient and sophisticated evolution of the ancient custom of giving blessings or good wishes for the New Year.» — la genealogía que Hutton da a la tarjeta de Navidad: evolución de la bendición o el buen deseo de Año Nuevo.
«In 1843 the social reformer Henry Cole engaged an artist, John Calcott Horsley, to respond to the new interest in Christmas by designing a card showing a family Christmas dinner, with side panels illustrating acts of charity. This, and some imitations, proved to be commercial failures because they were too expensive.» — la primera tarjeta y su fracaso comercial, con los nombres de quien la encargó y quien la dibujó.
«At first many referred only to the New Year, as before, and it was long into the 1870s before the enhanced importance of the family Christmas made this an essential preface to the greeting.» — el desplazamiento del saludo del Año Nuevo a la Navidad, fechado en los años setenta del siglo XIX.
«From the beginning, the proportion of religious themes in the designs was small. Examples from before 1890 (of which the Jonathan King collection has 163,000) show an overwhelming concentration upon the natural world and upon jollity; the favourite images were holly, mistletoe, Christmas pudding, Father Christmas, the Christmas tree, bells, and robins.» — [COLECCIÓN JONATHAN KING] la medida iconográfica de la tarjeta: poco religioso y mucho mundo natural y jolgorio.
«There is nothing to connect it with the ancient veneration of the wren, and painters may simply have found it to be the most colourful common and well-loved bird in the winter garden.» — la negativa sobre el petirrojo de las tarjetas, que Hutton opone a toda genealogía ritual.
«If the Christmas card descends directly from the New Year blessing, the Christmas present is equally obviously a continuation of the New Year’s gift.» — la genealogía del regalo de Navidad: continuación del aguinaldo de Año Nuevo.
«The upsurge in support for Christmas as a family festival of generosity and charity, from the 1840s, created a slow but steady transfer of the date of giving, backwards from New Year to the feast of the Nativity.» — el traslado de la fecha de regalar, del Año Nuevo a la Natividad.
«The process was very protracted at both the top and the bottom of society; Queen Victoria was still sending New Year’s gifts and not Christmas presents in 1900, and the balance did not shift from one to the other among English working-class families until about 1900, and among crofters in the Northern Isles until the 1960s.» — y su cronología desigual por clase, con la reina todavía regalando en Año Nuevo en 1900.
«This was partly because the new Christmas was designed by and for them, and partly because of the development of nurseries, run by maids, in their homes, making the parent-child relationship more formal.» — las dos causas que Hutton adjudica al adelanto en la clase media, incluida la aparición del cuarto de los niños.
«George Bernard Shaw started an enduring myth in 1897 by declaring that ‘Christmas is forced upon a reluctant and disgusted nation by the shopkeepers and the press’.» — [SHAW] el mito duradero sobre el origen comercial de la Navidad, con su formulación original.
«In reality, there is no evidence that businessmen sponsored the revival of the festival either individually or collectively; and indeed under Victoria they would have lacked the publicity techniques to do so.» — y la negativa documental con que Hutton lo contesta.
«Punch and Dickens both personified them as the natural enemies of the holiday, and authors, journalists, preachers, and hymn-writers were all more important in its re-creation.» — y quiénes sí fabricaron la fiesta nueva, según Hutton: autores, periodistas, predicadores y autores de himnos.
«This growth may in turn have helped to stigmatize the efforts of working-class people to earn extra money for themselves by presenting seasonal plays, dances, or songs, which atrophied everywhere that the proceeds were not being applied to specifically charitable purposes.» — la hipótesis con que Hutton explica la muerte de las costumbres de pedir: la caridad organizada estigmatizó ganarse la vida con obras, danzas y canciones de temporada.
«Christmas presents also summoned into England the German custom of the Christmas stocking, which had already reached France and Italy by the early nineteenth century. This was a child’s stocking, hung at the end of the bed and filled with a present or presents overnight on Christmas Eve (or sometimes that of another major feast) by an adult impersonating the Christ Child.» — la media alemana en su forma original, llenada por un adulto que hacía de Niño Jesús.
«It subsequently became very common among working-class and lower middleclass families, who could afford only gifts sufficient to fill such a receptacle.» — la economía de la media: común donde solo se podían costear regalos que cupieran en ella; *middleclass* sale pegado porque la capa de texto pierde el guion.
«Nobody seems to have thought of personifying Christmas until the early seventeenth century. It was done then partly because of the general taste of the age for allegory and partly because the criticism of observation of the feast by radical Protestants made a representation of it convenient to writers determined to defend it.» — la fecha en que se inventa el personaje de la Navidad, y las dos causas que Hutton le da, una de ellas polémica.
«He was essentially concerned with the adult world, personifying feasting and games, he had no connection with presents, and he was not treated with much respect, being generally a burlesque figure of fun.» — qué era el Padre Navidad antes de Santa Claus: personaje del mundo adulto, sin relación con los regalos y tratado como bufonada.
«In 1809 Washington Irving, whose sentimental interest in traditional Christmases has been mentioned, drew attention to the old tradition in his Knickerbocker’s History of New York, rescheduling it from St Nicholas’s Eve to Christmas Eve.» — [IRVING] el traslado de fecha que hace posible el Santa moderno.
«In 1822 he wrote a poem called ‘A Visit from St Nicholas’ to amuse his own children, and in doing so his powers of inspiration took a remarkable leap.» — [MOORE] el acto de invención que Hutton fecha y adjudica a una persona con nombre.
«His saint was not the traditional, sentimental, figure of the Dutch, but a magical spirit of the northern midwinter.» — y qué inventó exactamente: no el santo neerlandés sino un espíritu mágico del pleno invierno nórdico.
«He wore fur clothes, had a bushy white beard, travelled through the sky merrily in a sleigh drawn by reindeer, and came down chimneys with a sack of gifts to fill the stockings of children on Christmas Eve.» — el inventario de rasgos que el poema fija de una vez, y que hoy se toman por inmemoriales.
«Soon after, however, it became more conventional to represent him in a red suit (perhaps derived from St Nicholas’s red bishop’s robes), trimmed with white fur and with a matching cap.» — la datación del traje rojo, con su origen propuesto entre paréntesis.
«By the 1880s he was firmly established in the English popular imagination, having swapped his cap for the hood of the native Father Christmas and usually having acquired the latter’s name as well.» — la fusión de las dos figuras: Santa toma la capucha y el nombre del Padre Navidad inglés.
«Associated with children, bounty, and charity, he was the perfect personification of the new sort of festival; in adopting him as in adapting to other customs, retailers only followed where novelists, poets, and public demand had led.» — y la conclusión que ordena las causas: los comerciantes siguieron a novelistas, poetas y demanda pública, no al revés.
«A careful survey of the evidence for Siberian shamanism19 reveals the following discrepancies: shamans did not travel by sleigh, did not usually deal with reindeer spirits, rarely took the mushrooms to achieve trances, did not have red and white clothes, did not bring gifts, and did not usually leave dwellings by physical entrances while in trance, because they operated in an entirely different dimension.» — las seis discrepancias que Hutton mide contra la evidencia del chamanismo siberiano.
«Nor is there evidence that Americans knew anything about Siberia until the late nineteenth century; it may be that Dr Taylor has not given sufficient credit to the sheer originality of Clement Moore’s creative vision.» — y el argumento cronológico añadido, con la enmienda de crédito al inventor.
«As things stand, the traditional Dutch image of the red-robed, bearded St Nicholas, flying through the winter night on his grey horse with his sack of presents and magically entering houses to fill the stockings of children, makes a much better fit with the modern Santa Claus than the Siberian shaman, clad in an animal-hide kaftan hung with metal images, drumming and dancing into a trance to confront the spiritual enemies of the tribe.» — la comparación con que Hutton cierra el caso, poniendo las dos imágenes una junto a otra.
«Behind that image of the saint may well lie those of ancient northern European deities; but that is a different matter.» — y la puerta que deja abierta sin cruzarla: tras la imagen del santo pueden estar deidades del norte antiguo, pero eso es otro asunto.
«From the late eighteenth century the turkey, brought into Europe from America, had begun to replace the traditional roast beef as the centre-piece; it was cheaper, and its size suited a middle-class family gathering.» — la sustitución del asado de vaca por el pavo, explicada por precio y tamaño y no por rito.
«In 1846, hearing a log pop on the fire, he hit on the idea of marketing the sweet at that time in a paper wrapping with two handles which detonated a firecracker.» — [TOM SMITH] la única costumbre navideña que Hutton adjudica a un empresario, con la anécdota de su invención.
«By the 1870s manufacturers had added paper hats, perpetuating the tradition of festive misrule in a harmless and contained setting.» — la lectura que le da al gorro de papel: el desorden festivo perpetuado en un marco inofensivo y contenido.
«Exactly the same effect was achieved in a different setting when the eighteenth-century harlequinade, imported from Italy and linked to no season, developed into the Christmas pantomime.» — el mismo efecto en otro sitio: el arlequinado italiano sin fecha propia vuelto pantomima navideña.
«The ancient seasonal motifs of crossdressing, absurd comedy, and animal disguises had all been appropriated, professionalized, and placed at a much safer distance from the audience.» — la tesis del capítulo en una frase: los motivos estacionales viejos apropiados, profesionalizados y puestos a distancia segura del público; *crossdressing* sale pegado porque la capa de texto pierde el guion.
«In 1880 the future archbishop, Edward Benson, devised the basic modern English Christmas service, the ‘Festival of Nine Lessons and Carols’, for his see of Truro.» — [BENSON] la invención fechada del oficio navideño inglés más característico.
«songs concerned were in fact new or newly remodelled; which is precisely why they had seemed so attractive.» — la explicación que Hutton da al éxito del villancico victoriano: eran nuevos o recién rehechos, y por eso gustaban; la frase arranca en la plana anterior.
«‘O Come All Ye Faithfull’ was French, and translated into English in 1840, and ‘While Shepherds Watched’ and ‘Hark the Herald Angels Sing’ had Georgian words but Victorian tunes. All the rest were products of the mid- and late nineteenth century.» — el inventario que sostiene esa afirmación, villancico por villancico y fecha por fecha.
«The old examples lovingly collected by the antiquarians remained fossilized in learned tomes; as people flocked to the new carol services, the remaining village singers gave up and the last urban waits had their licences revoked.» — y el efecto de ese repertorio nuevo sobre el viejo: los cantores de aldea se retiraron y a los últimos *waits* urbanos les quitaron la licencia.
«Mistletoe, however, was retained as the eighteenth-century custom of kissing beneath it ascended the social ladder from the servants’ quarters in the mid-Victorian period, being taken over by the middle class as another form of licensed misbehaviour.» — el ascenso social del beso bajo el muérdago, de los cuartos de servicio a la clase media.
«in 1896 The Lady applied pressure with brutal directness by informing its readers that hostesses who provided ‘meagre decoration’ were disgracing their families.» — [THE LADY] la presión editorial sobre el adorno doméstico, dicha sin rodeos.
«After nine years the monarch gave in, and Reith’s script treated the whole British Empire as an extended kinship of the Crown, getting a friendly admonition from its father.» — [REITH] el mensaje real de Navidad como invención de la radio, con la figura que el guion proponía.
«It was not linked to any enhanced religiosity in society; indeed the general trend was all the other way. Rather, the Christian Holy Family was being used as a symbol of the new seasonal concentration upon the human family, to give it a historical and spiritual legitimacy.» — la lectura del auge del auto de Navidad escolar: no señal de religiosidad, sino la Sagrada Familia usada para legitimar la familia humana.
«As the average size of families shrank, more middle-class children were sent away to school, and family relationships were stretched by mobility of labour,» — la explicación social del crecimiento de la fiesta en el siglo XX: familias más chicas, hijos internos y parentesco estirado por la movilidad del trabajo hacen más importante la reunión.
«From the 1950s, also, cities began to hang illuminated decorations over their streets, at public expense, and as the intensity of celebration increased with general affluence and the Christmas shopping period extended, so the lighting-up time of the displays pushed backward, into mid-November.» — la cronología del alumbrado público navideño y su corrimiento hacia atrás.
«The period of preparation for the national, secularized, Christmas is now therefore over a month in duration, corresponding to no previous festive calendar.» — y la conclusión que Hutton extrae: un periodo de preparación de más de un mes, que no corresponde a ningún calendario festivo anterior.
«Being now defined as a patriotic and social obligation rather than a religious one, and with all the mass media on its side, the new Christmas was unstoppable. During the first half of the twentieth century it was adopted by all the dissenting Protestant denominations which had rejected it in the seventeenth, and became generally accepted in Scotland.» — el cambio de estatuto que explica la expansión: obligación patriótica y social, no religiosa.
«In 1958 it was declared an official holiday there for the first time since 1690.» — la fecha en que la Navidad vuelve a ser feriado oficial en Escocia.
«The Scots, however, returned the compliment, for the mass media also helped to carry their veneration of New Year’s Eve and Day into England over the same period.» — el intercambio en sentido inverso: los medios llevan a Inglaterra la veneración escocesa del Año Nuevo.
«It served, in fact, an invaluable purpose there as an antidote to the new style of Christmas, for adults who had spent the latter indulging children, parents, or relations, and engaging in harmless and controlled misbehaviour, could now indulge themselves, and engage in misbehaviour that was (potentially at least) neither harmless nor controlled.» — la función que Hutton adjudica al Año Nuevo dentro del calendario inglés: antídoto de la Navidad nueva, con desorden no necesariamente inofensivo.
«Into the frequently cloying atmosphere of the Victorian Christmas, Hogmanay blew like a raw northern wind, smelling of alcohol. Its ‘natural’ community was that of friendship, not family, and its deity was not Father Christmas but the more menacing one of Father Time.» — la fórmula con que contrapone las dos fiestas, con sus comunidades y sus deidades respectivas.
«The British Safety Council had demonstrated that the weeks before it were the worst time of year for disorders related to strain, and in 1993 Christmas Stress Syndrome had been formally identified.» — la medida clínica del malestar navideño, con la fecha en que se le puso nombre.
«For most of the British direct experience of the reformed Christmas was only a generation old, for it had been in the 1950s that the majority of working-class people had become able to afford the tree, the turkey, the systematic sending of cards, and the large-scale purchase of presents, for the first time, and only then did large-scale family Christmas gatherings become common among them.» — la razón histórica que Hutton da a ese malestar: para la mayoría, la Navidad reformada tiene una sola generación de antigüedad.
«The multinational companies which took over the international toy industry at that time efficiently and unscrupulously aimed their advertisements directly at youngsters.» — la causa comercial que sí adjudica, y a quién: las multinacionales del juguete apuntando a los niños por televisión.
«A related complaint, often heard at the same time, and the subject of various radio and television debates, could be described as more illusory or artificial: that the ‘true’, Christian message of Christmas had recently been destroyed by commercialism. It was often accompanied by the suggestion that the festival was now reverting to its pagan origins.» — la queja emparejada sobre el comercialismo, y la coletilla habitual de que la fiesta vuelve a sus orígenes paganos.
«The fallacy in this was that, as emphasized repeatedly above, the overtly Christian content in the Victorian revival of Christmas had been minimal from the beginning—which had been a large part of its success.» — y la objeción documental de Hutton: el contenido cristiano del revival victoriano fue mínimo desde el principio, y en eso estuvo parte de su éxito.
«It was not pagan in the strict sense, of honouring ancient deities, but in the looser and more secular one, of being concerned with honouring natural forces and human responsibilities.» — la distinción con que Hutton acota el término *pagano* aplicado a la Navidad moderna.
«Furthermore, grumbles about the destruction of the ‘true’ spirit of Christmas, the absence of religion, and the predominance of commercialism and self-indulgence were heard as soon as this new sort of Christmas became established.» — y el dato que desactiva la queja como noticia: las mismas protestas se oyeron en cuanto la Navidad nueva se estableció.
«It should not be forgotten, moreover, that writers like Dickens who had sponsored the Victorian Christmas had done so explicitly with an appeal to the ‘true’, ‘original’, spirit of the festival.» — el mismo argumento aplicado a los fundadores: Dickens apeló también al espíritu verdadero y original de la fiesta.
«St Gregory Nazianzen, who died in 389, urged upon his flock ‘the celebration of the feast after a heavenly and not after an earthly manner’, and complained that instead they were ‘feasting to excess, dancing, and crowning the doors’.» — [NAZIANZENO] la queja del siglo IV que Hutton pone al lado de las de los predicadores de los años noventa.
«The most obvious reaction of people to the increasing opulence and stress of the festival has been to extend the holiday period after it in order to have time to recover.» — la respuesta social al exceso de la fiesta: alargar el asueto posterior para reponerse.
«What was being created was a period between the winter solstice and the traditional (Roman) time of the New Year, in which politics, education, commerce were alike suspended, of peace, privacy, domesticity, revelry, and charity: a sacred period in a much broader sense than that associated with any one religion.» — lo que Hutton adjudica al ciclo de nueve días moderno: un periodo sagrado en un sentido más ancho que el de ninguna religión.
«The feast of the Kalendae is honoured as far as the Roman Empire stretches… Everywhere is singing and feasting; the rich enjoy luxury but the poor also set better food than usual upon their tables.» — [LIBANIO] el pasaje del siglo IV con que cierra la sección navideña, sobre las Kalendas romanas.
«People are not merely bountiful to themselves but to their fellow humans. A stream of presents pours itself out on all sides… The Kalendae bring all work to a halt, and allow humans to surrender themselves to pure pleasure.» — [LIBANIO] y su cierre: la corriente de regalos, el trabajo detenido y el placer puro.
«IN medieval and early modern England the ploughing season began immediately after the end of the Christmas holidays; and indeed this remained true until the widespread adoption of winter cereal crops in the twentieth century. Since the harvest, arable fields would have been left spiked with fading stubble; now the soil, wet through by the autumn and winter rains, would be turned over by ploughs dragged first by oxen, later by horses, and latest of all by tractors. It was a process which would last far into March.» — el anclaje material del capítulo: la temporada de arada empieza al acabar la Navidad y dura hasta marzo.
«The author of Dives and Pauper, written between 1405 and 1410, condemned the superstition of ‘leading the plough abouten the fire as for good beginning of the year’.» — [DIVES AND PAUPER] la superstición condenada hacia 1405: llevar el arado alrededor del fuego para empezar bien el año.
«Only the richer members of a village could afford their own ploughs, so that others had to take turns to borrow a communal one.» — la base económica de estas costumbres: solo los ricos del pueblo tenían arado propio.
«In the main arable regions of England at the time, the east Midlands and East Anglia, there were ‘plough lights’ kept burning in many churches, in some cases maintained by special guilds.» — las *plough lights* en las iglesias de las regiones cerealeras, mantenidas a veces por cofradías.
«Even in Lincolnshire, however, they were not universal, for records of churches in the same districts as those which kept up the custom show no trace of them.» — la precaución de distribución: ni siquiera en Lincolnshire eran universales.
«This entailed the dragging of a plough (again, perhaps that from the church) around a community while money was collected behind it for the parish funds.» — el rito del Lunes del Arado en su forma parroquial: el arado arrastrado por la comunidad mientras se recauda para la iglesia.
«What is never made clear is whether those who dragged the plough upon these occasions performed a song, dance, or play as they did so.» — la negativa documental que importa al drama folclórico: nunca se dice si los que arrastraban el arado cantaban, bailaban o representaban algo.
«The parish gatherings are not recorded until the 1460s,8 but as the documents for the communities in question only commence from that decade onward, there is no way of telling how much older they might have been.» — y la advertencia sobre el silencio anterior: los documentos de esas parroquias empiezan en esa misma década.
«Their subsequent fate is much more apparent, as the Reformation struck repeatedly at the parochial aspects of this complex of customs.» — la tesis del apartado: la Reforma golpeó una y otra vez la cara parroquial de estas costumbres.
«Their stated reason was a practical one, that they caused drunkenness and brawling, but it is also likely that their motivation was religious and political.» — la distinción entre el motivo declarado y el probable en la prohibición de 1548.
«The penalties were certainly stiff, including fines for both the owner of the plough used and the householders to whom it was drawn; the more substantial people of settlements were being forced to turn against the custom.» — y la mecánica social de la supresión: multar al dueño del arado y a los vecinos obligaba a los principales a volverse contra la costumbre.
«As in the case of other traditional festivities, the gatherings revived under the Catholic regime of Mary, but without their full vigour. Their range was much the same as under the young Henry VIII, from Lincolnshire to Suffolk, but in a thinner scatter of communities.» — el vaivén bajo María, medido en número de comunidades.
«As the reign progressed, however, the gatherings became susceptible to the slow tendency for parish finances to be separated from communal merry-making once more, which is a feature of the Elizabethan period.» — la causa que Hutton adjudica a su declive final: la separación lenta de las finanzas parroquiales y el jolgorio comunal.
«To increase both the formality and the festivity of the action, and to make it more enjoyable for all concerned, the lads generally wore fancy dress.» — la función que adjudica al disfraz en la ronda del arado: más formalidad, más fiesta y más gusto para todos.
«An observer in Derbyshire in 1762 commented dispassionately that ‘if you refuse them, they plough up your dunghill’.» — [OBSERVADOR DE DERBYSHIRE] la sanción concreta al que se negaba.
«entertainment of Plough Monday, however, during the following three hundred years, was a ‘privatization’ of the medieval gatherings, whereby plough boys dragged a plough around their neighbourhood, collecting money from homes and passers-by to be spent upon a feast for themselves.» — la forma que sustituye a la parroquial, y el término con que Hutton la nombra: una privatización de las colectas medievales, con los mozos arrastrando el arado para su propio banquete.
«There always seems to have been at least a potential element of coercion in the custom, as it was conducted by a group of young» — la coerción implícita en el rito, dicha sin rodeos: la ronda la hacía una cuadrilla de mozos pidiendo dinero con una máquina capaz de dañar la propiedad.
«Twenty years later William Howitt, surveying the whole east Midland region, declared that ‘the insolence of these Plough-bullocks as they are called, which might accord with ancient custom but does not suit all modern habits, has contributed more than anything else to put them down’.» — [HOWITT] la causa que un observador contemporáneo adjudica a la desaparición de los *plough bullocks*.
«The rowdiness of the practice, and the drunkenness which it often funded, made it as obnoxious to sections of the working population as to the social élite, and in particular to Primitive Methodists, who campaigned strenuously to stop it during the early nineteenth century.» — y la corrección de clase que Hutton añade: la costumbre era tan odiosa para parte del pueblo como para la élite, con los metodistas primitivos haciendo campaña.
«This is still possible, but the custom was confined to a small area of the Huntingdonshire Fens, from Ramsey to Whittlesey, is not recorded before the late nineteenth century, and may well represent an outgrowth of the earlier local custom of wearing straw costume when going around with the plough, inspired by the popular entertainment of the dancing bear.» — y las tres objeciones de Hutton, que dejan la posibilidad abierta: área minúscula, sin registro anterior al siglo XIX tardío, y con un modelo a mano en el oso bailarín de feria.
«It had been recorded by 1967 in seventy-seven communities, being especially important in northern Lincolnshire, common in the southern half of the county and in Nottinghamshire, and found occasionally in Leicestershire and Rutland. Fifty-six texts have been recovered.» — la extensión medida de la Plough Monday Play.
«It is clear from this summary how much variety existed between the plays even in this confined range, and indeed they were really a fund of speeches around which individual teams arranged actions.» — la definición que Hutton da al género: no obras sino un fondo de parlamentos en torno al cual cada cuadrilla armaba su acción.
«The basic unit which provided the teams was a single farm, the players being its young labourers. In cases where motivation is recorded, the need for money ranks as most important, but most of the performers clearly also enjoyed their work.» — la unidad social que producía cada cuadrilla, y el orden de motivos que las fuentes permiten establecer.
«Even taking literally the accompanying declaration that the Broughton version had been performed for about sixty years before it was recorded, this does not get further back than the 1760s.» — y hasta dónde llega esa datación aun aceptando al pie de la letra la declaración que acompaña al texto.
«The Revesby play text turned out to be a polished work composed by a scholarly hand, almost certainly that of Sir Joseph Banks’s sister, Sara, a keen antiquarian interested in popular pastimes. The performers all came from the Revesby district itself, and were plainly provided with a script which put together a range of customs currently enjoyed by country people. There was, in short, nothing ancestral about it.» — el hallazgo que deshace el texto tenido por ancestral: la obra de Revesby la compuso casi con certeza una anticuaria, la hermana de sir Joseph Banks.
«The verses vaunted the performers’ strength and pride in their work. The action was public and noisy, the costumes mocked normality, and the characters (notably the Fool) mocked authority. They also expressed a fear of women, with a great deal of adolescent ribaldry. At the same time, at a more profound level, the plot reinforced traditional morality, and so affirmed the values of the whole society.» — y lo que las obras hacían a la vez, sin armonizar la tensión: burlarse de la autoridad y de las mujeres, y reforzar la moral tradicional.
«The problem with this sort of speculation was the familiar one: that the first datable Plough Play text derives from Bassingham,» — la objeción documental de siempre: el primer texto datable de la Plough Play es de Bassingham, en 1823, y el segundo del año siguiente.
«Since the 1950s, scholars had recognized that, even within Lincolnshire and Nottinghamshire, the Plough Play was almost confined to the clay and limestone regions, and almost totally absent from the Fens, coastal marshes, forests, or vale of Belvoir.» — la distribución de la Plough Play, reconocida desde los años cincuenta: casi confinada a las regiones de arcilla y caliza y ausente de fens, marismas, bosques y vales.
«In other words, it was found not in the more remote and conservative communities,» — la lectura que Hutton hace de ese mapa, al revés de lo esperado: la obra no estaba en las comunidades más remotas y conservadoras.
«The process of construction was complete by 1815, and all that happened thereafter was that the plough collections, and therefore the name of ‘plough bullocks’, were dropped.» — la fecha en que ese armado quedó completo, y lo único que cambió después.
«As in the case of the Padstow ‘Oss and the Horn Dance, the very atypicality of the custom enabled it to survive, as the expression of a unique community, while the norm from which it had derived completely disappeared.» — la regla que Hutton formula a partir de los tres casos: sobrevive lo atípico, y desaparece la norma de la que derivaba.
«During the nineteenth century the agriculture of the east Midlands passed into long-term recession, demand for labour fell off yet further with mechanization of processes, and the culture of the plough boys collapsed.» — la causa económica del final de la cultura de los mozos del arado.
«No detailed research exists to substantiate or refute this point, but it does appear that the adoption of the services was a very slow business, even now affecting only a minority of rural parishes; that it commenced in the West Country, which had no general tradition» — y las razones por las que Hutton se inclina en contra de la hipótesis de Bushaway, dejando dicho que no hay investigación que la zanje: la adopción fue lentísima, empezó en el West Country y quedó ligada al anticuarismo anglocatólico.
«It acquired a much higher profile with the pressure upon English agriculture created by the Second World War, which made the farmlands seem once again, to many, to be a sacred resource.» — la causa que Hutton da al auge de la bendición del arado: la presión sobre la agricultura en la Segunda Guerra, que volvió sagrado el campo.
«The service did not, however, always manage to take root in areas which had no previous history of rituals concerned with arable cultivation;» — el límite del trasplante: el oficio no prendió donde no había historia previa de ritos de labranza.
«In the 1970s the ‘straw bear’ reappeared at Whittlesey in the Huntingdonshire Fens, and has remained there ever since on the day after Plough Monday.» — el revival del oso de paja, con su fecha.
«The performers in all these cases represent the cultural inheritance and financial needs of a whole community rather than a group within it.» — el cambio de sujeto en los revivals: ya no un grupo dentro de la comunidad sino la comunidad entera.
«None the less, some of them were children of people who had carried out the customs in their twilight years of the 1930s, so that it might be most objective to speak of these re-creations as a latest development within an ongoing local tradition now spanning more than half a millennium of recorded history.» — y la lectura que Hutton propone, con su calibre: puede ser más objetivo llamarlas desarrollo último de una tradición local continua.
«Furthermore, the shift to a communal focus is, after all, a faithful reversion to the form in which the gatherings first appear, in the parish records of the later Middle Ages.» — el argumento que cierra el capítulo: el foco comunal es una vuelta fiel a la forma en que las colectas aparecen por primera vez en los registros parroquiales.
«so they arranged calls in advance as ‘guests’, and dragged a plough around collecting money for the elderly.» — el caso de Balsham, donde la ley obliga a rehacer el rito: visitas concertadas de antemano y recaudación para los ancianos; las *by-laws* que lo prohibían quedan partidas al fin de renglón en el troceo.
«Instead of denoting the cardinal points of the sun or the main Christian festivals, she indicated the opening of the four seasons.» — [TOCHMARC EMIRE] lo que el relato irlandés nombra como puntos del año: no los cardinales del sol ni las fiestas cristianas, sino la apertura de las cuatro estaciones.
«One of those which she named was ‘Imbolc, when the ewes are milked at spring’s beginning’.» — [TOCHMARC EMIRE] la primera de las fiestas nombradas, con su definición dentro del propio texto.
«The festival must be pre-Christian in origin, but there is absolutely no direct testimony as to its early nature, or concerning any rites which might have been employed then.» — la doble afirmación con que Hutton fija el estado de la cuestión: la fiesta es precristiana y no hay testimonio alguno de su naturaleza ni de sus ritos.
«There is, in fact, no sign that any of the medieval Irish writers who referred to it preserved a memory of them, and some evidence that they no longer understood the meaning of the name itself.» — y el dato que lo agrava: ni los escritores medievales irlandeses conservaban memoria de ellos, y algunos ya no entendían el nombre.
«Sanas Chormaic, a glossary probably produced around the year 900, suggested that it originally meant ‘sheep’s milk’, a derivation which modern Celticists have pointed out to be linguistically impossible.» — [SANAS CHORMAIC] la etimología medieval de *Imbolc* y el juicio de los celtistas modernos sobre ella.
«It seems reasonably certain that behind this alleged holy woman, of whom no contemporary or near-contemporary records survive, stands a pagan goddess of the same name.» — lo que Hutton da por razonablemente cierto sobre Brígida, y la ausencia de registros contemporáneos de la santa.
«What is by no means clear is whether there was one goddess, or a triple one, or several, and whether there was in addition a real Christian woman of the same name with whom the deity became conflated.» — y las cuatro posibilidades que deja abiertas sin arbitrar.
«In legend the goddess-figure was associated with learning, poetry, prophesying, healing, and metal-working, and was in general the most pleasant Irish female deity.» — los atributos que la leyenda adjudica a la diosa Brígida.
«The saint was portrayed more as a provider of plenty and a friend of animals, with a very close association with the whole natural world.» — y los de la santa, distintos de los de la diosa.
«The latter was, however, essentially the tutelary goddess of one major tribe, the Brigantes, although the Roman identification of her with their own Minerva, the goddess of war, crafts, and skills, indicates a group of characteristics very similar to those of the Irish Brigid.» — y la enmienda que Hutton hace a esa equiparación, con lo que sí concede.
«In legend, however, the goddess was not especially associated with fire, and (more significantly) the very important seventh-century life of St Brigid written by Cogitosus at Kildare makes no mention of the custom;» — las dos negativas con que discute la llama perpetua de Kildare como supervivencia pagana.
«it is possible, therefore, that it grew up between the seventh and twelfth centuries as a derivation from the meaning of the saint’s name.» — y la explicación alternativa que propone: la llama derivada del significado del nombre de la santa.
«It must be obvious from all this how rich the material is for imaginative reconstructions of the ancient cult of Brigid, and how little it supports absolutely certain conclusions.» — la fórmula con que Hutton cierra el caso de Brígida, y que vale para todo el libro.
«By the opening of the eighteenth century, if not long before, the belief had developed that the saint would visit virtuous households upon the eve of her feast, and bless the inhabitants as they slept.» — la creencia de la visita de la santa, con su datación y su reserva.
«More frequently still, people would plait a críosog Bridghe, or a St Brigid’s cross woven of rushes (or, occasionally, straw), and hang it over a door or window or in the rafters as a sign of welcome for her; others were commonly put in stables to obtain blessings for the beasts.» — la cruz de juncos de Santa Brígida, con su nombre gaélico y su colocación.
«The straightforward three-armed Christian cross was rarely used; instead four-armed examples, often set in lozenges or crooked at the ends as swastikas, were normal. Such shapes are known in prehistoric European art, so may in this case have been adopted directly from the ancient past.» — las formas de esas cruces y la posibilidad de antigüedad que Hutton concede a partir de ellas.
«On the other hand, the first record of the crosses comes from 1689, when they were associated with the summer feast of Corpus Christi, and their enduring linkage with St Brigid’s Eve was not noted until 1728.» — y el dato documental que la acota: la primera constancia es de 1689 y va unida al Corpus, no a Santa Brígida.
«The dearth of information upon Irish popular customs before the eighteenth century prevents anything more than speculation as to the date and means of origin of this one.» — la deuda documental que impide ir más allá de la conjetura sobre esa costumbre.
«By contrast, her cult was comparatively weak in Britain, being developed mostly in cities which possessed Irish visitors or immigrants, or stations for Irish pilgrims crossing the island, such as Glastonbury Abbey.» — el mapa británico del culto de Brígida, leído como presencia irlandesa y no como herencia céltica común.
«Glastonbury, indeed, carefully nurtured its association with her, claiming to possess her relics in rivalry with Kildare, a process undoubtedly encouraged by the ambitions of the abbey’s royal English patrons to extend their influence in the British Isles.» — [GLASTONBURY] la lectura política de esa devoción: la abadía disputaba reliquias a Kildare con el respaldo de sus patronos reales ingleses.
«The following day, her feast, a straw figure dressed in baby clothes was carried round by children, women, or young men at places in all parts of Ireland except the most Anglicized (north Leinster and Ulster).» — la figura de paja llevada de casa en casa el día de la santa, con su mapa negativo.
«and then the mistress and servants cry three times ‘Briid is come, Brud is welcome.’ This they do just before going to bed, and when they rise in the morning they look among the ashes, expecting to see the impression of Brüd’s club there; which if they do, they reckon it a true presage of a good crop and a prosperous year,» — [VIAJERO DE FINES DEL S. XVII] la cama de Brígida en las Hébridas, con su fórmula de bienvenida y el augurio leído en las cenizas.
«the custom then was to gather a bundle of green rushes, and standing with them in the hand on the threshold of the door, to invite the holy Saint Bridget to come and lodge with them that night…saying ‘Brede, Brede, come to my house tonight. Open the door for Brede and let Brede come in.’» — [TESTIMONIO MANÉS] la invitación a la santa en la Isla de Man, con su fórmula.
«During the early part of the next century St Bride’s Day (Latha ‘ill Brídhe) was still remembered ‘in some places’ of this region. Feasts were held, at which women would dance holding a large cloth by the corners and call ’Bridean, Bridean, thig an nail’s dean do leabaidh’ (Bride, Bride come over and make your bed).» — la forma reducida del rito ya en el siglo XIX, con la fórmula cantada en gaélico.
«The bed itself, however, was by then rarely made, although a little straw might be thrown together in a corner.» — y la medida de esa reducción: la cama ya casi no se hacía.
«A specially bright shell or crystal is placed over the heart of the figure. This is called reul-iuil Bride, the guiding star of Bride, and typifies the star over the stable door at Bethlehem.» — [CARMICHAEL] la *estrella guía de Bride* sobre el corazón de la figura, con su exégesis cristiana dentro del propio testimonio.
«When the meal was done, the young men humbly asked for admission, made obeisance to the Brideag, and joined the girls in dancing and making merry until dawn.» — [CARMICHAEL] el reparto de papeles: los mozos piden entrada humildemente y hacen reverencia a la figura.
«The icon was laid in the bed and a peeled wand of birch, broom, bramble, or willow put beside it. Then they smoothed out the ashes and retired to sleep.» — [CARMICHAEL] la cama de Bride y la vara pelada puesta a su lado, con las cenizas alisadas.
«If the mark of the wand was found there in the morning, this was a good sign. If a footprint was found, this was wonderful, but if there was nothing then the household would be dejected because Bride had not listened to it.» — [CARMICHAEL] la escala de augurios leída en las cenizas a la mañana siguiente.
«In the islands and some Irish communities, they were designed to give a particular prominence, and dignity, to the women of a community —an appropriate phenomenon at the feast of Ireland’s greatest female saint.» — la función que Hutton adjudica a estos ritos: dar prominencia y dignidad a las mujeres de la comunidad.
«Nothing like them is known from the other areas of the British Isles which spoke Celtic languages; from the Scottish Highlands, Wales, or Cornwall. The first of those regions shared a Gaelic tongue with Ireland and the Western Isles, but (clearly) not sufficient of an Irish identity.» — la negativa que rompe la unidad céltica: nada semejante en las Highlands, Gales o Cornualles, pese a compartir la lengua.
«On St Bride’s Eve the girls of a townland fashion a sheaf of corn into the likeness of a woman. They dress and deck the» — [CARMICHAEL] la figura de Brígida hecha por las mozas con una gavilla de grano.
«Nothing quite like this is recorded outside this group of islands (and there only by this single writer), but all of it represents an exceptionally ornate version» — la doble advertencia con que Hutton acota ese material: no hay nada parecido fuera de esas islas y allí solo lo recoge un escritor, y aun así es una versión ornada de costumbres conocidas en Irlanda y Man.
«Both came together in the feast of the Purification of the Blessed Virgin Mary, at once a festival of Christ and of his mother, which (as the event had to have occurred, according to Hebrew law, forty days after the Nativity), was installed upon 2 February.» — el origen de la Candelaria: fiesta doble de Cristo y de su madre, colocada cuarenta días después de la Natividad por la ley hebrea.
«It is first definitely recorded in seventh-century Rome, in a context which suggests that it had arrived from Gaul but with a name which suggests that it had first appeared in the Greek world.» — la datación de la fiesta, con la ruta que sugiere el contexto y la que sugiere el nombre.
«The Roman word februa, which gave the month its name, signified purification, and the ceremonies of the pagan Roman February had mostly been rites of cleansing, in preparation for a fresh start to many activities in the coming spring.» — la explicación de por qué la fiesta prendió: febrero era ya el mes de los ritos de purificación en Roma.
«There was, however, apparently nothing in the ancient Roman February rites which prefigured the Christian ceremony of kindling candles, an action which seems to have been directly suggested by the words attributed to old Simeon in the gospel.» — y la negativa que Hutton opone a la genealogía pagana de las velas: nada en los ritos romanos las prefigura, y el evangelio las sugiere directamente.
«According to Bede, on the other hand, the pagan Anglo-Saxons called February ‘Sol-monath’, ‘cake month’, and in it they offered special cakes to their deities.» — [BEDA] la única noticia de una fiesta anglosajona de principios de primavera.
«This looks like a convincing record of an early English feast at the opening of spring, only providing that Bede was not just guessing at the meaning of the name.» — y la reserva con que Hutton la acepta, dicha en la misma frase.
«He gave, however, no indication of when in the month it fell, and the Christian celebration was concerned with purification and lights, not with cakes.» — las dos objeciones que le pone, y la conclusión: la fiesta cristiana no tiene vínculo demostrable con prácticas del norte de Europa antiguo.
«The Christian feast has, therefore, no demonstrable links with ancient northern European practices.» — la conclusión de esa serie de negativas, en una frase.
«If its association in the Mediterranean world was chiefly with purification, its importance further north, where winters were darker and colder, was primarily as a celebration of returning light.» — el desplazamiento de sentido de la fiesta según la latitud: purificación en el Mediterráneo, retorno de la luz en el norte.
«The liturgy also testifies with equal strength to the way in which, by this period, the candles carried in procession on the feast had become objects of veneration in themselves.» — y lo segundo que la liturgia atestigua: las velas vueltas objetos de veneración por sí mismas.
«Every parishioner was obliged to bring and carry one, and to offer it to the priest to be blessed, paying a penny for the service.» — la obligación y el precio del rito parroquial de la Candelaria.
«Part of the latter stated that once the sanctified candle was lit ‘the devil may flee away in prayer and trembling’.» — [USE OF SARUM] lo que la bendición atribuía a la vela consagrada.
«They were carried round the church again after mass, and then some seem to have been burned before a statue of the Virgin, and others taken home to be lit in times of storm or sickness, or in the hands of the dying.» — y los usos que las velas benditas tenían después, según costumbre local o deseo individual.
«renewal and rebirth of light in the dark time of the year, and of the new light of heaven manifested to an old world.» — [USE OF SARUM] las imágenes de la liturgia que Hutton lee como prueba de ese desplazamiento: renacimiento de la luz en el tiempo oscuro del año.
«From this ceremony the feast took its popular British name of Candlemas; it marked the formal opening of spring and of the month which drives the darkness from the afternoon and (in England at least) usually restores the first flowers to the earth and the first buds to the trees.» — el nombre popular de la fiesta y lo que marcaba en el calendario: la apertura formal de la primavera.
«Some of the worst cold and privation of the confined season might well still be ahead, but there was now the promise of better times not far away.» — la fórmula con que Hutton describe el sentido de la fiesta, sin idealizarla.
«The Reformation, inevitably, tore out the central ritual from the feast, as Protestants viewed the sanctification of the candles as a ‘superstitious’ act turning the minds of people from true religion.» — la razón protestante para suprimir la bendición de las velas.
«Henry VIII compromised by confirming the ceremony in a proclamation of 1539, but emphasizing that it was to be seen only as a means to honour Christ as the light of the world and not as a way of producing magical objects.» — el término medio de Enrique VIII: el rito confirmado, pero como honra a Cristo y no como fábrica de objetos mágicos.
«Nevertheless, it may be significant that these communities were subsequently found to be celebrating St Brigid’s Eve and Day, and not Candlemas, and the latter feast lingered longest, instead, in the Shetlands, which were just as remote but Norse and not Gaelic in culture.» — la observación que Hutton extrae del reparto: las comunidades católicas gaélicas guardaban a Brígida y no la Candelaria, y esta duró más en las Shetland, nórdicas.
«Until 1711 people used to bear candles to the Crosskirk at Northmavine after dark on Candlemas night. They would burn them there and feast, even though there was no longer any blessing by a cleric. Instead the people themselves offered them with prayers, and kept them to be lit, as before, when ill fortune threatened.» — [TESTIMONIO DE SHETLAND] el rito sin clérigo: la gente misma ofrecía las velas con oraciones y las guardaba para la desgracia.
«members as its patroness, carrying a doll to represent Christ. She was followed by two men costumed as Joseph and Simeon, two people attired as angels bearing a frame which held twenty-four candles, and then the remaining sisters and brothers bearing their own, with musicians. At the church the ‘Virgin’ offered the doll to ‘Simeon’ at the high altar and the others presented their candles to be blessed.» — [GREMIO DE BEVERLEY] la procesión con la Virgen, José y Simeón representados, y la entrega del muñeco en el altar mayor.
«Grimsby, Coventry, and Cambridge held municipal banquets, and in the last of those places the town musicians toured the streets. Winter regulations for urban street-lighting and watchmen, in force since All Saints’ Day, came to an end.» — lo que la Candelaria abría en la vida civil: banquetes municipales y fin de las ordenanzas de invierno para el alumbrado y la ronda.
«Both records are retrospective, and indeed until the nineteenth century notices of domestic customs outside the south-east of England are very rare.» — la advertencia documental sobre las costumbres domésticas: fuera del sureste inglés, las noticias son rarísimas antes del siglo XIX.
«It is difficult to tell whether these were the only cases in the country of a ‘privatization’ of the feast, and whether they themselves represented an empty formality or actions genuinely intended to» — y la duda que Hutton deja abierta sobre esos casos: si eran los únicos y si eran formalidad vacía o acción de buena suerte.
«In the Border districts of Scotland it was certainly deemed lucky to light fires of broom or gorse on hills at Candlemas, these blazes replacing the sacred flames of the churches.» — la sustitución que Hutton registra en las Border: hogueras de retama en los cerros por las llamas sagradas de las iglesias.
«When the singers performed outside a home they would be answered, through the closed door, with a series of riddles (a parallel to the South Welsh Mari Lwyd custom» — [TESTIMONIO DE CAERNARVONSHIRE] el rito galés de la Candelaria: acertijos a través de la puerta cerrada, como en la *Mari Lwyd*.
«Upon passing this test, they were admitted, to find a room lit with candles and (ideally) a maiden seated in a chair, with a baby boy in her arms, personifying the Virgin and Child.» — y la escena que hallaban dentro: una moza con un niño en brazos, representando a la Virgen y el Niño.
«As in the Gaelic areas where Brigid was welcomed, a feast at the opening of spring had developed into a means (among other things) of paying respect to womanhood.» — el paralelo que Hutton traza entre Gales y las zonas gaélicas: la fiesta de principios de primavera vuelta homenaje a la condición femenina.
«This may reflect a pre-Christian tradition in these Celtic areas, or it may have been the natural result of the convergence of the two festivals of Brigid and Mary.» — y las dos explicaciones que pone una junto a otra sin arbitrar.
«All over Wales, therefore, for about 200 years after Reformation, there are signs that aspects of the medieval rite of Candlemas had simply been taken from the churches and relocated in homes» — la tesis del caso galés: el rito medieval de la Candelaria sacado de las iglesias y realojado en las casas.
«It was, however, over this same period, when all remnants of the medieval festival were in decay, that a new early spring celebration developed among an important social group.» — la observación de estructura que ordena el capítulo: una fiesta nueva nace justo cuando la vieja se descompone.
«These workers seem increasingly to have required a ritualized means of expressing communal pride and solidarity, and found it in the feast which had technically been abolished in the mid-Tudor period.» — la explicación funcional del regreso de San Blas: los obreros del paño necesitaban un modo ritual de expresar orgullo y solidaridad.
«It was the last and greatest of those craft celebrations which flowered in the earlier part of the Industrial Revolution and which had commenced with the shoemakers upon St Crispin’s Day.» — y el lugar que le asigna en la serie de fiestas de oficio de la Revolución Industrial temprana.
«They always included ‘Bishop’ Blaise (or Blaze, Blase, or Blasius) in his mitre and robes; these Protestant artisans would have no time for saints.» — la observación que Hutton hace sobre esos artesanos protestantes desfilando tras un obispo santo.
«There they were subsidized by employers, and grew so elaborate that by the end of the eighteenth century it was customary to hold them only once every seven years.» — la economía del desfile de Bradford: subvencionado por los patrones y tan costoso que se hacía cada siete años.
«The entire industry was on display; but this was the last time that it could be.» — la bisagra del caso: 1825 fue la última vez que la industria entera pudo desfilar junta.
«Later that year the Bradford combers went on strike, and the industrial and class conflict which ensued ruptured, for ever, the communal solidarity which the processions had expressed.» — y la causa: la huelga y el conflicto de clase rompieron para siempre la solidaridad que el desfile expresaba.
«All over England the system of domestic piece-work was dying, to be replaced by concentrated production in mills, and in fewer areas. The seasonal combination of workers in processions was slowly giving way to permanent combinations in clubs and trade unions.» — y la causa estructural detrás: el trabajo a domicilio muriendo y las combinaciones estacionales dando paso a clubes y sindicatos.
«Their disappearance left Britain bereft of any national festivals formally to mark the traditional end of winter and the opening of spring.» — el saldo que Hutton hace: Gran Bretaña queda sin fiesta nacional que marque el fin del invierno.
«During the twentieth century the notional beginning of spring came itself to be moved backwards to the vernal equinox, by a slow process induced by the mass media.» — el corrimiento del comienzo de la primavera al equinoccio en el siglo XX, atribuido a los medios.
«This was part of an adoption of the American system of reckoning seasons from the solstices and equinoxes, which works admirably in the climate of most of the USA, but is nonsensical in the rhythm of the British year.» — y el juicio que Hutton hace de ese sistema importado, dicho como suyo.
«February became for most people a friendless month, too far after Christmas and too long before Easter.» — la consecuencia sobre el calendario vivido.
«TWO out of the three most celebrated fourteenth-century English writers, Geoffrey Chaucer and John Gower, mentioned the same popular belief, that the birds choose their mates upon the feast of Valentine, their patron saint.» — [CHAUCER, GOWER] la creencia con que arranca el día de San Valentín: los pájaros eligen pareja en su fiesta.
«By that date, 14 February, the mating flights of ravens, crows, and rooks would usually be visible, and they would be starting to repair their nests, while in a good year the spring songs of thrushes, finches, and woodpeckers would be beginning to swell. These were further omens of the approaching end of the time of cold and deprivation.» — el anclaje natural de esa creencia en el calendario británico.
«How much further back in time the tradition goes is impossible to say, for the fourteenth century is the first in which literary works became available in sufficient quantity in England to make the recording of such notions likely.» — la negativa sobre su antigüedad, con la razón documental dicha: el siglo XIV es el primero con bastante literatura como para registrarla.
«It seems a little strange that neither of the fourteenth-century poets thought of mentioning this in works which gave prominence to the belief about birds— unless the human custom had grown up between the time of Chaucer’s work in the 1380s and that of Lydgate’s, around 1440. It is possible that this is indeed what happened, and that the amorous conceit was invented in the rather frivolous courtly circle among which Lydgate moved; but neither suggestion can be proved.» — la hipótesis de que la costumbre humana naciera entre Chaucer y Lydgate, con su calibre.
«These entries prove that people of both sexes were by then expected to send tokens of affection or admiration to the person of their choice.» — [CARTAS PASTON, CUENTAS WILLOUGHBY] lo que esos registros sí prueban.
«That purchased by Sir Henry must have been more than a mere trifle, and it is a pity that we shall never know what it was, and that indeed no other medieval or Tudor Valentine was ever described.» — y la negativa que Hutton lamenta: ningún *Valentine* medieval o Tudor quedó descrito.
«To Lydgate, clearly, it was a question of personal affection, but by the time of the Pastons it seems that sometimes, at least, the recipient of the token was chosen by lot.» — el desacuerdo entre dos modos de elegir, consignado sin armonizar: por afecto o por sorteo.
«The actual holy day of Valentine was abolished first in the Edwardian Reformation and then in the Elizabethan one, but the amorous practices continued unabated.» — el dato que Hutton subraya: abolida la fiesta, las prácticas amorosas siguieron sin merma.
«Henry Bourne, writing on Tyneside in the 1720s, noted that the ‘vulgar’ invariably drew names from a vessel on St Valentine’s Eve, those of one gender being drawn by an equal number of the other. The choice, he added, was in theory a genuine matter of chance and regarded as a good omen of an actual match.» — [BOURNE] el sorteo de nombres en la víspera, tenido por azar genuino y por buen augurio.
«It remained the standard form of selection in Scotland, and in England down to, and including, northern Nottinghamshire and Derbyshire and the parts of Lancashire above the river Ribble; only dying out near the end of the nineteenth century.» — el mapa del sorteo y su fecha de muerte.
«Across most of the rest of England, however, a new procedure was becoming customary by the late eighteenth century; of choosing a recipient privately, and by design, and sending them the token of affection.» — el procedimiento nuevo que se impone a fines del siglo XVIII: elegir en privado y por designio, y mandar la prenda.
«The same practice obtained in Victorian Wales, at first upon the old feast of Dwynwen, the Welsh patron saint of love (25 January), and then upon that of Valentine, in conformity with metropolitan culture.» — y el desplazamiento galés de fecha, de Santa Dwynwen a San Valentín, por conformidad con la cultura metropolitana.
«it is customary, alike for married as for unmarried people, that the first person one meets in the morning, that is, if one is a man, the first woman or girl, becomes one’s Valentine.» — [VISITANTE NEERLANDÉS, 1663] la costumbre londinense descrita desde fuera: el primero del otro sexo que uno encuentra por la mañana queda por *Valentine*.
«One was ‘Valentining’, a begging tradition equivalent to those at the winter feasts of All Souls, Catherine, Clement, Thomas, and New Year.» — el *Valentining* situado en la serie de costumbres de pedir del invierno.
«These were for the most part areas in which children did not engage in ritualized begging in the winter; although, once again, many communities in its range never took it up.» — la lectura del mapa: el *Valentining* llena el hueco donde los niños no pedían en invierno, con la salvedad de siempre.
«As with the winter activities, Valentining was legitimized, from its first appearance, by use of a standard rhyme; almost always beginning ‘Morrow, morrow, Valentine’, ‘Good morrow Valentine’, or ‘Good morning Valentine’.» — la regla que Hutton repite: la rima legitima la petición desde la primera aparición de la costumbre.
«As with Clementing and Catterning, the point of origin for the chants is apparently lost, and so is the means of dissemination.» — y la negativa correspondiente sobre el origen y la difusión de esas rimas.
«All through the early twentieth century the custom continued to thrive among working-class families in this area, youngsters expecting the visit of an invisible character called ‘the Valentine Man’ or ‘Father Valentine’ after nightfall on St Valentine’s Day.» — [TESTIMONIOS DE NORFOLK] el *Valentine Man*, personaje invisible que dejaba regalos a los niños.
«Apparently inspired by Santa Claus, he left sweets, fruit, pencils, or a book for each child on a window-sill or inside a hallway; in reality, he could be either a parent or a family friend.» — y la genealogía que Hutton le da: inspirado en Santa Claus, es decir, muy reciente.
«The habit of sending written compliments for St Valentine’s Day seems to have been a development of the mideighteenth century; the oldest known, in Hull Museum, has been dated to 1750.» — la datación de la tarjeta escrita de San Valentín, con la pieza más antigua conocida.
«That, however, represented a peak, and a very marked decline set in from the next decade. It was partly the result of a passage of fashion, but also of the increasing production of mocking, insulting, or ‘indecent’ Valentines.» — el declive de la tarjeta desde 1890, con las dos causas que Hutton le adjudica.
«Cards of this sort were popular enough with purchasers and detested enough by recipients to assist the passage of the whole custom into disrepute, and then into abeyance.» — la mecánica del descrédito: gustaban a quien las compraba y las odiaba quien las recibía.
«By 1914 the sending of Valentine cards had become a rarity or died out altogether in every part of England and Wales.» — la fecha en que la costumbre se extingue, antes de su regreso.
«it was only in the 1950s that a national readoption of the custom got under way, making it completely ubiquitous. Like the parallel boom in Mother’s Day cards, this was the result of commercial promotion, working through the powerful new mass media, and inspired by American fashion.» — y el regreso, con sus causas nombradas: promoción comercial, medios masivos y moda americana.
«Like ‘Mothering’ also, it drew directly upon an older native tradition, because the American cards were not generally anonymous but the British equivalent was customarily so, as it had been under Victoria.» — el rasgo nativo que el regreso conservó: el anonimato de la tarjeta británica frente a la americana.
«The net result is to ensure that if Christmas is now the celebration of the family and New Year of the network of adult friends, then couples have to wait only six weeks for a festival dedicated to them.» — la lectura del calendario moderno por papeles sociales: la familia, la red de amigos adultos y la pareja.
«With Mothering Sunday in the next month, the modern run of feasts dedicated to different roles within the life cycle, stretching from the middle to the end of the cold and confined season, is complete.» — y el cierre del capítulo: una serie moderna de fiestas por papeles del ciclo vital, de mitad a fin de la estación fría.
«about 1820 that stationers began to make paper with embossed headings designed specially for the romantic messages, and ten years later these were being lithographed. During the 1840s they started to appear with lace or satin decorations, matching envelopes, and set messages; the Valentine card had arrived.» — la cronología de la tarjeta de San Valentín como objeto industrial, de los encabezados en relieve de hacia 1820 a las cenefas de encaje y los mensajes impresos de los años cuarenta.
«Its origins lay in the early Middle Ages, along with those of the long fast of Lent, which it directly preceded and which thus created it.» — la genealogía del Carnaval británico que Hutton traza: la Cuaresma lo precede y lo crea.
«The first was that it was a last opportunity for fun before the dietary, recreational, and sexual restrictions of Lent set in, and indeed imposed a need to consume remaining stocks of meat, eggs, and cheese before they were interdicted.» — la primera causa de su frenesí: última oportunidad, y necesidad de consumir carne, huevos y queso antes de la prohibición.
«The second was that by this season stocks of food would have been low for many people in any case and privation considerable, so that an opportunity for the frenetic release of emotion would have been very welcome.» — y la segunda, material: las despensas bajas y la privación considerable hacían bienvenido el desahogo.
«‘Shrove’ was from ‘shriving’ or confession of sins and receipt of absolution, so that congregations went into Lent with clean consciences; this was what the Church expected from these days. ‘Collop’ referred to the eating of collops, or cuts,» — la etimología de los nombres ingleses de los días, que Hutton lee como doble preparación para el ayuno.
«From the time at which royal, aristocratic, and episcopal household accounts become abundant, in the fourteenth century,1 payments for food, drink, and entertainment at this time rank only behind those at Christmas.» — [CUENTAS DOMÉSTICAS] la medida del peso del Carnaval en la alta sociedad: segundo solo tras la Navidad.
«With the arrival of the Stuarts it became customary for the court to conclude its winter season then with the most elaborate and expensive diversion of the age, a formal masque.» — la forma cortesana del Carnaval bajo los Estuardo: la mascarada como diversión más cara de la época.
«The very first detailed record of seasonal celebration in north-west Wales is in the diary of the Anglesey farmer Robert Bulkeley. On the Saturday and Monday nights of Shrovetide 1635 he and a crowd of friends went on a tour of neighbouring farmhouses carrying drink with them.» — [BULKELEY] el primer registro detallado de fiesta estacional en el noroeste de Gales, y lo que era: una ronda de granjas con bebida.
«Fifteen years later, the poet William Warner made the first reference to its most enduring foodstuff, when he wrote of ‘Fast-eve pan-puffs’.» — [WARNER] la primera referencia al plato más duradero del Carnaval inglés.
«In 1622 the satire on London, Vox Graculi, could term the festival ‘Prime Peer of the Pullets, First Favourite of the Frying Pans, greatest Bashaw to the Batter Bowls, Protector of the Pan Cakes, First Founder of the Fritters, Baron of Bacon-flitch, Earl of Egg-baskets’.» — [VOX GRACULI] la retahíla de títulos con que una sátira de 1622 nombra la fiesta.
«then there is a bell rung, called the Pancake-bell, the sound whereof makes thousands of people distracted, and forgetful either of manners or of humanity;» — [TAYLOR] la campana de los panqueques y lo que provocaba, en la sátira de 1621.
«The two other principal pastimes associated with the day were noted as early as the late twelfth century, when William Fitzstephen included in a life of St Thomas Becket a description of how Londoners spent the morning of Shrove Tuesday in cock-fighting and the afternoon in ball games.» — [FITZSTEPHEN] los dos pasatiempos principales del martes de Carnaval, registrados ya en el siglo XII.
«They embodied, indeed, the intrinsic propensity of Shrovetide sports to express both violence and cruelty as part of the feast’s cathartic role.» — la lectura que Hutton da a esos deportes: violencia y crueldad como parte del papel catártico de la fiesta.
«The term concerning the cocks in the 1409 order was ‘cock-threshing’, rather than the traditional cock-fighting, and represents the earliest known reference to a distinctive game of the day, whereby people competed to kill a cock with missiles or blows.» — la distinción entre reñir gallos y el juego propio del día, de matarlos a golpes o pedradas.
«It made sense to kill off poultry if eggs were forbidden in Lent, and to a brutal society it was equally logical to have some» — la explicación que Hutton da al juego del gallo, sin suavizarla: mataba aves inútiles durante la Cuaresma, y a una sociedad brutal le parecía lógico divertirse en el proceso.
«In London one sees in every street, wherever one goes, many apprentice boys running with, under their arms, a cock with a string on its foot, on which is a spike, which they push firmly into the ground between the stones. They always look for an open space and, for a penny, let people throw their cudgel from a good distance at the cock and he, who kills the cock, gets it.» — [SHELLINKS] el primero de los dos métodos descritos en 1663: el gallo atado y los garrotazos a penique la tirada.
«In the country or among countryfolk they bury a cock with only its head above ground, and blindfold a person and turn him two or three times round himself, and he then tries to hit the cock with a flail, and the one who hits it or comes closest to it gets the prize.» — [SHELLINKS] y el segundo, rural: el gallo enterrado hasta el cuello y el jugador con los ojos vendados.
«At the village of Pinner, in Middlesex, the churchwardens bought cocks for Shrovetide at the parish expense in the early Stuart period and again at the Restoration, and returned the profits to the church funds.» — [CUENTAS DE PINNER] el juego del gallo como fuente de ingreso parroquial.
«The game in its traditional form had no clearly defined teams and effectively no rules; and goals, if they existed at all, were of secondary importance to the thrill of fighting for possession of the ball.» — la definición del fútbol tradicional: sin equipos definidos, sin reglas y con la portería secundaria frente a la pelea por la pelota.
«Its proscription by the corporation of London has been mentioned; it was also banned by Edward III, Richard II, Henry IV, and Henry VIII. The reiteration of these prohibitions gives an ominous indication of their effectiveness, and James I was content to forbid it within the precincts of the court, remarking that it was ‘meter for laming than making able the users thereof» — la serie de prohibiciones reales del fútbol, y cómo Hutton lee su reiteración.
«a devilish pastime… a bloody and murdering practice… For doth not every one lie in wait for his adversary, seeking to overthrow him and to pick him on his nose, though it be upon hard stones?» — [STUBBS] la descripción del fútbol en la campaña de 1583 por una sociedad más ordenada.
«The reasons for its popularity, therefore, are obvious, and during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries several official bodies sponsored it upon Shrove Tuesday.» — la vuelta de tuerca con que Hutton lee esas condenas, y el dato que la acompaña: varios cuerpos oficiales patrocinaban el juego.
«Cornwall had its own distinctive sport, of hurling, which was essentially the same game but using a smaller, lighter, and harder ball.» — el *hurling* de Cornualles como variante local del mismo juego.
«He compared the ball ‘to an infernal spirit, for whosoever catcheth it fareth straightways like a madman, struggling and fighting with those that go about to hold him’.» — [CAREW] la imagen con que el propio hidalgo describe el efecto de la pelota sobre quien la toma.
«Like Elyot and Stubbes, he added that the game caused many injuries, but unlike them he insisted that these left no malice among the competitors.» — y el desacuerdo que Hutton consigna sin arbitrar: Carew coincide en las heridas y niega el rencor que aquellos afirmaban.
«In medieval and Tudor times it was not, indeed, noted for serious disorder; riot and rebellion tended to arise instead out of the summer games when the climate was better for taking to the streets or the battlefield.» — la corrección cronológica que Hutton hace al tópico del Carnaval revoltoso: el desorden medieval y Tudor era de los juegos de verano.
«The targets were not random, but consisted overwhelmingly of brothels and playhouses.» — y el dato que le quita al motín su apariencia de caos: los blancos no eran aleatorios.
«They were, however, directed against targets disliked by the respectable—the brothels were technically illegal—and could thus be regarded as a form of community policing.» — la lectura que Hutton propone: una forma de vigilancia comunitaria, aunque los actos fueran delito.
«Their eruption at this particular period cannot be coincidental, and may perhaps best be viewed as a popular dimension to that campaign against theatres, sports, and prostitution which had been undertaken by the City authorities under Elizabeth and was itself a part of the wider Protestant ‘Reformation of Manners’.» — y la explicación que ensaya, con su calibre: una dimensión popular de la campaña protestante contra teatros, deportes y prostitución.
«twenty-four out of the twenty-nine Shrove Tuesdays of the early Stuart period, normally in the suburbs of the City and especially in those on the northern side, where traditional areas of recreation were situated. All apparently included apprentices, but they were regularly reinforced by craftsmen and could involve thousands of people.» — la medida del cambio bajo los primeros Estuardo: motines en veinticuatro de los veintinueve martes de Carnaval, con miles de participantes.
«Literary works of the time accordingly reflected a profound ambivalence towards the Shrovetide riots.» — la ambivalencia que Hutton lee en la literatura contemporánea sobre esos motines.
«He portrayed how ‘ragged regiments’ of ‘youths armed with cudgels, stones, banners, rules, trowels and hand-staves, put playhouses to the sack and bawdy-houses to the spoil, in the quarrel breaking a thousand quarrels (of glass I mean)’.» — [TAYLOR] el único satírico que trató el asunto en detalle, con su descripción de los regimientos harapientos.
«The lads eventually wove these sports into a political protest, for on Shrove Tuesday 1660, when demonstrations against the tottering republic were breaking out all over southern England, they used the letter of the prohibition to insult the republicans who ran the city. Outside the mayor’s house they threw at geese and hens and tossed up bitches and cats, and knocked down the sheriff who tried to prevent them.» — [CRÓNICA DE BRISTOL] el caso de 1660 en que el juego del gallo se vuelve protesta política contra la república.
«In this respect it seems as if bawds, as well as Catholics, actually lived more easily as a result of the Puritan Revolution than they had done under the early Stuart monarchy.» — la conclusión irónica sobre el fin de los motines londinenses, dicha con el dato a la vista.
«It had never been an official set of holy days, sanctioned by the Church or confirmed by Act of Parliament.» — el estatuto del Carnaval, que explica su declive lento: nunca fue día santo oficial ni sancionado por ley.
«In Scotland there were no more official seasonal fasts after 1690, so that Fastern’s E’en became even more of an informal celebration, but the need for a February feast caused it to linger even there.» — y la persistencia escocesa pese a la abolición del ayuno: la necesidad de una fiesta de febrero.
«‘contempt of justice: for what avails it for a poor constable with an army of reverend rusty bill-men to command these beasts, for they with their pockets instead of pistols, well charged with stone-shot discharge against the image of authority, whole volleys as thick as hail’.» — [TAYLOR] dónde ponía el agravio verdadero de los motines: en el desprecio a la justicia y en la impotencia del alguacil.
«In the Highlands and Western Isles, ‘Inid’ was a time for ‘saining’ the cattle in the stalls again, with burning juniper as at New Year, it was clearly regarded (as the name suggested) as opening another stage of the year.» — el *Inid* gaélico como fecha de *saining* del ganado, y lo que su nombre declara.
«It is notable that all the terms used for the cock-fighting in Highland areas were in Latin, not Gaelic, so that the custom was clearly imported into them from the south.» — el criterio lingüístico con que Hutton fecha una importación: los términos de la riña de gallos en las Highlands son latinos y no gaélicos.
«Joseph Strutt noted that its promoters were so keen to make money that they would not accept a win until the bird was killed outright; a crippled one was propped up on a stick.» — [STRUTT] la crueldad del juego explicada por su economía.
«Here the idea was to catch them before they regained their feet, and a victor to keep the cock; but the observer who recorded this noted that in practice the birds were always destroyed.» — y la distancia entre la regla declarada y lo que pasaba, según el propio observador.
«In Lancashire, however, the sticks were lighter, and the cocks expected to survive —so that they could be used for fighting.» — la variación local que cambia el sentido del juego: en Lancashire las aves debían sobrevivir para reñir después.
«By the years around 1700 sensibilities were already starting to shift to the point at which commentators were finding the sadism of all this disturbing.» — el desplazamiento de sensibilidad que Hutton fecha hacia 1700.
«Their nervousness is betrayed by the way in which they were repeatedly trying to find historical justifications for what was clearly just a joy in cruelty.» — y el síntoma por el que lo detecta: la búsqueda repetida de justificaciones históricas para lo que era gusto por la crueldad.
«Thus, Sir Charles Sedley in 1693 claimed that cocks were belaboured in memory of St Peter’s denial of Christ (three times before cock-crow); the British Apollo suggested in 1708 that cocks had alerted Danish oppressors to an attempted English revolt; and Hearne subsequently asserted that they were symbols of the hated French.» — [SEDLEY, BRITISH APOLLO, HEARNE] las tres justificaciones históricas inventadas para el juego del gallo, una tras otra.
«Throwing at them now became the first blood sport in English history to be determinedly attacked and then suppressed.» — la adjudicación que Hutton hace al caso: el primer deporte de sangre inglés atacado y suprimido de propósito.
«The Gentleman’s Magazine published its first condemnation of the sport in 1737, and six more followed each other through its pages between 1750 and 1762. In the three decades after 1750 several provincial newspapers took up the call, and under the impact of this campaign opinion among the social élite moved decisively.» — la mecánica de esa campaña, medida por la prensa.
«As a public sport it made a relatively easy target for humanitarians working on upper-class sympathies. It was, after all, a pleasure of small groups among the common people, and as the animals were tethered it could be made to appear unsporting to those accustomed to chase their quarry with guns or hounds.» — la explicación de clase de por qué ese deporte cayó primero: era placer de gente común y las aves iban atadas.
«Cock-fighting began to come under pressure later, at the end of the eighteenth century, and was made illegal at a national level in the 1830s.» — la cronología distinta de la riña de gallos, ilegal a nivel nacional en los años treinta del siglo XIX.
«Again, suppression was much easier in the public than the private sphere; the cock-pit at Penzance was closed in about 1800, but Shrovetide fights were still staged among miners on the coasts of West Pen-with, the port’s hinterland, until the 1880s.» — y la regla que Hutton repite: suprimir en público es mucho más fácil que en privado.
«By 1800 it was a custom of small, stable, and conservative towns, at which it was thoroughly entrenched.» — el nicho social del fútbol de Carnaval hacia 1800.
«The actual results were almost never noticed, the excitement and danger of play being the main object.» — lo que Hutton subraya del juego: el resultado casi nunca se registraba y el objeto era la emoción y el peligro.
«There was little trace of lasting rivalries or resentments resulting, and almost none of the events was used to mock authority.» — y las dos negativas que lo acompañan: ni rencores duraderos ni burla de la autoridad.
«Little Inverness, in Midlothian, was unique in pitting married and unmarried women against each other; apparently the former always won.» — [TESTIMONIO DE MIDLOTHIAN] el único sitio que enfrentaba casadas contra solteras, con el resultado invariable.
«Play was as furious as in England, so that at Hawick ‘cuts, contusions and bloodshed were common occurrences; and all the evil passions that are excited by a state of war frequently pervaded the place’.» — [TESTIMONIO DE HAWICK] la violencia del juego dicha por un observador local.
«A few towns introduced rules to limit the damage, such as Scone and Jedburgh, which forbade kicking; in the latter case the reform was made in 1704 after a succession of deaths.» — y cómo nacían las reglas: en Jedburgh, tras una sucesión de muertes.
«Shrovetide football, then, had become by the modern period a tenaciously held tradition of a particular set of communities; of just the same sort, in social terms, which were strongholds of Guy Fawkes celebrations, although the two customs rarely coexisted as they fulfilled much the same annual function as an enormous release of emotion and energy.» — la equivalencia funcional que Hutton enuncia entre el fútbol de Carnaval y las hogueras de Guy Fawkes, y por qué rara vez coexistían en el mismo pueblo.
«Wherever the process can be traced in detail it was because of a withdrawal of support from the respectable tradespeople upon whose goodwill local government depended.» — la causa que Hutton adjudica a la supresión, siempre la misma: el retiro del apoyo de los comerciantes respetables.
«Moral considerations always ranked behind practical issues in the complaints, although a swelling working-class movement for greater temperance and responsibility (linked to a quest for more political and economic power) sometimes opposed the game as degrading.» — y el orden de motivos en las quejas, con el movimiento obrero por la templanza en su sitio.
«The principal fact behind the change in attitude, however, seems to have been the growth in the population in general and in that of towns in particular, meaning that the crowds at the matches were ever larger and more composed of strangers who had used improved transport facilities to travel in for the fun.» — el hecho que Hutton pone por delante de todos: el crecimiento de la población y de las multitudes forasteras llegadas por el transporte nuevo.
«In 1835 the Highways Act made the traditional form of the game technically illegal by banning sports from public throughfares.» — la ley de 1835 que volvió ilegal la forma tradicional del juego.
«On Shrove Tuesday in that year, a band parade was held instead, and it was proposed to follow with competitions usually associated with summertime fairs and wakes, such as climbing a greased pole and pulling faces through horse collars.» — [DERBY] lo que se ofreció a cambio del fútbol en 1845, tomado de las ferias de verano.
«Instead the ball moved so fast that the police and soldiers were either knocked over or left behind, and the magistrates ended up by reading the Riot Act.» — [DERBY, 1846] el fracaso del despliegue de constables y dragones.
«The result was a serious riot on Shrove Tuesday 1867, in which the houses of councillors were stoned.» — [KINGSTON] el costo político de la abolición: las casas de los concejales apedreadas.
«however, somebody kicked a ball in the crowd, a scrum began, and the other activities were hastily cancelled.» — [DERBY, 1845] lo que pasó con la alternativa ofrecida a cambio del fútbol: alguien pateó una pelota entre la multitud y lo demás se canceló a toda prisa.
«That at Jedburgh is larger and more ebullient, having avoided repression by its local council in 1848 when Scotland’s Lord Justice Clerk ruled that it had an ‘immemorial right’ to continue; of all the other Scottish matches only that at Kirkwall, Orkney, was as lucky.» — el argumento jurídico que salvó el fútbol de Jedburgh: un derecho inmemorial reconocido por el Lord Justice Clerk.
«In the early twentieth century it came to be seen as a quaint and colourful survival, patronized again by civic officials, the Church, and (in 1927) the Prince of Wales.» — [ASHBOURNE] el cambio de estatuto que salva una costumbre: de estorbo a supervivencia pintoresca, patrocinada de nuevo por las autoridades.
«As such, it has acquired the status of the little town’s emblem, its distinctive feature and a focus for traditional communal loyalties, the two ‘sides’ being still the two halves of the settlement.» — y la función que cumple hoy: emblema del pueblo y foco de lealtades comunales.
«I asked one old man why he still played, and he told me that it gave him a chance to pay off every grudge which he had acquired in the past year.» — [JUGADOR DE ASHBOURNE] la respuesta que Hutton recogió en el campo sobre para qué sirve el juego.
«It is an event which, in its own rather magnificent way, firmly resists any categorization of surviving folk traditions as sanitized, stilted, or precious.» — [ATHERSTONE] la conclusión con que Hutton cierra el fútbol de Carnaval, dicha como suya.
«‘Hurling’ declined in Cornwall during the same period, Methodism reinforcing the growing antipathy of local authorities to the destructive and disruptive potential of the game.» — la caída del *hurling* en Cornualles, con el metodismo reforzando la antipatía de las autoridades.
«The goals are two miles apart, and even to touch the silver-cased ball is considered lucky as well as honourable, for it flies through the air fast enough to bear out all of Carew’s comments upon it four hundred years ago.» — [ST COLUMB MAJOR] lo que queda del *hurling*, y la vuelta a Carew como medida.
«Alongside the old ritualized violence there appeared in the eighteenth century a regional juvenile begging custom of precisely the same sort as Souling, Clementing, Catterning, New Year blessing, and Valentining. It occupied the area of the provinces, southern England, in which all those did not occur.» — el *shroving* situado en la serie de costumbres infantiles de pedir, y en el hueco geográfico que las otras dejaban.
«Known as ‘shroving’, it is not recorded before the end of the century,62 and its origins are as obscure as those of the others.» — la negativa sobre su antigüedad, con el mismo registro que en los demás casos.
«Just as in all the comparable begging customs, there was a standard rhyme which gave the request legitimacy.» — la regla repetida: la rima da legitimidad a la petición.
«The threat implied in the Baldock verse was implemented at the western end of the ‘shroving’ region, and further west still, in a parallel tradition.» — la observación de continuidad entre la amenaza rimada y la práctica del oeste.
«At the time of writing, however, this had degenerated into the throwing of potsherds and filth into a front hallway or at a front door on Shrove Tuesday, by ‘the most worthless and despicable of the rabble’.» — [VIDAL] y en qué había degenerado en su tiempo, en sus propias palabras.
«It was a pure act of malice, to express local animosities, and in Vidal’s opinion served only for ‘insulting and damaging many of the most peaceable and deserving inhabitants of the neighbourhood’.» — [VIDAL] su juicio sobre la costumbre, dicho como suyo.
«Its author, a gentleman farmer called Robert Studley Vidal, recorded that it had originated as a game by which poor people earned the right to a Shrovetide dole» — [VIDAL] el origen que un testigo de 1805 adjudica al *Lent Crocking*: un juego por el que los pobres se ganaban el derecho a la limosna de Carnaval.
«It seems to have been connected with a tradition observed in the Isles of Scilly in the 1740s, whereby boys claimed the right to throw stones at doors on Shrove Tuesday until the owners gave them money or pancakes.» — [TESTIMONIO DE SCILLY] el derecho que los muchachos reclamaban a apedrear puertas hasta recibir pago.
«It was known variously as Lent Crocking, Pan Sharding, Lent-Sherding, Drawing of Cloam, Dappy-Door Night, or (in Cornwall) Nicky-Nan Night.» — los nombres locales de esa costumbre, tal cual los traen las fuentes.
«In its mildest form, found across its English range, it consisted of leaving the broken crockery as a sign of parsimony if ‘shroving’ was refused.» — la forma más suave del rito: dejar la loza rota como señal de tacañería.
«In places there was a traditional reprisal expected, such as in west Somerset where ‘crockers’ could be chased and have their faces blackened, in Carmarthenshire where a captured child would have to shine the household’s boots, and in west Devon where the penalty was to turn an old shoe hung painfully close to a fire.» — las represalias previstas contra los niños, condado por condado.
«The coercive element in all this was very unusual in British seasonal begging customs, although perhaps suited to the cruel or abrasive quality of Shrovetide traditions in general.» — lo que Hutton subraya del *crocking*: la coerción era muy inusual entre las costumbres británicas de pedir, y encaja con lo abrasivo del Carnaval.
«The confrontational aspect of ‘crocking’, however, meant that it did not die as peacefully as most. Perpetrators were fined for damaging doors at Crewkerne in 1858, Bridport in the 1880s, and Allweston in the 1890s, all those places being in southern Somerset or western Dorset.» — y cómo murió: con multas, no con olvido.
«What lasted longest and most generally of the old Shrovetide customs was the feasting, gradually diminishing in scale and range as the Lenten fast decayed until it was reduced to the single distinct dish of the festival, the pancake.» — lo que sobrevivió del Carnaval, reducido a un solo plato.
«The pancake bell was retained in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries as a common tradition in the north of England, in Kent, and in the Midlands north of and including Gloucestershire, Berkshire, and Hertfordshire. It was rung either at 11 a.m. or noon to announce the half-holiday.» — la campana de los panqueques y su función práctica: anunciar la media fiesta.
«Under Victoria children in Somerset, west Dorset, and Cornwall were observed to be using up eggs on Shrove Tuesday by cracking them against each other on pieces of string or in sieves; the object was always to be the owner of the egg left at the end.» — [TESTIMONIOS VICTORIANOS] el juego infantil de gastar huevos el martes de Carnaval.
«The tossing of pancakes became a much wider activity, seemingly growing into a sport in itself in the eighteenth century as it is not mentioned by earlier writers such as Taylor.» — la datación del volteo de panqueques como deporte, apoyada en el silencio de los escritores anteriores.
«In the later Victorian period, races of people tossing them in pans were instituted, the earliest being apparently that at Winster in the Peak District, which is first recorded in 1870;» — la carrera de panqueques como invención victoriana tardía, con su primer registro.
«it may (like the unique local morris) have been the brainchild of the local antiquary Llewellyn Jewitt.» — y la conjetura sobre su autor, un anticuario local.
«In their regulation aprons and headscarves they look the very image of the early twentieth century’s ideal housewife; yet in their own way they represent just as much as the courage and the contusions northward along Watling Street at Atherstone, an echo of the fever of celebration and fear which heralded the opening of the medieval Lent.» — [OLNEY] la fórmula con que Hutton cierra el capítulo, emparejando la carrera de amas de casa con la violencia de Atherstone.
«FROM its earliest recorded occurrence, in Anglo-Saxon texts dated to the beginning of the eleventh century, the word ‘lenten’ had the dual meaning of the season of spring and the major annual Christian fast. It seems to derive simply from the ‘lengthening’ of the daylight.» — la etimología de *Lent*, con su doble sentido de primavera y ayuno.
«The connotations of joy, and of abstinence, were intimately combined in it from the beginning, and this dual aspect was retained as it evolved into ‘Lent’ in the thirteenth century. Not until the seventeenth did the term become confined to the fast.» — y la fecha en que el término se reduce al ayuno: el siglo XVII.
«It was wholly appropriate to a season at which flowers, foliage, warmth, and light were all increasing and yet food and fuel would also be at their shortest.» — el ajuste material del ayuno a la estación, dicho sin recurso a supervivencias.
«The bounds of the fast were standardized for the Church in western Europe by Pope Gregory the Great at the end of the sixth century, to exclude meat, milk, cheese, butter, and eggs.» — la fijación del ayuno cuaresmal por Gregorio Magno a fines del siglo VI.
«The first dent put in the code was the work of Henry VIII, as a minor flexing of his muscles as Supreme Head of his new Church of England. In 1538 he proclaimed permission to his subjects to eat dairy produce during Lent, because of the high price of fish.» — la primera brecha en el código, y la razón que Hutton le adjudica.
«They were met with another royal proclamation, reimposing the ban upon meat with the new, and more secular, arguments that it encouraged self-discipline and helped the fishing industry.» — el desplazamiento del argumento: de la renunciación moral a la disciplina y la industria pesquera.
«Charles I reacted to continued breach and criticism of the fast with a new secular argument, that it encouraged ‘the navy and shipping of this realm’ by fostering the fisheries, and so aided national defence.» — y el tercer argumento secular, ya de defensa nacional.
«the complete fast at noon, or believing that all or some of the regulations could be ignored by people who gave enough alms.» — [AELFRIC] el dato que Hutton subraya: la gente ya aflojaba la regla en el siglo X, prueba de que la regla se aplicaba.
«the poet John Taylor remarked that Lent’s main enemies were ‘a dog, a butcher and a Puritan’.» — [TAYLOR] la fórmula con que nombró a los enemigos de la Cuaresma.
«Thereafter the observation of Lent became a private matter, and so it remains, within an ever-diminishing proportion of the population. Abstinence has ceased to be regarded as a virtue in Britain.» — y la conclusión, dicha sin rodeos: la abstinencia dejó de tenerse por virtud en Gran Bretaña.
«If the realities of the season did prescribe want in previous ages, then the Church set itself firmly against nature in inculcating fear at a time when optimism might have been a more obvious emotion.» — la observación que Hutton hace sobre la Iglesia y la estación: inculcó miedo donde la naturaleza sugería optimismo.
«He would bless ashes, sprinkle them with holy water, and either give the mixture to the people or dab some of it upon their foreheads, with the Latin formula for the words ‘Remember O Man that thou art dust and to dust thou shalt return’.» — el rito del Miércoles de Ceniza, con su fórmula.
«If this ritual of ‘Ash Wednesday’ brought mortality to mind, then another reminded the congregation of damnation: the hiding of the altars and lectern, as representing twin ways to redemption, beneath cloths.» — y el segundo recordatorio: altares y facistol velados como caminos de redención ocultos.
«The cloths could be objects of considerable beauty, fashioned of white silk or linen with red crosses embroidered upon them. In cathedrals the decoration could be more elaborate, the crosses at Salisbury Cathedral in the 1460s being purple with a crown of thorns over the head of each.» — [INVENTARIOS] la belleza de esos velos, contra la idea de una Cuaresma sin ornato.
«prosecutions for breach of the fast represent a regular, if not common, item in the published quarter session records of the early Stuart period, they do not seem to appear after the 1660s.» — la medida del abandono: las causas por quebrantar el ayuno son ítem regular en las actas de los primeros Estuardo y desaparecen tras la década de 1660.
«Even this, however, was small beside the Lent Veil par excellence, which concealed the chancel from the laity in the nave, and was drawn up (by a line) only during the reading of the gospel each mass.» — el velo cuaresmal mayor: el que ocultaba el presbiterio a los laicos.
«The Lent Veil itself may have been a recent institution in the ninth century, for at the end of that Alfred the Great decreed the heavy fine of £6 for tearing it down, noting that congregations deeply resented being excluded from a sight of the high altar.» — [ALFREDO] la multa por arrancar el velo, y lo que la propia ley registra sobre el resentimiento de los fieles.
«How much progress both customs had made after the next hundred years may be indicated by an inventory of church goods taken in the Archdeaconry of Norwich (hardly a remote corner of the realm) in about 1360. Out of 358 town and village churches, 261 owned Lenten cloths of any kind.» — [INVENTARIO DE NORWICH] la medida de difusión de esos velos, iglesia por iglesia.
«What seems plain is that the choice of colour and decoration remained very much at the whim of the individual parish or set of clergy involved.» — la variación local que Hutton subraya también aquí: color y adorno quedaban al capricho de cada parroquia.
«Most churches had disposed of their various cloths in the reign of Edward, selling them off for the profit of the parish before the government set about trying to seize such obsolete goods for its own gain in 1553.» — el dato económico que Hutton añade: las parroquias vendieron sus velos antes de que el gobierno se los confiscara.
«The images were not removed from Belton in Axholme, among the north Lincolnshire marshes, until 1566. They stood in two churches in the eastern peninsula of Yorkshire, Holderness, and in still more among the mountains of Snowdonia, in 1567.» — la geografía del cumplimiento tardío, medida por las últimas imágenes retiradas.
«In much of Wales during the eighteenth century it was a tradition for old people to veil themselves instead during Lent, by wearing only black clothes as a sign of penance and mourning; by 1815 this too was ‘wholly laid aside’.» — [TESTIMONIOS GALESES] la costumbre que sustituyó al velo: los viejos vestidos de negro toda la Cuaresma.
«It was left to the regime of Protector Somerset, acting in the name of young Edward VI, to outlaw the former in a Proclamation of 6» — la fecha exacta de la abolición del rito de las cenizas: una proclamación de febrero de 1548 del gobierno de Somerset, seguida dos semanas después por la orden del Consejo contra las imágenes.
«The records leave uncertain the matter of whether it was a mid-Tudor novelty, part of the relative decline of respect for the fast under Protestantism, or a survival from the Middle Ages.» — la negativa sobre el *Jack o’ Lent*, con las tres posibilidades enumeradas.
«The origins of this lay in the fact that the slow and episodic way in which the Christian ritual year had evolved meant that the fast of Lent had trapped within it a number of feast-days.» — la observación de estructura: el año ritual cristiano creció despacio y a saltos, y por eso la Cuaresma atrapó fiestas dentro.
«Known popularly as Lady Day in honour of the Virgin Mary, it was a favourite date for the payment of quarterly rents and dues.» — el Día de la Señora como fecha de rentas, es decir, la fiesta como instrumento económico.
«From the twelfth century to 1752 it also (as mentioned earlier) marked the formal beginning of the year, which was thus conceived as commencing in the season of opening and of new life rather than in the dead of winter.» — y el año concebido como comenzando en la estación de la vida nueva y no en el corazón del invierno.
«It had been associated with St David since the Middle Ages, being linked to him in the Salysburye Prymer of 1533: despite much later antiquarian speculation, the reasons for this are lost.» — el puerro de San David: atestiguado desde la Edad Media, con la razón perdida y la especulación anticuaria desechada.
«What was always clear was that the sporting of it was always much more common among the Welsh when abroad than at home.» — y lo que sí está claro: el emblema se lleva sobre todo fuera de casa.
«His Majesty and many great lords and gentlemen, common people, and even lackeys, coachmen, porters and all kinds of riffraff and layabouts wear one in their hats. NB. The office to fix the leek to the King’s hat on this day is worth 600 guilders.» — [VISITANTE NEERLANDÉS, 1662] el puerro llevado por todos los rangos, con el precio del oficio de prendérselo al rey.
«The same observer also recorded the response of the cockneys: ‘not only by calling after them Taffey, Taffey, or David, David, but also by hanging out all kinds of dolls and scarecrows with leeks on their heads’.» — y la respuesta de los londinenses, que Hutton consigna como el otro lado del rito.
«As for the Welsh, the more delicate daffodil was substituted for the leek as the national symbol by Lloyd George, to lend a greater dignity to the investiture of the Prince of Wales in 1911.» — [LLOYD GEORGE] el cambio de emblema nacional galés, con su autor, su fecha y su motivo.
«The obvious disadvantage of any holy day which fell in a medieval or early modern Lent was that it was still bound by the dietary restrictions of the season, and that no merry-making could begin until after sundown. The great compensation was that alcohol was still permitted.» — la mecánica de las fiestas atrapadas en Cuaresma, con su compensación.
«The earliest certain reference to it is in the journal of the royalist officer Richard Symonds, for the year 1644: ‘Every Mid-Lent Sunday is a great day at Worcester, when all the children and godchildren meet at the head and chief of the family and have a feast. They call it the Mothering-day’.» — [SYMONDS] la primera referencia cierta al *Mothering Sunday*, en 1644.
«To Symonds, an Essex man, the tradition was unfamiliar, and he did not hear of it elsewhere on his marches across southern England.» — y lo que ese testimonio deja ver por lo que no dice: era ajeno a un hombre de Essex.
«Herrick entitled the poem ’A Ceremonie in Glocester’ and so, between him and Symonds, we seem to have a picture of a custom peculiar to the lower Severn valley and flourishing there in the early seventeenth century.» — la localización que Hutton extrae de los dos testimonios: una costumbre propia del valle bajo del Severn.
«Mid-Lent would have been an excellent time for families to remeet and inform themselves upon each other’s needs, when the conditions for travel were improving after winter and want would be greatest. Widowed mothers would have been especially vulnerable.» — la explicación material que propone para la fecha: mejora el viaje, aprieta la escasez.
«This distribution reinforces the impression that it had spread out from an epicentre in the shires around the Severn, but in the process its character had altered.» — el mapa del *Mothering Sunday* y lo que Hutton lee en él, con el cambio de carácter incluido.
«In Lancashire it still seems to have retained the nature of a general reunion at a parental home, but everywhere else it had become primarily a holiday granted to apprentices and young servants, to visit their families.» — el cambio de contenido según la región: reunión familiar en Lancashire, día franco para aprendices y criados en el resto.
«With the decline of live-in apprenticeship and domestic service in the twentieth century, the practice went into rapid decline and was almost gone by the 1930s.» — la causa material de su muerte.
«Miss Jarvis was well-connected enough to turn her personal obsessions into public laws, and her tireless lobbying caused the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States to legislate in 1913 that the second Sunday in May should be set aside as a national day of remembrance of mothers.» — [JARVIS] el origen fechado y con nombre del Día de la Madre americano.
«Thus a regional tradition, developed to ease unequal relationships in a hierarchical society, has (like Christmas) been reinvented to serve the new cult of the family.» — la conclusión del caso: una tradición regional nacida para aliviar relaciones desiguales, reinventada al servicio del culto nuevo a la familia.
«Peas and beans had always been principal foods during the fast, being cheaper and more easily obtained than fish.» — el alimento de Cuaresma que explica la costumbre de los *carlins*.
«The peas were known as ‘carlins’ or ‘carlings’ and the day as Carlin, Carling, or Care Sunday, but it is hard to tell which came first.» — y la negativa de precedencia entre el plato y el nombre del día.
«USA, in Britain it was private enterprise which did the trick, as manufacturers immediately saw the commercial potential of the idea. By the 1950s it had become nation-wide, and classless.» — la diferencia entre los dos países en la difusión del Día de la Madre: allá lo promovió el Congreso y aquí la empresa privada; el título del mapa 2 queda intercalado a media frase en el troceo, y la cita arranca después de él.
«have been the arrival of American soldiers in the Second World War which introduced the concept to England,» — y cómo llegó a Inglaterra el Día de la Madre: con los soldados americanos de la Segunda Guerra, cuando el recuerdo del viejo *Mothering Sunday* aún bastaba para que las dos fiestas se fundieran.
«Its first recorded appearance is in John Aubrey’s notes, in the 1680s. It features again in 1698, when several persons were gulled into turning up to the moat of the Tower of London, ‘to see the lions washed’.» — [AUBREY] la primera constancia, y la broma de 1698 que la sigue.
«It seems, therefore, to have been imported into the country at the end of the seventeenth century, probably from France, where it was already proverbial in 1656, or Germany, where it was well known in the 1680s.» — la importación que Hutton propone, con sus dos orígenes posibles fechados.
«By the nineteenth century it was found in every part of Europe, all over Ireland, and in every corner of Britain and its offshore islands, including the Outer Hebrides;48 as the old season of licensed misrule at Christmas waned, the need for another had become more acute.» — su difusión total en un siglo, y la explicación funcional que Hutton le da: al menguar el desorden navideño hizo falta otro.
«The new was much more closely circumscribed, being confined to a single day and to a single category of misbehaviour, the deceiving of others in order to make them objects of fun.» — la forma acotada del desorden nuevo, frente a la del viejo.
«None the less, this could still be extremely potent, especially if deployed against opponents, or individuals slightly higher in a hierarchy than the prankster» — y su potencia real, que Hutton sitúa en la jerarquía social.
«During the twentieth century, as both rigid social structures and recognized opportunities for misbehaviour have declined, it has inevitably become largely a festival for children, who remain restricted and governed in a way from which their elders are now in the main set free.» — la explicación del paso de la broma a manos de los niños: son los únicos que siguen gobernados.
«The principal change at this level is that metropolitan culture has substituted ‘fool’ for the more traditional provincial term of ‘gowk’, ‘gawby’, ‘gobby’, or ‘gob’, signifying a cuckoo.» — el cambio léxico que Hutton registra, del *gowk* provincial al *fool* metropolitano.
«This is not recorded at all by the dramatists or comic poets of Elizabethan and early Stuart England, nor in the diary of Pepys or the other sources for» — el argumento con que Hutton fecha el Día de los Inocentes de abril: no lo mencionan los dramaturgos ni los satíricos isabelinos y estuardos, ni Pepys, que lo habrían aprovechado.
«Its location in that year, unlike that of the Nativity, was fixed by Scripture, for it had to be in spring, around the time of the Jewish Passover when the trial and crucifixion of Christ took place.» — el contraste con la Navidad: la fecha de la Pascua sí estaba fijada por la Escritura.
«Indeed, the latter was celebrated at the same time as the Passover until the Council of Nicaea in 325, when a distinction from the Jewish celebration was deemed necessary.» — la separación deliberada de la Pascua judía en Nicea, en 325.
«The Council also agreed upon a means of reckoning its date, compromising between the Asian churches’ custom of calculating it according to the phases of the moon, and the practice of the Church in Rome, of fixing it upon a particular Sunday in the calendar: henceforth it was to fall after the first full moon following the spring equinox.» — y el compromiso con que se fijó la fecha, entre el cómputo lunar asiático y el domingo fijo romano.
«This ruling still left room for considerable divergence of practice, as different Christian communities regarded the equinox as occurring at different dates, and varied also in the number of weeks which they left between the full moon and the feast. Not until the eighth century were all these in the British Isles agreed upon the rule which was becoming standard in Western Europe, of the first Sunday after the moon had achieved its fullness.» — la divergencia que esa regla dejó abierta, y la fecha en que las islas británicas se pusieron de acuerdo.
«At first the Anglo-Saxons dubbed the preceding feast ‘Long Friday’, because of the unusually protracted services: by the high Middle Ages the more pious name of ‘Good Friday’ had been substituted, almost certainly imported from Germany, where the expression ‘Gute Freytag’, probably derived from ‘Gottes Freytag’ (God’s Friday), had been established earlier.» — la historia del nombre del Viernes Santo, con su probable importación alemana.
«During the high Middle Ages it acquired the popular nickname of ‘Maundy Thursday’, perhaps from the ‘maunds’ or baskets in which gifts were given to the poor, or perhaps from the ‘mandatum’ or final set of instructions given by Christ to his apostles.» — las dos etimologías posibles del Jueves Santo inglés, consignadas sin arbitrar.
«The law code of Alfred the Great, promulgated in 877, directed all masters to free their servants from labour during the whole seven days before and after Easter, being the longest holiday in the year.» — la ley de 877 que hace de la Pascua el asueto más largo del año.
«He declared that the name had derived from that of a goddess, Eostre, after whom the month in which Easter fell had been dubbed the ‘Eostur’-month.» — [BEDA] la afirmación de la que sale toda la historia moderna de Eostre.
«This passage has been so often quoted without any inspection or criticism that it is necessary to stress that it is subject to all the reservations lodged by Tille against Bede’s assertions concerning the ‘Mother Night’, cited in the section dealing with Christmas.» — la advertencia de Hutton sobre ese pasaje: se cita sin examen, y le caben todas las reservas que Tille puso a la *Mother Night*.
«It falls into that category of interpretations which Bede admitted to be his own, rather than generally agreed or proven fact.» — y la precisión que sostiene esa reserva: el propio Beda lo daba por interpretación suya.
«The other is that the Anglo-Saxon eastre, signifying both the festival and the season of spring, is associated with a set of words in various Indo-European languages, signifying dawn and also goddesses who personifed that event, such as the Greek Eos, the Roman Aurora, and the Indian Ushas.» — y el segundo: el parentesco indoeuropeo de la palabra con el alba y con diosas del alba.
«It is therefore quite possible to argue that Bede’s Eostre was a Germanic dawn-deity who was venerated, appropriately, at this season of opening and new beginnings.» — la primera de las dos lecturas posibles, enunciada como posible.
«areas of Europe, in sharp contrast to the others, did not derive their name for this celebration from the Passover, but from a term which is rendered into modern German as Ostern and modern English as Easter.» — el problema que Hutton plantea: por qué las zonas de lengua germánica no tomaron del *Pesach* su nombre para la Pascua; el troceo parte *Germanic-speaking* al fin de renglón.
«thus the Christian festival was known as Ostarstuopha in the Main valley during the eighth and ninth centuries.» — el primero de los dos hechos que Hutton da por establecidos: formas del nombre en uso entre hablantes de lenguas germánicas ya en el siglo VIII.
«It is equally valid, however, to suggest that the Anglo-Saxon ‘Estor-monath’ simply meant ‘the month of opening’ or ‘the month of beginnings’, and that Bede mistakenly connected it with a goddess who either never existed at all, or was never associated with a particular season but merely, like Eos and Aurora, with the dawn itself.» — y la segunda lectura, declarada igualmente válida: que Beda conectara por error el nombre del mes con una diosa que quizá nunca existió.
«With the removal of this shadowy deity from the canon of historical certainty, there evaporates any reliable evidence for a pre-Christian festival in the British Isles during the time which became March and April.» — la consecuencia que Hutton extrae: sin esa deidad se evapora toda evidencia fiable de una fiesta precristiana en marzo o abril en las islas británicas.
«It may be that there was none, the ancient inhabitants being wholly taken up with ploughing, sowing, and caring for young livestock.» — la primera explicación de esa ausencia, dada como posibilidad.
«Alternatively, some of the later Easter rites and customs may echo practices which attended old feasts of which we have now lost sight.» — y la alternativa, puesta a su lado sin arbitrar.
«Of one thing alone it is possible to be confident; that, although the timing of the feast of the Resurrection was dictated by historical accident, it could not have fallen at a more appropriate point of the European calendar, when so much in nature conduced to a mood of celebration and renewal.» — lo único que Hutton da por seguro en este capítulo: la fecha la dictó el accidente histórico, y no pudo caer en mejor punto del calendario europeo.
«The churches of the Mediterranean could, of course, actually use that tree, but in England fronds of willow or sallow in fresh leaf, or of box, yew, or other evergreens, were usually employed instead.» — [USE OF SARUM] la sustitución material de la palma por sauce, tejo o boj en Inglaterra.
«What needs to be emphasized now is, first, that it took a long time to evolve, and secondly, that it was enacted in full in relatively few places.» — la doble advertencia de Hutton sobre ese rito: tardó en formarse y casi nunca se ejecutó completo.
«Not only was it long-established by the early Tudor period but very widespread and probably universal, to judge both from literary comment and the quantity of local names for the day which relates to the custom.» — la medida de difusión del rito de las ramas, hecha por la cantidad de nombres locales del día.
«By contrast, the singing of the Passion by a choir appears almost wholly in urban parishes and in cathedrals, the sole village where it is mentioned being Denton in the prosperous Waveney valley of Norfolk.» — y el contraste: el canto de la Pasión es casi solo urbano y catedralicio.
«In the overwhelming majority of rural parishes, Palm Sunday seems to have been essentially a festival for processing with and blessing of foliage, at once a commemoration of a key event in the life of Christ and of the coming of spring.» — lo que el Domingo de Ramos era en la inmensa mayoría de las parroquias rurales, con su doble sentido.
«In the fourteenth century it was already so popular that the people of Romsey, on the edge of the New Forest in Hampshire, could become furious with the local abbey for failing to consecrate their ‘palms’.» — la medida de esa popularidad: los vecinos furiosos con su abadía por no bendecirles las ramas.
«During this, either the priest or the congregation made small wooden crosses, almost certainly from the branches, and the former then blessed them with incense and holy water;» — las crucecitas de rama bendecidas con incienso y agua bendita, que los laicos guardaban por sus presuntos poderes protectores.
«A Protestant under Elizabeth was to recall contemptuously how the common people had put the twig crosses over their doors, or in their purses, as bringers of good luck.» — [POLEMISTA ISABELINO] el uso popular de esas cruces, consignado por quien lo despreciaba.
«Its only amendment was to emphasize that the act was one of commemoration alone, not investing the crosses with any sanctity.» — la enmienda de Enrique VIII al rito, que deja el gesto y le quita la eficacia.
«These reforms left only two Palm Sunday ceremonies still permitted, the appearance of the ‘prophet’ and the reading or singing of the Passion. These declined in turn, probably because of the removal of so much that had provided a context for them.» — y la explicación que Hutton da al ocaso de lo que quedó permitido: se les quitó el contexto.
«One of the religious works published during the reign, Nicholas Doncaster’s Doctrine of the Mass Book, provides the best picture known hitherto of the rite.» — [DONCASTER] la mejor descripción conocida del rito de las ramas, en un libro polémico del reinado de María.
«The popularity of the bearing of foliage and the making of ‘palm crosses’, however, can be gauged by the way in which they got absorbed into secular custom by way of compensation.» — la tesis del apartado: lo prohibido en la iglesia se absorbe en la costumbre seglar como compensación.
«During the eighteenth century, all over England, working people were going out into the countryside in groups upon Palm Sunday morning to fetch home branches, especially those of willow and hazel, with which to decorate their houses.» — la forma seglar de ese rito en el siglo XVIII.
«The special significance of those trees was that they were hung with buds, or catkins, as a symbol of the ripening spring.» — y el sentido que Hutton adjudica a la elección de sauce y avellano: llevan amentos, señal de primavera.
«Although houses had usually replaced the church as the focuses of these now informal processions, at times a natural feature was employed as a place of convergence: on the north Wiltshire chalk downs, for example, Martinsell Hill and the huge prehistoric mound of Silbury were favourite assembly-points.» — el desplazamiento del foco procesional, de la iglesia a la casa y a veces a un accidente natural.
«By the end of the eighteenth century the custom had evolved into an opportunity for young East Enders to carouse all night in the fields and woods of Essex, and in the early nineteenth a natural resentment grew among the country people whose land was being invaded in this fashion by people sallying forth from the city and other swelling towns in the south» — la deriva urbana de la costumbre y el resentimiento rural que provocó.
«In the north during the mid-nineteenth century it was still a common saying that ‘He that hath not a palm in his hand on Palm Sunday must have his hand cut off’, yet even there by the early twentieth century the plucking of foliage had been reduced to a practice for children.» — el dicho norteño sobre la rama del Domingo de Ramos, y la reducción de la costumbre a cosa de niños.
«Parishioners wheeled a human effigy to represent Christ, seated on a stuffed donkey, up to the church door. Both the dummies and the people who processed with them were hung with flowers, branches, and herbs. The minister spoke a blessing over these and they were kept as charms against misfortune.» — [TESTIMONIO GALÉS] la equivalencia popular plena que sustituyó al rito eclesiástico en Gales.
«Throughout that century the habit burgeoned, especially in the industrial towns of the south, of visiting family graves on Sul y Blodau and decking them with blossoms and flowers.» — la costumbre que ocupó su lugar: adornar las tumbas familiares con flores el *Sul y Blodau*.
«It still persists in South Wales, illustrating once again how the family has replaced the church as the modern focus of ceremony and of sanctity.» — la tesis que Hutton repite a lo largo del libro: la familia ha sustituido a la iglesia como foco moderno de ceremonia y de santidad.
«In the Use of Sarum, a triangular or cruciform candle frame was placed on the south side of the now visible altar and lit with twenty-four candles representing the apostles and prophets. When the office as sung, one was sometimes extinguished at the opening of each response, so that only a single taper, representing Christ, was left burning in the darkness at the end.» — [USE OF SARUM] el oficio de Tinieblas: veinticuatro velas apagadas una a una hasta dejar sola la que representa a Cristo.
«One of the actions ascribed to Christ at that gathering had been to wash the feet of his disciples as a gesture of humility, and according to Bede the monks of Lindisfarne were already performing the action for each other upon this day before the year 700.» — [BEDA] el origen del lavatorio de pies, y su primera constancia británica.
«In the year 1210 an entry occurs among his accounts for the presentation of robes and money on Maundy Thursday to thirteen poor men, representing the first appearance of the gifts which became standard procedure after the monarch had laved the feet of the recipients.» — [CUENTAS DE JUAN] la primera aparición del *maundy* real inglés, y su motivo político.
«there was no standard rule for the ‘royal Maundy’ until 1361, when Edward III marked his fiftieth year by washing the feet of as many individuals as he had years of age.» — la regla que fijó el número de beneficiados, y que duró siglos.
«As the Reformation increased the sanctity of monarchy while decreasing that of clerics, the custom survived it with ease.» — la razón que Hutton da a la supervivencia de este rito y no de otros.
«To rescue the monarch from any actual contact with dirt, their feet were cleaned thoroughly beforehand by the yeoman of the laundry, then the sub-almoner, and then the almoner.» — [CRÓNICA DE 1572] la distancia entre el gesto de humildad y su ejecución: tres lavados previos antes de que la reina tocara los pies.
«As always, there is no indication of how the lucky recipients were chosen.» — la negativa que Hutton repite en todos estos casos: no consta cómo se elegía a los beneficiados.
«With the coming of the Reformation it seems to have disappeared among churchmen as well, although no source demonstrates how or when.» — la desaparición del lavatorio entre los clérigos, sin fuente que la fije.
«Under the Stuarts-the sovereign ceased to wash any feet, merely sprinkling them with water. James II, characteristically, was the last to perform the rite punctiliously. William III did so irregularly and without enthusiasm, ending the reckoning by years of age to care for a mere dozen men. Anne apparently gave the whole job to the royal almoner, and under George II, in the 1730s, the washing was abandoned altogether and the occasion converted into a dole: no simpler indication can be given of the progressive desacralization of monarchy after the Revolution of 1688.» — la curva de abandono del lavatorio real, leída como desacralización progresiva de la monarquía tras 1688.
«Today the Queen distributes her own gifts herself, to the appropriate number of elderly people of slender means and respectable character, at Westminster Abbey on the morning of Maundy Thursday.» — la forma actual del rito, con los requisitos que se piden a los beneficiados.
«What commenced as a clerical gesture of humility, and was subsequently used to enhance the status of the monarchy, is now primarily a means of according pleasure, and pride, to senior citizens.» — la trayectoria completa del gesto en una frase, que es la forma habitual de Hutton para cerrar un caso.
«To many late medieval English people, however, the day was ‘Sheer’, ‘Char’, ‘Shrift’, or ‘Sharp’ Thursday, all names which the fourteenth-century writer John Mirk believed to derive from the cutting of hair and beards in preparation for Easter.» — [MIRK] los nombres populares del Jueves Santo y su etimología según un escritor del siglo XIV.
«The altars were stripped of their Lenten cloths, washed with water and wine, and scrubbed with birch besoms.» — el rito de limpieza de los altares, que Hutton empareja con la renovación personal.
«Bishops blessed oil, as they had done upon this day since before the year 500, to be distributed to parish priests for the unction of the sick during the next year, or retained at the cathedrals for the making of new clergy.» — la bendición episcopal del óleo, con su datación y su destino.
«The bells were not used to summon the congregation, but left silent while wooden clappers or rattles were employed instead.» — el silencio de las campanas y las carracas que las sustituían.
«Medieval monarchs demonstrated again the semi-divine nature of their office by blessing gold or silver ‘cramp rings’ in the belief that the royal healing power thus transmitted would alleviate the effects of epilepsy and palsy.» — los *cramp rings* bendecidos por el rey, y lo que Hutton lee en ellos sobre la naturaleza semidivina del oficio.
«The procedure, as a manifestation of sacred majesty, was not offensive to Protestants and was carried on with equal devotion throughout the Henrician and Edwardian Reformations and by Mary Tudor, whose form of words for the blessing has survived.» — el criterio que explica qué ritos sobrevivieron a la Reforma: los que manifestaban majestad sagrada no ofendían a los protestantes.
«Elizabeth, however, took against the procedure for wholly mysterious reasons, and it was discontinued permanently at her accession.» — y la negativa de causa, dicha como tal: Isabel lo abolió por razones del todo misteriosas.
«There is also some evidence that the rite existed at parish level, supplied by a fourteenth-century treatise which described how pennies offered at five different churches were gathered in one of them before the crucifix on Good Friday. After Paternosters were recited, they were beaten into a ring with Hebrew names engraved upon it, which was used to cure cramps.» — [TRATADO DEL S. XIV] la versión parroquial del anillo curativo, con su receta.
«In the 1790s, however, observers in two different places recorded that the populace was still carrying on the custom even though it was now bereft of both royal and ecclesiastical support.» — la supervivencia popular del rito sin respaldo real ni eclesiástico.
«The clappers were out again that morning, to call parishioners to a service which, uniquely, included no mass.» — la singularidad del oficio del Viernes Santo: el único sin misa.
«The crucifix was then unveiled and laid upon the third step in front of the altar, and the ceremony of Creeping to the Cross ensued. First the clergy went barefoot, on hands and knees, to kiss its feet, and then it was carried down to the laity who would do the same.» — el rito de la Reptación a la Cruz, con su orden: primero el clero descalzo y de rodillas, después los laicos.
«The custom seems to have originated with Edward II, who tried to employ against» — el origen de los *cramp rings*, en el intento de Eduardo II de usar contra la epilepsia el anillo de Eduardo el Confesor.
«In Devon people had turned to the numinous power of the dead, fashioning the rings out of the nails of old coffins dug out of the churchyard. In Berkshire they echoed the fourteenth-century procedure, by making them from the silver coins offered to the collection tray upon Easter Day. In both cases the intention was still to cure fits.» — de dónde sacaba eficacia el rito sin iglesia: los clavos de ataúdes viejos en Devon y las monedas de la colecta pascual en Berkshire.
«Its repression is better documented than its inception.» — la asimetría documental que Hutton señala en casi todos estos ritos: se sabe mejor cómo se suprimieron que cómo nacieron.
«The nature of the sepulchre itself varied considerably by the early sixteenth century. Some were simple recesses in the wall, others richly carved stone structures with decorated arches and figures, and yet others chambers built into the tombs of wealthy and pious individuals who had provided for this in their wills.» — la variedad de sepulcros de Pascua, de nichos simples a cámaras dentro de tumbas de donantes ricos.
«In the majority of parishes, however, the sepulchre was a wood, canvas, and paper construction, made anew in most years and fastened together by pins, nails, or wires.» — y la corrección de escala: en la mayoría de las parroquias era de madera, lienzo y papel, rehecho casi cada año.
«In many parishes, especially in towns, volunteers watched the sepulchre from the moment that it was closed until the Easter morning, in memory of the soldiers who guarded Christ’s tomb.» — la vela del sepulcro, con su justificación narrativa.
«A survey of Northamptonshire wills for the period 1490-1546 reveals an average of just over one bequest per parish, far exceeding that for sums left to any other seasonal rite.» — [TESTAMENTOS DE NORTHAMPTONSHIRE] la medida de popularidad del sepulcro, contada en legados.
«It seems that there were many districts of countryside in which the sepulchre had not been adopted by the time of the Reformation.» — la conclusión sobre esa ausencia: había comarcas enteras donde el rito no se había adoptado antes de la Reforma.
«None the less, its rate of adoption was very slow, to judge from the inventory of church goods taken in the Archdeaconry of Norwich (hardly a remote corner of the realm) in 1360. Out of a total of 358 town and village churches, only five possessed the cloth which traditionally covered the sepulchre when the host was lying within it.» — [INVENTARIO DE NORWICH] la lentitud de esa adopción, medida sobre 358 iglesias.
«remains a total of twenty-three parishes which have left good early Tudor churchwardens’ accounts, where a reference to the custom is entirely lacking.» — el contrapeso que Hutton pone a esa medida de popularidad: veintitrés parroquias con cuentas buenas no mencionan el sepulcro.
«The history of the ritual is essentially that of other major Holy Week rites: inception under the Anglo-Saxons, growing popularity in the later Middle Ages, and suppression by Protestant reformers.» — la curva común de todos los ritos de Semana Santa, resumida en una frase.
«The government of the duke of Somerset was wary of a direct attack upon so popular a custom, but before Easter 1548 Archbishop Cranmer launched one himself.» — la táctica del gobierno frente a un rito popular, y quién dio el golpe.
«The effect of this was dramatic, for the sepulchre was not watched in that year at any of the London and Westminster churches which have left accounts. The same is true of most of the rest of the country, in both town and village.» — [CUENTAS PARROQUIALES] la medida del efecto inmediato de esa campaña.
«The sepulchre subsequently features in eighty-four of the 168 sets of parish accounts surviving from her reign, and as more villages are represented in them than in the sample from the early sixteenth century, this reflects about as wide a distribution as before, comprising all urban and many rural communities.» — [CUENTAS PARROQUIALES] la medida de la restauración bajo María.
«In place of ceremony, the reformed Church of England substituted an increased emphasis upon preaching to drive home the religious significance of Good Friday.» — la sustitución protestante: predicación en lugar de ceremonia.
«In this sense only the negative aspect of the medieval festival survived, while the rites which afforded it some sort of cathartic effect were destroyed.» — la lectura que Hutton hace del Viernes Santo moderno: sobrevivió la parte negativa de la fiesta medieval y se destruyeron los ritos que le daban efecto catártico.
«survival clearly owed more to the strength of local feeling than to a remote or rural situation.» — la lectura de los sitios donde el rito sobrevivió un año más: pesó el sentimiento local, no el aislamiento ni lo rural.
«By the nineteenth century it was one of only two days in the year (the other being Christmas) upon which all shops were closed in London and all work ceased.» — la medida del Viernes Santo victoriano: uno de los dos únicos días en que todo cerraba en Londres.
«Creeping to the Cross, it is true, was never imitated once it was prohibited in the churches, but the more popular ritual of the sepulchre was transplanted whole in at least one place.» — la asimetría entre los dos ritos suprimidos: uno no se imitó nunca y el otro se trasplantó entero.
«During the nineteenth century, across virtually the whole of England and in parts of Wales, folklorists discovered the superstition that bread, buns, or biscuits baked upon this day had especially beneficial powers.» — la creencia en el pan del Viernes Santo, registrada en casi toda Inglaterra.
«They were generally believed never to go mouldy and to be capable of curing diseases, especially intestinal disorders, if eaten. If hung in a house, they were thought to protect it against misfortune.» — y las virtudes que se le atribuían.
«Not merely the day of manufacture was important, however, for like a pre-Reformation host they had to be marked with the sign of the cross.» — la observación que enlaza el pan con el rito abolido: como la hostia, tenía que llevar la señal de la cruz.
«where until the early nineteenth century many young people would make ‘Christ’s bed’ on Good Friday. The latter was a human figure woven of reeds and laid solemnly together with a wooden cross in a concealed place in a field or garden.» — [TESTIMONIO DE TENBY] el trasplante popular del sepulcro: la *cama de Cristo* tejida de juncos y puesta con una cruz de madera en un sitio oculto.
«Only in Northamptonshire, to illustrate the twists which popular belief was capable of taking, was the tradition reversed, and baking upon Good Friday regarded as unlucky.» — y el caso invertido, que Hutton usa para mostrar de qué es capaz la creencia popular.
«That the home-made bread stamped with the cross should be especially associated with Good Friday does, however, call out for some particular explanation, and the one most apparent is surely that the host was most obviously venerated upon this day, in the rite of the sepulchre.» — la explicación que propone para la fecha del pan marcado: es el día en que la hostia se veneraba más visiblemente.
«By the nineteenth century, these special pieces of bread were known very widely by the name of Hot Cross Buns, and they survived as the traditional Good Friday morning or midday dish in areas where their magical qualities had been forgotten, and they had become commercialized.» — la trayectoria del *hot cross bun*: sobrevive donde se olvidaron sus virtudes mágicas y se comercializó.
«In the latter country they were very clearly a recent importation from across the Border, and rested upon no folk tradition of magical bread of the sort which obtained in England:» — y la observación sobre Escocia: allí eran importación reciente y no descansaban en tradición ninguna de pan mágico.
«Long after their associations with divine or supernatural power have faded everywhere, the round currant buns with their white cross remain distinctive products of bakers and confectioners across Britain, a last echo of one of the most dramatic rituals of medieval Christianity.» — la fórmula con que cierra el caso del bollo de la cruz.
«Quite apart from a pagan parallel in the British Isles (Beltane), the custom of a ritual of renewal whereby all fires in a community were put out and relit from a single, freshly kindled, sacred flame was familiar alike to the Incas, Mexican natives, Inuit, African and Indian tribes, Russian peasants, and the civilizations of China, Japan, ancient Greece, and pagan Rome.» — la lista de paralelos que Hutton acepta, y que hace del fuego nuevo un caso distinto de los demás.
«in them crossed a surprising number of confessional boundaries: thus a lady in the Cambridgeshire fenland village of Brandon Creek manifested it to the full although she was a strict primitive Methodist.» — el dato que Hutton subraya sobre el pan del Viernes Santo: la fe en él cruzaba las fronteras confesionales, hasta en una metodista primitiva estricta.
«It apparently originated in Spain in the sixth century and was well known in England by the twelfth.» — la datación del cirio pascual.
«During that later period it normally weighed about 20 pounds, but examples as small as 3 pounds in weight and as gigantic as 300 (in cathedrals) have been recorded.» — la escala del cirio pascual, contada en libras de cera.
«It could be given the illusion of greater size by being set upon a wooden stick, painted to resemble a continuation of the candle and nicknamed a ‘Judas’.» — el truco del *Judas*: el palo pintado que hacía parecer más grande el cirio.
«So important was it that Henry’s Reformation did not touch it, and it was not at first attacked by the Government of Somerset.» — la medida de su importancia: ni Enrique VIII ni al principio Somerset se atrevieron con él.
«The case of Worcester proves that the lighting of the paschal could now be uncoupled from the consecration of new fire.» — el hallazgo documental que Hutton extrae de un solo caso: los dos ritos podían separarse.
«At Durham cathedral this took place before four o’clock, and it was probably held before dawn in other places as well.» — la hora del rito de apertura del sepulcro la mañana de Pascua.
«The Use of Sarum, however, for some reason had transferred it to the morning, and this may explain the relatively little impact which it seems to have» — la conjetura sobre por qué el fuego nuevo dejó poca huella literaria en Inglaterra: el uso de Salisbury lo pasó, por alguna razón, a la mañana.
«At the mass upon Easter Day, the Use of Sarum prescribed the blessing of herbs sprinkled upon the altar, which must have added fragrance to the joyous human atmosphere in those churches which followed the custom.» — [USE OF SARUM] la bendición de hierbas esparcidas sobre el altar en la misa de Pascua.
«It is disappointing that only a few, in London and Bristol, record payment for them; perhaps they were a refinement of large cities, or perhaps elsewhere they were contributed free.» — y las dos lecturas del silencio contable, puestas una junto a otra sin arbitrar.
«Having begun as the favourite day for reception of converts into the Christian faith, Easter remained a popular one for baptisms, so much so that in 1279 Archbishop Peckham ruled that the latter be restricted to children born in the previous week.» — la Pascua como día de bautismos, y la regla que hubo que dictar para acotarla.
«By keeping their babies to receive the ceremony on the great feast, he warned, parents were endangering their souls if they died in the interim.» — [PECKHAM] el argumento con que la acotó, en la voz del propio arzobispo según Hutton lo resume.
«In the early Stuart period a few churches in county towns, such as St Petrock at Exeter and St Lawrence, Reading, began to be beautified for the day with decorations of greenery: rosemary was used at the former, and box and yew at the latter» — el regreso del adorno vegetal a las iglesias en el periodo Estuardo temprano, con las especies usadas.
«It was notably absent from parishes served by more radical Protestant clergy, which was an omen for the future.» — el reparto de la comunión pascual como presagio, leído por Hutton en el mapa de las parroquias radicales.
«There has hitherto been a striking lack of data from either there or Wales in this account of medieval Holy Week ritual, the consequence of the absence of the» — la deuda documental que Hutton declara para Escocia y Gales en todo este capítulo: falta el tipo de registro local que hace posible el estudio en Inglaterra, y la presunción es que la práctica era semejante.
«When the Scottish Reformation began, in 1559, its leading ministers were charged to continue communion at Easter. The First Book of Discipline, in 1561, implicitly overturned this ruling by ignoring the existence of the feast.» — la secuencia escocesa: primero mandar comunión en Pascua, después ignorar la fiesta.
«In 1570, however, it relented sufficiently to allow a communion on Easter Day if no ‘superstition’ were involved in the proceedings.» — y la tolerancia a regañadientes que siguió, con su condición.
«The Westminster Assembly of Divines abolished Easter with every other seasonal festival in November 1644, and its Directory of services, issued on 4 January 1645, had no place for it.» — la abolición de la Pascua en 1644, dentro de la abolición general de fiestas.
«On what ought to have been Easter Day 1647, the captive Charles I issued a much-publicized statement that the festival of the Resurrection was as scriptural as Sunday. The Government printed a denial of this view, asserting that the feast had been instituted by the primitive Church and so could be abrogated by a reformed one.» — el desacuerdo de 1647 sobre el estatuto de la Pascua, con los dos argumentos enfrentados y sin arbitrar.
«The result of these measures was impressive, in that communions as Easter shrank from being the regular practice of most parishes in 1640 to that of a small minority: fifty out of a total sample of 367 kept them up all through the 1650s, and virtually all were in small villages.» — [CUENTAS PARROQUIALES] la medida del efecto de la abolición.
«This statistic is vitiated by two considerations.» — y la advertencia de método que Hutton pone a su propia cifra.
«At Easter 1660, when the authority of the republic was obviously crumbling, just under half the parishes which have left accounts recorded the taking of communion.» — la medida del regreso, tomada antes de que la Restauración fuera un hecho.
«Above all, the position of Easter as the principal festival of the Church of England has never been challenged since the collapse of the republican experiment.» — la conclusión del capítulo sobre el lugar de la Pascua en la Iglesia de Inglaterra.
«It must be plain from the account above, moreover, that some of the most popular rituals of the pre-Reformation Holy Week were transmuted into folk customs and so given a second life until relatively recent times.» — la tesis que el capítulo deja establecida: los ritos más populares de la Semana Santa prerreformada se transmutaron en costumbre folclórica.
«In this respect, the medieval prohibition of the eating of them in Lent was neatly contrived to enhance the exchange and consumption of them at the most appropriate season, in which the fast terminated.» — la explicación que Hutton da al huevo de Pascua, sin recurso a supervivencias: la prohibición cuaresmal realzaba su consumo al acabar el ayuno.
«This was the more important in that they represented one of the chief delicacies possible to that large proportion of the population which was too poor to afford meat.» — y la razón social que añade: era el manjar posible para quien no podía pagar carne.
«in 1290 the household of Edward I purchased 450 to be coloured or covered in gold leaf and distributed among the royal entourage at Easter.» — [CUENTAS DE EDUARDO I] los huevos pintados o dorados del séquito real, ya en 1290.
«Parish doles were very common at this time and, whereas it was women who went about before the midwinter festival, so it was children who did so before the spring one.» — el reparto por edad y sexo entre las dos temporadas de pedir: mujeres antes del invierno, niños antes de la primavera.
«The disappointed children would then cut the door latch, fill the keyhole with dirt ‘or leave some more nasty token of displeasure’.» — y lo que hacían si no les daban, consignado sin suavizar.
«In the villages north of Oxford during the mid-seventeenth century, they would go door to door beating the wooden clappers which had» — [TESTIMONIO DE OXFORDSHIRE] los niños pidiendo huevos de puerta en puerta con las carracas que antes de la Reforma llamaban a la iglesia en los últimos días de Semana Santa.
«Under the name of ‘Clapio wyau’ they continued in Anglesey during the early twentieth century, children banging pieces of slate instead of wooden blocks and chanting» — [TESTIMONIO DE ANGLESEY] la supervivencia galesa de las carracas, ya con trozos de pizarra.
«In parts of the Highlands, for example, boys were expected to steal the eggs as a test of daring and to make a pancake feast on Easter Day around a fire in some hidden place.» — la variante que invierte la norma: en las Highlands se esperaba que los muchachos robaran los huevos como prueba de audacia.
«In strongly Presbyterian Galloway, by contrast, any customs involving eggs at Easter were avoided as Catholic.» — y el contrario: en la Galloway presbiteriana se evitaba toda costumbre del huevo por tenerla por católica.
«In the early part of the century one ‘strict old Cameronian’ in the Isle of Whithorn ‘would not even let eggs be cooked on Easter Sunday, lest he might be doing something that savoured of Popery’.» — [TESTIMONIO DE WHITHORN] el caso extremo de esa evitación.
«It was in north-west England that the habit of collecting food or money for the feast developed into its most elaborate form, whereby an entertainment was provided as part of the solicitation.» — la forma más elaborada del pedir pascual: la que añade espectáculo a la petición.
«In the cotton district in the earlier part of the century it was common for groups to fight each other if they collided on their circuits; in 1842 one youth was killed in such a brawl.» — el dato que Hutton no suaviza: las cuadrillas de *Pace-Eggers* se peleaban al cruzarse, con un muerto en 1842.
«The only distinctively regional touches to the surviving texts are the presence of Tosspot and the common addition of a song referring to ‘Pace-Egging Time’.» — y lo poco que quedaba de regional en esos textos.
«The reference to ‘strong beer’ and the complete lack of any local identity to the characters indicate how far the play had travelled across boundaries of age-groups, groups, gender, and communities to reach this form.» — [SAWREY] lo que Hutton lee en una versión representada por niñas: cuánto había viajado la obra a través de edades, géneros y comunidades.
«The same social changes, of growing affluence and wider horizons, which sapped the vigour of these, also put paid to the Pace-Eggers.» — la causa común del declive de estas costumbres del noroeste.
«Only one part of it, the plays, was easily susceptible to a revival, and this occurred in the Calder Valley in 1931-2, produced by a request for readings of the texts for radio broadcasts upon folk culture.» — y la causa precisa del revival de las obras: una petición de textos para emisiones de radio sobre cultura popular.
«Although almost certainly derived from a winter custom, the plays’ central actions of death and resurrection were equally well suited to the Easter season.» — la observación que cierra el caso: una costumbre de invierno cuya acción encajaba igual de bien en Pascua.
«It became practicable for commoners as soon as standards of living reached the point at which the eggs were no longer essential as foodstuffs.» — la condición material del huevo decorado: deja de ser alimento imprescindible y puede volverse adorno.
«The term ‘pace egg’ is first mentioned in early eighteenth-century Lancashire and dyed or gilded specimens were first recorded as popular in Northumberland in the 1770s.» — la datación del *pace egg* y de los huevos teñidos o dorados.
«perform on Easter Monday, as the motive for doing so became more purely one of raising money or getting beer, rather than finding food for the festival.» — el desplazamiento del motivo de los *Pace-Eggers*: de buscar comida para la fiesta a recaudar dinero o cerveza.
«A more widespread borrowing was of the southern English Mummers’ Play, versions of which were performed by Pace-Eggers» — el préstamo que Hutton documenta: la obra de los *mummers* del sur, representada en Pascua por los *Pace-Eggers* de Cheshire a Cumberland.
«Decorated or not, many eggs in northern Britain and northern Ireland were put to a further use, in the children’s sport of rolling them down hillsides: again, this could only have developed in a time when ordinary people had food to waste.» — la condición material del juego de rodar huevos, dicha en la misma frase que lo describe.
«Over the same period, however, the custom was just as common in Scotland as in the English north; although it was not recorded there as early, it could indeed be of Scottish origin.» — la reserva de origen que Hutton deja abierta para el rodar de huevos.
«This tradition flourished in the very early nineteenth century, but ‘it was scarcely suitable for young women clothed in skirts and petticoats to engage in; so as times progressed and manners became less coarse, this old-time revel was gradually frowned out of existence, and we hear no more of it after 1830’.» — [TESTIMONIO DE WEDNESBURY] el caso en que se rodaban los propios muchachos, y la razón de decoro con que se acabó.
«In three areas in which they were decorated or rolled, the eggs were submitted to still rougher treatment, for the children held them in pairs and cracked them together until one broke.» — el tercer juego del huevo, y lo que Hutton subraya de él frente a los otros dos.
«Canny children soon learned that the sharp ends broke less swiftly than the round.» — el saber práctico que el propio juego producía.
«That so much of this journey was made in the northern two-thirds of Britain can only be put down to one of those caprices of regional taste which abound in the history of calendar customs.» — la negativa de causa: la distribución norteña solo se explica por un capricho de gusto regional.
«There is no theory of social or economic causation which can embrace at once Hebridean crofters, Hartlepool fisher folk, and workers in Tyneside industries, while excluding all comparable communities in the south.» — y el argumento que la sostiene: ninguna teoría social o económica abarca a la vez a esas comunidades y excluye las del sur.
«The lack of interest in the latter is remarkable by contrast: in Hertfordshire, for example, Easter eggs were hardly heard of in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries,33 and they are conspicuously missing from the seasonal traditions of early Victorian Londoners.» — la medida del desinterés del sur por el huevo de Pascua.
«It was only in the mid-twentieth century, however, that the chocolate Easter egg became mass-produced and took up its now ubiquitous role as the national symbol of the feast.» — la datación del huevo de chocolate como símbolo nacional de la fiesta.
«It fitted perfectly into the now familiar pattern of the conversion of a former religious and communal celebration into one centred upon the family and, more particularly, the pleasures of children.» — y el patrón en que lo inscribe, que es el del libro entero.
«In the past few years it has been joined by the traditional central European Easter Hare, taken by German immigrants to the USA and given tremendous popularity there as the Easter Bunny before being re-exported to Britain.» — el Conejo de Pascua como importación reciente, con su ruta trazada.
«There is every sign that, like Christmas, Easter is developing rapidly as a public holiday devoted to intense private celebration.» — la conclusión del capítulo, que empareja Pascua y Navidad.
«household decoration, to focus for juvenile games, the Easter egg had travelled a long way.» — la trayectoria completa del huevo de Pascua, en la forma sumaria con que Hutton cierra un caso: de alimento y símbolo de vida nueva a objeto de arte cortesano, adorno doméstico y juego infantil.
«This latter period was known as the Hock or Hoke Days, or Hocktide, the derivation of which is now completely mysterious.» — la definición de Hocktide y la negativa etimológica.
«Hocktide was to Easter what Twelfthtide was to Christmas, the uproarious climax to a major period of celebration, and yet it was also an important time for business meetings and transactions.» — la equivalencia estructural que Hutton enuncia, y el doble carácter de la fecha.
«An act of Parliament in 1552 restricted the period of recreation after Easter to the Monday and Tuesday immediately following,2 and it was generally observed as such until the institution of bank holidays in the late nineteenth century cut it back to the Monday alone.» — la poda legal del asueto pascual, en dos tiempos.
«By then the adoption of the weekend and of paid annual leave had removed the apparent need for seasonal periods of leisure.» — y la causa que Hutton da al fin de los asuetos estacionales: el fin de semana y las vacaciones pagadas.
«This may well be the earliest reference to a belief found subsequently all over the British Isles, that the sun danced for joy as it rose at Easter.» — [BRETON] la primera referencia a la creencia de que el sol bailaba al salir en Pascua.
«Like a similarly widespread tradition, that it was essential to wear new clothes on the day, it embodied the sense of delight, relief, and optimism which attended the festival.» — y la lectura que Hutton da a esa creencia y a la de estrenar ropa.
«All these gatherings were intended to foster a sense of civic pride and unity, and were duplicated in miniature at rural parish level at an earlier period.» — la función que adjudica a las diversiones municipales de Pascua.
«for the first appearance of morris-dancing, may poles, and other activities normally associated with the summer.» — el dato que muestra cuánto dependía el calendario festivo del tiempo: una Pascua templada adelantaba el morris y los mayos.
«This had begun its life as a municipal celebration like those mentioned above, by which members of the corporation hunted in the forest on Easter Monday to mark the medieval grant of rights in it.» — [EPPING FOREST] el origen municipal de la cacería del ciervo, ligada a una concesión medieval de derechos.
«The growth in the size of the event, and thus of the disruption which it caused, resulted in its prohibition by 1847.» — y la causa de su prohibición: el tamaño y el estorbo, no la moral.
«The tradition persists to the present day in the scheduling of fun-fairs and professional sports. What has perished is any sense of a celebration of communal identity.» — lo que queda hoy de esas diversiones, y lo que Hutton dice que se perdió.
«Recorded only in the nineteenth century, it was last heard of in the Golden Valley in about 1880, ‘when owing to the importation of the wheat from abroad the crop had no longer so much importance, and also it gave rise to a noisy assemblage on Easter Sunday’.» — y las dos causas de su fin, dichas por la propia fuente: el trigo importado y el bullicio del domingo.
«Farmers or bailiffs would go round the fields under their care on the afternoon of Easter Day, carrying plum» — [CORN-SHOWING] el paralelo pascual del *wassail* de invierno, hecho sobre los trigales; el troceo parte *plum-cakes* al fin de renglón.
«The Middleton man was elected by the town drunks, from among their number, dressed in rags and daubed with soot, flour, and grease before being placed in a chair or on a pole and carried from door to door to collect money.» — [MIDDLETON] el alcalde de burlas elegido por los borrachos del pueblo, y lo que se hacía con él.
«Misrule, however, appeared in a far more important and distinctive form at Hocktide, in a medieval and early modern custom whereby groups of one sex caught members of the other upon the public street and released them upon payment of a forfeit.» — la definición del rito de Hocktide: capturar a gente del otro sexo en la calle y soltarla por un rescate.
«In many cases it was the men who were the pursuers on the Monday and the women on the Tuesday, but this was not constant: indeed, in many places the custom seems wholly to have been one by which females captured males and held them to ransom.» — y la variación de reparto, con la forma que Hutton subraya: en muchos sitios eran solo las mujeres las que capturaban.
«This situation was a far more perfect reversal of the social norm, which held women in a position of subservience, so that they not only seem to have taken to the role of captors with gusto but to have found more willing victims.» — la lectura que da a esa forma: una inversión mucho más perfecta de la norma social.
«From the earliest notices of the custom, it was claimed to have originated in the Anglo-Saxon struggle against the Danish invaders, either in celebration of the massacre of Danes in England under Ethelred or of the death of Hardicanute, the last Danish sovereign to rule the English.24 No historical evidence has ever been discovered» — el mito patriótico del origen del rito, y la negativa documental que Hutton le opone.
«Instead the first certain reference to the custom is at London in 1406, when the corporation forbade anybody to constrain anyone else in the city, either indoors or on the street, by ‘hokking’ them on the ‘Hokkedays’.» — la primera constancia cierta del *hokking*, que es una prohibición municipal.
«The removal of this from the record reduces the earliest appearances of the Hocktide captures to a disreputable popular custom, buttressed by a patriotic myth.» — la conclusión que Hutton extrae tras descartar el antecedente cortesano.
«For some reason, it never outgrew this, not apparently reaching East Anglia, most of the south-east, the West Country, the north Midlands, or the north of England. Nor was it ever much used in the capital, its classic home being a provincial town.» — la negativa de causa sobre el mapa del *hocking* parroquial.
«By contemporary standards the sums raised for churches by female gangs at Hocktide were very impressive: at Lambeth, for example, they became the biggest single source of parochial income.» — [CUENTAS PARROQUIALES] lo que recaudaban las cuadrillas de mujeres, medido contra el resto del ingreso parroquial.
«In Salisbury the menfolk continued to make their own efforts, always getting less cash, but in most places the female parishioners were given a clear field, and at St Mary at Hill, London, as the male contingent abandoned the unequal struggle in 1526.» — el desenlace de la competencia entre hombres y mujeres en la recaudación.
«The government of the duke of Somerset, fatal to so many ecclesiastical ceremonies, and apparently to Plough Monday collections, ‘hoggling’, and hobby-horse dances, also took its toll of ‘hocking’.» — el mismo gobierno como causa común del fin de varias costumbres, enumeradas.
«This pattern of decline was shared by many other forms of seasonal merrymaking during the same years, and I have suggested elsewhere that it was the result chiefly of hostility on the part of evangelical Protestants,37 reinforced by a growing fear of disorder on the part of the governing élite.» — la explicación que Hutton propone para ese declive, declarada como propuesta suya publicada en otro sitio.
«It is true that only one of the reformers who wrote against popular pastimes, the Ipswich curate Samuel Byrd, specifically attacked Hocktide bindings, which he called cruel and abusive.» — y la objeción que él mismo pone a su explicación: solo un reformador atacó el rito por su nombre.
«None the less, they so perfectly fitted into the model of behaviour which men like Byrd deplored that it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that they fell victim to the same campaign.» — y por qué aun así sostiene la conclusión.
«In 1575, however, the supporters of the play, led by Coventry’s muster-master, brilliantly outflanked its critics by presenting it as one of the entertainments offered to Queen Elizabeth during her stay at nearby Kenilworth Castle.» — [COVENTRY] la maniobra con que los partidarios de la obra sortearon a sus críticos.
«In 1591, however, its enemies felt able to strike again, for the corporation moved it to the summer, and having thus cut it from its roots abolished it permanently a few years later.» — y cómo acabaron con ella: moviéndola de fecha para cortarle la raíz antes de abolirla.
«The link to public fund-raising seems to have survived in other parishes at this time, for in his account of Oxfordshire, written in the mid- 1670s, the Oxford don Robert Plot portrayed women as still catching men with ropes or chains at Hocktide. They gave some of their profits to churches, and kept the rest for merry-making.» — [PLOT] el rito todavía vivo en Oxfordshire en la década de 1670, con su reparto de ganancias.
«This case, and the Yorkshire one, suggest that by the modern period menfolk had at last deprived women of any initiative in the Hocktide revels.» — la lectura de Hutton sobre los restos modernos del rito: los hombres acabaron quitando a las mujeres toda iniciativa.
«What was distinctive about it was that those captured were also lifted bodily into the air, theoretically in symbolic celebration of Christ’s resurrection, and that it took place on Easter Monday and Tuesday and not at Hocktide.» — lo distintivo del *heaving*, con la justificación teológica que se le daba.
«The most decorous form of the custom was in Wales and its borderland, where groups of young people went from house to house upon the appropriate day, carrying a chair decorated with greenery and ribbons.» — la forma más decorosa del rito, con silla adornada.
«Most impressions of it were naturally recorded by men of the educated classes, and refer to the experience of being ambushed by working-class women; they vary according to the youth and looks of the latter and perhaps to the gallantry of the former.» — la advertencia de fuente: casi todos los testimonios son de hombres de clase educada capturados por mujeres obreras.
«good, the custom of binding and exacting money upon the streets had returned to being as intolerable as it had seemed to the authorities of late medieval London and Worcester.» — la segunda conclusión sobre el rito de Hocktide: sin destino comunal, atar y cobrar en la calle volvió a ser tan intolerable como a las autoridades medievales.
«Indeed, at worst ‘heaving’ could be a custom of assault, extortion, and humiliation.» — la forma real del *heaving* en la mayoría de los casos, dicha sin suavizar.
«In a few places it may have been an expression of high spirits, but mostly, in the words of an observer at Manchester in 1784, it was ‘converted into a money job’.» — [OBSERVADOR DE MANCHESTER, 1784] lo que el rito era ya para un testigo contemporáneo.
«To an observer at Wolverhampton the captors were ‘beauteous nymphs’, while to one in Warwickshire they were ‘jolly matrons’, to another at Wednesbury they were ‘brawny pit-bank wenches’, to yet another at West Bromwich they were ‘sturdy viragos’, and to one more Staffordshire writer they were ‘amorous Amazons’.» — las cinco formas en que los testigos nombraron a las mujeres captoras, puestas en fila por Hutton.
«The feelings of women, pursued by gangs of men, are unlikely to have been more appreciative than the male views expressed above.» — y el silencio documental que Hutton señala, con lo que de él se sigue.
«A squire in the Shrewsbury district was especially afraid of the custom, and Easter Tuesday 1838 was a nightmare for him: he ‘escaped from a posse of his own tenants’ wives and daughters in Coleham, Shrewsbury, and fought a host of resolute females assembled in the Castle Foregate; but at Acton Reynald he could neither fight nor run away’.» — [TESTIMONIO DE SHREWSBURY] el hidalgo perseguido por las mujeres del pueblo en 1838.
«Forty years later the vicar of Ketley in the same county sent out his maid to post a letter on Easter Monday. The poor girl was beset so often by different parties of men determined to ‘heave’ her or make her pay that in the end her employer had to rescue her.» — y el caso simétrico, de una criada acosada por cuadrillas de hombres.
«None the less it is by no means clear that the majority of victims of ‘heaving’ or ‘lifting’ actually were young or wealthy, and the custom waned without need for a concerted campaign by magistrates and police of the sort conducted against Shrovetide sports.» — y la objeción con que la acota: no consta que las víctimas fueran jóvenes ni ricas, y la costumbre murió sin campaña de las autoridades.
«All observers seem to have agreed that its heyday was the eighteenth century, and that all over its range it was in decline during the early nineteenth.» — la curva del *heaving*, con su apogeo y su declive fechados.
«Even the elegant Herefordshire method was thought to have ‘degenerated into wickedness’ and been ‘discontinued’ by 1869.» — [TESTIMONIO DE HEREFORDSHIRE] el juicio con que se abandonó la forma más decorosa del rito.
«By then, indeed, it seems to have been confined to the iron-working and collier communities of Shropshire and Staffordshire, the Birmingham backstreets, an occasional village in the Cotswold Edge of Warwickshire, and some Lancashire textile-making towns. There is no trace of it in any of these after the mid-i88os.» — el último reducto social del *heaving*, y la fecha en que desaparece; el troceo imprime *mid-i88os* por *mid-1880s*.
«A final echo of it persisted in the Peak District of Derbyshire, where village youths lifted up and kissed the girls on Easter Monday. This was still practised at Bakewell in the early 1890s, but after that no more is heard of it.» — el último eco del rito, reducido a un beso el Lunes de Pascua.
«Almost half a millennium had passed since the corporation of London had first expressed concern about the Hocktide captures, but now they had gone at last.» — la fórmula con que Hutton cierra el capítulo, midiendo la costumbre desde su primera prohibición.
«of power between classes and genders, and at times contemporaries felt the same: a commentator in nineteenth-century Staffordshire thought that ‘it was sometimes amusing to see tall and strong young men running as for their lives from a» — la tentación de lectura moderna que Hutton nombra —una tradición que invertía el poder entre clases y géneros— y el testimonio decimonónico que la acompaña.
«As befitted that of a Christian warrior, his cult burgeoned in western Europe in the wake of the Crusades, and his festival day was officially established in England in 1222.» — la datación del culto de San Jorge y su ligazón con las cruzadas.
«During the next two centuries he was carefully promoted by the conqueror kings Edward III and Henry V, to rival the French St Denis and to replace the less martial Edward the Confessor as England’s patron saint.» — la promoción deliberada del santo por dos reyes conquistadores, para desplazar a Eduardo el Confesor.
«As such he proved a considerable success, being a glamorous figure, perfect for a society imbued with chivalric ideals and associated with one of hagiography’s most dramatic legends.» — las razones del éxito, en términos de gusto y no de herencia.
«By 1530, therefore, the feast had the beginnings of a truly national celebration.» — el punto al que había llegado la fiesta de San Jorge en vísperas de la Reforma.
«It turned out, however, to have one tremendous weakness: that it was linked to the veneration of a saint, and the Reformation was about to attack the whole notion that saints could act as divine intercessors.» — la debilidad que la hundió, y que Hutton nombra con precisión.
«The special status of the national patron was indicated only by the fact that churchwardens tended to specify the removal of his images (and of the horse and dragon which often accompanied one), while failing to name almost any of the other saints whose representations were being stripped away.» — [CUENTAS PARROQUIALES] el único rastro del estatuto especial del patrón nacional en los libros de la Reforma.
«At Norwich the corporation did its best to preserve the guild, but only by removing its religious function and using its funds to clean the river.» — [NORWICH] la maniobra con que la corporación intentó salvar la cofradía, quitándole la función religiosa.
«The three men appointed to arrange the usual dinner on St George’s Day 1548 refused to do so unless the ceremonies were restored, and suffered the punishment of being disenfranchised.» — y la resistencia de los tres encargados del banquete, con su castigo.
«At one chapter he demanded, ‘What saint is St George that we do here honour him?’ The Marquis of Winchester replied gamely, ‘St George mounted his charger, out with his sword and ran the dragon through with his spear’. ‘And pray you my lords,’ answered the royal child mockingly, ‘and what did he with his sword the while?’» — [EDUARDO VI] el diálogo del capítulo de la Jarretera, que Hutton trae entero.
«In this as in other respects, that queen’s greater moderation and taste for ceremony in matters of religion led to a less radical alteration than that of her brother.» — el contraste entre las dos Reformas protestantes, medido sobre esta fiesta.
«On the other hand, neither Crown nor Church attempted to enforce any public observance of it, the statues of George were destroyed once more along with all religious imagery in churches, and his ‘ridings’ ended again in the face of renewed official hostility to veneration of saints.» — y lo que esa moderación no incluyó: ninguna observancia pública impuesta y las imágenes destruidas otra vez.
«At Norwich, however, one character was allowed to escape the prohibition; the dragon, which continued to be paraded upon St George’s Day by popular demand.» — el personaje que sobrevivió a la prohibición, y por qué motivo.
«The last of these appeared at the Norwich Festival of 1951, and is now in the Castle Museum as a lone relic of all the lost pageantry of the medieval feast.» — el destino final del dragón, y la fórmula con que Hutton lo consigna.
«the Norwich dragon, ‘Old Snap’, only survived because the day had been made into the one upon which the new mayor took office, and ‘Snap’ formed part of a parade intended to honour him and the city rather than the saint.» — la causa exacta de la supervivencia del dragón de Norwich: la fecha pasó a ser la de la toma de posesión del alcalde.
«The compromising of St George’s Day by its Catholic associations combined with England’s subsequent lack of any dramatic national renewal to leave it unusual among nations in its total lack of a patriotic holiday.» — la tesis que Hutton formula sobre Inglaterra y su fiesta nacional.
«As it never underwent an enduring change in the fundamental nature of its government, nor a war of independence, the realm never threw up a political anniversary worth commemorating as a symbol of its very existence.» — y la explicación estructural que le da: nunca hubo cambio de régimen duradero ni guerra de independencia que conmemorar.
«In the late nineteenth century a drift back to the celebration of St George’s Day began, propelled by a more self-conscious nationalism, a resurgence in chivalric imagery, and a waning of the Anglican allergy to saints.» — el regreso tardío de la fiesta, con las tres causas que Hutton le adjudica.
«It was wholly spontaneous and localized, being manifested in towns and villages scattered across southern England: in 1914, for example, the council and clergy of Kidderminster, the iron-making town on the Severn in Worcestershire, cooperated to hoist the national flag with its red cross over churches and public buildings and provide a religious service.» — y su carácter: espontáneo y local, con su ejemplo fechado.
«Stratford-upon-Avon worked hard to promote the solution made by the Scots to an identical problem, by turning the country’s foremost literary figure into a secular saint around whose memory his compatriots could rally: a kind providence had placed Shakespeare’s birthday on the feast of St George.» — [STRATFORD] la solución escocesa aplicada a Inglaterra: un santo laico literario, con la coincidencia de fechas a favor.
«England, however, never felt beleaguered enough to require a rallying-point, and as its cultural norms began to be questioned after the Second World War the sort of jingoism represented by the resurgence of celebration upon 23 April became increasingly unfashionable.» — y por qué no prendió: Inglaterra nunca se sintió bastante asediada, y el patrioterismo se volvió inoportuno tras la guerra.
«This is despite the wonderful irony that the cult of St George, so long tainted for the English by its Catholic associations, was abolished in the Church of Rome in the 1960s, leaving him with impeccably Anglican qualifications.» — la ironía con que cierra el capítulo: Roma abolió el culto de San Jorge en los años sesenta y lo dejó con credenciales impecablemente anglicanas.
«no religious services are held, and the government itself does not pause for the slightest celebration.» — la posición singular en que Hutton deja a Inglaterra respecto de su fiesta nacional: no hay oficios religiosos y el gobierno no se detiene ni un momento.
«THUS far in the present book two themes must be uncomfortably obvious.» — la declaración de método que abre el capítulo de Beltane, y que resume los dos límites del libro entero.
«One is the almost total absence of concrete evidence concerning pre-Christian seasonal rituals in the British Isles. The other is that the overwhelming majority of material for a history of British calendar customs derives from the southern half of the island.» — y los dos límites nombrados: falta casi total de evidencia concreta de ritos estacionales precristianos, y material concentrado en el sur de la isla.
«When dealing with the major Celtic feast which opened the warmer half of the year, both those considerations are firmly negated.» — y la excepción que este capítulo constituye frente a ambos.
«Under the entry ‘Beltane’, both surviving texts have ‘ “lucky fire”, i.e. two fires which Druids used to make with great incantations, and they used to bring the cattle against the diseases of each year to those fires’.» — [SANAS CHORMAIC] la entrada más antigua sobre Beltane, con los dos fuegos y el ganado.
«Put together, this is good evidence for a fire-ritual on May Day to protect cattle before they were driven out to the summer pastures.» — lo que Hutton da por bien atestiguado a partir de esas entradas.
«The latter may be nothing more than the Old Testament’s Baal, with whom the Irish writer would have been thoroughly familiar as the Bible’s most prominent pagan god.» — la explicación que Hutton propone para ese *Bel*: el Baal del Antiguo Testamento, familiar al escritor irlandés.
«This was, however, the main god of Noricum (modern Austria), and although he was also popular in parts of Italy and France, only two, slightly doubtful, dedications to him have yet been found in Britain.» — la objeción a la identificación con Belenus, medida en dedicatorias halladas.
«Perhaps even more to the point, there is absolutely no trace of him, or ‘Bel’, in other early Irish literature.» — y la negativa que Hutton pone por delante: no hay rastro de ese dios en el resto de la literatura irlandesa temprana.
«With that the reliable ancient evidence runs out.» — el punto en que Hutton corta la evidencia antigua fiable sobre Beltane.
«Early Welsh literature furnishes nothing in the way of probably pre-Christian seasonal rituals; but then it is both much smaller in quality and much more restricted in scope than the Irish.» — la negativa galesa, con la advertencia sobre el tamaño del corpus que la produce.
«uncertain of the origins of the name, suggesting in one place that it signified ‘lucky fire’ and in another that it derived from a god Bil, Bial, or Bel.» — la indecisión del propio glosario medieval sobre la etimología de *Beltane*: en un sitio *fuego afortunado* y en otro un dios Bil, Bial o Bel.
«It does, however, testify to the attribution of an especially arcane quality to May Day (’Calan Mai’) and its eve.» — lo que la literatura galesa sí atestigua sobre el primero de mayo: una cualidad especialmente arcana.
«Certainly the ritual portrayed in the Sanas, minus its Druids, survived in Ireland to the nineteenth century.» — la continuidad que Hutton sí concede para Irlanda, con la resta explícita de los druidas.
«In southern Leinster in 1838 the farmer Humphrey O’Sullivan casually noted in his diary how he had driven his cattle between two fires on that night exactly as ‘Cormac’ had recorded almost a thousand years before.» — [O’SULLIVAN] el diario de un granjero que hace en 1838 lo que el glosario describía mil años antes.
«With some, particularly the younger portion, this was a mere diversion, to which they attached no particular meaning, yet others performed it with a deeper intention, and evidently as a religious rite.» — [WILDE] la distinción que el propio testigo hace entre quienes saltaban el fuego por diversión y quienes lo hacían como rito religioso.
«If a man was about to perform a long journey, he leaped backwards and forwards three times through the fire, to give him success in his undertaking. If about to wed he did it to purify himself for the marriage state. If going to undertake some hazardous enterprise, he passed through the fire to render himself invulnerable.» — [WILDE] el repertorio de intenciones con que se saltaba el fuego de Beltane.
«In sixteenth-century Ireland a woman who tried to borrow a light from neighbours then was reckoned to be a witch.» — y la consecuencia que tenía pedirla, en la Irlanda del siglo XVI.
«Conversely, it was considered very dangerous for others to be allowed to take fire from one’s home on May Eve or May Day,» — la prohibición de dar lumbre en Beltane, gemela de la de Año Nuevo: quien la tomara ganaría poder sobre los habitantes de la casa.
«In view of the heavy cultural colonization of northern Scotland and its Isles by the Irish in the early Middle Ages, nobody should be surprised to find them there, as in the case of Bridget’s Night, and so indeed we do.» — el criterio con que Hutton explica la presencia de Beltane en Escocia: colonización cultural irlandesa, no herencia común.
«On the first of May, the herdsmen of every village hold their Bel-tein, a rural sacrifice. They cut a square trench on the ground, leaving the turf in the middle; on that they make a fire of wood, on which they dress a large caudle of eggs, butter, oatmeal and milk; and bring, besides the ingredients of the caudle, plenty of beer and whisky, for each of the company must contribute something.» — [PENNANT] la descripción de 1769 del *Bel-tein* de las Highlands, con el foso cuadrado, el fuego y el caldo.
«The rites begin with spilling some of the caudle on the ground, by way of libation: on that every one takes a cake of oatmeal, upon which are raised nine square knobs, each one dedicated to some particular being, the supposed preserver of their flocks and herds, or to some particular animal, the real destroyer of them: each person then turns his face to the fire, breaks off a knob, and flinging it over his shoulders says ‘This I give to thee, preserve thou my horses; this to thee, preserve thou my sheep’;» — [PENNANT] la libación y la torta de nueve nudos, cada uno dedicado a un protector o a un depredador.
«He believed that by then it was simply a festival of the young, who would kindle fires and feast, and that even this was confined to the interior of the Highlands.» — [RAMSAY] el estado del rito a fines del siglo XVIII: fiesta de jóvenes y confinada al interior de las Highlands.
«The night before, all the fires in the country were carefully extinguished, and next morning the materials for exciting this sacred fire were prepared.» — [RAMSAY] el rito del fuego nuevo de Beltane, apagados antes todos los fuegos del país.
«If any of them had been guilty of murder, adultery, theft or other atrocious crime, it was imagined either that the fire would not kindle, or that it would be devoid of its usual virtue.» — [RAMSAY] la condición moral del fuego forzado: no prendería si alguno de los que giraban el eje era criminal.
«This fire had the appearance of being immediately derived from heaven, and manifold were the virtues ascribed to it. They esteemed it as a preservative against witchcraft, and a sovereign remedy against malignant diseases, both in the human species and in cattle; and by it the strongest poisons were supposed to have their nature changed.» — [RAMSAY] las virtudes que se atribuían al *tein-eigin*.
«A feast was then prepared, with singing and dancing, and lots drawn to select one man. He was called cailleach bealtine, Beltane carline, a term of great reproach.» — [RAMSAY] la elección por sorteo del *cailleach bealtine* y el oprobio que llevaba el nombre.
«In the 1790s the successive volumes of Sir John Sinclair’s survey of the country revealed that the fires were indeed by then chiefly made in Perthshire and by young cowherds.» — [SINCLAIR] la encuesta con que Hutton fecha la reducción del rito a Perthshire y a los vaqueros jóvenes.
«It was reported that in Caithness the making of the fire by rubbing wood had required eighty-one men, divided into nine shifts of nine; clearly (if true) to create an outsize blaze.» — la cifra que Hutton consigna con su condicional a la vista: ochenta y un hombres para hacer el fuego en Caithness, si es cierto.
«Joseph Logan, working in the 1820s, gathered the information that the special fire was made on a circular platform (at variance with Pennant), and by turning a horizontal post against a vertical one by four short spokes; relays of men were required, and all had to divest themselves of iron before working.» — [LOGAN] la variante del fuego forzado que él recogió, con la regla de despojarse de todo hierro.
«Old thatch, or straw, or furze, or broom was piled into a heap and set on fire a little after sunset. Some of those present kept constantly tossing up the blazing mass, and others seized portions of it on pitch-forks or poles and ran hither and thither, holding them as high as they were able, while the younger portion, that assisted, danced round the fire or ran through the smoke, shouting ‘Fire! blaze and burn the witches; fire!, fire! burn the witches!’» — [TESTIMONIO DE ABERDEEN] el rito con su grito, que declara para qué se hace.
«rescued. And in some places they laid him flat on the ground, making as if they would quarter him. Afterwards he was pelted with eggshells, and retained the odious appellation during the whole year.» — [RAMSAY] la ejecución fingida del *cailleach bealtine*: rescatado de las llamas, tendido en el suelo como para descuartizarlo y apedreado con cáscaras de huevo.
«abroad in all their force, casting ill on cattle and stealing cows’ milk.» — [TESTIMONIO DE ABERDEEN] el adversario que la fiesta nombraba en esa comarca: las brujas sueltas esa noche, echando mal al ganado y robando la leche.
«In the course of the nineteenth century the flames slowly died in Scotland: they were last heard of in Arran and Helmsdale around 1820, in North Uist in 1829, and in Reay in about 1830. 24 In these same decades they were last recorded at Strathpeffer, Ross, and in the mid-century they vanished from the Ochil Hills of Western Fife.» — la extinción de los fuegos de Beltane en Escocia, sitio por sitio y fecha por fecha.
«There until the 1870s fisher folk as well as farmers had their fires to launch the season, and fathers leaped them with children in arms.» — [TESTIMONIO DE SHETLAND] el último reducto de los fuegos, con pescadores y padres saltando con los niños en brazos.
«By then they were no longer lit in the Outer Hebrides, but the crofters there still drove their flocks and herds up to the summer pastures at ‘Bealltain’, feasted there, and then called on divine protection.» — lo que quedaba del rito en las Hébridas Exteriores: la trashumancia, el festín y la invocación.
«One was a Scottish parallel to the Irish belief that it was dangerous to give fire from one’s home on May Day: this was found all over the Highlands, the Hebrides, and Galloway in the reign of Victoria.» — el primero de los dos restos del rito del fuego: la prohibición de dar lumbre el primero de mayo.
«By the late nineteenth century the ‘Bannoch Bealltainn’ had shed its knobs and was instead marked with a cross on one side like a Hot Cross Bun.» — y el segundo: la torta de Beltane, que pierde sus nudos y gana la cruz del bollo pascual.
«It had become widely employed by children in the central and eastern Highlands after the same manner as Easter eggs, of being rolled down hillsides.» — y su nuevo uso, tomado del huevo de Pascua.
«Hence there is good evidence that the Irish ritual was also found throughout Gaelic Scotland. What remains now is to examine that for the holy fires in the rest of Britain, and to discuss whether they represented a general ‘Celtic’ custom once covering the whole archipelago.» — la pregunta que Hutton se plantea explícitamente: si los fuegos sagrados fueron costumbre céltica general de todo el archipiélago.
«In complete contrast to the Manx case, the solitary May Eve bonfires lit on Stapleford Hill, Nottinghamshire, and near Horncastle in Lincolnshire, in the eighteenth century, are too isolated a pair of cases to appear part of the same pattern; they look more like aberrant local customs.» — el criterio con que descarta dos casos ingleses aislados: parecen costumbres locales aberrantes y no parte del mismo patrón.
«The rest of England is bare of May Eve or May Day fires in recorded history, with two very significant exceptions.» — la negativa inglesa, con sus dos excepciones anunciadas.
«The test case, therefore, is Wales: if the May fires were lit there, then their status as a general ‘Celtic’ custom is proven.» — la prueba decisiva que Hutton plantea para la cuestión céltica.
«Nine men would turn their pockets inside out, and see that every piece of money and all metals were off their persons. Then the men went into the nearest wood and collected sticks of nine different trees. These were carried to the spot where the fire had to be built. There a circle was cut in the sod and the sticks were set crosswise.» — [TREVELYAN] el rito galés de los fuegos de mayo, con el despojo de todo metal y las nueve maderas.
«This is so close to Highland accounts of the Beltane that it might almost have been copied from one, yet it is found far away and across a language barrier.» — la observación que Hutton hace sobre ese testimonio: tan próximo a los de las Highlands que parece copiado, y viene de otro sitio y otra lengua.
«The one really puzzling feature about it is that it comes from one of the most Anglicized parts of Wales, though employing a Welsh term for the custom.» — y la anomalía que señala: procede de una de las partes más anglizadas de Gales.
«suspected in such a location, but it can hardly have operated in the other area, west Devon and Cornwall, where they were ‘familiar’ until the end of the same century. Upon Dartmoor farmers performed the rite of driving cattle over the embers to protect them. 34 These were precisely the parts of England in which native British culture lingered longest.» — el argumento que Hutton extrae de las dos excepciones inglesas: Cumbria y el suroeste son justo las partes de Inglaterra donde más duró la cultura britana nativa.
«of distribution does look a little puzzling, therefore, but the presence of comparable customs in the south-west of England and Cumbria, and the absence of any apparent means of transference from Scotland, makes the opinion that they were all survivals of a widespread tradition seem to be the most plausible.» — la conclusión del capítulo con su calibre puesto: pese a lo desconcertante del mapa, lo más plausible es que todos esos fuegos fueran supervivencias de una tradición extendida.
«Over the whole of their range, the fires were only the most spectacular of a set of different means of protecting livestock and humans at the opening of May and of the summer pastures.» — y lo que Hutton pone alrededor del fuego: era el más espectacular de un conjunto de medios de proteger ganado y personas.
«Above all, rowan was hung about cows, doorways, and equipment for milking and butter-making on the Day and its Eve.» — el serbal colgado sobre vacas, puertas y aperos de ordeño.
«Rowan, sometimes called mountain ash, may have been regarded as effective because its bright red berries also suggested fire.» — la explicación que Hutton propone para la eficacia atribuida al serbal, y que lo devuelve al fuego.
«Across this whole vast range of the ‘Celtic’ parts of Britain, the adversaries of these precautions were occasionally described as fairies, but most commonly as witches.» — el hallazgo que cierra el capítulo: el adversario de todas estas precauciones no era casi nunca un demonio ni un dios, sino las brujas.
«This collection of data is very imperfect. Most of the British section is derived from regions for which there are no or virtually no records of seasonal practices until about two and a half centuries ago, by which time the Beltane customs were not merely in decline but existed only in a reduced and marginalized form.» — la advertencia con que Hutton cierra la evidencia de Beltane: el material viene de regiones sin registros hasta que la costumbre ya estaba reducida y marginada.
«Indeed, it is striking that not one of our descriptions of the fire rituals in Britain was made by somebody who observed them at first hand.» — y el dato que más pesa en esa advertencia: ninguna de las descripciones británicas del rito del fuego la hizo un testigo presencial.
«Secondly, that in a pastoral economy, this was the period when livestock, penned in folds, byres, and home fields during winter and spring, could be driven out to the new grass of the pastures.» — la segunda, económica: es el momento de sacar el ganado a los pastos nuevos.
«Thirdly, that rituals were conducted at that moment to protect them against the powers of evil, natural and supernatural, not merely in the season to come but because those malign powers were supposed to be particularly active at this turning-point of the year.» — y la tercera: los ritos protegían al ganado de poderes malignos tenidos por especialmente activos en ese giro del año.
«The most obvious means of protection was by symbolic use of fire, the archaic weapon against darkness and large predators, although certain plants (perhaps because they evoked it) were also effective.» — la explicación del fuego como medio de protección, sin recurso a culto solar.
«There was also a widespread rite involving a scapegoat, which may always have been symbolic or may embody a memory of actual human sacrifice.» — el chivo expiatorio de Beltane, con las dos lecturas puestas una junto a otra sin arbitrar.
«British Isles summer was reckoned as beginning around the time which was to become the opening of May.» — la primera conclusión que Hutton sí extrae sobre Beltane: en todas las islas británicas antiguas el verano se contaba desde lo que sería la apertura de mayo.
«Nevertheless, the word ‘Celtic’, when applied to the Beltane tradition, remains in inverted commas because, although it perfectly fits the areas of the British Isles in which Celtic language and realms survived longest, it does not correspond to the Celtic cultural province which earlier generations of scholars have delineated in Europe.» — la reserva con que Hutton usa la palabra *céltico* para Beltane, y su razón.
«Indeed, the belief in supernatural danger on May Eve and May Day, and the need for fire and rowan rituals to ward it off, seems absent from just those western areas which fall within it upon the Continent.» — y el dato que la sostiene: esas creencias faltan justo en las zonas continentales tenidas por célticas.
«Instead, they were found, powerfully, further north and east, in Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Saxony, Silesia, Moravia, Bohemia, and Austria.» — y dónde sí aparecen, país por país.
«This is not a map of ethnic or linguistic divisions, but a chart of those areas of Europe which, like Ireland and western and northern Britain, had a pastoral economy involving seasonal transhumance.» — la tesis que sustituye a la lectura étnica: el mapa es de economía pastoril con trashumancia estacional.
«Elsewhere on the Continent the opening of summer was far less fraught, and its rituals far more celebratory and less defensive.» — y el contraste que Hutton le añade: donde no hay trashumancia, la apertura del verano es celebratoria y no defensiva.
«AROUND the year 1240 the reforming bishop of Lincoln, Robert Grosseteste, complained to his archdeacons of priests who demeaned themselves by joining ‘games which they call the bringing-in of May’.» — [GROSSETESTE] la primera referencia inglesa a la entrada del mayo, que es una queja episcopal.
«What exactly was meant in some of these cases is unclear, but in each the term was a shorthand for flowers and young foliage fetched to celebrate the coming of summer, named after that season’s first month.» — la definición que Hutton da a *the May*, con la reserva sobre los casos oscuros.
«They multiply as soon as English literature became sufficiently developed to include lush background detail for narratives, which was in the fourteenth century.» — la advertencia de método que Hutton repite: las referencias se multiplican cuando la literatura se vuelve descriptiva, no cuando la costumbre nace.
«It should be stressed, however, that even in the aggregate these entries represent only a small minority of English parishes and towns, and Scottish burghs, from which fifteenth- and sixteenth-century records survive.» — la corrección de escala sobre las celebraciones oficiales del mayo.
«In the second half of the latter century they vanish altogether, arguably under the impact of Protestant disapproval.» — y su desaparición, con la causa dicha como argumentable y no como probada.
«They must always have represented no more than the official peak of a mountain of private observance of the custom to which sixteenth-century writers amply attest.» — la relación entre lo registrado y lo practicado, en la imagen que Hutton usa.
«John Stow recalled how in the reign of Henry VIII Londoners would try to spend that morning in ‘the sweet meadows and green woods, there to rejoice their spirits with the beauty and savour of sweet flowers and with the harmony of birds’.» — [STOW] la mañana de mayo de los londinenses bajo Enrique VIII.
«Under Elizabeth, the custom was attacked by some evangelical Protestants, as empty frivolity carrying a risk of debauchery.» — el cargo protestante contra el mayo: frivolidad vacía con riesgo de libertinaje.
«The behaviour of young people on May Eve and May Day had thus become a cliché of scandal and of titillation alike.» — la lectura que Hutton hace de esa literatura: el comportamiento de los jóvenes vuelto cliché de escándalo y de morbo a la vez.
«It took until the late twentieth century, and the patient labours of demographic historians, to reveal that there was in fact no rise in the number of pregnancies at this season, in or out of marriage. The boom in conceptions came later in the summer.» — y la medida que deshace el cliché: los historiadores demográficos no hallan alza de embarazos en esa fecha.
«In practice early modern people seem to have found the night of the 30 April generally too chilly, and the woods generally too damp.» — la explicación material que Hutton da al dato, dicha sin solemnidad.
«Around this time John Aubrey was told of a division of gender roles at Oxford on May morning, whereby boys ‘do blow cows horns and hollow caxes all night’, while ‘the young maids of every parish carry about their parish Garlands of Flowers, which afterwards they hang up in their churches’.» — [AUBREY] el reparto por sexos de la mañana de mayo en Oxford.
«Almost exactly three hundred years after ‘the maidens of Lambeth’ had coaxed a reward from that monarch, the antiquary John Brand was met by two separate May Day parties of girls on the road between Hounslow and Brentford, asking for money with the words ‘Pray sir, remember the garland’ and showing the one which they had made.» — [BRAND] la continuidad medida sobre un mismo gesto: pedir por la guirnalda, tres siglos después.
«One is the effortless way in which the custom was continued in the burgeoning industrial areas and in occupations not normally associated with the countryside.» — el rasgo que Hutton subraya contra el retrato rural del folclore: el mayo continuó sin esfuerzo en las zonas industriales.
«When ‘Maying’ waned towards the end of the century, it did so in town and country alike, as part of a general change in attitude to holiday, festivity, and community.» — y su declive, igual en la ciudad que en el campo.
«In one district of western Somerset, people living on the Brendon hills believed that to bring home the thorn was lucky, while in the vale of Taunton Deane they thought that it tempted disaster.» — el desacuerdo local sobre el espino albar, consignado sin armonizar: afortunado en unos cerros y funesto en el valle vecino.
«Those who brought back the greenery, however, could also employ it to express all the attractions and animosities of a locality; to compliment, admonish, and abuse.» — la función social del ramo de mayo: cumplido, amonestación o insulto.
«At Waterbeach in the Cambridgeshire Fens, young men put sloe blossom by the doors of popular girls, while ‘the girl of loose manners had a blackthorn planted by hers; the slattern had an elder tree planted by hers; and the scold had a bunch of nettles tied to the latch of her cottage door’.» — [TESTIMONIO DE WATERBEACH] el código vegetal con que se calificaba a cada mujer del pueblo.
«Lancashire lads employed a rhyming slang: most kinds of thorn meant scorn, rowan signified affection, holly declared folly, briar marked a liar, and a plum in bloom proclaimed ‘married soon’.» — [TESTIMONIO DE LANCASHIRE] el mismo código hecho de rimas, planta por planta.
«This portrait seems to be true of virtually all the recorded English Mayers’ songs, and it is a pointless exercise to attempt to determine the relative age of these components on the ground of likelihood alone.» — la objeción de método que Hutton pone a datar por capas los componentes de una canción.
«None features in the relatively large collections of popular song from the seventeenth century, and in nineteenth-century Leicestershire they were certainly learned from printed or written words.» — y el dato documental que la acompaña: ninguna de esas canciones aparece en las colecciones del siglo XVII, y en el XIX se aprendían de impresos.
«In the industrial towns of the Lancashire, Derbyshire, and Yorkshire Pennines, the custom evolved into an altogether different form, which still endures.» — la forma industrial de la costumbre del mayo, que Hutton declara viva.
«Foliage was still left on doorsteps on May Eve or May Morn to flatter or to praise, but in addition the young men would pay off grudges by playing pranks; pulling up fences, trampling gardens, upsetting carts, and setting cattle astray.» — y en qué consistía: el ramo seguía, y encima los mozos ajustaban cuentas con travesuras.
«By the twentieth century the greenery had vanished but the trickery remained, and still flourishes today in western Yorkshire. 59 The joyous tradition of Maying had given rise to a local season of licensed misrule.» — la conclusión del caso: de la tradición gozosa del mayo salió una temporada local de desorden autorizado.
«There is no real evidence to indicate when it first arrived in the British Isles.» — la negativa sobre el origen del palo de mayo.
«Thus by the period 1350-1400 the custom was well established across southern Britain, in town and country and in both Welsh-speaking and English-speaking areas. Before that its history seems to be lost.» — lo que Hutton da por establecido sobre el palo, y hasta dónde llega.
«Literature provides the only secure identification, and the first example of this consists of a Welsh poem of the mid-fourteenth century, by Gryffydd ap Adda ap Dafydd. Set at Llanidloes» — [GRYFFYDD AP ADDA] la primera identificación segura del palo de mayo, en un poema galés de mediados del siglo XIV ambientado en Llanidloes.
«The distribution of the poles in Ireland and Scotland would appear to argue against the notion that they were found across the ancient British Isles,» — el argumento de distribución contra la antigüedad insular del palo, que Hutton completa diciendo que solo se registra en zonas de influencia y lengua inglesas.
«It might be suggested that the latter were suited to a pastoral economy and the poles to an arable one, but the early appearance and continuing popularity of the poles in the Welsh mountains rules out such a simple determinism.» — y la objeción que él mismo pone al determinismo económico que ese mapa sugiere.
«Since Freud wrote, there has been a popular tendency to see them as phallic symbols.» — la lectura moderna del palo de mayo, y su fecha de origen.
«Hobbes, however, was bitterly hostile to them, as to all allied popular merry-making. There is no historical basis for his claim» — y la advertencia de Hutton sobre su posición: Hobbes era hostil a esas diversiones y no hay base histórica para lo que afirma.
«and no sign that the people who used maypoles thought that they were phallic. They were not carved to appear so, and their original stark outline was always concealed by layers of decoration when they were actually in use, as will become obvious.» — y los dos argumentos materiales contra la lectura fálica: no se tallaban así y su perfil quedaba oculto bajo el adorno.
«If this could not be directly refuted from the data, neither could it be proved.» — la medida exacta que Hutton le pone a esa adjudicación.
«The British material completely bears out his judgement.» — el juicio de Hutton sobre ese debate, apoyado en su propio material.
«There are no precise descriptions of the appearance or use of medieval British maypoles, and the best from the early modern period is the famous and much-quoted one by Philip Stubbes, writing in the 1580s:» — la negativa documental sobre los palos medievales, y la fuente que la sustituye.
«A pole needing that many oxen to drag it would have been a monster, and not many English villages could have mustered hundreds of people for a procession: Stubbes, a Londoner, seems to have been thinking of one of the huge maypoles brought into towns or cities to stand for decades.» — la enmienda de escala que Hutton hace a esa descripción famosa.
«What is less clear is the nature of the dances performed about early modern maypoles. None before the nineteenth century seems to have involved holding ribbons.» — la negativa que Hutton opone a la imagen más difundida del palo: ninguna danza anterior al siglo XIX incluía cintas.
«The poles were communal symbols, and their size and weight meant that erecting one was a group activity.» — lo que el palo era socialmente, deducido de su tamaño y su peso.
«The obverse of this communality was that the poles could also become associated with group misbehaviour.» — y el reverso de esa comunalidad.
«Rivalry between villages could be expressed by theft of each other’s poles, and such raids led to violence in Hertfordshire in 1602 and Warwickshire in 1639.» — la forma que tomaba esa rivalidad, con sus fechas.
«None the less, it is fairly clear that hostility to them derived principally from those evangelical Protestants who sought a radical reform of both Church and society.» — de dónde venía la hostilidad al palo de mayo, según Hutton.
«None the less, they were an implicit target of all that literature, concerned as it generally was with eliminating mixed-gender dancing, drunkenness, and Sunday merry-making.» — y por qué aun así eran blanco implícito de toda esa literatura.
«The poles were associated with all those, and in addition rang an automatic alarm bell in the minds of people obsessed with scriptural invectives against the veneration of sticks and stones.» — la razón escrituraria que Hutton añade a la hostilidad contra los palos.
«Maypoles were only incidentally attacked, being condemned by a mere three authors (one being Stubbes) out of a» — la medida de esa hostilidad en la literatura impresa, menor de lo que se supone: solo tres autores entre 1559 y 1630, uno de ellos Stubbes.
«The impact of these opinions can be seen dramatically at local level, for between 1570 and 1630 maypoles were banned from Doncaster, Lincoln, Banbury, Canterbury, Shrewsbury, Coventry, Leicester, and Bristol.» — dónde sí se ve el efecto de esas opiniones: en las prohibiciones municipales, ciudad por ciudad.
«In England and Wales toleration of them ended in 1644, with the famous ordinance of the Long Parliament which directed the removal of them.» — la ordenanza de 1644 que manda quitar los palos.
«The royal attachment of them to the issue of Sunday observance had doomed them as soon as the opponents of Charles I seized power, and the measure which condemned them was principally concerned with Sabbatarianism.» — y la causa política que Hutton le adjudica: el vínculo regio con el asunto del domingo.
«During the eighteenth century maypoles seem to have been both very common and taken for granted in the English and Welsh countryside. Descriptions from then and the early nineteenth century suggest that their appearance and function had not altered since the Tudor period;» — la continuidad que Hutton sí concede al palo de mayo entre el periodo Tudor y el siglo XVIII.
«All that was novel was the absence of controversy over their existence, as they had become so firmly associated with the restoration of the traditional order in Church and State.» — y lo único nuevo: que ya no eran polémicos, por haber quedado asociados a la restauración del orden tradicional.
«The poles were simply going out of fashion at last.» — la causa que Hutton da a su abandono, tras descartar las demás.
«How much connivance is concealed by this silence is impossible to say, but the prohibition certainly turned the poles, like the celebration of Christmas, into a» — la lectura del silencio documental, y el efecto político de la prohibición: el palo de mayo, como la Navidad, se vuelve símbolo de resistencia al Parlamento Largo.
«The accounts speak increasingly of poles rotting away, or blowing down and not being replaced, or standing disused.» — la forma en que el palo de mayo desaparece, que no es la prohibición sino el abandono.
«Young people were finding other entertainments, and no longer turned spontaneously to the old focuses of merry-making.» — la causa social que Hutton adjudica a ese abandono.
«The process began long before the depopulation of the countryside, covered a period in which the village community was still seeking seasonal expression (for example, in club walks and harvest homes), and when local youth fought tenaciously for customs such as Guy Fawkes bonfires.» — y los tres argumentos con que descarta las explicaciones fáciles del abandono.
«As shown above, there are good records from the fifteenth century onward for the propensity of women, especially young women, to make money by selling or displaying May garlands.» — la continuidad documentada de la guirnalda de mayo como medio de ganancia femenino.
«By the early nineteenth century this was still going strong, but the custom seems to have become confined mainly to small girls.» — y el desplazamiento de edad que la costumbre sufre.
«Queens and Kings, and lords and ladies, were alternatives to each other, and either couple only recorded in garlanding processions at six Oxfordshire communities.» — y la medida de cada uno de esos rasgos, hecha contra el registro.
«Participation by boys, although found across the whole range of the custom, was always rare.» — otro de esos rasgos medido: la participación de niños era rara en toda el área.
«Here, then, was an extremely important custom, developed by rural children and taken over by schools and other local institutions as a means of controlling or monitoring it as its popularity grew.» — la trayectoria social de la guirnalda de mayo: la inventan los niños del campo y la toman las escuelas para controlarla.
«What struck at this was the general rise in standards of living during the twentieth century, which meant that many children were receiving pocket money instead of having to solicit cash or treats from richer neighbours.» — la causa material de su muerte: los niños empezaron a tener domingo propio.
«In this situation, garlanding could be more easily stigmatized as begging and a disgrace to the parents of those who engaged in it, and it finally ended in the affluent 1950s.» — y la consecuencia moral de esa causa, con su fecha.
«In the first case the custom has survived by being absorbed into parish religion, in the second by being rededicated to the communal dead, a process much assisted by the enthusiasm of the local dignitary, the earl of Ilchester.» — las dos maneras en que sobrevivieron los restos de la guirnalda: absorbida en la religión parroquial o dedicada a los muertos de la comunidad.
«This was (and is) a wood or wicker frame covered in woven greenery and flowers and worn around the upper half of a man walking or dancing in May Day processions, especially those associated with chimney-sweeps.» — la definición del *Jack in the Green*, con el oficio al que iba unido.
«uniquely elaborate, combining features of garland processions found across the region but never combined as portrayed here.» — [THOMPSON] la advertencia con que Hutton acota la descripción de guirnalda más famosa: es literaria y combina rasgos que se dan por toda la región pero nunca juntos.
«The display earned them money, and was also symbolic in that the fresh new grass of late spring and early summer formed the basis for the year’s first large yields of milk.» — y el sentido material de ese baile, ligado al primer gran ordeño del año.
«Against this can be argued the fact that they seem to have been a late addition, not recorded in» — el argumento cronológico que Hutton opone a la lectura frazeriana de las muñecas de mayo: parecen añadido tardío, no registrado en las guirnaldas antes de fines del siglo XVIII.
«The latter had an especial claim upon sympathy at this time, for as fires were no longer needed in homes with the coming of summer, their work and earnings would fall off.» — la razón económica por la que el rito quedó en manos de los deshollinadores.
«Near the end of the century, the milkmaids and rag-pickers abandoned the custom, and some sweeps began to employ a frame of green boughs, which were much more easily obtained than the silverware.» — el paso del armazón de plata prestada al de ramas verdes, explicado por costo.
«By 1830 this had become standard, and the custom reached its apogee between then and 1880, attracting much attention in London and spilling over from it into the south-eastern counties and up the Thames valley.» — la datación del *Jack in the Green* en su forma conocida, con su apogeo y su mapa.
«After 1880 the custom went into rapid decline as the public got bored with it and found the ‘capering’ of the performers merely squalid, while the sweeps were forbidden to employ the young boys who had attracted most affection and sympathy.» — las dos causas de su caída: el hartazgo del público y la prohibición de emplear niños.
«Thus a metropolitan tradition less than two centuries old got linked to decorations which had ceased to be made over four hundred years before, within a vague theory of worship of primeval rural deities.» — la fórmula con que Hutton resume el enlace, midiendo la distancia temporal entre las dos cosas unidas.
«appropriated, like the maypole, for nostalgic ‘revivals’ of a Maying practices.» — el traslado del cono de verde, como el del palo de mayo, a los *revivals* nostálgicos de las costumbres de mayo.
«COMMONERS, unlike royalty and the aristocracy, lacked large buildings in which communal festivities could comfortably be held in bad weather. During the darker and colder seasons, it was the alehouse or the private dwelling which formed the focus of merriment, and neither could accommodate crowds.» — la explicación material del calendario festivo popular: los plebeyos no tenían edificios donde reunirse en mal tiempo.
«The coming of summer, therefore, ushered in not merely a season in which the flowering of nature led minds naturally to rejoicing but one in which the clemency of the air made the implementation of that desire most practicable.» — y la doble razón que Hutton da al verano festivo, con la práctica por delante.
«It was therefore in that period that the people of pre-industrial England gave themselves up to communal merry-making with particular frequency, a tendency reinforced by the fact that it lay conveniently between the heavy work of ploughing and sowing, and that of hay-making.» — la ventana de mayo explicada por el calendario agrícola.
«Doubtless their comparative scarcity in records before then is simply a matter of surviving evidence. There is every reason to believe that they predate history, answering as they did to such an obvious human need.» — la reserva con que Hutton lee el silencio anterior, y lo poco que de él infiere.
«The result was the institution of the church ale, which achieved prominence in the latter two-thirds of that century: a feast made by churchwardens for the express purpose of raising money for their funds.» — la definición del *church ale* y su función financiera.
«Even where they were common, they were by no means universal: Nettlecombe in Somerset, St Aldates in Oxford, and Dartmouth in Devon are all examples of parishes set in districts notable for such events, which none the less do not seem to have adopted them.» — la salvedad de siempre, con sus tres casos nombrados.
«are mentioned in the overwhelming majority of parishes for which accounts or other information survive. In many, especially in the countryside, they were the largest single source of revenue.» — [CUENTAS PARROQUIALES] la medida de difusión del *church ale* entre 1450 y 1550, y su peso como fuente de ingreso.
«At about the same time, the Dominican John Bromyard could present at length a picture of May games as devices set by the Devil to recapture souls withdrawn from his grasp by the abstinence of Lent. He spoke of women coming to them ‘in their wanton array, frolicking, dancing’, and of the whole company feasting and singing love songs while a flute player performed.» — [BROMYARD] los juegos de mayo presentados como trampa del diablo para recobrar las almas que la Cuaresma le quitó.
«It seems to be significant that such admonitions are apparently missing from the fifteenth century, in which communal meals and games became linked, like Plough Monday and Hocktide gatherings, to parish finance.» — la observación que Hutton hace sobre el silencio del siglo XV, y lo que lo explica.
«Most parishes which held ales or games did not do so every year, using them instead as occasional events designed to generate a large quantity of money for a particular purpose.» — la corrección sobre la periodicidad de esas fiestas, que no eran anuales.
«In many districts a rota may have operated, whereby villages held them in turn.» — la conjetura del turno entre aldeas, con los casos que la apoyan.
«Most of these early Tudor church ales were held at Whitsun, and most of the rest at some other time during May; but they could be found at any time between Easter and the end of August.» — la fecha de los *church ales*, con su rango.
«A frequent feature of the summer games was the crowning of a mock-king or lord to preside over them. Such figures are mentioned at eighteen of the 104 parishes in which such ales or games are recorded for the period 1450-1550 (17 per cent): they are scattered all over England.» — [CUENTAS PARROQUIALES] la medida exacta de los reyes de burlas en los juegos de verano.
«Earlier in history the dearth of parish records makes evidence very thin, but they were certainly around by the year 1240, when Walter de Cantelupe, bishop of Worcester, condemned clerics who attended ‘games to be made of a King and Queen’.» — [CANTELUPE] la constancia más antigua de esos reyes, que es una condena de 1240.
«Less equivocal are two accounts, in a monastic chronicle and a poem or song, of the crowning of Robert the Bruce, King of Scots, in 1306. 25 They are apparently contemporary to, or only slightly later than, this event, and the former compares the new monarch to a ‘summer king’, the latter to a ‘king of summer’.» — [CRÓNICA Y POEMA DE 1306] la comparación de Robert Bruce con un rey de verano, que Hutton usa como prueba menos equívoca.
«In the 1460s at Wistow, in the vale of York, a village king and queen were elected by the youth, who gathered for this in a ‘summerhouse’, a converted barn or some other temporary structure.» — [CUENTAS DE WISTOW] la elección de rey y reina de aldea por la juventud, con su sede.
«In the parish of St Edmunds, Salisbury, a queen and king were also chosen, and fined 8d. each if they refused to serve.» — [CUENTAS DE SALISBURY] la multa por negarse a ser rey o reina de la fiesta, que la vuelve carga y no honor.
«Their responsibilities were clearly important, and therefore onerous, for in 1461 their various ‘plays’ raised over £23, a colossal sum by the standards of parish collections.» — y lo que estaba en juego, medido en la recaudación.
«The couple processed in, attended by a seneschal, a guard, and two soldiers, and presided all afternoon over such theatrical and musical entertainments as their» — y el control que los mayores ejercían sobre esa fiesta: el rey y la reina de aldea presidían los entretenimientos que sus mayores tuvieran por apropiados y decentes.
«If so, the institution very neatly harnessed their energies, and gave them a seasonal importance, to the benefit of their communities.» — la función que Hutton adjudica a los reyes de verano: encauzar la energía de los jóvenes y darles importancia estacional.
«The first is that there is absolutely nothing to indicate that the young ‘monarchs’ ever were, or ever had been, regarded in this way.» — la primera objeción de Hutton a esa lectura.
«The second is that they were not required to make up a couple, ‘queens’ or ‘ladies’ always being much rarer than ‘kings’ or ‘lords’; indeed those at Wistow, Kingston upon Thames, and Salisbury are the only cases (out of the eighteen) where a female counterpart is known to have accompanied the male focal figure.» — y la segunda, que quita su base al matrimonio sagrado: la pareja no era requisito y las reinas son mucho más raras.
«This, however, need signify nothing more than a natural impulse to adorn the gathering-place with seasonal foliage and flowers.» — la enmienda que Hutton hace a la asociación con el verde.
«It is abundantly evident that the local ‘lords’ and ‘kings’ represented not spirits or deities so much as earthly royalty or aristocracy: hence the guard and seneschal at Wistow or the sword-bearers at Guildford.» — y lo que sí representaban, según la evidencia: realeza y aristocracia terrenas.
«The Abbot of Bon Accord was active at Aberdeen by 1440, when the corporation received complaints of ‘divers enormities’ committed during his time of rule; whatever they were, they were not sufficient to inhibit the custom, which flourished steadily there for over a century.» — [ACTAS DE ABERDEEN] el *Abbot of Bon Accord*, con la primera queja contra él y su persistencia.
«In 1553 his responsibilities were summed up as holding ‘the whole town in gladness with dances, farces, plays and games’.» — [ACTAS DE ABERDEEN] el oficio del *Abbot* resumido por la propia corporación.
«No governmental or episcopal order was ever issued against them, but the team of royal visitors (local Protestant worthies) sent to enforce religious injunctions in the West Country during 1547 certainly did so. They prohibited church ales, on the grounds that ‘many inconveniences’ arising from them had been reported.» — la supresión de los *church ales* sin orden central: la hicieron los visitadores reales del West Country en 1547.
«The term was vague enough to obscure their motive, and we can only surmise that it might have been religious (a desire to separate holy places from profane revelry) or practical (a fear of assemblies which might breed rebellion).» — y la negativa de motivo, con las dos conjeturas puestas una junto a otra.
«If most did not, this would explain why, of eighteen parishes which were regularly holding such ales in the early 1540s and which have also left good accounts for the reign of Edward, sixteen gave them up in the period 1547-9.» — [CUENTAS PARROQUIALES] la medida del efecto, parroquia por parroquia.
«There is no evidence that Mary’s government encouraged the traditional festivities, and indeed it actually banned May games in Kent in the aftermath of Wyatt’s rebellion there, on the grounds that ‘lewd practices… are appointed to such assemblies’ (by which it meant treasonable, not lascivious, behaviour).» — la negativa que Hutton pone contra la lectura fácil del regreso bajo María, con el caso de Kent en contra.
«Nevertheless, the ales and revels seem to have become so bound up with the old religion that they returned naturally with it, while the heavy expense of restoring Catholic worship produced a need for fund-raising events.» — y la explicación que sí propone para ese regreso: quedaron ligadas a la religión vieja, y restaurar el culto costaba dinero.
«It ‘ordained that in all times coming no manner of person be chosen Robert Hude nor Little John, Abbot of Unreason, Queens of May nor otherwise neither in Burgh nor to landward’.» — [ACTA DE 1555] la abolición escocesa de los reyes de verano, en sus propios términos.
«The Parliament was not a Protestant one, and the purpose of the statute does not seem to have been moral; rather, it was a political measure taken by the deeply insecure Government of the Queen Regent, Mary of Guise, determined to deny her Protestant enemies rallying-points for ribaldry and rebellion.» — y el motivo que Hutton le adjudica, que no es moral sino político.
«Nevertheless, it became convenient to later, Protestant, regimes in Scotland which were equally afraid of sedition and imbued with a dislike of traditional revelry, the latter trait strengthening as the former waned.» — la vida posterior de esa ley: útil a regímenes protestantes por motivos que se desplazan de la sedición a la aversión.
«The citizens seem to have obeyed it, but only because they could still find such entertainments in the surrounding countryside; in 1588 the burgh drummer was imprisoned for performing at ‘May plays’ in Kirklistown.» — la obediencia relativa de Edimburgo, medida por lo que pasaba fuera de la ciudad.
«None the less, ‘May plays, as Robin Hood, abbot unreason etc’ were still held in the Lothians in 1590, and after then they persisted in the southern uplands. In 1610 the presbytery of Kelso was still summoning local lairds for supporting ‘the May plays used by them called lord or abbot of unreason’.» — la resistencia en las tierras altas del sur, con los lairds citados por el presbiterio en 1610.
«Only after this date, a general silence falls upon the issue, and the rulers of the revels vanish at last from Scottish history.» — y la fecha en que los reyes de las fiestas desaparecen del registro escocés.
«Church ales and summer games were not, apparently, targets of Elizabeth’s Reformation, and their revival under Mary was sustained into the 1560s.» — la negativa que Hutton pone contra la explicación fácil del declive isabelino.
«These were unusually elaborate events, most ales making do with food and drink alone, or with a musician, a morris side (the technical term for a morris team), a clown, or a maypole or two.» — la corrección de escala que Hutton hace tras citar los dos casos más ricos.
«The invasion of the church portrayed by Stubbes seems to have been a disorderly version of a custom whereby summer kings and queens attended a service, in their regalia and with their retinue, before commencing their rule over the revels.» — y la enmienda de fondo: la irrupción en la iglesia era la versión desordenada de una costumbre reglada.
«Elizabethan bishops generally tried to prohibit the entry of the mock-monarchs to churches, while in their role as leaders of festivity, because of the irreverence which could result; between 1571 and 1600 a total of nine incorporated this in their visitation articles, led by Edmund Grindal, successively archbishop of York and Canterbury.» — la reacción episcopal a esa entrada, medida en artículos de visita.
«None of this should be allowed to give the impression that the Elizabethan period was a golden age for the traditional parish revels: on the contrary, they underwent a considerable decline.» — la advertencia con que Hutton corta la impresión que su propio material podría dar.
«It was then that church ales seem to have vanished from East Anglia, Kent, and Sussex, and to have shrunk considerably in number over the rest of their former range. In many of the parishes in which they had been the mainstay of funding they now became an occasional contribution to it. By the end of the reign they were confined to the West Country and to the valleys of the Thames and its tributaries.» — la cronología y el mapa de ese declive.
«This did not mean that they had retreated into remote rural districts, for the Thames valley was the most densely populated and frequently travelled part of the realm.» — y la corrección que impide leer ese repliegue como retirada a lo remoto.
«gathered for a feast at Whitsun 1561 which consisted of bread, baked meats, fresh roast veal, fruit, spices, and beer. The entertainment was provided by a minstrel, two fools, six morris dancers, and some fireworks.» — [CUENTAS DE NORTHILL] la carta y el programa de un *church ale* de Pentecostés al que acudieron diez parroquias.
«the churchwardens of every parish, with the consent of the whole parish, provide half a score or twenty quarters of malt, whereof some they buy off the church stock, and some is given to them of the parishoners themselves, everyone conferring somewhat according to his ability, which malt being made into very strong ale or beer, is set to sale, either in the church or some other place assigned to that purpose.» — [STUBBES] la mecánica financiera del *church ale*, descrita por su propio enemigo.
«It did not result from hostility on the part of the government.» — la primera explicación que Hutton descarta para el declive isabelino.
«Her Privy Council intervened in 1589 to declare that the summer games were perfectly lawful in Oxfordshire, where local opposition to them had developed.» — y el dato que la descarta: el Consejo Privado declara lícitos los juegos frente a la oposición local.
«Of all the Elizabethan episcopacy, only two showed any hostility to the parish feasts: Cox of Ely, who denounced ‘wanton dancing’ and ‘lewd may games’ in 1579, and Coldwell of Salisbury, who condemned the holding of church ales upon Sunday in 1595. Neither seems to have made much local impact.» — la medida de la hostilidad episcopal, que Hutton reduce a dos obispos.
«The decisive role in the discouragement of the traditional festivities seems, therefore, to have occurred at a local level, and it has been argued elsewhere that it stemmed primarily from radical Protestantism, gradually reinforced by a more general fear of social disorder at a time of growing population pressure and poverty.» — la explicación que sí sostiene: iniciativa local del protestantismo radical, reforzada por el miedo al desorden social.
«One such was the fervent evangelist William Kethe, who was appointed to a living in north-east Dorset in the early 1570s and immediately made himself unpopular by denouncing church ales: to him, dancing, drinking, and blood sports were all ‘disorders’ in themselves, whereas to the local people a gathering was orderly if it did not involve violence.» — [KETHE] el choque de definiciones que Hutton pone al descubierto: lo que para el predicador era desorden, para el pueblo era una reunión ordenada.
«The most intemperate of all such authors, however, Christopher Fetherston and the much-quoted Stubbes, were laymen, and these were to prove most directly influential in ending the old revelry.» — el dato que Hutton subraya sobre los polemistas: los más destemplados eran laicos, y fueron los más influyentes.
«The Devon JPs had already forbidden ales upon Sundays by 1595; in that year they abolished Sunday May games also and directed that ales could only take place in daylight, without music or dancing, and with drink provided by licensed alehouse keepers. This was because they caused ‘the dishonour of Almighty God, increase of bastardy and of dissolute life and very many other mischiefs’.» — [JUECES DE DEVON] la prohibición de 1595, con sus motivos declarados.
«Their tone, also, seems misleading, for social and legal historians seem to be agreed that violence or fornication rarely occurred at them during this period and that patterns of conception, in or out of wedlock, have little relationship to seasonal revelry.» — la enmienda documental al tono de esas prohibiciones: los historiadores no hallan la violencia ni la fornicación que alegaban.
«Such occurrences would, however, have been written off as rare disturbances of usually pacific events (as they must have been in the early Tudor period), if local élites did not now contain individuals already disposed against them.» — y la conclusión que Hutton extrae: los incidentes solo pesaron porque las élites locales ya estaban predispuestas.
«Furthermore, as church ales became rarer, they also tended to be more spectacular when they were held.» — la observación que acompaña al declive: al escasear, las fiestas se volvieron más espectaculares.
«In 1611 Seal, in southern Surrey, hosted a five-day extravaganza requiring musicians, a fool, silk points and laces as emblems for guests, ten barrels of beer, a quarter of wheat, three calves, eleven lambs, and a fat sheep.» — [CUENTAS DE SEAL] el inventario de una de esas fiestas tardías.
«In 1594 and 1596 the bench of neighbouring Somerset also prohibited them outright, a ruling resulting from the combination of a pronounced religious zeal among some members with the fact that one gentleman, at Dulverton,» — [JUECES DE SOMERSET] la prohibición de los *church ales* y su causa mixta: celo religioso de algunos jueces más el caso de un hidalgo de Dulverton que los celebraba para pagarse la defensa por caza furtiva.
«the churchwardens of St Cuthbert’s, Wells, who badly needed funds for repairs in 1607, and joined forces with the bishop’s bailiff, who wanted to attract traders to the town and levy tolls upon them.» — [CUENTAS DE WELLS] la alianza de intereses que produjo el mayor de esos juegos de mayo: reparaciones de la iglesia y peajes del bailío.
«Upon the other side were Christopher Windle, vicar of Bisley in the centre of the Cotswold hills, who had his son made the Whitsun lord in 1610, and the south Devon gentleman Walter Woolton, who told the villagers of Harberton in 1606 that he would get them a church ale and Whitsun lord and lady again, plus a ‘fool with his horns’.» — los partidarios de las fiestas nombrados uno por uno, con clérigos e hidalgos entre ellos.
«During the 1570s and early 1580s the attacks upon the summer games had gone virtually unanswered, but from the second half of the 1580s a reaction began to set in.» — la cronología de la reacción literaria en defensa de las fiestas.
«Their work was essentially that of Londoners celebrating the pleasures of the countryside, and something of their difference in priorities from genuine rustics is shown in their constant description of pretty May Queens in preference to the more common village lords.» — el hallazgo que Hutton extrae de esa poesía: sus autores eran londinenses y por eso prefieren la reina de mayo al señor de aldea, que era lo común.
«The Cornish gentleman Richard Carew provided a defence of church ales in an account of his county, as promoters of good neighbourliness while raising more money than compulsory levies.» — [CAREW] la defensa de los *church ales* por su utilidad social y financiera.
«Such positive images were given support by the land’s highest authority in 1618, when (even as May games were finally wiped out in his native Scotland) James I explicitly sanctioned church ales, not merely in general but upon Sundays.» — el respaldo regio de 1618, con la ironía de fecha que Hutton intercala entre paréntesis.
«loving dancers, men in women’s apparel, new-devised lords and ladies’, drummers, trumpeters, pipers, ensign-bearers, pikemen, musketeers, Robin Hood, St George, and other heroes of fiction. At times over 3,000 people spectated.» — [CUENTAS DE WELLS] el programa y el público del mayor de esos juegos de mayo, con más de tres mil espectadores.
«The result was one of the century’s most famous episodes, involving a division of the county gentry over the issue, the apparent rallying of the majority of its clergy to the support of the ales, the intervention of the archbishop of Canterbury against the judge, and the reissue of the royal Book of Sports.» — el episodio de 1633 en Somerset, con el reparto de fuerzas que Hutton subraya: la mayoría del clero del condado a favor de los *ales*.
«Upon convening at the end of that year, the Long Parliament’s House of Commons immediately labelled the Book of Sports a grievance, and on 1 September 1641 it formally condemned the provisions in it.» — la condena parlamentaria del *Book of Sports*, con sus fechas.
«Although unsupported by the House of Lords, let alone the King, these rulings had a devastating effect in practice.» — y su efecto práctico, pese a no ser ley.
«As an institution, these ales were effectively dead before the Puritan Revolution proper commenced, and they never recovered.» — la conclusión cronológica que Hutton opone al tópico: los *church ales* murieron antes de la revolución puritana.
«What had happened was that a process which had been effected 200 years before had been reversed, and the tie between the summer games and parish finance broken.» — la formulación que Hutton da al cambio: se deshizo el lazo entre los juegos de verano y las finanzas parroquiales.
«The shift, however, was only relative, as May games and Whitsun feasts long continued to flourish in what may be termed the private sector.» — y la salvedad que lo acota: las fiestas siguieron, ya en el sector privado.
«Above this level came the village feasts, no longer associated with communal fund-raising or possessed of any official status.» — el segundo nivel de la fiesta de verano tras la ruptura con la parroquia.
«All classes joined in the games and sports, wrestling, skittles, boxing, running, cock-fighting, climbing the greased pole, football, dancing and cock-slaying. Women ran for gowns, legs of mutton and other prizes; men wrestled for hats and silver spoons; boys climbed a greased pole on which was mounted the prize; and young men gave their young women fairings, usually a packet of sweets, made of almonds, sugars, and spices, or gingerbread nuts, or Spanish nuts.» — [TESTIMONIO DE DEVON DEL NORTE] el programa de una *revel* de Pentecostés, con su reparto por sexos y premios.
«Most elaborate of all were the May celebrations of Gloucestershire, Wiltshire, Oxfordshire, and Northamptonshire, which faithfully continued the tradition of medieval king ales.» — el tercer nivel, y la continuidad que Hutton le reconoce con los *king ales* medievales.
«The presiding group was fairly standardized, and had developed slightly since the early modern period. There was still a lord, and often a lady also, chosen from local youth for popularity and good looks.» — y el reparto de esas fiestas, con el criterio de elección de sus figuras.
«only one parish in the whole country, out of over 700 which have left accounts from the late Stuart period, revived them.» — [CUENTAS PARROQUIALES] la medida de la muerte de los *church ales*, contada sobre más de setecientas parroquias con cuentas del periodo Estuardo tardío.
«couple kept an owl in a cage, which was termed a parrot, and flails which were called nutcrackers or bagpipes. A person who gave them their real names, in this time of misrule, was fined.» — [WOODSTOCK] la forma que el desorden tomaba en ese *ale*: llamar a las cosas por su nombre costaba multa.
«In South Wales in the same period the fight was very similar, save that all the participants were boys or men, and the result was rigged so that summer always won. The company of Winter fought with bare branches, that of Summer with green boughs.» — la variante galesa del mismo combate, con el resultado amañado.
«Nothing like this custom is known in Scotland or Ireland or recorded in old Welsh literature, and it is quite impossible to say which of these two variations inspired the other, and how long either had been carried on.» — la negativa que Hutton opone a toda genealogía de ese combate.
«Once more they were given an institutional form, this time by the parish benefit clubs and friendly societies which multiplied during the late eighteenth century, providing a basic health insurance for their members.» — la nueva forma institucional de las fiestas de Pentecostés en el siglo XIX: los clubes de socorro mutuo.
«Their approval was no doubt strengthened by the manner in which the ‘club day’ sermons dwelt upon temperance, frugality, and self-improvement, 109 but the pleasure of some of the members was very clearly increased by discounting the first, at least, of those.» — el contraste entre el sermón del día de club y la conducta de los socios, consignado sin armonizar.
«private party, well portrayed in a long song of 1671, which describes how a group of young people paid 2d. each to hire a fiddler for the day. They met up with him at the local maypole and danced familiar country measures about it, followed by a feast of ale and cakes in the nearby summer bower, with much kissing, before separating at dusk.» — [CANCIÓN DE 1671] la fiesta de mayo en su forma privada y barata: dos peniques cada uno por el violinista, baile junto al palo y cerveza y pasteles en la enramada.
«By the 1830s it was common for them to parade in Whit week, to a peal of church bells, ‘all arrayed in their best, gay with ribbons and scarves, a band of music sounding before them; their broad banner of peace and union flapping over their heads, and their wands shouldered like the spears of an ancient army, or used as walking staves’.» — [TESTIMONIO DE LOS AÑOS 1830] el desfile de los clubes de socorro en la semana de Pentecostés.
«Because of all these varied advantages, they gradually replaced the old-style ales and games in the middle part of the century, becoming standard all across the West Country, south and east Midlands, and Norfolk.» — la sustitución de los viejos *ales* por los días de club, con su mapa.
«What destroyed the ‘club days’, however, was the convergence of two tremendous national forces. The first was the introduction of national insurance, which made the benefit clubs themselves redundant. The second was the general decline in communal village life.» — las dos fuerzas que acabaron con esa institución, nombradas.
«Within sixty years, however, it had become essentially a day upon which people did not stay in the community to make merry, but got out of it, by car, train, bus, or bicycle, to the seaside or to beauty spots.» — la inversión del sentido de la fiesta: de quedarse en la comunidad a salir de ella.
«The ancient summer games had become the modern summer vacation.» — la fórmula con que Hutton cierra el capítulo.
«It retains very much the atmosphere of a traditional summer game, the ‘horses’ providing the entertainment, the streets being lined with green saplings at daybreak, and the song sung as the horses dance being a version of that performed by the nineteenth-century Mayers.» — [PADSTOW] lo que Hutton reconoce al caballito como superviviente: la atmósfera de un juego de verano tradicional.
«the richest farmers. Her entourage consisted of about twenty maids of honour and a set of young men led by a captain. She was attired in ‘the gayest and best manner’, and was opposed by a Queen of Winter, a man ‘dressed in women’s clothes, with woollen hoods, fur tippets, and loaded with the warmest and heaviest habits one upon another’.» — [TESTIMONIO MANÉS] el combate ritual entre la Reina de Mayo, elegida entre las hijas de los granjeros ricos, y la Reina del Invierno, hecha por un hombre vestido de mujer y cargado de ropa de abrigo.
«they bedeck themselves with scarfs, ribbons and laces hanged all over with gold rings, precious stones and other jewels: This done they tie about either leg 20 or 40 bells with rich handkerchieves in their hands, and sometimes laid across over their shoulders and necks, borrowed for the most part of their pretty Mopsies and loving Bessies, for bussying them in the dark.» — [STUBBES] la descripción del atavío de los danzantes de morris, campanillas incluidas.
«The ‘Devil’s Dance’ is, of course, the morris, the most famous of what are commonly termed the ‘ritual dances’ of England: those that are essentially for performance before an audience.» — la definición de la *danza ritual* inglesa que Hutton emplea, y que es funcional y no religiosa.
«After 1525 Henry and his entourage became bored with it at last, and dropped it from their seasonal repertoire, but by then it had become popular among his subjects.» — la trayectoria social del morris: de la corte al pueblo, y no al revés.
«Whereas it had featured at court during the winter festivities, it migrated to the summer ales and games which were the principal celebrations of local communities.» — y el destino de esa migración: los *ales* y juegos de verano.
«What may be emphasized here is the fact that the earliest model of the dance prescribed nothing except the cast of characters, the wearing of bells and elaborate coats by the dancers, and rapid movements in the performance.» — lo que el modelo más antiguo del morris prescribía, y solo eso.
«The first of these was certainly not immutable, as solo dancers were known by 1504, as said, and there is no sign of the fool or lady in the companies which appeared in most urban processions and some parish entertainments.» — y la variabilidad de ese reparto, con los casos que la muestran.
«From this period around 1600, also, date the first artistic representations of the morris in England, confirming the impression of great variety within the common format of the energetic team dance, wearing bells.» — y lo que las primeras imágenes confirman: gran variedad dentro de un formato común.
«commonly performed by teams of local youths hoping for rewards from onlookers, and less commonly sponsored by institutions, the coats were less characteristic, and often replaced by the cheaper scarves, napkins, and handkerchiefs mentioned by Stubbes and other writers of the period.» — el cambio de vestuario del morris explicado por el cambio de patrocinio: al pasar a cuadrillas de mozos que esperaban recompensa, las casacas caras ceden ante pañuelos baratos.
«The Scottish royal court took up the entertainment at the time that its popularity peaked at the English one: thus Gavin Douglas could write of courtiers in the 1510s: Sum singis, sum dancis, sum tellis storeis Sum lait at evin bringis in the moreis. 27 When they lost interest in it, like their counterparts under Henry VIII, it failed to strike roots among commoners.» — el caso escocés como contraprueba: la corte lo adopta y lo abandona, y no arraiga entre el pueblo.
«In Ireland, which had no royal court at this period, there is no record of its performance before the nineteenth century, when a version of it existed in some southern and western districts.» — y el caso irlandés, que Hutton empareja con la ausencia de corte real.
«Proponents of social and religious reform, such as Stubbes, were not therefore attacking an immemorial rural ritual when they denounced the morris. They were opposing a new fashion which was sweeping the nation’s youth.» — la enmienda que Hutton hace a la lectura del ataque puritano: no atacaban un rito rural inmemorial sino una moda nueva.
«The charges tended to be for operating in the churchyard, or in service time, or for disturbing the peace, rather than for the dancing in itself.» — y la precisión sobre los cargos judiciales, que no eran contra el baile en sí.
«They did so by displaying the remarkable physical stamina and dexterity which the dance demanded, and sometimes by feats which have long since died out, such as using bells of different tones which could be rung in a melodious sequence as the wearers leaped.» — lo que la competencia entre cuadrillas exigía, con la destreza perdida que Hutton consigna.
«importation of 10,000 morris bells in 1567-8 alone, suggesting that demand was far outstripping native supply.» — [REGISTROS DEL PUERTO DE LONDRES] la medida material de esa moda: diez mil campanillas de morris importadas en un solo año.
«Morris was never banned in England and, although it did become scarcer at the apogee of godly reform during the Interregnum, 35 there are certainly records of it during this period.» — la negativa que Hutton pone contra la leyenda de la prohibición: el morris nunca se prohibió en Inglaterra.
«It should best, perhaps, be called ‘South Midland’, as the term ‘Cotswold’, attached to it by the morris revival, is geographically inaccurate.» — la enmienda de nombre que Hutton propone para la tradición más famosa del morris.
«Around 1850 there were perhaps eighty teams in the south Midlands. By 1900, six existed, and of those only one (at Bampton) had survived continuously.» — la curva de desaparición, contada en equipos.
«A minimum of twenty out of the forty-eight teams recorded in Cheshire 1880-1914 definitely included women, a higher proportion than any recorded elsewhere.» — el dato que rompe la regla de la pureza masculina: al menos veinte de cuarenta y ocho equipos de Cheshire incluían mujeres.
«passed down through artisan and labouring families; a small rural community such as Adderbury fielded as many as three teams at once.» — el asiento social del morris del sur de las Midlands: tradiciones transmitidas por familias de artesanos y jornaleros, con aldeas que llegaban a sacar tres equipos a la vez.
«This both ensured the preservation of the tradition and petrified it, for in the 1920s judges imposed a single style.» — el efecto doble que Hutton adjudica al revival nacional sobre el morris del noroeste.
«Today this tradition is called ‘Welsh Border Morris’, another partial misnomer as it was rarest near the border itself.» — la segunda enmienda de nombre, con su razón geográfica.
«The performances here were unusual in that they were most common at Christmas, especially in hard winters when the labourers who produced them badly needed extra money.» — la fecha del morris de las Marcas y la razón económica que Hutton le da.
«He made an ideal summer lord, and his ‘companies’ were likewise made up of a community’s young men.» — y el lugar que ocupaba en la fiesta: un señor de verano ideal, con su compañía de mozos.
«because he was so closely associated with summer, greenery, and careless pleasure.» — [WILES] por qué Robin Hood era eficaz recaudando, según él: por su estrecha asociación con el verano, el verde y el placer despreocupado.
«It is now known that the outlaw was already famous by 1262 and that the earliest surviving ballads were composed in the fourteenth century, most probably in its second half.» — la datación actualizada de la fama de Robin Hood y de las baladas.
«By contrast, the first date for a play is still 1427, 46 so it is difficult to support, if also absolutely to refute, the idea that the ballads arose from the games.» — y la reserva que Hutton mantiene sobre la prioridad entre baladas y obras.
«What can be said with certainty is that the latter became linked to parish finance in the 1470s, very much like Hocktide bindings, and rapidly became adopted for this end over a very wide area.» — lo que sí da por cierto: el enlace de las obras con las finanzas parroquiales en la década de 1470.
«Interest in the outlaw spread socially as well as geographically. If the morris travelled outwards from royal and aristocratic households, so Robin Hood plays made the opposite journey.» — la simetría invertida que Hutton traza entre el morris y las obras de Robin Hood.
«Unhappily, the venture ended in a riot which cost lives, and this illustrates the drawback of the plays; that they could encourage serious misbehaviour.» — [TESTIMONIO DE STAFFORDSHIRE] el reverso de esas obras, con su caso más grave.
«There is no sign, however, that these orders affected their overall popularity, and that at Exeter was blatantly flouted within seven years.» — y la ineficacia de las prohibiciones locales, medida.
«There is no mention of the stories until the 1420s, almost two centuries after the first reference to Robin in England, and the earliest record of a play is at Edinburgh in 1492.» — la llegada tardía de Robin Hood a Escocia, medida contra la fecha inglesa.
«At Aberdeen in May 1508 the corporation excitedly ordered all able men to process behind Robin and Little John ‘with their arrayment made in green and yellow, bows, arrows, and all other convenient things’.» — [ACTAS DE ABERDEEN] el mandato municipal de desfilar tras Robin Hood, con el vestuario prescrito.
«His last recorded appearance was at Linton in the Tweed valley, in 1610, when he was played by a local gentleman, indicating that the provincial social élite still lent him some support.» — la última aparición escocesa de Robin Hood, y lo que Hutton lee en quién lo representaba.
«In the late 1530s one of the government’s propagandists and reformist intellectuals, Sir Richard Morison, suggested that the king issue one because the plays celebrated resistance of royal officials, but he was ignored.» — [MORISON] la propuesta de prohibir esas obras por razón política, y su suerte.
Sobre la obra
630 entradas — lo que el aparato y la investigación dicen de ella«Ronald Hutton is Professor in History at the University of Bristol. He is the author of Charles II, King of England, Scotland, and Ireland (1989), The Restoration, A Political and Religious History of England and Wales 1658-1667 (1993), The Rise and Fall of Merry England: The Ritual Year 1400-1700 (1994), and The Triumph of the Moon: A History of Modern Pagan Witchcraft (1999).» — la solapa de autor de la reimpresión de 2001 sitúa a Hutton en Bristol y enumera sus libros previos; entre ellos *The Triumph of the Moon*, de 1999, posterior a esta obra, que por tanto no puede estar citada en el cuerpo.
«THERE is a peculiar charm to be found in the reading of a book such as this. It is redolent of the English countryside, its inarticulate love of ancient things, its immemorial speech, its stubborn resistance to the encroachments of changing Time.’» — [HOOKE] el elogio de 1936 del presidente de la Folk-Lore Society, S. H. Hooke, que Hutton toma como resumen de las actitudes que discute.
«All of these notions enjoyed some academic respectability at the beginning of the twentieth century, having been propounded in England most prominently by Sir Edward Tylor, Sir Laurence Gomme, and Sir James Frazer.» — [TYLOR, GOMME, FRAZER] Hutton adjudica a esos tres la formulación más prominente en Inglaterra de las cuatro nociones —rural, inmemorial, inarticulada, antigua—.
«Instead, they abandoned the whole subject to enthusiasts from other disciplines (or none), who continued to interpret calendar customs in the old terms, and who dominated the discussion of folk rites and practices, and the public perception of them, until the 1970s.» — Hutton traza el vacío: historiadores y antropólogos dejaron el folclore a entusiastas de otras disciplinas, que siguieron interpretándolo en los términos viejos hasta los años setenta.
«In that decade the very popular series of books on county folklore edited by Venetia Newall, for Batsford, treated seasonal customs as survivals from an almost wholly amorphous past, with virtually no sense of chronological perspective.» — [NEWALL] señala que la serie de folclore de condado que ella editó para Batsford trató las costumbres estacionales como supervivencias de un pasado amorfo.
«Other works from these years, such as Ralph Whitlock’s In Search of Lost Gods, played up the theme of pagan origins without any further attempt to investigate it; the ‘search’ consisted of no more than a portrayal of surviving customs.» — [WHITLOCK] sobre *In Search of Lost Gods*: la búsqueda del título no pasó de un retrato de costumbres que sobreviven.
«First, such activities were ‘of the countryside’, part of an agricultural society much older than, and being destroyed by the expansion of, urban and industrial culture.» — [FOLCLORISTAS] primera de las cuatro nociones que Hutton atribuye a la tradición de Hooke: las costumbres son del campo y las destruye la ciudad industrial.
«Secondly, they were ‘immemorial’, preserved unchanging over the centuries.» — [FOLCLORISTAS] segunda noción: inmemoriales, conservadas sin cambio a lo largo de los siglos.
«Thirdly, they were ‘inarticulate’, the people who performed them often being incapable of explaining their true significance, so that this task had to be undertaken by scholars.» — [FOLCLORISTAS] tercera noción: quienes las practican no saben explicarlas, así que la tarea recae en los eruditos.
«Fourthly, they were ‘ancient’, a term which was most often taken by folklorists to mean that they were survivals of pre-Christian religious practices, which could in large part be reconstructed by a study of them.» — [FOLCLORISTAS] cuarta noción, la que sostiene la tesis de la supervivencia: *ancient* quiere decir supervivencias de prácticas religiosas precristianas, reconstruibles estudiándolas.
«Even before my research commenced, social historians of different periods were coming to treat folk customs as an important part of their subject; the pioneering efforts of E. P. Thompson, Sir Keith Thomas, and Robert Malcolmson were followed up by Robert Storch, Bob Bushaway, David Underdown, David Cressy, and others» — [THOMPSON, THOMAS, MALCOLMSON] Hutton nombra a los historiadores sociales que empezaron a tratar las costumbres populares como parte de su materia, y a quienes los siguieron.
«More directly relevant was a development during the 1980s, whereby folklorists turned decisively against the attitude towards popular customs which had prevailed in their field and criticized it for precisely the faults stated earlier.» — Hutton fecha en los años ochenta el giro de los propios folcloristas contra la actitud dominante en su campo.
«Roy Judge, E. C. Cawte, Venetia Newall, Georgina Boyes, Craig Fees, and Theresa Buckland were among the most prominent of those who did so, and they and others provided some superb studies of the recent history of popular customs.» — [JUDGE, CAWTE, NEWALL, BOYES, FEES, BUCKLAND] los nombra como los más prominentes de ese giro y les adjudica estudios excelentes sobre la historia reciente de las costumbres.
«A folklorists’ conference upon calendar rites was held in London in 1984 at which papers were presented which were so important and innovative that they effectively opened a new epoch of work in the field; but nine years elapsed before the proceedings could be published.» — Hutton pone cifra a la marginación del campo: nueve años entre el congreso de 1984 y la publicación de sus actas.
«By suggesting that a quest for the origins of folk customs is fruitless, and that it is more important to relate them to the society in which they are best recorded, the new studies have effectively confined consideration of them to the last two hundred years.» — la objeción de Hutton a los nuevos estudios folclóricos: al declarar estéril la búsqueda de orígenes, confinaron la materia a los dos últimos siglos.
«In the Folklore Society’s own review of my Rise and Fall of Merry England, written by Gillian Bennett and published in Folklore in 1995, I was accused of belittling her and her colleagues by failing to make clear that the theory of pagan origins for British folk customs had recently been forcefully challenged by eminent folkorists—an omission which the present book should, as said, fully correct.» — [BENNETT] la reseña de Gillian Bennett en *Folklore* (1995) le imputaba no haber dicho que los folcloristas eminentes ya habían discutido la tesis de los orígenes paganos.
«In the same year, however, the only work devoted to those customs which was cited in the Society’s own list of new books in folklore was Michael Howard’s The Sacred Ring (Capell Ban, 1995). This represented a confident restatement of that very theory, not delivered as a refutation of the recent attacks upon it, but as though those attacks had never been made.» — [HOWARD] Hutton opone a esa reseña que el único libro de costumbres en la lista de novedades de la propia Society ese año reafirmaba la tesis como si nadie la hubiera discutido.
«THE greatest single piece of assistance towards this book was given by my own university, of Bristol, in appointing me to a Research Fellowship for the year 1994-5, which enabled me to complete the writing a year ahead of schedule.» — la nota de agradecimientos consigna que una Research Fellowship de la Universidad de Bristol para 1994-5 permitió terminar el libro un año antes.
«Throughout the text, whenever dates are given they are rendered according to old style; that is, those before 1752 are left as they were before the calendar change of that year. According to the same long-established convention, I have none the less treated the year throughout as beginning on 1 January.» — la nota de convenciones: fechas en estilo antiguo para lo anterior a 1752, pero el año contado desde el 1 de enero.
«The Folk-Lore Society altered its name, and that of its journal, Folk-Lore, to the spelling ‘Folklore’ in 1960, and both versions are used here, according to whether I am referring to its activities, or to publications in the journal, before or after that date.» — la nota explica por qué en el libro conviven *Folk-Lore* y *Folklore*: la sociedad y su revista cambiaron la grafía en 1960.
«Throughout the text I have modernized the language of quotations from early modern or medieval documents written in prose, to make them more accessible to a general readership.» — la nota advierte que las citas en prosa de documentos medievales y modernos tempranos están modernizadas; dato que condiciona cualquier cotejo filológico contra ellas.
«I have, however, left quotations in verse as they were originally recorded, as modernization there would sometimes destroy the rhythm of the work» — y que las citas en verso quedan como se registraron, para no destruir su ritmo.
«1 Range of nineteenth-century midwinter animal heads 2 Range of ‘Carlins’ and ‘Mothering’ 3 Range of Hocktide bindings, ‘heaving’, and ‘lifting’ 4 Range of ‘May singing’ and ‘garlanding’ 5 Range of reports of Robin Hood plays FIGURE» — la lista de mapas declara las cinco distribuciones que el libro cartografía —cabezas de animales de pleno invierno, *Carlins* y *Mothering*, ataduras y alzamientos de Hocktide, canto de mayo y *garlanding*, y obras de Robin Hood—, que son su instrumento para medir el alcance regional de cada costumbre.
«In another matter I have been more innovative, by abandoning the conventional division of time into BC and AD, based upon a Christian world» — Hutton declara su abandono de BC/AD —que llama, en el renglón siguiente, un *world-picture* cristiano, palabra que el troceo parte al fin de renglón— por BCE/CE, anclados en la misma fecha pero llamando *Common Era* a la época.
«The information seems perfectly straightforward, but conceals difficulties which were thoroughly exposed in 1889 by Alexander Tille.» — [TILLE] Hutton remite a 1889 la exposición de las dificultades que ese testimonio esconde.
«Tille suggested that it was possible that the festival described by Bede had simply been the Christian feast of the Nativity, and that the ‘Mother’ concerned was the Virgin Mary.» — [TILLE] su hipótesis: que la fiesta de Beda fuera la Natividad cristiana y la *Madre* del nombre fuera la Virgen.
«He supported his scepticism by pointing out that the term Modranicht is not found in any other early English or Continental sources.» — [TILLE] y el apoyo de esa duda: el término no aparece en ninguna otra fuente inglesa o continental temprana.
«In 1903 Sir Edmund Chambers could list forty such denunciations.» — [CHAMBERS] el recuento que Hutton hereda: cuarenta denuncias eclesiásticas del jolgorio de Año Nuevo entre los siglos IV y XI.
«It has been cautiously supported also by the historian of early modern hospitality Felicity Heal, partly because it seems logical that the complaints must have been inspired by some genuine development, and partly because she uncovered examples to illustrate them.» — [HEAL] Hutton consigna el apoyo cauto de la historiadora de la hospitalidad y las dos razones en que se apoya.
«On the other hand, Dr Heal herself has detected several cases of a far more liberal hospitality in the early Stuart period. They include gentry such as the Petres, Stanleys, and Mildmays, parsons of country livings, and (above all) prelates.» — [HEAL] y el contrapeso, tomado de la misma autora: casos de hospitalidad mucho más liberal bajo los primeros Estuardo, sobre todo entre prelados.
«Both the inception and the enforcement of the policy have been virtually ignored by historians of the Scottish Reformation, preoccupied as they have been by Kirk government, finance, and organization, by national politics, by theology, and by the social foundations of the changes.» — la deuda historiográfica que Hutton señala: los historiadores de la Reforma escocesa han ignorado casi por completo el origen y la aplicación de esa política.
«The sole exception seems to be Ian B. Cowan, but only to the extent that he accords the matter rather less than two pages of a large and beautifully researched book upon the social history of the reforms.» — [COWAN] la única excepción que reconoce, y la medida exacta de esa excepción: menos de dos páginas.
«Alexander Tille pointed out in 1889 that, whereas there is no record of the custom in Britain before 1600, the earliest one in Germany comes from 1184, and subsequent medieval references to it are found there.» — [TILLE] la objeción cronológica: no hay registro británico antes de 1600 y el alemán más antiguo es de 1184.
«He suggested, plausibly, that it might have been introduced to Britain from Germany after the end of the Middle Ages.» — [TILLE] y su propuesta, que Hutton califica de plausible: introducción desde Alemania después de la Edad Media.
«The Swedish scholar C. W. von Sydow made a direct attack upon the suggestion of Frazer, and of some German writers, that the log represented part of a religion essentially concerned with agricultural fertility and the veneration of vegetation spirits.» — [VON SYDOW] la objeción a Frazer y a los escritores alemanes que hacían del leño parte de una religión de la fertilidad agraria.
«He suggested that the most obvious function of the custom was simply festive; that a big piece of wood was needed to keep the fire burning through the unusually protracted feasting and merry-making of Christmastide, and that households competed against each other to get the biggest—a form of jovial contention certainly well documented in peasant societies.» — [VON SYDOW] y la explicación que pone en su lugar: hacía falta un leño grande para la fiesta larga, y las casas competían por el mayor.
«Peter Robson, observing the remarkable similarity of the rhymes over this large range, has suggested that they spread through printed versions,» — [ROBSON] la explicación que Hutton comparte para la uniformidad de las rimas: se difundieron por impreso.
«indeed, it is possible that some at least of this print may not have been in the form of song-sheets but of popular works on folklore such as John Brand’s Observations, published in 1813.» — y la vuelta de tuerca que añade: parte de ese impreso pudo no ser pliego de canciones sino obras de folclore, como las *Observations* de Brand.
«This is an aspect of Victorian social history which has been very little studied, and not much is at present known about it.» — la deuda de investigación que deja anotada sobre la hospitalidad victoriana.
«Charlotte Burne, who plotted this pattern on the map while they were still active, was at a loss to account for the choice made by communities between one or the other.» — [BURNE] la folclorista que trazó ese mapa cuando las costumbres seguían vivas, y que no halló explicación para la elección de cada pueblo.
«Charlotte Burne’s suggestion, that they were descended from a dole once made at the ‘Pagan Celtic’ New Year (allegedly Hallowe’en) and later moved to medieval saints’ days, was based upon no historical research at all.» — [BURNE] la adjudicación céltica de estas costumbres de pedir, y el juicio de Hutton sobre su base documental.
«The process was initiated by a civil servant, Thomas Fairman Ordish, who had been inspired to take an interest in folklore by reading German and Scandinavian mythology, especially in the works of the Brothers Grimm.» — [ORDISH] quién inició el giro, y desde dónde: la mitología germánica y escandinava de los Grimm.
«for now it is sufficient to repeat that he popularized a theory that the nature of ancient pagan religion could be reconstructed partly by a consideration of modern folk rituals, which were presumed to be descended from it.» — [FRAZER] la tesis que Hutton resume y que sostiene toda la lectura ritual: la religión pagana antigua se reconstruye a partir de los ritos folclóricos modernos.
«The sword dance struck him as a probable ancient Germanic ritual, and his consideration of it led to one of the Mummers’ Play in its different local forms. He suggested the first classification of these, and employed (or invented) the» — [ORDISH] la adjudicación germánica de la danza de espadas, y el término *folk play* que empleó o inventó para el género entero.
«This argument, and Frazer’s own application of, it were fiercely criticized from the beginning by historians and experts in comparative religion, and had the most favourable impact upon writers who fell outside those categories (and were thereby less able to evaluate the evidence).» — [FRAZER] la recepción de esa tesis, con la asimetría que Hutton subraya: criticada desde el principio por historiadores y comparatistas, acogida por quienes no podían evaluar la evidencia.
«Chambers was exactly a person of this sort: a government employee who earned his knighthood through devoted service, but also a superb amateur research scholar, patient and assiduous in his collection of historical data and passionately interested in medieval and Tudor drama.» — [CHAMBERS] el retrato del estudioso que trasladó la tesis al folclore inglés.
«His main weakness was that he relied heavily upon others, and upon Frazer above all, for the ideas which he applied to his material.» — [CHAMBERS] y la debilidad que Hutton le adjudica: tomaba de otros, y sobre todo de Frazer, las ideas que aplicaba a su material.
«With the midwinter plays and dances, however, he could do no more than make passing suggestions, as he was not a field collector himself and the printed works of the time simply did not have enough information.» — y el límite material de aquella primera aplicación: en 1903 no había datos impresos bastantes para ir más allá de sugerencias.
«The collecting was often done in the nick of time, from a single survivor of a team; the old man who gave him the Escrick dance died two days later.» — [SHARP] la urgencia con que se recogieron las danzas, medida en un caso concreto.
«In their interpretations of the dances and plays, the two writers accepted and extended the work of Chambers, and through him of Frazer. They asserted with perfect confidence that both traditions descended from ancient pagan rites concerned with fertility, death, and resurrection.» — [SHARP, TIDDY] la adjudicación que los dos hicieron con plena confianza: ambos géneros descienden de ritos paganos de fertilidad, muerte y resurrección.
«They were assisted in their arguments by the discovery by British scholars in the 1900s of modern Greek popular plays which appeared to embody aspects of this theme and had some resemblance to the English folk-drama.» — y lo que la apuntalaba: obras populares griegas modernas descubiertas en los años 1900, parecidas al drama folclórico inglés.
«In England it flourished until 1927, when Arthur Pickard-Cambridge made a thorough analysis of it against the ancient dramatic texts and showed that there was actually no real evidence to support it.» — [PICKARD-CAMBRIDGE] el análisis de 1927 contra los textos dramáticos antiguos, que no halló evidencia real en apoyo de la tesis.
«Despite this, it continued to enjoy popularity among literary scholars in the USA into the 1960s, the English Mummers’ Play being used as a proven instance of the persistence of the primitive ritual pattern in modern folk usages to bolster the same argument for the Greeks.» — y la circularidad que Hutton describe: la obra inglesa se usaba en Estados Unidos como caso probado para sostener el argumento sobre los griegos.
«At the same time, by a process of perfect circularity, the Greek evidence was being used to foster confidence in the view of the English traditions propounded by Chambers and Sharp.» — la otra mitad de esa circularidad: la evidencia griega usada a su vez para dar confianza a la lectura inglesa.
«After this the theory of an origin in pagan ritual remained dominant for almost fifty years, specialists differing only over the classification of the different plays and dances and the nature and chronology of the original rites.» — y su vigencia: casi cincuenta años de dominio, con los especialistas discutiendo solo la clasificación y la cronología de los ritos originales.
«From 1912 onwards its members tried to find the origins of Greek drama, mythology, and religion in a basic seasonal ritual drama» — [ESCUELA DE CAMBRIDGE] la tesis paralela sobre el drama griego, que Hutton pone al lado de la inglesa: sus orígenes en un drama ritual estacional que representaba la *life-history* de un dios de la fertilidad que muere y revive.
«He suggested that both stemmed from a prehistoric European fertility rite in which ‘skin-clad worshippers, accompanied by a traditional» — [CHAMBERS] la formulación de 1933 de esa adjudicación, en sus propias palabras; la cita sigue en la plana 114 con *Woman, capered about the slain figure of a man who had been King of the feast*.
«prominent English folklorist Violet Alford, in 1962, the sword dance was ‘firmly rooted in and beneath Mother Earth’, meaning that it incorporated a Neolithic rite to waken the earth from its winter sleep, led originally by matriarchal priestesses serving a Mother Goddess, with a Bronze Age rite of manhood.» — [ALFORD] la adjudicación neolítica de la danza de espadas, con sus sacerdotisas matriarcales y su rito de hombría de la Edad del Bronce.
«Her evidence for the former was pure supposition, her evidence for the latter that many of the dances had been recorded in modern mining communities.» — y la base documental que Hutton le mide: suposición pura para lo primero, y la ubicación de las danzas en comunidades mineras modernas para lo segundo.
«Another American, E. T. Kirby, got carried away in 1971 by the fashionable new interest in tribal shamanism in the universities of the USA, and declared that the doctor in the play had once been a shaman.» — [KIRBY] la adjudicación chamánica del doctor de la obra, y la moda universitaria de la que Hutton la hace depender.
«The notion of the ancestral pagan ritual remained powerful among folklorists in the 1970s,17 was still confidently repeated in academic studies rather distant from the subject in the 1980s,18 and was widely believed among the general public even in the mid-1990s.» — la vigencia de la tesis al tiempo en que Hutton escribe: creída aún por el público general a mediados de los noventa.
«In 1903 Chambers could draw upon twenty-nine examples of the Mummers’ Play; by 1933 he had over a hundred at his disposal. By 1967 the total of complete texts was 156, with thirty-eight fragments, while references to the play had been found in over eight hundred communities.» — la curva de acumulación de evidencia: de veintinueve ejemplos en 1903 a más de ochocientas comunidades registradas en 1967.
«native region; but the texts used were rewritten by Sharp to make them both more ‘decent’ and more complex, and to enhance the importance of the dance itself.» — [SHARP] la intervención sobre las danzas de espadas: los textos reescritos por él para volverlos más decentes y más complejos y realzar la danza.
«As Chambers spotted, some of the personalities and material in the later plays derived from Richard Johnson’s prose romance, The Famous Historie of the Seaven Champions of Christendom (1596), probably filtered through John Kirke’s dramatization of it in 1638.29 Neither Johnson nor Kirke, however, included the essential actions of combat and» — [CHAMBERS] de dónde salen personajes y materia de la obra: del romance en prosa de Richard Johnson y de la dramatización de Kirke, ninguno de los cuales incluía el combate y la resurrección.
«E. C. Cawte has pointed out that the ‘rapper’ variety would have been technologically impossible before the appearance of steel in the region in 1701, and that the ‘rapper’ knots were developments from a few well-known figures of the Yorkshire long-sword type.» — [CAWTE] el argumento técnico contra la antigüedad del *rapper*: no era posible antes de que llegara el acero a la región en 1701.
«He therefore proposed that long-sword dances got into Northumberland and Durham from Yorkshire in the mid-eighteenth century, and mutated there into the ‘rapper’ tradition around 1800.» — [CAWTE] y la cronología que propone en su lugar.
«It was this sort of difficulty which inspired Lord Raglan, a folklorist who was normally one of the most devoted followers of Frazer, to remind the Folk Lore Society in 1947 that there was no trace of the Mummers’ Play in medieval England.» — [RAGLAN] la objeción de 1947, hecha por uno de los seguidores más devotos de Frazer: no hay rastro de la obra en la Inglaterra medieval.
«His lack of tact earned him a rude letter from Violet Alford, who accused him of ignorance,33 and intensified a search for parallels which might extenuate the lack of direct evidence.» — [ALFORD] la respuesta que recibió, y el efecto de la objeción: una búsqueda intensificada de paralelos que atenuaran la falta de evidencia directa.
«her essential sense of the rural past as a timeless continuum prevented her from making an attempt to reconstruct the actual history of a single one of these.» — [ALFORD] y lo que esa manera de mirar impedía: reconstruir la historia real de uno solo de esos casos.
«In every case the argument rested upon the assumption that the latter must be older and the literary parallels drawn from it; in none did the author confront the possibility that the Mummers’ texts might themselves have drawn in part upon these earlier models.» — la petición de principio que Hutton señala en esa literatura: se da por sentado que la obra es más vieja que los paralelos literarios, sin considerar nunca lo contrario.
«Violet Alford had stated the basic principle of this exercise with admirable candour: ‘it does seem to me that imagination is needed. On the vision evoked facts can be built, and pulled down again if they do not fit’.» — [ALFORD] el método declarado por ella misma: primero la visión, y sobre ella los hechos.
«It never seems to have troubled her or those who followed her in the work that the vision had not been composed of facts in the first place and that those ‘built on’ to it were being wrenched from other contexts.» — y la objeción de Hutton a ese método: la visión no estaba hecha de hechos, y los que se le añadían venían arrancados de otros contextos.
«All this labour did, however, have the effect of keeping scholars of literature, especially in the USA, aware of the existence of folk-drama and inclined to treat it with respect. It inspired a new generation of students in the 1970s and 1980s to carry out research in the field with a new concentration and academic rigour.» — la enmienda que Hutton hace a su propia crítica: aquel trabajo mantuvo vivo el interés y preparó una generación nueva de investigación rigurosa.
«A crop of postgraduate theses duly sprouted, an occasional newsletter, Roomer, was launched in 1980 to co-ordinate work, and in 1985 a periodical, Traditional Drama Studies, was founded to encourage it further. From 1978 the Centre for English Cultural Tradition at Sheffield sponsored annual conferences upon it.» — y las instituciones que ese giro produjo, con fechas.
«A harbinger of these developments was Roger D. Abrahams, who studied the Mummers’ Plays transplanted to the British West Indies.» — [ABRAHAMS] el primer anuncio del cambio, venido del estudio de las obras trasplantadas a las Antillas británicas.
«Alford’s own favourite tactic was to list the large number of sword dances, men-women, Fools, and death and resurrection dramas to be found in peasant societies in modern Europe, and suggest that they all derived from the same» — [ALFORD] la táctica que Hutton describe: enumerar los muchos paralelos campesinos europeos —danzas de espadas, hombres-mujeres, bufones, dramas de muerte y resurrección— y derivarlos todos de una misma ceremonia prehistórica.
«He also pointed out that there was still absolutely no sign of any ‘original’ drama from which the known versions derived, and that the dominant theme of the latter was comedy, not a celebration of a particular season.» — [ABRAHAMS] las dos observaciones que desplazan la lectura ritual: no hay rastro de un drama original, y el tema dominante de las versiones conocidas es la comedia.
«P. S. Smith complained at the same time that folklorists had been so fond of theorizing about the origins of the plays that they had paid little attention to collecting full and precise information about their actual identity.» — [SMITH] la queja de método: de tanto teorizar sobre orígenes, se descuidó recoger información precisa sobre las obras mismas.
«In 1972 A. E. Green used a review to launch a direct attack upon the view of the custom as an enduring relic of ancient ritual, pointing out that there was still absolutely no evidence for this; and now there was nobody in the Folklore Society willing to reply.» — [GREEN] el ataque de 1972 a la lectura de reliquia ritual, y el dato con que Hutton mide el cambio: ya no hubo quien respondiera.
«He suggested that the drama had been brought back by Crusaders from the Byzantine world to England, via Flanders, in the thirteenth century.» — [MORGAN] la hipótesis bizantina: el drama traído por los cruzados vía Flandes en el siglo XIII.
«The linchpin of the argument was that the Greek performers were called momoeri, a word so close to ‘mummer’ that it is unlikely to be unconnected.» — [MORGAN] y el eje de ese argumento: la palabra griega *momoeri*, demasiado cercana a *mummer*.
«One was that the Greek term momoeri was not recorded until the twentieth century, and may even have been adopted from the first English scholars to watch the drama concerned, who applied their own word ‘Mummers’ to it.» — [FEES] la objeción que invierte el argumento: el término griego no se registra hasta el siglo XX y pudo tomarse de los propios estudiosos ingleses.
«As Barry Ward has pointed out, the surviving texts were generally so heavily reworked in the course of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries as to provide only a slight sense of their nature in the earlier period; and indeed to render the terms ‘traditional’ virtually meaningless if applied to them.» — [WARD] y lo que eso hace con la palabra *tradicional*: los textos supervivientes se rehicieron tanto en los siglos XIX y XX que el término queda casi sin sentido aplicado a ellos.
«In 1929 the archaeologist Stuart Piggott suggested that he was so like the celebrated prehistoric hill-carving of the Cerne Abbas Giant that he was surely a personification of an ancient deity, a remark which inevitably found an enthusiastic reception in the Folk-Lore Society of the time.» — [PIGGOTT] la identificación de Belcebú con el Gigante de Cerne Abbas, y la acogida que tuvo.
«At present scholars of the play and dance seem to have lost interest in that quest, being concerned wholly with performance in a modern context where it can be properly studied.» — el desplazamiento del campo: los estudiosos dejaron la cuestión del origen por la de la función en un contexto moderno observable.
«In 1931 it attracted Mary Macleod Banks, soon to be the President of the Folk-Lore Society, who took it upon herself to upbraid the ‘Teaser’ (a name only later adopted) for dressing as a clown and so ‘spoiling the rite’.» — [BANKS] la escena que abre el capítulo: la futura presidenta de la Folk-Lore Society reprendiendo al *Teaser* por vestirse de payaso.
«For once the bonds of social deference snapped, and he told her angrily that there was no one traditional costume for his part.» — y la respuesta del interpelado: no había un traje tradicional único para su papel.
«What she was hearing was valuable folklore but it made no favourable impression upon her because she had already decided that the custom was a relic of a pagan sacred marriage between earth and sky, and the presence of a man-woman was as essential to her theory as that of a clown was inconvenient.» — la lectura de Hutton sobre ese encuentro: la informante no oyó el dato porque su teoría ya estaba hecha.
«The former revealed that the oldest known record dates from 1803, when the horse consisted of a stallion’s skin and the man inside splashed water over the crowds from the town’s pools.» — [CAWTE] la datación documental del caballito de Padstow: el registro más antiguo es de 1803.
«Roy Judge discovered that the tradition had been little regarded until Francis Etherington, a close friend of Cecil Sharp, drew attention to it in 1907 as a colourful piece of folklore.» — [JUDGE] cuándo empezó a importar la costumbre: en 1907, cuando un amigo de Cecil Sharp la señaló.
«In 1913 Thurstan Peter, following Frazer’s ideas, suggested that it might be a remnant of pagan ritual, and this launched it on its way to becoming a tourist attraction.» — [PETER] y la fecha en que se le adjudica origen pagano, que es también la de su lanzamiento como atracción turística.
«This was partly because it had no special seasonal association in early modern England, being provided at peak times of festivity.» — [ALFORD, CAWTE] la razón por la que aquellos dos los tomaban por costumbre de pleno invierno: no tenían fecha propia y salían en los picos de fiesta.
«E. C. Cawte was far more cautious, pointing out that the mask was unique and that there was no reliable information about its use or origins.» — [CAWTE] la cautela sobre el *Ooser* de Dorset frente a quienes lo llamaban ídolo de un dios de la fertilidad.
«Recently Peter Robson has reopened the matter, emphasizing that the object was too big and heavy to be carried, let alone worn, and speculating that it had originally been mounted in an urban carnival procession.» — [ROBSON] la objeción material: el objeto era demasiado grande y pesado para llevarlo, menos aún para vestirlo.
«Violet Alford, of course, was in no doubt; to her all the local forms descended form a widespread pagan ritual to honour wild beasts as symbols of the fertility of the sleeping earth.» — [ALFORD] la adjudicación pagana de todas las formas locales a un mismo rito de honra a las bestias salvajes.
«E. C. Cawte thought that pagan origins for the customs were still possible, but could not be demonstrated, while Luke Lyon subsequently stated flatly that there was such a total lack of evidence for the theory that it was of no practical value.» — [CAWTE, LYON] los dos grados de la nueva cautela: posible pero indemostrable, y sin valor práctico por falta total de evidencia.
«from Sidney Addy in 1907 to Brian Rose and Theo Brown in the 1950s, agreed that they must be remnants of prehistoric animal cults.» — [ADDY, ROSE, BROWN] la misma adjudicación pagana repetida a lo largo de medio siglo por otros recolectores de folclore; la frase arranca en el renglón anterior, donde el troceo parte *folklore-collectors* al fin de renglón.
«In 1943 Iorwerth Peate could insist that ‘no one doubts that Mari Lwyd is a pre-Christian horse ceremony’, while adding that it has become united with a standard South Welsh wassailing custom.» — [PEATE] la formulación de 1943, con su apelación al consenso.
«Pagan origins were dismissed with the simple comment that none of the surviving accounts of the ‘mari’ implied any ritual or religious significance.» — [OWEN] y el argumento con que descartó el origen pagano: ningún relato conservado de la *mari* implica significado ritual o religioso.
«To Trefor Owen thirty years later, the priorities were reversed, so that the wassail appeared to be the basic activity onto» — [OWEN] la inversión de prioridades treinta años después: el *wassail* pasa a ser la actividad de base, y el caballo lo injertado encima, quizá desde el morris moderno temprano.
«The various clerical invectives were scrupulously searched out and listed by Sir Edmund Chambers in an appendix to his influential volumes on medieval drama, published in 1903.» — [CHAMBERS] quién reunió esas invectivas y dónde.
«The former objection hardly mattered to folklorists such as Violet Alford to whom (following Frazer) popular culture was something essentially unchanging and essentially illiterate, so that a reference from the tenth century (and indeed from a different country) could be quite feasibly used to interpret one from the nineteenth despite the lack of any to fill the gulf.» — [ALFORD] por qué la primera objeción no le pesaba: para ella la cultura popular era inmutable e iletrada, y una cita del siglo X servía para interpretar una del XIX.
«The editors of the standard text of the ‘real’, English, Penitential of Theodore, working in 1871, did not confuse it with the other,36 but within twenty years two respected scholars writing popular works had done so.» — y cómo se propagó el error: los editores de 1871 no confundieron los dos textos, y veinte años después dos eruditos respetados sí.
«Chambers was too good a researcher to make the mistake, but his identification of it was buried in an appendix and noted by only the most scrupulous readers such as Cawte.38 As a result the work of the ‘Pseudo-Theodore’ has been taken as evidence for Anglo-Saxon or prehistoric British religion right up to the 1980s.» — [CHAMBERS] y por qué la corrección no circuló: quedó enterrada en un apéndice, y el texto del *Pseudo-Teodoro* se siguió usando como evidencia hasta los años ochenta.
«As E. C. Cawte has pointed out, however,46 it is not an archetype but an anomaly, because it is so completely unique, not only in Britain but in Europe, that it does not even remotely resemble any other known custom, past or present, and cannot be taken as representative of anything.» — [CAWTE] la objeción que invierte el estatuto: no es arquetipo sino anomalía, porque no se parece a ninguna otra costumbre conocida.
«He drew attention to the common presence of a man-woman in the modern British customs, to the condemnation of transvestism as well as animal disguise by the medieval clerics, and to the way in which mock-beasts in modern European folk customs often chased young women, to suggest that ‘it seems beyond reasonable doubt that the animals were once intended to distribute fertility’.» — [CAWTE] el argumento comparativo con que aun así concluyó que las bestias repartían fertilidad.
«E. C. Cawte shrewdly commented that the experience of being inside a hooden horse has an odd character of its own, involving a sense of slackening personal responsibility for what occurs as the role of playing the creature takes over.» — [CAWTE] lo que se siente dentro del caballo: una responsabilidad personal que se afloja conforme el papel toma el mando.
«Sir James Frazer regarded this as a classic case of the sacrifice at an annual festival of an animal normally considered to be sacred, of which there are various ancient and ethnographic cases.» — [FRAZER] la adjudicación de la caza del reyezuelo: sacrificio festivo de un animal normalmente sagrado.
«Not until the 1870s, however, did he begin to be adopted by ordinary people in England; in 1879 the newly formed Folk-Lore Society, not knowing about US practices, was excitedly trying to discover the source of the new belief.» — [FOLK-LORE SOCIETY] la escena que Hutton usa como medida: en 1879 la sociedad recién fundada buscaba el origen de una creencia que tenía cinco años.
«In 1980 a young academic, Rogan Taylor, started a completely new run of speculation about the Santa Claus figure by suggesting that his characteristics were derived ultimately from Siberian shamanism;» — [TAYLOR] la adjudicación chamánica de Santa Claus, que Hutton pasa a examinar.
«He conceded that ‘no definite link can ever be established between Moore’s Santa Claus and Siberian shamanism’, but thought it ‘most appropriate that a shaman should direct our Christmas entertainment’.» — [TAYLOR] la concesión que el propio autor hace, y la razón por la que aun así lo prefiere.
«His hypothesis formed a part of the preoccupation of many Western intellectuals with tribal magical practices and altered states of consciousness during the 1970s and 1980s.» — [TAYLOR] la lectura de contexto: la hipótesis pertenece a la moda intelectual de la magia tribal y los estados alterados.
«In the early nineteenth century antiquarians became convinced that carolling was dying out as part of the general run-down of the feast, and a number—David Gilbert, William Howitt, William Sandys, Thomas Wright, E. F. Rimbault, and William Henry Husk—made collections of traditional specimens as a self-conscious rescue operation.» — los anticuarios que coleccionaron villancicos como operación de rescate consciente, nombrados uno por uno.
«It seems only right to agree with David Miller’s recent emphasis upon its essential continuity (or perhaps one should say, episodic re-creation) from pre-Christian times onward,» — [MILLER] la continuidad que Hutton sí concede, con su enmienda entre paréntesis: recreación episódica más que continuidad.
«Sir James Frazer thought that this costume was probably a remnant of an ancient pagan rite and represented a corn spirit.» — [FRAZER] la adjudicación del oso de paja de los Fens como espíritu del grano.
«They were challenged by Alan Brody in 1969, in what was probably the last major work of the old sort of folklore studies,32 with the argument that the ‘wooing ceremony’ was actually older than the combat and resurrection.» — [BRODY] la inversión de prioridades propuesta en 1969, y cómo Hutton fecha ese libro dentro de su campo.
«Alun Howkins and Linda Merricks now studied these areas and found that it was precisely in the later eighteenth century that this sort of farming developed, representing some of the most advanced and commercialized agriculture in England.» — [HOWKINS, MERRICKS] la datación económica de esa agricultura, que es la del siglo XVIII tardío.
«Howkins and Merricks suggested, convincingly, that the old Plough Monday gatherings were developed by this new labour force into the plays, a grand celebration of licensed misrule.» — [HOWKINS, MERRICKS] y la propuesta que Hutton llama convincente: las obras las desarrolló esa fuerza de trabajo nueva.
«In 1896 Mabel Peacock drew the attention of the Folk-Lore Society to it, with the suggestion that it was a rite of ancient solar worship (the hood representing the sun) and human sacrifice (smoking the Fool) held near Haxey church, a former pagan holy place (the evidence for which was the game).» — [PEACOCK] la adjudicación solar y sacrificial del Haxey Hood Game, con la circularidad de la prueba anotada por Hutton entre paréntesis.
«It was left to Venetia Newall, one of the first of the new breed of rigorous scholars in folklore studies, to make a comprehensive investigation of the game’s history in 1980.» — [NEWALL] quién investigó por fin la historia del juego, y desde qué escuela.
«This notion, with or without all of the detailed suggestions, became an orthodoxy among folklorists; another luminary of the Society» — la vigencia de esa lectura solar del Haxey Hood Game: ortodoxia entre folcloristas, repetida setenta años después por otra autoridad de la sociedad.
«They seem to have been put together by the villages’ ‘plough bullocks’, to provide sport on the Epiphany holiday before setting out on the usual Plough Day gatherings.» — [NEWALL] y quiénes los juntaron, y para qué.
«Bob Bushaway has indeed suggested that the two phenomena were related, and that the church services represented a form of enhanced social control of the populace by the local élite to replace the rowdy importunities of the ‘plough bullocks’.» — [BUSHAWAY] la hipótesis de control social: el oficio de bendición del arado como reemplazo ordenado de la ronda bulliciosa.
«components of the game were common Lincolnshire Twelfthtide events of the eighteenth century.» — [NEWALL] el resultado de esa investigación: salvo el ahumado del Bufón, los componentes del juego eran actos corrientes de Reyes en el Lincolnshire del siglo XVIII.
«Eric Hamp has recently suggested, by analogy with other old European languages and customs, that the Old Irish words for milk and milking derived from a lost Indo-European root-term for ‘purification’, and that this was the aim of the festival; but this remains a speculation.» — [HAMP] la etimología alternativa, con el calibre puesto por Hutton en la misma frase.
«She may therefore have begun as a local tutelary goddess, but some modern writers have preferred to view her as a pan-Celtic deity, and linked her to the Romano-British Brigantia.» — el desacuerdo sobre su alcance: diosa tutelar local o deidad pancéltica.
«The most elaborate of all such descriptions come from the later part of the century, being derived from the Catholic settlements of the Outer Hebrides, at a time when such customs had died out elsewhere and were presumed by other observers to have done so there as well.» — [CARMICHAEL] la anomalía de sus descripciones: las más elaboradas son también las más tardías, de cuando los demás daban la costumbre por muerta.
«and it may be charitably argued (and will be assumed when dealing with his work henceforth in this book) that the discrepancy is due to his more profound knowledge of the islanders concerned;» — [CARMICHAEL] la cuarentena que Hutton declara sobre esa fuente, y la lectura caritativa que adopta para todo el libro.
«that he always used the present tense for portraits of customs which in a few cases he explicitly acknowledged to have vanished a generation or two before he wrote.» — [CARMICHAEL] el rasgo de su método que obliga a la cuarentena: presente de indicativo para costumbres que él mismo reconoce extinguidas.
«This point matters because some Protestant writers at the time of the Reformation tried to defame the medieval ritual by declaring that it had been taken directly from a pagan Roman festival of lights upon the same date,3 an assertion occasionally repeated by later folklorists.» — [POLEMISTAS PROTESTANTES] el origen de la leyenda sobre una fiesta romana de luces el 2 de febrero, y su herencia folclórica.
«best study of the juvenile custom, has suggested rather tentatively that it may have been a survival of local medieval doles, because five out of the seventeen Dorset settlements in which it is recorded had been the sites of abbeys; but there is no direct evidence of such doles at Shrovetide in the Middle Ages, and nothing to indicate why the custom should have arisen in the west and south.» — [ROBSON] la hipótesis de las limosnas monásticas para el *shroving*, con las dos objeciones que Hutton le pone: no hay evidencia de tales limosnas en Carnaval y nada explica por qué la costumbre nació en el oeste y el sur.
«upon this day, remains unproven. The records of Lichfield apparently show such processions until the Reformation, when they were reduced to visits by clergy from collegiate and deanery churches. Elsewhere the situation is less clear, as is any connection with the Worcester and Gloucester ‘mothering’.» — la genealogía eclesiástica del *Mothering Sunday* —la procesión a la iglesia madre— declarada sin probar, con el único caso documentado y su límite.
«A number of German scholars cast doubt upon its utility during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, although not with sufficient evidence to disprove it in turn.» — el estado de la discusión, sin arbitrarla: se dudó de ella sin evidencia bastante para descartarla.
«This had entered the Christian calendar at Jerusalem in the fourth century, and become well known in England by the twelfth,60 but Sir James Frazer was perfectly correct to point out that it has ‘abundant analogies in popular custom and superstition’.» — [FRAZER] el caso en que Hutton le da la razón: el fuego nuevo tiene abundantes analogías en la costumbre popular.
«THE bird’s egg has always been one of the most ubiquitous human symbols of new life in general and of spring in particular. The classic study of this image was made in 1971 by Venetia Newall, in a book which documented the giving of eggs at Easter, often decorated, all across Europe and western Asia in historic times.» — [NEWALL] el estudio clásico del huevo de Pascua, con su alcance geográfico.
«Sir James Frazer was to assimilate this to his general theory of a prehistoric divine and sacrificial kingship,22 but it is more likely to have derived from the common medieval British custom of summer kings or lords, to be dealt with later in this book.» — [FRAZER] el rey de burlas de Lostwithiel asimilado a la realeza sacrificial, y la derivación que Hutton prefiere.
«It is best known today by a variant of the Gaelic name for its main custom: out of about a dozen different spellings, the very influential scholar Sir James Frazer selected one Scottish example which, being itself an Anglicized version, was best for English readers.» — [FRAZER] de dónde viene la grafía *Beltane* que hoy se usa: de una elección editorial suya entre una docena.
«The late and unreliable nature of this account, and the total lack of any reference to such a gathering in the early medieval Annals, make it impossible for this information to be accepted at face value.» — [KEATING] la asamblea de Uisnech, y por qué Hutton no la toma al pie de la letra.
«It is also true, however, that Keating or his source may simply have conflated this legend with the information in Sanas Chormaic to produce a piece of pseudo-history.» — y la explicación alternativa que propone para ese relato: una pseudohistoria compuesta a partir del glosario y una leyenda.
«This cautionary tale was echoed by the much more famous Philip Stubbes, save that the number of maidens was ‘forty, three-score or a hundred’, of whom ‘scarcely the third part of them returned home again undefiled’.» — [STUBBES] la misma anécdota con las cifras infladas, que Hutton pone al lado de la anterior.
«Christopher Fetherston, the most obscure and unpleasant of these writers, told a story of ‘ten maidens who went to set May, and nine» — [FETHERSTON] la anécdota moralizante de las diez doncellas que salieron a poner el mayo, con el juicio que Hutton hace de su autor.
«A charter of King John’s reign was long quoted as referring to one as a permanent feature used to mark an estate boundary at Lostock in Lancashire. Unhappily, David George has now discovered that this was an error based upon a misreading.» — [GEORGE] la corrección documental que retira la prueba más antigua que se citaba.
«This was suggested long before, by the political theorist Thomas Hobbes, who declared that they were relics of the worship of the Roman god of male potency, Priapus.» — [HOBBES] el antecedente de esa lectura, con el dios romano nombrado.
«In the same category is the suggestion of Wilhelm Mannhardt, copied by Sir James Frazer, that the pole was regarded as the repositing of a fertility-giving tree spirit.» — [MANNHARDT, FRAZER] la adjudicación del palo de mayo como morada de un espíritu del árbol.
«C. W. von Sydow made a close study of Swedish customs (which had been important to Mannhardt) and discovered absolutely no trace of a belief in an indwelling spirit.» — [VON SYDOW] el examen del material sueco del que Mannhardt partía, y su resultado.
«Instead he found that the poles, like the fetching of green branches, were simply signs that the happy season of warmth and comfort had returned. They were useful frameworks upon which garlands and other decorations could be hung, to form a focal point for celebration.» — [VON SYDOW] y la explicación que puso en su lugar: señales de que la estación buena volvió, y armazón para colgar guirnaldas.
«Instead of speaking about anything as specific as a spirit, it is probably wiser to adopt the more general formulation used by Mircea Eliade in his glance at maypoles, of rejoicing at the returning strength of vegetation.» — [ELIADE] la formulación que Hutton prefiere para el palo de mayo, por ser más general.
«Roy Judge, who has made the finest study of it, has given a solid basis of research to what would otherwise be a very powerful impression: that it increased dramatically in popularity in the course of the century, in both town and country.» — [JUDGE] la investigación que respalda el dato central: la costumbre creció de modo espectacular en el siglo XIX.
«In 1896 the folklorist Charlotte Burne suggested that the tradition would be both preserved and controlled by school or parish competitions, adults giving prizes and impounding the proceeds of the collections to provide a tea for the children or divide them equally between the latter.» — [BURNE] la propuesta explícita de preservar una costumbre controlándola, dicha por una folclorista.
«The little figures were found across the whole range of ‘garlanding’, although by no means essential to the custom, and Sir James Frazer, according to his habit of trying to reduce all Maying traditions to survivals of tree-spirit worship, declared that they were ‘obviously’ personifications of that spirit.» — [FRAZER] la adjudicación de las muñecas de mayo como personificaciones del espíritu del árbol, con el hábito que Hutton le atribuye.
«it is possible to extend to the full range of the custom the conclusion which Michael Pickering drew for north Oxfordshire: that the dolls represented the May Queens who appeared in reality in the most elaborate garlanding processions.» — [PICKERING] la explicación que prefiere: las muñecas representan a las reinas de mayo de las procesiones más elaboradas.
«In 1939 a member of the Folklore Society, Lady Raglan, suggested that this figure could be linked to the mysterious heads carved in late medieval churches, which have foliage entwined about them and often sprouting from mouth and nostrils.» — [RAGLAN] la propuesta que enlazó al *Jack in the Green* con las cabezas foliadas de las iglesias medievales.
«She attached to these the name ‘the Green Man’, taken from a popular pub sign displaying a forester, and suggested that both the May Day character and the carved heads were representations of pre-Christian deities or spirits of nature and fertility.» — [RAGLAN] de dónde sale el nombre *Green Man* y qué adjudicó a las dos figuras.
«This supposition was not based upon any research into the history of either: it was, rather, an extension of Sir James Frazer’s preoccupation with tree-spirits encouraged by the proposal of another member of the Society and follower of Sir James, Margaret Murray, that some of the more enigmatic images in medieval churches were representations of pagan deities in which much of the population still believed.» — [RAGLAN, MURRAY] la base documental de esa suposición, medida por Hutton.
«This remained the case until 1979, when Roy Judge published his monograph upon the Jack in the Green, a turning-point in folklore studies which showed how much could be learned from a systematic investigation of historical evidence.» — [JUDGE] el trabajo que Hutton llama punto de inflexión en los estudios de folclore.
«He discovered that the origins of the custom lay in the mid-seventeenth century, when London milkmaids began to dance in the streets upon May Day with their pails and heads crowned with flowers.» — [JUDGE] el origen que halló para el *Jack in the Green*: las lecheras de Londres bailando el primero de mayo.
«This notion was itself equally devoid of any research into medieval sources, but it so perfectly reflected what mid-twentieth-century folklorists» — la base documental de la propuesta de Murray sobre las imágenes medievales, medida por Hutton, y por qué se volvió ortodoxia: reflejaba lo que los folcloristas de mediados del siglo XX querían creer.
«It was there that Lady Raglan encountered it thirty years latter and, being ignorant of its true context, connected it to the medieval heads.» — [RAGLAN] dónde y en qué estado lo encontró quien lo enlazó con las cabezas medievales.
«In 1978 Kathleen Basford provided the first (and only) proper study of them, 134 and proved two points.» — [BASFORD] el único estudio propio de las cabezas foliadas, con lo que Hutton le reconoce.
«The first was that they virtually all date from the period 1300-1500, and it is most unlikely that pagan gods would be more openly venerated in the later Middle Ages than the earlier, especially without leaving a trace in the relatively abundant local records of the time.» — [BASFORD] el primer punto: la datación de las cabezas y el argumento que de ella se sigue.
«The second was that the faces usually appeared anguished or menacing; demonic images of evil rather than visages of respected nature-spirits.» — [BASFORD] el segundo: los rostros son angustiados o amenazantes, imágenes demoníacas y no espíritus de la naturaleza.
«Using mainly nineteenth-century evidence, including some from areas of western and central Europe in which the young mock-monarchs were also found, he argued that they had originally represented spirits of vegetation in a pagan rite, and that the crowning of the summer queens and king in May was originally a sacred marriage intended to make the crops grow.» — [FRAZER] la adjudicación de los reyes y reinas de mayo como espíritus de la vegetación en un matrimonio sagrado.
«Philip Stubbes, the fierce enemy of many popular pleasures, published in 1583 the most famous of all portraits of a summer king, misleadingly described as a Lord of Misrule» — [STUBBES] el retrato más famoso de un rey de verano, con la enmienda de Hutton al nombre que le da.
«They were held to conform to an ideal of antique integrity, and were regarded by some folklorists, upon no real evidence, as being among the most ancient dances in the British Isles.» — [HELSTON] la adjudicación de antigüedad a las danzas de Helston, con la medida de su base documental.
«His treatment of it was of a piece; he was too good an archival scholar to deny that the first records of the dance were from royal and aristocratic contexts, but he simply chose to ignore the implications of this evidence.» — [CHAMBERS] la observación con que Hutton describe su método: no negaba la evidencia, simplemente ignoraba lo que implicaba.
«Instead, once again influenced by the theories of Sir James Frazer, he declared that it descended from an ancient folk rite to induce fertility.» — [CHAMBERS] la adjudicación del morris a un rito antiguo de fertilidad.
«Chambers had very little sense of what morris was actually like, the only real fieldwork having been carried out in Oxfordshire for the Oxford don Percy Manning during the 1890s.» — y la base de campo de esa adjudicación, medida por Hutton.
«Between 1740 and 1807 Francis Peck, Joseph Strutt, and Francis Douce all agreed that the earliest records of it located it in fifteenth-century royal» — [PECK, STRUTT, DOUCE] en qué coincidían los primeros anticuarios sobre el morris: los registros más antiguos lo sitúan en cortes reales y principescas del siglo XV.
«Initially, he accepted the antiquarian concept of it as a medieval courtly dance taken over by the people. By 1912, however, he had discovered Chambers’s theory of it as a primitive folk ritual, and this suited him far better.» — [SHARP] el cambio de teoría, y lo que la nueva le convenía.
«For one thing it chimed with his own concept of rural popular culture as something communal and timeless. For another, it provided a weapon in his feud with Mary Neal.» — y las dos razones por las que le convenía, una de ellas personal.
«It was also, however, a question of principle, Neal arguing for development of the form and Sharp ‘to conserve the morris in its purity.’» — [NEAL, SHARP] la disputa de principio entre desarrollo y pureza, con las dos posiciones nombradas.
«His argument was considerably stronger if indeed it was the remnant of an ancient ritual, unchanged in its nature for centuries, and he proceeded to go beyond Chambers to assert that the Mummers’ Play as well as the Sword Dance was an aspect ‘of the same primitive rite’.» — [SHARP] el interés argumentativo que Hutton señala en esa teoría, y hasta dónde la llevó.
«If that rite excluded women, then it was even more perfectly suited to Sharp’s current preoccupations: it can hardly be a coincidence that during this same period of conflict he emerged as an opponent of female suffrage and Neal as ardently supported it.» — la coincidencia que Hutton consigna sin adjudicar causa: él se declara contra el sufragio femenino y ella a favor.
«By 1914 he had won the tussle and emerged as undisputed leader of the new folk-dance movement, while the wretched Mary Neal came to believe that morris had indeed been an ancient all-male ceremony, and that she had ‘broken a law of cosmic ritual’ by giving it to women.» — [NEAL] el desenlace de la disputa, con la frase en que ella lo interiorizó.
«To preserve Sharp’s definition of ‘purity’, upon his death in 1924 the English Folk Dance Society set up a Board of Artistic Control to vet all additions to the repertoire. Although the society was largely female, the board was two-thirds male and the most famous of all English folk-dances gradually became closed to women over the next two decades.» — la institución que fijó la *pureza* del morris, y el efecto que tuvo sobre las mujeres.
«The situation achieved one logical result in the early 1950s, when William Everett may have passed off some fine dances of his own composition as the ‘traditional’ Lichfield morris, there being no other way of having them accepted.» — [EVERETT] el resultado lógico de ese sistema: danzas nuevas presentadas como tradicionales porque no había otra manera de que entraran.
«In the following year, Barbara Lowe published the first real attempt for one and a half centuries to examine the earliest records of the Morris.» — [LOWE] el trabajo que reabre la cuestión documental del morris tras siglo y medio.
«She suggested that all reflected the same performance, a miniature romantic drama, in which a set of young male dancers competed for the hand of a lady, who chose instead to give her favours to a Fool.» — [LOWE] lo que el morris era en esos registros: un drama romántico en miniatura, con la dama que prefiere al bufón.
«During the course of the sixteenth century, Lowe discovered, it spread out to towns and villages across southern and midland England, changing seasons in the process to suit its new audience.» — [LOWE] y el cambio de estación que acompañó a ese descenso social.
«Barbara Lowe’s essay was written specifically for what had by then become the English Folk Dance and Song Society, but its implications seem to have been utterly ignored. Instead the Cecil Sharp dogma remained paramount until the late 1970s,» — la recepción de ese trabajo, medida por Hutton: sus implicaciones fueron ignoradas por completo.
«One was the determination of some folklorists to reintroduce a scholarly rigour to their field, of which Roy Judge’s book on the Jack in the Green was one of the first triumphs.» — la primera de esas fuerzas, con su primer triunfo nombrado.
«The second, and perhaps more potent, was the influx of new participants in folk-dance resulting from the second major ‘folk revival’, of the 1960s. These people, mostly young and often radical in their politics, were not all disposed to accept without question the limitations imposed by an earlier generation—especially if they were women.» — la segunda, que Hutton juzga quizá más potente: los participantes nuevos del revival de los sesenta.
«In self-defence, some of those who had breached tradition were themselves starting to appeal to history, pointing out, for example, that mixed and women’s morris sides had been known in nineteenth-century Lancashire and Cheshire.» — el giro que Hutton subraya: los que rompían la tradición apelaban a su vez a la historia.
«In 1978 Roy Dommett first formally questioned whether the origins of morris as a pagan fertility rite could ever actually be proved, and in 1980 A. G. Barrand opened a full-scale attack on that theory.» — [DOMMETT, BARRAND] los dos momentos en que la tesis de la fertilidad se puso formalmente en cuestión.
«It was discovered that Sharp had arbitrarily selected certain local traditions of dance as typical. One of these, from Bidford in Warwickshire, turned out to have been created in the 1880s, by the romantic pageant master D’Arcy Ferris.» — [FERRIS] uno de los dos morris que Sharp tomó por arquetípicos y que resultaron invenciones del siglo XIX.
«Another, from Winster in Derbyshire, was proved to have been designed in 1873 by the local antiquary Llewellyn Jewitt, who added favourite figures of his from other folk customs.» — [JEWITT] el otro, con su autor y su fecha.
«These dances had seemed so ‘authentic’ to Sharp precisely because they had been produced by nineteenth-century folklorists to represent what an ancient morris might have been.» — la circularidad que Hutton señala: parecían auténticos porque los habían hecho folcloristas para representar lo antiguo.
«At the end of the decade he and Michael Heaney founded the Early Morris Project, which confirmed Barbara Lowe’s outline of its development while assembling over 700 references to the dance in England from 1458 to 1700, compared with her ninety records.» — [FORREST, HEANEY] el proyecto que multiplicó por ocho la evidencia sobre el morris temprano.
«Although their work awaits full publication, preliminary reports show the morris as being based primarily in royal and noble households from 1458 to 1540, in towns from 1540 to 1600, and in villages from 1600 onward.» — [EARLY MORRIS PROJECT] la trayectoria del morris en tres etapas, medida sobre esa evidencia.
«It was supported first by kingly and aristocratic patronage, then by guild and parish sponsorship, and then by money collected by teams in streets and from houses. It thus moved from the public to the private sphere and dispersed across England from the London area.» — y la trayectoria económica paralela, de la corte a la colecta callejera.
«Such protests could only be supported by comparable archival investigation into the history of the Continental dances, and none was attempted.» — y lo que habría hecho falta para sostenerlo.
«religious dance, and that therefore all must derive from a prehistoric ancestor.» — el argumento comparativo que quedó a los partidarios de la tesis pagana, resumido por Hutton: rasgos comunes con danzas europeas modernas y con una danza religiosa romana mal registrada.
«To an early modern historian, therefore, it does appear that the critics of the Chambers and Sharp thesis have won the day, at least at this point, having proceeded strictly according to the rules of historical evidence.» — el veredicto que Hutton da, declarado desde su propio oficio y con su calibre puesto.
«Michael Heaney has shown how the Kingston team were given special hats, coats, and shoes at the start in 1507, and had silver paper added to them in 1510. Nine years later they were all reclothed in satin, in 1522 they had fustian gold skins sewn on, and in 1538 their coats were specified as being green and white. Over the same period the number of dancers rose from four to six, and perhaps to nine.» — [HEANEY] la evolución del traje y del número de danzantes de un mismo equipo, década por década.
«Only in England, therefore, did it make the transition directly from an élite to a popular entertainment, and Michael Heaney seems to be correct in locating the crucial stage of that process in the 1560s.» — [HEANEY] la conclusión: solo en Inglaterra el morris pasó de entretenimiento de élite a popular, y la fecha de ese paso.
«Rural depopulation and the end of many traditional village revels played a large part in this decline, but Sharp’s informants thought that the decisive factor had been the loss of rich patrons; the gentry had finally got tired of the morris.» — las causas del declive, con la que los informantes de Sharp consideraban decisiva.
«The first, by Joseph Ritson in 1795, assumed that Robin had been a real human being; the second, started by Thomas Wright in 1837, opined that he was originally a woodland spirit, or god, honoured in the May revels.» — [RITSON, WRIGHT] las dos vías de investigación sobre Robin Hood, planteadas desde el principio.
«Douglas Kennedy and Lord Raglan suggested that he had been the dying and returning god of vegetation postulated by Sir James Frazer as a universal focus of devotion in ancient religion.» — [KENNEDY, RAGLAN] la adjudicación frazeriana de Robin Hood.
«These writers made seme impact, among folklorists in particular, until 1955, when the magnificent Barbara Lowe pointed out that they were quite incompatible with a study of the earliest plays and ballads.» — [LOWE] quién y cuándo mostró la incompatibilidad de esas lecturas con las obras y baladas más antiguas.
«Margaret Murray, copied by Robert Graves and Pennethorne Hughes, hailed him as the high priest of a coven of pagan witches, representing the horned god of nature» — [MURRAY, GRAVES, HUGHES] la adjudicación de Robin Hood como sumo sacerdote de un aquelarre, con la cadena de repetición nombrada: una sola voz amplificada por dos más.
«In these the outlaw rarely had twelve companions (making a coven), wore more colours than green, was a faithful attender of mass, had a devotion to the Virgin Mary, and died old and sordidly.» — [LOWE] los cinco datos con que desmontó esa lectura, uno tras otro.
«Maid Marian did not appear in his tales until a relatively late stage, and Robin’s medieval and Tudor representations were of a thoroughly human character, wielding the favourite national weapon.» — [LOWE] y los dos últimos: Marian es añadido tardío y el Robin medieval es un personaje del todo humano.
«He found evidence of them at twenty-seven communities between 1474 and 1588, most of them market towns in southern England, from Kent to Cornwall and (more thinly scattered) in the Midlands.» — [WILES] la medida documental de las obras de Robin Hood.
«They seemed to be missing from the northern counties in which the action was set, perhaps (he considered) because there it was too close to reality.» — [WILES] la ausencia de esas obras justo donde transcurre la acción, con la explicación que él propone.
«He attributed this fate to the hostility of Protestant churchmen, and also to changing fashion as the morris replaced the plays as the centre-piece of the May games.» — [WILES] las dos causas que adjudica a su desaparición.
«Sir Edmund Chambers traced her to thirteenth-century French pastoral lyrics, in which Robin and Marian were conventional names for shepherd and shepherdess lovers.» — [CHAMBERS] el origen que traza para Maid Marian: la lírica pastoril francesa del siglo XIII.
«One comprises a part of Georgina Boyes’s study of the twentieth-century ‘folk revival’, being a scorching portrayal of the class and gender prejudices embodied by many of the leading figures of the phenomenon, including Sharp.» — [BOYES] el estudio que Hutton llama retrato abrasador de los prejuicios de clase y género del *folk revival*.
«She has proved that although he went a great way towards doing so, Sharp himself never decisively repudiated the participation of women in the morris.» — [BOYES] la enmienda que ese estudio hace a la leyenda: Sharp nunca repudió del todo la participación de mujeres.
«He was an advocate of the renewal of Britain through charismatic male leadership, who initially applauded the progress of the Nazi party in Germany.» — [GARDINER] quién sí lo hizo, y desde qué posición política.
«It was under his influence that the dancers became, for the first time, commonly known as ‘morris men’.» — y el rastro que ese giro dejó en el nombre mismo de los danzantes.
«It was associated with the Early Morris Project, and contributed the information that, as the cup mentioned in the will of 1458 might have been imported, the first certain reference to the dance in England comes in an account of a Christmas entertainment in the household of Sir John Arundell, at Lanherne, Cornwall, in 1466.» — [CHANDLER] la primera referencia cierta al morris en Inglaterra, corregida a 1466.
«The latter arose in all sizes of communities but, even where there was a family tradition of dancing, few people performed annually and teams were often put together as need and inclination arose.» — [CHANDLER] la corrección sobre la continuidad de los equipos: pocos bailaban todos los años y las cuadrillas se armaban según hiciera falta.
«The dance declined rapidly after the middle of the nineteenth century, partly because of growing social divisions, but also because both patrons and performers increasingly regarded it as outmoded.» — [CHANDLER] las dos causas del declive, con la del gusto incluida.
«contempt and distaste for women, and to him the morris was ‘the dance of men, sworn to manhood, fiery ecstasy, ale, magic and fertility’.» — [GARDINER] su formulación de lo que el morris era, en sus propias palabras, escrita con el desdén por las mujeres que Hutton le atribuye.
«This, at any rate, is the form which the ceremony has taken during the twentieth century, and by the 1960s it was established wisdom among folklorists that it represented an ancient rite of nature-worship.» — [CASTLETON] la forma actual del rito y la sabiduría establecida sobre él entre folcloristas.
«In 1977 an expert upon pagan Celtic Britain visited the little town and confidently informed its people that their procession was the remnant of a ritual of human sacrifice carried out by the local tribe; this was duly repeated to the press.» — el caso que Hutton usa como ejemplo de cómo se fabrica una tradición: un experto informa al pueblo de lo que su procesión significa.
«It thus became ripe, in the academic mood of the 1980s, for a classic piece of scholarly deconstruction, and received it at the hands of Georgina Boyes.» — [BOYES] la deconstrucción que recibió ese caso, con su fecha y su autora.
«She demonstrated from the local records that it had developed out of the very different custom of rush-bearing (to be considered later in this book) during the late eighteenth or early nineteenth century.» — [BOYES] el origen documentado del rito de Castleton.
«In the 1890s the growing interest of city-dwellers in the countryside turned the event into a tourist attraction, and it was duly prettified. The morris was replaced by the schoolgirls in white, ‘king’ and ‘queen’ were given historic costumes, and the traditional drunkenness was forbidden.» — [BOYES] las tres modificaciones que la mirada turística impuso al rito.
«Only from the 1970s onward did a combination of a new rigour in folklore studies, and a new sensitivity among intellectuals to what has been termed ‘the invention of tradition’, make possible an objective consideration of what had occurred; in this development the work of Roy Judge has been pre-eminent.» — las dos condiciones que hicieron posible ver lo ocurrido, y el nombre que Hutton pone por delante.
«He lauded its feasts and festivals as a means of bringing all ranks of society together in celebration, and giving a ‘happy holiday to the monotony of a life of labour’; to him a revival of this spirit would be a means ‘to resolve the difficulties and distractions’ of his own times.» — [SCOTT] la función que adjudicaba a las fiestas medievales, y para qué quería revivirlas.
«This impulse could feed upon the burgeoning scholarly interest in traditional popular customs, itself largely a product of the widening gulf between classes and between town and country, exemplified by the work published between 1800 and 1815 by» — de qué se alimentó ese impulso, con la causa social del interés erudito dicha de paso: la brecha creciente entre clases y entre ciudad y campo.
«The most prominent author to address the subject in that decade was Lord John Manners, one of the ‘Young England’ group of Conservative politicians which included Benjamin Disraeli. He led them in calling for a revival of traditional festivals to restore both health and loyalty to the common people; to Manners, the maypole was the premier symbol of social unity and harmony.» — [MANNERS] el programa político explícito del revival de las fiestas.
«He visited the county in the 1860s, and in 1881 he joined forces with one J. P. Faunthorpe, principal of Whitelands, a training college for schoolmistresses run by the Church of England, to design a May queen ceremony there.» — [RUSKIN] el diseño de la ceremonia de la reina de mayo en un colegio de maestras.
«As its pupils graduated, they took it with them to their schools, all across the country, and by 1913 Whitelands could claim to be ‘the fostering mother of all May Days’.» — y el mecanismo de difusión nacional de esa invención, con la frase con que el colegio se atribuía el mérito.
«As he ‘could not find any programme extant of the fifteenth-century date’, he cheerfully devised his own, mixing lords of misrule, morris, mummers, wassailers, and Highland Scottish dances to provide entertainments sponsored by local magnates, especially in Warwickshire.» — [FERRIS] y cómo lo hizo, dicho con sus propias palabras sobre la falta de fuentes.
«It became entrenched in the south Warwickshire villages from which the performers were recruited, and accepted later as an important old tradition.» — y el resultado: una invención de 1885 aceptada después como tradición vieja e importante.
«Ernest Richard D’Arcy Ferris, set out to revive the old summer games to improve the social condition of the common people.» — [FERRIS] el propósito declarado de su revival de los juegos de verano: mejorar la condición social de la gente común.
«The first two proposed, and the last popularized, an idea inspired by geological discoveries of the mid-century and the allied theory of evolution: that folk rituals, like fossils embedded in rock, might be survivals of old religions which could be reconstructed from a close comparative study of them.» — [TYLOR, GOMME, FRAZER] la idea de las supervivencias, con la analogía geológica que la inspiró.
«Neither Tylor nor Frazer were themselves enthusiastic about ceremonial; on the contrary, both had come out of a radically Protestant upbringing (the former a Quaker, the latter a Scottish Presbyterian) and had a strong aversion to all forms of religious ritual and display. Both had shaken off religion themselves, and regarded this step as an essential part of general human progress; their books were intended in great measure to further the emancipation of humanity from religious belief.» — [TYLOR, FRAZER] el propósito que ellos mismos declaraban, y que Hutton contrapone al efecto que tuvieron.
«They did not, however, seem to have this effect. Instead, the immense readership of Frazer in particular, consuming the successive editions of his work from, 1890 to 1924, seems often to have found a romantic frisson in the notion that apparently harmless or meaningless English rural pastimes were in fact remnants of ancient ritual.» — el efecto real de esa obra sobre sus lectores, que es el contrario del buscado.
«indeed the relationship was at times very close because, by one of those ironies now abundant in the process, some of the customs used by Frazer in evidence had themselves (unknown to him) been products of the revival.» — la ironía documental que Hutton subraya: algunas costumbres que Frazer usó como evidencia eran productos del propio revival.
«In 1894 the journalist Robert Blatchford made Merrie England the title of a book which called for a return to rural living, a revival of handicrafts, and a general simplification of daily life; it sold over a million copies.» — [BLATCHFORD] el libro que dio nombre y público a esa corriente.
«Most prominent of them, of course, was Cecil Sharp, who was convinced that collectivism was necessary in society, had a passionate belief in the essentially unchanging and communal nature of country living (he was himself a Londoner), and set himself the task of redeeming the working class from what he regarded as a degenerate and vulgar urbanized mass culture;» — [SHARP] las tres convicciones que Hutton le adjudica, con el paréntesis que las socava.
«in the last analysis his view of the masses was as patronizing as that of Lord John Manners.» — y el juicio con que Hutton empareja al socialista con el tory.
«Like Frazer, they made no attempt to ascertain the relative antiquity of the material which they collected, and so (again, as described before) inadvertently picked up compositions of Jewitt and Ferris.» — y la consecuencia documental de esa falta de método.
«In 1907 Joseph Deedy compiled a register of local May queen coronations and (while missing a number) discovered a total of eighty-one. This was clearly not enough for him, and so he founded the Merrie England Society in 1911, with the intention of instituting more, especially around the capital. By 1930 the society could register a hundred such events» — [DEEDY] la fundación de una sociedad para multiplicar coronaciones de reinas de mayo, con sus cifras.
«The question of why they failed to do so has been confronted by Mervyn James, who suggested that the cycles developed in urban centres which contained a tension and free play of political and social forces, and required a constant affirmation of unity, order, and degree. Those towns always dominated by a self-co-opting élite, he argued, never experienced the need for them.» — [JAMES] la explicación política de por qué unas ciudades tuvieron ciclos y otras no.
«The argument is ingenious, and may well be correct, but is not susceptible of proof in the existing condition of the evidence.» — el juicio con que Hutton la mide.
«recently by Alan Nelson, is that we do not know exactly how it was produced.» — [NELSON] el primer enigma del drama del Corpus: no se sabe con exactitud cómo se producía.
«Here Sir James Frazer moved from one sort of explanation to another, beginning by suggesting that their point in the calendar indicated that they were ceremonies of sun-worship, and later emphasizing them more as rites of protection and blessing.» — [FRAZER] el desplazamiento de su propia explicación, de culto solar a rito de protección.
«supply for the latter interpretation than the former, indeed to the point of eclipsing any other.» — [GAILEY] la medida de la evidencia folclórica, que inclina la balanza hacia la protección y eclipsa toda otra lectura.
«As Miranda Green has recently emphasized, 70 the spoked wheel was one of the most widespread and popular images of the sun in prehistoric Europe.» — [GREEN] la rueda de radios como imagen del sol en la Europa prehistórica.
«This notion helped to inspire the finest book ever written about a traditional Irish feast, Maire MacNeill's study of Lughnasadh, which combined medieval literature with folklore surveys from all over the British Isles.» — [MACNEILL] el libro que Hutton llama el mejor jamás escrito sobre una fiesta tradicional irlandesa.
«a solemn cutting of the first of the corn of which an offering would be made to the deity by bringing it up to a high place and burying it; a meal of the new food and of bilberries of which everyone must partake;» — [MACNEILL] el primero de los ritos que reconstruye para Lughnasadh.
«What underpinned this remarkable set of suggestions was her careful documentation of open-air gatherings held by the country people of Ireland to celebrate the opening of the cereal or potato harvest, on 1 August or a Sunday near to it.» — [MACNEILL] la base documental de esa reconstrucción: las reuniones al aire libre por el comienzo de la cosecha.
«Her process of reasoning was both legitimate and fascinating, but remains speculative until two vital comparisons are provided.» — el juicio de Hutton sobre ese razonamiento, con las dos comparaciones que le faltan.
«It may be suggested, therefore, that Maire MacNeill’s reconstruction of pagan ritual is as yet not proven for Ireland itself, and thus can be even less securely applied to Britain.» — [MACNEILL] el veredicto de Hutton sobre esa reconstrucción, con su doble alcance.
«She stretched the imagination a little further to include Cornwall in her dossier, where all that she could find was a fair held at Morvah at the correct time of year, and a legend of a giant» — [MACNEILL] la medida que Hutton pone al caso córnico de ese expediente: una feria en la fecha correcta y una leyenda de matagigantes.
«Indeed, apart from the special case of the Manx, the only really convincing parallel for the Irish celebrations is the annual climbing of the Brecon Beacons, so that it may be suggested that Maire MacNeill’s thesis of a pan-Celtic seasonal ritual, like her reconstruction of pagan rites, is so far unproven.» — el veredicto de Hutton sobre la tesis del rito estacional pancéltico.
«Her reasoning was that the early English must have adopted it from the ancient British, because there is no sign of a Continental festival on 1 August: in the medieval Church calendar, indeed, it was given only the minor feast of St Peter ad Vincula.» — [MACNEILL] el razonamiento con que hacía de *Lammas* el *Lughnasadh* céltico.
«If social and economic historians have been primarily interested in the labour patterns of nineteenth-century harvesting, folklorists have been far more concerned with the customs which ended the reaping.» — el reparto de intereses entre historiadores y folcloristas sobre la misma materia.
«He proved conclusively that there was a close correspondence between the agricultural customs of the Graeco-Roman world and those of his own time, and went further to argue that, as primitive peoples thought that trees were animate, then they ought to have regarded the spirits of crops as animate likewise, functioning as fertility demons.» — [MANNHARDT] lo que probó y lo que dedujo, que Hutton separa con cuidado.
«Secondly, that the reapers often displayed fear of it, cutting it by throwing sickles from a distance or wielding scythes blindfold, and celebrating its fall with a formal ceremony of acclamation and display.» — [FRAZER] el segundo paso: el temor de los segadores, leído en la forma de cortarla.
«He began with the observation that animist beliefs were only sporadic, not universal, among tribal peoples, and that traces of them were proportionately patchy in Europe and Asia.» — [VON SYDOW] la objeción de base a la tesis animista.
«This, he suggested, invariably signified the end to a period of heavy and important work, provoking both levity and serious thought.» — [VON SYDOW] la explicación que propone en su lugar, partiendo del objeto y no de la teoría.
«Nowhere in Europe did von Sydow find an explicitly declared belief that a spirit was present in the sheaf.» — [VON SYDOW] la negativa decisiva de esa investigación.
«It must therefore be concluded that the Mannhardt and Frazer theory of belief in an animating corn spirit is now effectively discounted.» — el veredicto de Hutton sobre esa disputa.
«animate being, in these islands being recorded as the Cailleach, Chailleach, Carline, Carley, or Wrack (all meaning, in Gaelic or Welsh, the old woman), the Old Witch, the Queen, the Maiden, the Mare, the Hare, or the Gander.» — [FRAZER] los nombres británicos de la última gavilla, que él tomaba por personificaciones.
«The association of the corn with a witch or aggressive animal, the spirit of which was caught in the last tuft, was, he suggested, a device to discourage children from playing in the crop and damaging it.» — [VON SYDOW] la explicación práctica que da a esos nombres: disuadir a los niños de jugar en la mies.
«Calum Maclean agreed that there was no persuasive evidence of a fertility cult, and Alan Gailey concurred that the practical basis for the customs was» — [MACLEAN, GAILEY] la posición de los dos folcloristas británicos que estudiaron la última gavilla: sin evidencia persuasiva de culto a la fertilidad, y con base práctica evidente.
«To select a handful of examples from this tremendous range of responses to the end of harvest, and to bind them together in a general theory of primitive religion, as Sir James Frazer did, was as much a triumph of artistry as of scholarship.» — [FRAZER] el juicio con que Hutton resume su método, en una frase.
«The historian has also lost a whole aspect of it, consisting of the songs which were considered too indecent to be collected by folklorists.» — y la pérdida documental que deja anotada: las canciones que los folcloristas tuvieron por indecentes.
«Farm-workers themselves, however, do not seem to have shared these feelings, for the commutation of payment in kind for payment in cash» — Hutton enuncia el contraste entre la nota elegiaca de los historiadores sociales y el silencio de los propios jornaleros; el tramo se corta en el salto de plana y sigue *provoked no recorded disturbances*.
«The same impulse which has led social historians of those developments to rue the decline of the harvest suppers has caused them generally to disparage the new festivals, as mechanisms for control of workers by the social élite, mirrors of hierarchy, and exercises in» — los historiadores sociales que Hutton discute: leen los nuevos festivales como mecanismos de control de los trabajadores por la élite (sigue entre comillas simples del impreso: *labour relations*).
«As James Obelkevitch has pointed out, they permitted parishioners to decorate a church lavishly with their own ornaments for the first time since the Reformation.» — Hutton recoge de James Obelkevitch que el nuevo festival devolvió a los feligreses el adorno del templo con ornamentos propios.
«These observations are legitimate enough, even though they presuppose a particular set of political» — Hutton objeta el supuesto político de esas lecturas; el tramo se corta en el salto de plana y sigue *attitudes; almost by definition, right-wing historians tend not to be interested in popular culture*.
«Bob Bushaway has charted how to harvest and thresh a six-quarter wheat crop at ten acres a day required 130 men in the 1840S» — las cifras que Hutton toma de Bob Bushaway para segar y trillar una cosecha de seis cuarteras a diez acres por día; la cita se parte en el guion de fin de renglón de *horse-drawn* y sigue *thirty-three in the 1870s when the horse-drawn mechanical reaper was introduced, and three in the 1940s when combine harvesters had come into use*. El troceo imprime *1840S* con ese en mayúscula.
«Nobody has doubted that Mannhardt was correct in his demonstration that nineteenth-century European peasant harvest rites had much in common with those in classical antiquity.» — Hutton concede el punto de Mannhardt: los ritos campesinos europeos del XIX comparten mucho con los de la antigüedad clásica.
«The point of more recent scholarly discussions is that they fulfilled certain obvious social needs, two thousand years ago as much as in Mannhardt’s time, and that these can be proved whereas their religious antecedents may not.» — el desplazamiento que Hutton describe en la discusión reciente: las necesidades sociales se prueban, los antecedentes religiosos no.
«The confident interpretation of them as survivals of pagan religion, made by the nineteenth-century folklorists, achieved wide acceptance largely because it was in harmony with presuppositions.» — Hutton atribuye la aceptación de la lectura pagana de los folcloristas decimonónicos a su acuerdo con los presupuestos de la época.
«In the 1960s a non-academic folklorist of considerable distinction, George Ewart Evans, could still confidently describe both the last sheaf and the ‘harvest queen» — Hutton cita a George Ewart Evans, folclorista no académico, describiendo todavía la última gavilla y la reina de la cosecha; el impreso entrecomilla *harvest queen* y remata *as representing the old pagan Corn Goddess*.
«In the seventeenth century Sir Henry Spelman drily suggested that it derived from the Anglo-Saxon ‘wak’, signifying drunkenness, but there is no evidence to support this.» — Hutton recoge y niega la etimología de Sir Henry Spelman, que derivaba *wake* del anglosajón para embriaguez.
«The West Country ‘revels’ are, by contrast, well recorded for the early Stuart period, mostly in the local legal archives which have been so well investigated for this subject by David Underdown.» — Hutton remite a David Underdown por la investigación de los archivos legales locales donde quedan los revels del West Country.
«From these sources he identified them in twenty-one communities in Wiltshire, Somerset, and Dorset between 1608 and 1640, though it is by no means clear that all of these were dedication feasts.» — la cautela que Hutton pone a la cuenta de Underdown: veintiuna comunidades entre 1608 y 1640, sin que conste que todas fueran fiestas de dedicación.
«This region, and Professor Underdown’s patient research, also provides copious evidence for the survival of the feasts during the Interregnum; though they may have conformed to parliamentary law by being held upon a day other than Sunday, those in Somerset certainly flouted an outright ban made by the county bench in 1649.» — Hutton acredita a Underdown la prueba de que las fiestas sobrevivieron al Interregno, en Somerset contra una prohibición tajante.
«These negative aspects, as before, impressed many educated observers most strongly.» — la observación de Hutton sobre el sesgo del testimonio: los aspectos negativos son los que más marcaron a los observadores educados.
«None the less, to describe it as ‘ritualized’ may carry a danger of misleading, for the animosity involved, once a grudge was nursed or a feud up and running, was real enough, and so was the pain inflicted.» — la reserva que Hutton pone al término *ritualized*: la inquina y el dolor eran reales.
«Most flamboyant, and best-studied, were those of the Lancashire textile-manufacturing area, which have been made the subject of theses by Robert Poole and Theresa Buckland.» — Hutton remite a las tesis de Robert Poole y Theresa Buckland para los wakes textiles de Lancashire.
«It must be stressed, however, that most educated commentators upon the feasts, as may be surmised from those quoted above, were not supportive.» — la insistencia de Hutton sobre el testimonio: casi ningún comentarista educado era favorable a las fiestas.
«Outsiders were especially appalled by the drunkenness and violence, and even the local élite was seldom convinced of the value of these aspects as a safety-valve within society.» — lo que Hutton anota del escándalo de los de fuera y de la duda de la propia élite local sobre el valor de válvula de escape.
«Robert Poole expressed the change neatly when speaking of Lancashire: ‘At the beginning of the nineteenth century, wakes time meant a crowded town; by the end of the century, it meant a deserted town» — la fórmula de Robert Poole que Hutton cita: a principios del XIX el tiempo de wakes era pueblo lleno, a fin de siglo pueblo desierto.
«They have been chosen simply because they represent the most concise and eloquent summary in recent years of a century of assertions repeated in popular works of folklore all through the twentieth century.» — la razón que Hutton da para citarlo: resume con concisión un siglo de afirmaciones repetidas en las obras de folclore de divulgación.
«Indeed, the only such reference is in the work of the thoroughly unreliable seventeenth-century Irish antiquary Jeffrey Keating, who states that the Druids of Ireland used to assemble on the hill of Tlachtga on ‘the night of Samain’ and kindle a sacred fire.» — la única referencia que Hutton encuentra, en el anticuario irlandés Jeffrey Keating del XVII, a quien llama del todo poco fiable.
«From this ‘every householder in the country’ relit his own domestic fire, which had been extinguished that night.» — el relato de Keating que Hutton reproduce: de ese fuego sagrado de Tlachtga reencendía su lumbre cada dueño de casa del país.
«His source is unknown, and the story implies an extremely unlikely degree of religious and political centralization in pagan Ireland; it may be that it is a mistaken transference of the custom of Beltane.» — la objeción de Hutton a Keating: fuente desconocida y una centralización religiosa y política improbable en la Irlanda pagana.
«Jeffrey Gantz, author of one of the most accurate and accessible translations of that literature, has suggested that Samhain was regarded as a time of unusual supernatural power, because of the number of stories set at that feast in which humans are attacked or approached by deities, fairies, or monsters.» — la sugerencia de Jeffrey Gantz que Hutton recoge: Samhain como tiempo de poder sobrenatural inusual, por los relatos ambientados en esa fiesta.
«He also draws attention to the number of legendary kings who were slain at that time.» — el segundo argumento de Gantz que Hutton consigna: el número de reyes legendarios muertos en esa fecha.
«The same evidence has caused Proinsias MacCana to call Samhain ‘a partial return to primordial chaos… the appropriate setting for myths which symbolise the dissolution of established order as a prelude to its recreation in a new period of time» — la fórmula de Proinsias MacCana que Hutton cita: Samhain como retorno parcial al caos primordial y escenario de la disolución del orden establecido.
«Both may be correct, but their point cannot be proved from the tales themselves; it could just be that several narratives are started, set,» — la objeción que Hutton pone a ambos: el punto no se sostiene con los relatos; el tramo se corta en el salto de plana y sigue *or concluded at this feast because it represented an ideal context*.
«At the end of the nineteenth century, two distinguished academics, one at Oxford and the other at Cambridge, made enduring contributions to the popular conception of Samhain.» — Hutton nombra a dos académicos de fin del XIX, uno en Oxford y otro en Cambridge, como responsables de la idea corriente de Samhain.
«The former was the philologist Sir John Rhys, who suggested that it had been the ‘Celtic’ New Year.» — la tesis de Sir John Rhys que Hutton consigna: Samhain habría sido el Año Nuevo celta.
«He had not documented this from early records, but inferred it from contemporary folklore in Wales and Ireland, which he felt to be full of Hallowe’en customs associated with new beginnings.» — la base que Hutton le halla a Rhys: no los registros tempranos, sino el folclore galés e irlandés contemporáneo.
«To reinforce these he cited Keating’s entry about Tlachtga, which he believed to fall into the same category, and ‘corrected’ the wording of a passage in Sanas Chormaic to support his view.» — lo que Hutton reprocha a Rhys: citar a Keating y enmendar la letra de un pasaje del Sanas Chormaic a favor de su tesis.
«He thought that it was vindicated when he paid a subsequent visit to the Isle of Man and found that its people sometimes called 31 October New Year’s Night (’Hog-unnaa’) and practised customs then which were usually associated with 31 December.» — el apoyo que Rhys creyó hallar en la Isla de Man según Hutton: el 31 de octubre llamado Noche de Año Nuevo.
«In fact, the flimsy nature of all this evidence ought to have been apparent from the start.» — el juicio que Hutton pone sobre esa evidencia: su endeblez debió verse desde el principio.
«The many ‘Hog-unnaa’ customs were also widely practised on the conventional New Year’s Eve, and Rhys was uncomfortably aware that they might simply have been transferred, in recent years, from then to Hallowe’en, to increase merriment and fund-raising on the latter.» — la debilidad que Hutton señala en el argumento manés: esas costumbres se hacían también en la Nochevieja convencional y pudieron trasladarse.
«He got round this problem by asserting that in his opinion (based upon no evidence at all) the transfer had been the other way round.» — cómo sorteó Rhys la objeción según Hutton: afirmando, sin evidencia alguna, que el traslado fue en sentido contrario.
«Rhys’s theory was further popularized by the Cambridge scholar, Sir James Frazer.» — Hutton adjudica a Sir James Frazer la difusión de la tesis de Rhys.
«At times the latter did admit that the evidence for it was inconclusive,13 but at others he threw this caution overboard and employed it to support an idea of his own: that Samhain had been the pagan Celtic feast of the dead.» — lo que Hutton reprocha a Frazer: soltar la cautela para sostener idea propia, que Samhain era la fiesta pagana celta de los muertos.
«He reached this belief by a simple process of arguing back from a fact, that 1 and 2 November had been dedicated to that purpose by the medieval Christian Church, from which it could be surmised that this had been a Christianization of a pre-existing festival.» — el procedimiento de Frazer que Hutton reconstruye: argumentar hacia atrás desde la dedicación cristiana del 1 y el 2 de noviembre.
«He admitted, by implication, that there was in fact no actual record of such a festival, but inferred the former existence of one from a number of different propositions: that the Church had taken over other pagan holy days, that ‘many’ cultures have annual ceremonies to honour their dead, ‘commonly’ at the opening of the year, and that (of course) 1 November had been the Celtic New» — las tres proposiciones de las que Frazer infiere la fiesta según Hutton, incluida la del Año Nuevo celta (sigue: *Year*).
«He pointed out that although the feast of All Saints or All Hallows had been formally instituted across most of north-west Europe by the emperor Louis the Pious in 835, on the prompting of Pope Gregory IV, it had already existed, on its later date of 1 November, in England at the time of Bede.» — el dato que Frazer aducía según Hutton: la fiesta ya existía el 1 de noviembre en la Inglaterra de Beda antes de la institución de 835.
«He suggested that pope and emperor had, therefore, merely ratified an existing religious practice based upon that of the ancient Celts.» — la conclusión de Frazer que Hutton consigna: papa y emperador solo ratificaron una práctica de raíz celta antigua.
«This makes nonsense of Frazer’s notion that the November date was chosen because of ‘Celtic’ influence; rather, both ‘Celtic’ Europe and Rome followed a Germanic idea.» — la enmienda de Hutton a Frazer: la fecha de noviembre no vino de influencia celta, sino que celtas y Roma siguieron una idea germánica.
«It remains possible that northern European pagans had honoured their dead at this time, but not only is the evidence still utterly wanting but Frazer’s chain of reasoning completely breaks down.» — el saldo que Hutton deja: la posibilidad queda abierta, pero falta la evidencia y la cadena de razonamiento de Frazer no se sostiene.
«It is this that lends credence to the characterization of the ancient Samhain as a particularly numinous time, made by Jeffrey Gantz and Proinsias MacCana, despite the lack of clear evidence in the early literature alone.» — lo que Hutton concede a Gantz y a MacCana: la caracterización de Samhain como tiempo numinoso gana crédito por esa vía, aunque la literatura temprana no la pruebe.
«Frazer certainly believed that he had found one, in the precise seasonal equivalent to the rite of Beltane: the use of fire as protective magic.» — lo que Frazer creía haber hallado según Hutton: el equivalente estacional exacto del rito de Beltane, el fuego como magia protectora.
«He believed, indeed, that he had uncovered so much data for this that he could term Hallowe’en one of the ‘Celtic’ fire-festivals, and his information can now be much increased.» — Hutton anota que Frazer llamó a Halloween una de las fiestas de fuego celtas y que hoy la información es mayor.
«It was in the last third of that century that Thomas Pennant, the travel writer, drew the attention of the educated public to the custom in both Scotland and Wales.» — Hutton adjudica a Thomas Pennant, escritor de viajes, la llamada de atención del público culto sobre la costumbre.
«Shortly after Pennant wrote, William Owen published a similar reference to the Welsh custom,26 and John Ramsay of Ochtertyre recorded a very full account of the Scottish one, starting with a description of how after dusk the young people of every settlement had ‘assembled on some eminence near the houses» — los dos registros que Hutton alinea tras Pennant: William Owen para Gales y John Ramsay de Ochtertyre para Escocia.
«It may be that it had never been a tradition in the Western Highlands and the Isles; Ramsay was in doubt about the matter, and earlier observers in the Hebrides, such as Martin, and later folklorists there, such as Carmichael, do not mention it.» — la conjetura de Hutton apoyada en los silencios de Martin y de Carmichael: quizá el fuego nunca fue tradición en las Highlands occidentales ni en las Islas.
«The modern notion of Ceridwen as a (white) sow-goddess, popularized by Robert Graves in The White Goddess, entirely lacks any supporting evidence.» — la negativa de Hutton a la idea moderna de Ceridwen como diosa cerda blanca, popularizada por Robert Graves en The White Goddess.
«There is, indeed, a remarkable absence of them in the rich folklore collections for the rest of nineteenth-century Ireland, something which puzzled Frazer.» — la ausencia que Hutton subraya en las colecciones folclóricas irlandesas del XIX, y que dejaba perplejo a Frazer.
«They are also not recorded in those other ‘Celtic’ areas of Britain, Cornwall and Cumbria, and at this point the whole notion of a ‘Celtic fire festival’ begins to break down.» — el punto donde Hutton dice que se cae la idea de una fiesta de fuego celta: tampoco hay registro en Cornualles ni en Cumbria.
«Alan Gailey, discussing the distribution of the fires in Ulster, noted the striking lack of any ritual activity or» — lo que Hutton toma de Alan Gailey: la falta llamativa de actividad ritual en esos fuegos; el tramo se corta en el salto de plana y sigue *solemnity associated with them, and suggested that they might represent a recent innovation*.
«To the author of the single study devoted to the songs, the fundamental derivation from a means of praying for the departed seemed obvious, and he further observed that the most common tune bore a resemblance to sixteenthcentury church music.» — lo que Hutton toma del único estudio dedicado a las canciones del souling: derivación obvia del rezo por los difuntos y parecido de la tonada con la música eclesiástica del XVI. El troceo pega *sixteenthcentury*, partido en el original por guion de fin de renglón.
«Not that they often pressed their luck by treating it as a sequence for, as Charlotte Burne has shown, the areas in which ‘Souling’, ‘Clementing’, and ‘Catterning’ took place (the last two having been dealt with earlier in this book) tended to be mutually exclusive.» — la corrección que Hutton toma de Charlotte Burne: las zonas de *Souling*, *Clementing* y *Catterning* tendían a excluirse entre sí.
«As such, it has been made the subject of some of the best recent studies of a folk-play, and also of the sociology of a revived seasonal custom.» — lo que Hutton dice de la bibliografía sobre Antrobus: de los mejores estudios recientes de una obra popular y de la sociología de una costumbre revivida.
«Its importance was first stressed at the four hundredth anniversary of the queen’s accession, in 1958, by her biographer Sir John Neale and (more especially) by the art historian Sir Roy Strong.» — a quiénes adjudica Hutton el descubrimiento del asunto: el biógrafo Sir John Neale y sobre todo el historiador del arte Sir Roy Strong.
«Sir John noted that a few London parishes rang bells upon that day from the tenth anniversary, in 1568, but that the custom became national as a result of an upsurge of feeling towards the queen provoked by the rebellion of 1569 and the papal bull excommunicating her in 1570.» — lo que Hutton recoge de Neale: el repique empieza en unas parroquias londinenses en 1568 y se vuelve nacional tras la rebelión de 1569 y la bula de 1570.
«He showed that it was added to the calendar of Anglican holy days in 1576, and illustrated its celebration at Bridgnorth in the Severn valley in Shropshire (where the corporation sometimes had a bonfire), at Ipswich in Suffolk (where the schoolmaster presented pageants in 1583), and at St Andrew Holborn in London (where the parish instituted a dole to poor women in 1584» — los tres ejemplos con que Neale ilustra la fiesta según Hutton: Bridgnorth, Ipswich y St Andrew Holborn.
«He quoted a commentator upon the last official celebration, in 1602, who remarked that the day passed ‘with the ordinary solemnity of preaching, singing, shooting and running» — el testimonio de 1602 que Neale citaba según Hutton: la solemnidad ordinaria de predicar, cantar, tirar y correr.
«Sir Roy endorsed this account of the feast’s origins and added that at court it was celebrated by a ceremonial tournament at which the queen received the homage of nobles and gentry, who often rode there in ornate carriages accompanied by allegorical figures who addressed the sovereign.» — lo que Hutton toma de Strong para la corte: un torneo ceremonial con homenaje de nobles y figuras alegóricas que se dirigían a la soberana.
«He also provided a much more detailed study of its civic and parochial festivity, covering eleven towns and twenty-six parishes.» — el alcance del estudio de Strong que Hutton mide: once ciudades y veintiséis parroquias.
«In this he showed that bells had been rung at Worcester as well as at London in 1568, and that, although the custom spread across most of southern and central England in the 1570s, it reached Norfolk and Suffolk only in the next decade and some Durham parishes only in the 1590s.» — el mapa cronológico que Hutton resume de Strong: del sur y el centro en los setenta a Norfolk y Suffolk en los ochenta y Durham en los noventa.
«Thus Oxford corporation paid for a sermon in 1571, and added organ music in 1572, fireworks in 1573, music and almsgiving in 1585, a drummer in 1587, and bonfires in 1590.» — el crecimiento año por año de la fiesta en Oxford que Hutton copia de Strong: sermón, órgano, fuegos, música y limosna, tambor y hogueras.
«Sir Roy suggested that the festival provided Protestant England with its first holiday, and allowed a revival of the civic display which had been dampened down by the Reformation.» — la tesis de Strong que Hutton consigna: la fiesta dio a la Inglaterra protestante su primer día festivo y revivió el boato cívico.
«Sir Roy also showed that observation of the day was attacked by the occasional radical Protestant, like Robert Wright, chaplain to Lord Rich, who thought that the praise that was given to Elizabeth was idolatrous.» — la objeción protestante radical que Hutton recoge de Strong, en boca de Robert Wright, capellán de Lord Rich: la alabanza a Isabel era idolatría.
«It was nevertheless, he added, far more the target of Catholic polemicists, who were angered by the unprecedented dedication of a holy day to a living human being.» — lo que Strong añadía según Hutton: la polémica católica pesó más, indignada por dedicar un día santo a una persona viva.
«Strong’s essay remains the basic study of the subject, but in 1975 Frances Yates added further details upon the royal jousts and in 1989 David Cressy devoted a chapter to the feast in his book upon Protestant festivity.» — el estado de la cuestión que Hutton fija: el ensayo de Strong sigue siendo el estudio base, con añadidos de Frances Yates y de David Cressy.
«The former established that the tilts are first recorded in 1581 and were in large measure the responsibility of Sir Henry Lee, himself a formidable competitor.» — lo que Hutton toma de Yates: las justas se registran desde 1581 y fueron obra en buena medida de Sir Henry Lee.
«Professor Cressy amplified and reworked Sir Roy Strong’s material, looking at more sermons and more parochial and municipal celebrations.» — lo que Hutton adjudica a Cressy: ampliar y rehacer el material de Strong con más sermones y más celebraciones.
«He drew attention to the role of official sponsorship in spreading the celebrations, by local leaders such as the bailiff of Ludlow, the mayors of Oxford and Liverpool, and the chancellor of the bishop of Gloucester.» — el hallazgo de Cressy que Hutton destaca: el patrocinio oficial de dirigentes locales como motor de la difusión.
«He also noticed that in parts of the east Midlands parishioners called the day by its pre-Reformation name, the feast of St Hugh of Lincoln, the popular local patron.» — el otro hallazgo de Cressy que Hutton consigna: en parte de los Midlands orientales seguían llamando al día por su nombre prerreformista.
«Professor Cressy traced observation of the day back to 1567, at Lambeth, and found it at a second London church in 1568. He established that it not only became general in southern England during the 1570s but spread into the north in the middle of the decade.» — la cronología que Hutton toma de Cressy: la observancia se remonta a 1567 en Lambeth y sube al norte a mediados de los setenta.
«He also suggested that it was never a true holy day, like those still maintained in the reformed Church for Christ and the apostles, because no rest from work was enjoined, and so the bell-ringing and services took place in the evening.» — el matiz de Cressy que Hutton recoge: nunca fue día santo verdadero, pues no se mandaba descansar y todo ocurría de tarde.
«For one thing it may have answered Professor Cressy’s question concerning whether the propagation of it depended more upon local enthusiasm or pressure from the central government.» — la pregunta de Cressy que Hutton dice haber contestado: si la difusión dependía del entusiasmo local o de la presión del gobierno.
«The tendency to call it ‘St Hugh’s Day’ was also a matter of local caprice. As Professor Cressy remarked, it was chiefly found in the huge territory of the pre-Reformation diocese of Lincoln with which the saint’s cult had especially been associated.» — lo que Hutton concede a Cressy sobre el nombre de San Hugo, ligado a la vieja diócesis de Lincoln.
«On the other hand, not only did it overspill this territory, to reach out as far as Hertfordshire, Warwickshire, Nottinghamshire, and Derbyshire, but within that great area only a minority of communities which have left records in each county opted for that piece of pious nostalgia.» — la enmienda que Hutton pone: el nombre desbordó esa diócesis y aun dentro de ella solo lo usó una minoría de comunidades.
«Even the impressive catalogue of municipal celebration complied by Sir Roy Strong and David Cressy must be viewed with two qualifications.» — las dos salvedades que Hutton pone al catálogo municipal de Strong y de Cressy.
«It represents a magnificent early evocation of the view of folk customs which was to possess most writers upon them during the next hundred years.» — el valor que Hutton le da al pasaje: evocación temprana y magnífica de la mirada sobre las costumbres populares que iba a dominar cien años.
«The principal fire in the story is kindled upon a prehistoric tumulus at the highest point of a wild heath, a setting intended to exemplify a timeless rural world conditioned by its close relationship with nature» — lo que Hutton señala del escenario de Hardy: túmulo prehistórico en lo alto de un brezal, mundo rural sin tiempo trabado con la naturaleza.
«The custom of kindling it is detached from its conventional (political and historic) connotations, and associated intensely, if vaguely, with a tradition of sacred fires, coming down from prehistory and created by the emotional demands of the season itself.» — la operación que Hutton describe en Hardy: la costumbre desprendida de su sentido político e histórico y atada a una tradición vaga de fuegos sagrados.
«This impression, or sensation, was given apparent scholarly support by the records of Scottish and Welsh Hallowe’en bonfires collected by antiquaries from the late eighteenth century onward.» — lo que Hutton identifica como respaldo aparente de esa impresión: los registros anticuarios de hogueras de Halloween en Escocia y Gales.
«In a discussion of November the Fifth bonfires published by the periodical Folk-Lore in 1903,1 W. Henry Jewitt boldly proposed (without research) that they were simply the ancient Hallowe’en fires transferred to a new date, and that the effigies (or ‘guys’) burned upon them were memories of human sacrifice.» — la propuesta de W. Henry Jewitt de 1903 que Hutton consigna, hecha sin investigación: los fuegos del cinco eran los de Halloween trasladados y los guys, memoria de sacrificio humano.
«Sir James Frazer himself, significantly, drew back from such a deduction, but his books did much to confirm the notion of Hallowe’en as a universal Celtic fire-festival.» — el matiz que Hutton pone sobre Frazer: se apartó de esa deducción, pero sus libros afirmaron la idea de Halloween como fiesta de fuego celta universal.
«Both popular and learned works upon folk customs produced during most of the remainder of the twentieth century spoke confidently of the fires of Guy Fawkes’s Night as descended directly from pagan ritual.» — lo que Hutton señala de la bibliografía del siglo XX: hablaba con confianza de los fuegos de Guy Fawkes como descendientes directos del rito pagano.
«The belief was given support as late as 1982 by one of the first writers to relate those customs properly to a historical context, Bob Bushaway.» — a quién adjudica Hutton el último respaldo a esa creencia, en 1982: Bob Bushaway, de los primeros en poner esas costumbres en contexto histórico.
«He stated that the ‘lighting of what folklorists refer to as need-fires had been a widespread practice, particularly in southern England, and this predated the state service» — lo que Bushaway sostenía según Hutton: los *need-fires* eran práctica extendida, sobre todo en el sur de Inglaterra, y anterior al oficio de Estado.
«He drew attention to the tradition in the Isle of Portland during the early nineteenth century, whereby men jumped bonfires on 5 November with children in their arms, to bring them luck.» — la costumbre de la isla de Portland que Bushaway aducía según Hutton: hombres saltando las hogueras del cinco con niños en brazos para darles suerte.
«This, he pointed out, was a magical rite, associated with midsummer fires.» — lo que Bushaway concluía de ese salto según Hutton: era un rito mágico ligado a los fuegos de San Juan.
«Need-fires, however, were not seasonal, but ad hoc magical rites, while in the case of the Portland custom Dr Bushaway could not guard against the suggestion that it might well have been transferred from midsummer to November fires which were not themselves an old tradition.» — la objeción doble que Hutton pone a Bushaway: los need-fires no eran estacionales y la costumbre de Portland pudo trasladarse a unos fuegos que no eran antiguos.
«It was left to David Cressy, in his pioneering work upon Protestant festivity published in 1989,5 to point out that there is absolutely no trace of late autumn or early winter bonfires in medieval or Tudor England, in striking contrast to those at midsummer.» — el hallazgo que Hutton adjudica a David Cressy: no hay rastro alguno de hogueras de otoño tardío o invierno temprano en la Inglaterra medieval o Tudor.
«It seems inevitable, therefore, to conclude with Professor Cressy that none would have» — la conclusión que Hutton hace suya junto con Cressy; el tramo se corta en el salto de plana y sigue *been lit upon that date were it not for the bungled attempt of Guy Fawkes and his fellow conspirators*.
«Thus the stage was set for the prolonged struggle between local authorities and merry-makers which took up the early and middle part of the nineteenth century, a process which has now been well studied by David Cressy, Robert Storch, Robert Gifford, and D. G. Paz.» — la pugna del XIX que Hutton anuncia y los cuatro estudiosos a los que remite por ella.
«Robert Storch, who has made the finest study of the bonfire gangs, has characterized this development as a means by which the local élites regained control of the populace—essentially as an exercise in subjugation.» — la lectura de Robert Storch que Hutton consigna: el desfile como recobro del control de las élites locales, ejercicio de sujeción.
«Though such an element may have been present, it is also worth remarking that the processions would not have been so successful had they not been so acceptable to the local community as a whole, including, crucially, the surviving gangs and societies.» — la enmienda que Hutton pone a Storch: el desfile no habría cuajado sin ser aceptable para toda la comunidad, pandillas incluidas.
«In both cases the reality of the Gunpowder Treason had receded into oblivion, to be replaced by the speculative theories of Victorian and Edwardian folklorists.» — la conclusión que Hutton saca de esas dos respuestas: la Conspiración real se ha borrado y la han ocupado las teorías de los folcloristas victorianos y eduardianos.
«Thomas Hardy’s dream of how the English past ought to have been had become accepted as historical truth by some, at least, of the people who continued the customs which he had incorporated into fiction.» — la fórmula con que Hutton cierra el círculo del capítulo: el sueño de Hardy sobre el pasado inglés se volvió verdad histórica para quienes siguen la costumbre.
«This has never been made the subject of a sustained study by any expert in early Irish or Welsh literature, and what has been written upon it has consisted of a paragraph or two provided almost by default, usually in the works of scholars who were not primarily expert in literary sources at all.» — el vacío que Hutton declara sobre el año antiguo británico e irlandés: ningún especialista en literatura irlandesa o galesa lo ha estudiado a fondo.
«Nevertheless, this has sufficed to build up a powerful impression of an ‘ancient Celtic year’, probably uniform from Ireland to Gaul, consisting of the four quarter-days of Samhain, Imbolc, Beltane, and Lughnasadh (in various spellings), and commencing on the first of those festivals.» — la imagen corriente que Hutton describe: un año celta antiguo uniforme de cuatro días de cuarto que abre en Samhain.
«The importance of the quarter-days in medieval Irish literature was noticed in the first systematic treatment of those texts, such as the works of Charles Vallancey in the eighteenth century.» — a quién adjudica Hutton la primera noticia sistemática de los días de cuarto: Charles Vallancey en el XVIII.
«By the second half of the nineteenth, it had become assumed by English folklorists that they were observed in ancient Britain as well.» — lo que Hutton fecha en la segunda mitad del XIX: los folcloristas ingleses dan por supuesto que esos días se guardaban también en la Britania antigua.
«One of these writers, Charles Hardwick, either borrowed, or made himself, a misreading of the description of the fire rite of Beltane in Sanas Chormaic which caused him to believe that it was carried out upon all four feasts.» — el error de lectura que Hutton adjudica a Charles Hardwick sobre el rito de fuego de Beltane en el Sanas Chormaic.
«Most of the academic books upon the Celts produced for a general readership in the 1950s and 1960s made no reference to the subject.» — el silencio que Hutton constata en los libros académicos sobre los celtas de los años cincuenta y sesenta.
«One was Anne Ross’s splendid pioneering work on pagan Celtic Britain, which only suggested that Beltane and Samhain might have been generally observed in the Celtic world.» — lo que Hutton concede a Anne Ross: su obra pionera solo sugería que Beltane y Samhain pudieron guardarse en general.
«The other was a joint survey of Celtic civilization by Nora Chadwick and Myles Dillon, which just stated that Celts (in general) observed the four festivals.» — lo que Hutton consigna del panorama de Nora Chadwick y Myles Dillon: solo afirmaba que los celtas guardaban las cuatro fiestas.
«Then came 1970, with a boom in works for a popular market upon all things Celtic, and two of those authors contributed to it with books which were decidedly less restrained upon the subject.» — el giro que Hutton fecha en 1970: el auge de la divulgación céltica trae libros mucho menos cautos.
«characterization of them as ‘the fire festivals’, which was never taken into academe but has persisted in popular works until the present day.» — lo que Hutton hace nacer del error de Hardwick: la etiqueta de *the fire festivals*, nunca aceptada en la academia y viva en la divulgación; la frase abre en la plana anterior con *From this error sprang the*.
«Nora Chadwick declared that the four festivals (and no others) were celebrated by the whole Celtic world, that Samhain was the New Year, and that most were concerned with fertility.» — las tres afirmaciones de Nora Chadwick que Hutton consigna: cuatro fiestas y ninguna más, Samhain por Año Nuevo y casi todas de fertilidad.
«Anne Ross said much the same, save that she suggested that each was connected to a particular deity.» — la variante de Anne Ross que Hutton anota: cada fiesta ligada a una deidad particular.
«She did, however, also state that it was only ‘probable’ that the Celts in general had these feasts, that they might have been distinctively Irish, and that the Irish themselves seemed to have others as well.» — las tres cautelas que Hutton reconoce en Ross: solo probable, quizá distintivamente irlandés y con otras fiestas además.
«During the next twenty-five years, the subject was once again ignored by some of the standard textbooks upon ancient Celtic culture.» — el segundo silencio que Hutton constata en los manuales del cuarto de siglo siguiente.
«On the other hand, those by Anne Ross and Nora Chadwick were reprinted, in the latter case twenty years after the author’s death.» — lo que Hutton subraya de esas reediciones, una de ellas veinte años después de muerta la autora.
«In 1979 Lloyd Laing produced one which repeated the usual information about the four festivals, though he added rather confusingly that while Imbolc and Lughnasadh may not have been celebrated in Iron Age Britain ‘they certainly had their equivalents» — la confusión que Hutton señala en Lloyd Laing: Imbolc y Lughnasadh quizá no se celebraron en la Britania de la Edad del Hierro, pero tuvieron equivalentes.
«Another apparent muddle of ideas appeared in 1986, in the first of a series of very successful books by Miranda Green. On one page she told readers that Beltane and Samhain, being suited to a pastoral society, may never have been celebrated in lowland Britain and Gaul. On another, however, the usual four feasts were casually described as ‘the great Celtic festivals» — el enredo que Hutton señala en Miranda Green: en una página duda de que Beltane y Samhain se celebraran en la Britania llana y en otra los llama las grandes fiestas celtas.
«It was also unusual in that it provided footnotes to support its information. It started from the presupposition that the Celts in general only celebrated the four festivals, with the New Year at Samhain, and went on to suggest what the characteristics of those feasts might have been.» — lo que Hutton anota del método de Webster: con notas al pie, pero partiendo del supuesto de las cuatro fiestas y el Año Nuevo en Samhain.
«None of his references was to original sources, save to well-known Irish tales in popular translations; most were to Anne Ross, Maire MacNeill, and Sir James Frazer. Frazer’s ghost, in fact, hangs over the whole description.» — lo que Hutton reprocha a las referencias de Webster: ninguna a fuentes originales y el fantasma de Frazer sobre toda la descripción.
«This is hardly surprising. Nora Chadwick never carried out any research into the matter, and Anne Ross, Lloyd Laing, Miranda Green, and Graham Webster could not, for all are not historians but archaeologists (and very distinguished archaeologists at that» — la explicación que Hutton da: Chadwick nunca investigó el punto y los demás son arqueólogos, no historiadores.
«They are experts in material remains, not literature, and as their works give only a tiny amount of space to consideration of this question it would be unfair to cite them at all were it not for the fact that they have provided the staple texts upon the matter which colleagues, and everybody else, read.» — la razón por la que Hutton dice citarlos pese a todo: sus libros son los textos de cabecera que leen colegas y público.
«In other words, nobody has carried out any general survey of it since Sir John Rhys and Sir James Frazer, about a hundred years ago.» — el balance historiográfico que Hutton enuncia: nadie ha hecho un panorama general del asunto desde Rhys y Frazer.
«John Carey is at present working upon the Irish observation of Samhain, and producing valuable results,11 but that is a consideration of one festival in one country.» — la excepción viva que Hutton nombra: John Carey trabaja sobre el Samhain irlandés con buenos resultados, pero es una fiesta en un país.
«In the same year Graham Webster supplied by far the most detailed consideration of the subject in any textbook of the past forty years,» — lo que Hutton reconoce a Graham Webster: el tratamiento más detallado del asunto en cuarenta años de manuales; el tramo se corta en el salto de plana y sigue *amounting to almost four pages*.
«What can be suggested is that there is nothing in the material remains to support the fourfold division accepted by the archaeologists.» — lo que Hutton enuncia como saldo material: nada sostiene la división cuatripartita que los arqueólogos dan por buena.
«The whole argument for a ‘Celtic New Year’ was originally based upon conclusions drawn from relatively recent folklore, and it has been suggested that these were flawed.» — de dónde venía el argumento del Año Nuevo celta según Hutton: conclusiones sacadas de folclore relativamente reciente, y defectuosas.
«Perhaps it may seem unreasonable to expect that prehistoric tribal peoples would employ identical seasonal ceremonies across the whole of the British Isles, let alone the whole of north-west Europe.» — la expectativa que Hutton pone en duda: ceremonias estacionales idénticas por todas las Islas Británicas o por todo el noroeste de Europa.
«This is, none the less, the assumption which underpinned traditional scholarly approaches to the subject, from Sir James Frazer to Maire MacNeill and, in the case of the purification by fire or rowan at the opening of the summer pastures, it is actually justified.» — lo que Hutton concede a esa tradición erudita, de Frazer a Maire MacNeill: el caso de la purificación por fuego o serbal sí la justifica.
«For England at least, however, the late medieval evidence is rich enough to allow conclusions to be drawn, and a major one was proposed in the book which acted as a stepping-stone to this.» — Hutton remite al libro suyo anterior como peldaño de este.
«That charge was indeed made occasionally in reviews, but a good deal more gently than I might have expected.» — lo que Hutton anota de las reseñas: el reproche llegó, pero con más suavidad de la esperada.
«and proposed some more possibilities: that patterns of neighbourly co-operation in a period of labour shortage encouraged collective participation in festivity as well as work; that the financing of ritual provided a means of enhancing status for the prosperous and defused potential tensions arising from social differentiation; and that parishes and towns engaged in competition to express identity through a generally approved cultural fashion.» — las tres posibilidades que Hutton recoge de Wrightson: cooperación vecinal, ritual como realce de estatus y competencia de identidad entre parroquias.
«All were exciting suggestions, but none actually moved the questions closer to solution. That communities competed, and used culture as an expression of that competition, is self-evident; but why that culture?» — la objeción que Hutton pone a Wrightson: la competencia por la cultura es evidente, pero no explica por qué esa cultura.
«It is equally obvious that ritual was employed to enhance status and defuse tension; but why ritual, and why so much of it?» — la segunda objeción de Hutton: que el rito realzara estatus no dice por qué el rito, ni por qué tanto.
«The most detailed and helpful discussion of the issue was by Keith» — la discusión que Hutton destaca entre las respuestas a su libro anterior; el tramo se corta en el salto de plana y sigue *Wrightson, who endorsed the notion that interpretation had to be flexible and multi-faceted*.
«It is not obvious, by contrast, that the fifteenth-century world of independent smallholders and artisans demanded more neighbourly co-operation than the more overcrowded and highly organized one of the thirteenth-century manor.» — la objeción que Hutton pone a la hipótesis de la cooperación vecinal: no consta que el siglo XV la exigiera más que el señorío del XIII.
«Several of these exist, but none to date has taken this problem into account, being concerned primarily with economic and political aspects of society and failing to integrate matters of ceremonial, festivity, and religious belief, as opposed to ecclesiastical structure.» — el reproche que Hutton pone a esos estudios: se ocupan de lo económico y lo político y dejan fuera ceremonia, fiesta y creencia.
«The researches of Eamon Duffy at the national level and Clive Burgess at the local one have recently brought this into clearer focus,16 and the parish, guild, and municipal records employed in my own work bear out their suggestions.» — a quiénes adjudica Hutton ese enfoque más claro: Eamon Duffy en lo nacional y Clive Burgess en lo local.
«In what is by far the best survey to date of adolescence in early modern England,17 liana Krausman Ben-Amos refuted the view that there was any such thing as a youth culture, or subculture, at this time.» — a quién adjudica Hutton el mejor panorama de la adolescencia en la Inglaterra moderna temprana y qué niega esa autora: que hubiera cultura juvenil. El troceo imprime *liana* por el nombre de pila de Ben-Amos, sin cotejo con el facsímil.
«She demonstrated that ‘most youths had few values that truly distinguished them from adults, and they had few, if any, institutions which were wholly theirs, separating them from society at large.» — lo que Ben-Amos sostiene según la cita de Hutton: pocos valores propios distintos de los adultos y casi ninguna institución enteramente suya.
«Thus, religious and sexual attitudes reflected those of that broader society, recreation and leisure time were shared by adults, and the mobility of most youngsters prevented the formation of strong and durable alliances.» — los tres apoyos de ese argumento que Hutton resume: actitudes compartidas, ocio compartido y movilidad que impedía alianzas duraderas.
«What all this proves, beyond doubt, is that there was no cohesive subculture of the sort associated with young people in the modern developed world.» — lo que Hutton concede sin reserva a Ben-Amos: no hubo subcultura cohesiva como la del mundo desarrollado moderno.
«In a largely rural society, lacking a mass media or commercialized leisure pursuits, this is the closest thing to a youth culture which we should expect to find, and the modern comparison may not be very helpful.» — la salvedad que Hutton pone: en una sociedad rural sin medios masivos eso es lo más cercano a una cultura juvenil, y la comparación moderna no ayuda.
«None of this is to challenge the case which Professor Ben-Amos was actually making, merely to suggest that in the making of it something important may have been lost.» — la forma en que Hutton cierra ese desacuerdo con Ben-Amos: no impugna su tesis, solo sugiere que en su hechura se perdió algo importante.
«The implications of this book for Reformation studies are far more straightforward.18 During the past ten years the English Reformation has become the subject of an exciting, informative, and somewhat artificial debate.» — lo que Hutton dice del debate sobre la Reforma inglesa de la última década: apasionante, informativo y algo artificial.
«Upon the one hand are those who have portrayed the relationship between Protestantism and the mass of the people as essentially adversarial, and the Reformation as a process imposed from above, very slowly, upon a» — el primer bando que Hutton describe: los que ven la relación entre protestantismo y pueblo como adversarial y la Reforma como imposición desde arriba.
«This revisionist polemic has apparently called forth an equivalent tone of controversy from colleagues who accept, implicitly or explicitly, most of its criticisms of the traditional historiography and seem more to be engaged in a process of adding depth, sensitivity, and complexity to the new picture which has emerged as a result.» — lo que Hutton describe del estado del debate: los críticos aceptan casi toda la revisión y añaden hondura y matiz al cuadro nuevo.
«Arguments at present seem to arise essentially from differences of emphasis, in part a consequence of the use of differing source material; thus those who have stressed the popularity of the old Church and widespread hostility to reform have tended to make more use of churchwardens’ accounts, ecclesiastical court books, and visitation returns, while their critics often attached more importance to wills and printed works.» — la raíz que Hutton adjudica a esas disputas: diferencia de énfasis y de material de fuente, cuentas parroquiales frente a testamentos e impresos.
«In this context, Tessa Watt’s recent monograph may be particularly significant.21 It draws upon a hitherto relatively neglected body of evidence— ballads, broadsides, and other cheap printed material—and suggests that this supports both and neither of the two positions characterized above.» — lo que Hutton destaca de la monografía de Tessa Watt: usa baladas y pliegos y sostiene a la vez las dos posiciones y ninguna.
«They reveal a remarkably resilient popular culture which was at once deeply permeable to religious change and able to absorb it.» — la fórmula con que Hutton cifra el hallazgo de Watt: una cultura popular resistente, permeable al cambio religioso y capaz de absorberlo.
«The employment of these for early modern history was pioneered, like so much else, by Sir Keith Thomas back in 1971,23 and in this case his lead was not followed up.» — a quién adjudica Hutton el uso pionero de ese material en 1971 y el silencio que siguió: Sir Keith Thomas.
«The result is effectively a full-blooded reapplication of the theory of ‘survivals’ to folk customs which has recently become so unpopular amongst folklorists.» — lo que Hutton reconoce de su propio procedimiento: una reaplicación a fondo de la teoría de las supervivencias, hoy impopular entre folcloristas.
«One well-known folklorist, Theo Brown, has already made such a study, in a book published almost twenty years ago which, although completely ignored by historians, strikingly presaged some of the conclusions of Tessa Watt.» — lo que Hutton rescata de Theo Brown: un libro de hace veinte años, ignorado por los historiadores, que anticipaba las conclusiones de Watt.
«It was essentially an analysis of West Country ghost stories, designed to reveal popular attitudes to death and the afterlife.» — de qué era el libro de Theo Brown según Hutton: un análisis de relatos de aparecidos del West Country para leer actitudes ante la muerte.
«Her analysis seems to be a perfectly accurate one, and it seems here that we have exactly that sort of popular religion which drove evangelical Protestants in Elizabethan and Jacobean England to despair and rage.» — lo que Hutton concede a Brown: su análisis es exacto y describe la religión popular que desesperaba a los protestantes evangélicos.
«Theo Brown summed all this up as ‘a mixture of ancient pagan belief, half» — la fórmula con que Theo Brown resumía todo eso, citada por Hutton; la cita se parte en el guion de fin de renglón de *half-remembered* y sigue *remembered old Catholic teaching and later Puritan doctrine possibly distorted as a result of misleading sermons*.
«A parallel process has been explored by R. A. Markus in his consideration of the conversion of the Roman world to Christianity.» — el segundo paralelo que Hutton trae: R. A. Markus sobre la conversión del mundo romano.
«He suggested that many phenomena in the Christianized empire which historians now recognize as ‘pagan survivals’ were simply taken for granted as part of the fabric of existence and of a common inherited culture.» — lo que Hutton toma de Markus: las supervivencias paganas del imperio cristianizado se daban por parte del tejido de la existencia.
«Christians were conscious of their origins but did not consider these to be very significant.» — el remate de Markus que Hutton copia: los cristianos sabían de dónde venían esas cosas y no les daban importancia.
«The data employed in this book could quite legitimately be pressed into the service of the debate over the nature of the English Reformation which was characterized above.» — lo que Hutton concede sobre el uso posible de sus datos en el debate de la Reforma.
«If so, it is one which reflects well on popular culture for its toughness and adaptibility, but also upon reformers who are too easy to characterize from the present day as zealots, for displaying a canny sense of priorities.» — el elogio doble que Hutton reparte: a la cultura popular por dura y adaptable y a los reformadores por su astuto sentido de las prioridades. El troceo imprime *adaptibility*, corrupción de la capa de texto.
«The matter may perhaps be summed up by the Newcastle clergyman Henry» — el lugar doble que Hutton adjudica a Henry Bourne; el tramo se corta en el salto de plana y sigue *Bourne, who stands at once at the end of the line of evangelical clergymen who complained of popular pastimes*.
«One was referred to in the text, being the apparent lack of research into the impact of the Scottish Reformation upon ritual observances.» — la primera laguna que Hutton declara: falta investigación sobre el impacto de la Reforma escocesa en las observancias rituales.
«It is allied to a relative lack of work upon Scotland’s equivalent of the early modern ‘Reformation of Manners» — la laguna asociada que Hutton nombra: el equivalente escocés de la Reforma de las Costumbres inglesa.
«The sources used most prominently for the later periods covered by this book have, of course, been the collections made by folklorists. Even within the limitations imposed upon them by the interests of the collectors, which generally excluded ecclesiastical and civic ritual, and most customs and beliefs of the urban proletariat, they have serious shortcomings.» — lo que Hutton declara de su fuente principal para los períodos tardíos: las colecciones de los folcloristas, con carencias serias.
«What they tell us about most, of course, are the preoccupations and prejudices of the individuals who made them.» — la primera carencia que Hutton nombra: lo que más cuentan esas colecciones son las preocupaciones y prejuicios de quienes las hicieron.
«Popular customs were almost always observed from outside, and recorded flatly and briefly with no attempt to comprehend what they meant to the people by whom they were carried on or articulated.» — la segunda carencia que Hutton nombra: costumbres observadas desde fuera, sin intentar entender qué querían decir para quienes las hacían.
«When the emotions or opinions evoked by them were recorded at any length, they were almost always those of the observer, not the performers.» — la tercera carencia que Hutton nombra: cuando hay emoción registrada es la del observador, no la del que actúa.
«In earlier decades popular practices were recorded mainly to afford entertainment or disgust to an educated readership, but also to provide raw material for theorizing about the nature of earlier society and religion; and it was this preoccupation which later came to predominate.» — los dos móviles de la observación que Hutton distingue: entretener o asquear al lector culto y dar materia para teorizar sobre la religión antigua.
«The truly pernicious consequence of the view of folk customs as survivals from an archaic world, and of an obsessive quest for their origins, has been the subject of much recent comment;30 the populace was regarded simply as a vector for practices which it no longer properly understood and had long been divorced from their true context.» — la consecuencia que Hutton llama de veras perniciosa: el pueblo tratado como mero vector de prácticas que ya no entendía.
«The opinions of the ‘folk’ themselves were therefore at best irrelevant and at worst a distraction to the scholar.» — lo que se seguía de ahí según Hutton: las opiniones del propio pueblo eran irrelevantes o estorbo para el erudito.
«This attitude is now a cause of frustration not merely for social historians but for those of literature and the performing arts; for example, collections of folk-plays very rarely contained any impression of what they were actually like as performances.» — el ejemplo con que Hutton mide esa frustración: las colecciones de obras populares casi nunca dicen cómo eran como función.
«Furthermore, the politics of nineteenth-century folk traditions were usually studiously ignored, especially in the late Victorian and Edwardian periods.» — la cuarta carencia que Hutton nombra: la política de las tradiciones decimonónicas se ignoraba a conciencia.
«This was no doubt partly because of a scholarly preoccupation with the remote past, but also seems to have been due to a genteel distaste.» — las dos causas que Hutton da para ese silencio: la atención al pasado remoto y un remilgo de buen tono.
«It was much more attractive to folklorists of that period to speculate that Guy Fawkes bonfires might have been derived from pagan human sacrifice than to mention the recent desperate battles between bonfire boys and special constables.» — el contraste con que Hutton lo ilustra: resultaba más atractivo especular con el sacrificio humano pagano que contar las batallas recientes.
«Too often, the study of folklore could be used as a doorway into a never-never land, attractive because it seemed so remote from the world of class conflict.» — la fórmula con que Hutton cifra ese uso del folclore: puerta a un país de nunca jamás, atractivo por lejano al conflicto de clase.
«When all this is said, the collections remain extremely valuable. Their sheer bulk and range is impressive, and the preoccupations behind them do make them very relevant when dealing with the question of whether popular customs were indeed survivals from old religions—which is not always answered in the negative.» — lo que Hutton concede a esas colecciones pese a todo: mole y alcance impresionantes, y pertinencia justo para la pregunta de las supervivencias.
«The impression given by most of the collections is that the traditions concerned were in inevitable slow» — el falseamiento que Hutton denuncia; el tramo se corta en el salto de plana y sigue *decline because of their incompatibility with modern industrialized society*.
«They can also be said usually to have been accurate observations, a conclusion which is easily reached through the cross-comparison made possible by their profusion.» — lo que Hutton concede sobre su exactitud, apoyado en el cotejo que su profusión permite.
«Indeed, when this exercise is complete, there are only two which stand out as odd, across the whole of the British Isles: that for the Outer Hebrides by Alexander Carmichael,31 and that for Wales (overwhelmingly for the south of the principality) by Marie Trevelyan.» — las dos colecciones que Hutton señala como raras en todas las Islas Británicas: la de Alexander Carmichael y la de Marie Trevelyan.
«Both are relatively late, and yet describe customs with a colour and an elaboration unknown in other works upon the same regions, including those made earlier.» — lo que Hutton objeta a esas dos: describen costumbres con color y detalle que no aparecen en otras obras de las mismas regiones.
«Each, in fact, includes some rites which appear remarkably archaic, are portrayed in considerable detail, and yet occur in the collections of no other scholar, even though they are also characterized as being extinct by the time of writing.» — la segunda objeción de Hutton: ritos de aspecto arcaico, detallados, ausentes de toda otra colección y ya extintos al escribirse.
«Both authors tend, in fact, to be somewhat vague as to the location and the period of the customs which they describe. Both have enjoyed an enormous popularity and influence among general readers upon folklore.» — la tercera objeción de Hutton y el dato que la agrava: son vagos sobre lugar y fecha, y han tenido enorme popularidad e influencia.
«For these reasons they have already aroused serious misgivings among scholars,33 but have been accepted in this present work for lack of any positive refutation of them, and a belief that Carmichael in particular might indeed have known his chosen communities exceptionally well.» — la decisión que Hutton toma con esas dos fuentes: aceptarlas a falta de refutación positiva y por crédito a Carmichael.
«The virtues and shortcomings of the early folklorists find an almost perfect reversal in the works of social historians publishing between 1970 and 1990, such as E. P. Thompson, Robert Malcolmson, Robert Storch, and Bob Bush-away.» — la inversión casi perfecta que Hutton señala entre folcloristas tempranos e historiadores sociales de 1970 a 1990. El troceo imprime *Bush-away* con el guion de fin de renglón conservado.
«These were the writers who commenced the work of integrating popular customs into mainstream history, and did so from a full range of contemporary (essentially eighteenth- and nineteenth-century) records.» — lo que Hutton les reconoce: empezaron a integrar las costumbres populares en la historia general, con fuentes contemporáneas.
«In the process they pushed class conflict to the forefront of the picture. To a large extent their technique consisted of inverting the sympathies of their sources.» — lo que Hutton señala de su técnica: pusieron el conflicto de clase al frente invirtiendo las simpatías de sus fuentes.
«The historians concerned reacted with varying degrees of intensity by taking the viewpoint of the populace and treating landlords and employers as people who violated a customary law and a traditional sense of reciprocal obligation for their own selfish ends.» — la reacción que Hutton describe en esos historiadores: tomar el punto de vista del pueblo y ver a patronos y señores violando una ley consuetudinaria.
«At its most extreme, in the cases of Bob Bushaway and the great Edward Thompson, this attitude embodied a sense that individuals who possess a disproportionate amount of private wealth and political power, in a society in which poverty is widespread, are innately guilty of misconduct.» — lo que Hutton señala como extremo de esa postura, en Bushaway y en Edward Thompson: la culpa innata del rico con poder en sociedad pobre.
«In that respect their writings can be viewed as much as cultural artefacts as those of the Victorian and Edwardian folklorists.» — la simetría con que Hutton cierra el punto: esos escritos son artefactos culturales tanto como los de los folcloristas victorianos.
«Even more than in the case of the folklore collections, however, this does not necessarily make their perceptions inaccurate; in many respects they seem to have been objectively correct and indeed morally just.» — lo que Hutton concede a esos historiadores: sus percepciones parecen objetivamente correctas y moralmente justas.
«In others, however, the material represented in this book suggests that their analysis needs more fine-tuning.» — lo que Hutton objeta a partir de su propio material: ese análisis pide afinarse más.
«Very often, they tended to treat the working classes as relatively homogeneous in their identity and interests, ignoring the variety in both which prevailed especially before the mid» — la primera objeción de Hutton: trataban a las clases trabajadoras como homogéneas, ignorando su variedad anterior a mediados del XIX.
«The hostility displayed towards traditional customs by religious nonconformists and political radicals in those classes were often glossed over.» — la segunda objeción de Hutton: se pasaba por alto la hostilidad de los inconformistas religiosos y los radicales políticos de esas mismas clases.
«Sometimes in the writings of these authors, labourers, the poor, and those who availed themselves of traditional doles and hospitality, are regarded as being synonymous.» — la tercera objeción de Hutton: jornaleros, pobres y receptores de limosna tratados como sinónimos.
«On the other hand, the price of that disengagement was certainly paid by the poorer members of society and, had it not been for the feelings entertained by these scholars for them, then a lot of work in this field would never have been undertaken at all.» — lo que Hutton concede al cerrar: sin el sentimiento de esos estudiosos por los pobres, mucho de ese trabajo no se habría hecho.
«The disengagement of the social élites from communal festivity and traditional generosity was often regarded as simply an act of will, rather than as one consequence of a general increase in social tension as the population grew, labour» — la cuarta objeción de Hutton; el tramo se corta en el salto de plana y sigue *relations became more commercialized, economic actions became more sophisticated and diverse, and revolutionary armies fanned out across Europe*.
«The greatest problem of perspective in studying British folk customs, however, remains the gulf between specialists in modern and in early modern history.» — el problema de perspectiva que Hutton llama mayor: el abismo entre especialistas en historia moderna y en moderna temprana.
«In the work of the social historians cited above, the practices which were eroded in their period were treated as literally immemorial.» — lo que Hutton reprocha a esos historiadores sociales: tratar como literalmente inmemoriales las prácticas erosionadas en su período.
«They were regarded as originating in a timeless society which was wholly transformed in the centuries between 1700 and 1900.» — el supuesto que Hutton les atribuye: una sociedad sin tiempo transformada del todo entre 1700 y 1900.
«Historians of the Tudor and Stuart periods, however, do not notice most of the same customs; the few who have dealt with popular festivity have been concerned with different practices.» — el contraste que Hutton marca: los historiadores de lo Tudor y lo Estuardo no ven esas mismas costumbres.
«Perhaps such a picture is illusory, being based on deceptive evidence, but I suggest that it is now for social historians of the ‘long eighteenth century’ to prove it so.» — el reto que Hutton lanza a los historiadores sociales del largo siglo XVIII.
«Hitherto those of them who have dealt with such issues have worked from the assumption of a static, customary, traditional England, destroyed by industrialization, urbanization, and capitalism.» — el supuesto que Hutton les atribuye hasta ahora: una Inglaterra estática y consuetudinaria destruida por industrialización, urbanización y capitalismo.
«In this respect they are identical with the old-fashioned folklorists from whom they differ in every other way.» — la fórmula con que Hutton cierra el punto: en eso son idénticos a los folcloristas chapados a la antigua de quienes difieren en todo lo demás.
«to support my suggestion of a genuine development of considerable importance, then they have the task of explaining why the society of this period should have produced it.» — la segunda mitad del reto que Hutton lanza a esos historiadores; la frase abre en la plana anterior con *If, on the other hand, their work turns out*.
«In 1994 the periodical of the Folklore Society included an article entitled ‘Margaret Murray: Who Believed Her, and Why?’, by its president, Jacqueline Simpson.» — el artículo de Jacqueline Simpson de 1994 que Hutton toma por punto de partida del apartado quinto.
«Dr Murray was a former president, whose principal field had been Egyptology but who had become more widely known among historians for her theory about the nature of the Great Witch Hunt.» — quién era Margaret Murray según Hutton: expresidenta de la Folklore Society, egiptóloga de oficio, conocida por su teoría sobre la caza de brujas.
«This, expressed in a series of works between the 1910s and the 1950s, suggested that its victims had actually been practitioners of the ancient pagan religion of western Europe.» — la tesis de Murray que Hutton enuncia: las víctimas de la caza habrían sido practicantes de la religión pagana antigua de Europa occidental.
«Although always controversial, this won quite wide acceptance among specialists in medieval and early modern studies, and a much greater popularity among the general public.» — el alcance que Hutton mide para esa tesis: aceptación amplia entre medievalistas y modernistas y popularidad mayor fuera de la academia.
«It only collapsed in the world of academic scholarship in the 1970s, a comfortable span of years after her death in 1963, partly because her own treatment of sources was examined and found to be faulty, and partly because a series of carefully researched local studies into the Witch Hunt failed to bear out her ideas.» — las dos causas del derrumbe académico que Hutton nombra: su trato de las fuentes resultó defectuoso y los estudios locales no confirmaron sus ideas.
«Its author is, moreover, in no position to defend the Murray thesis, being one of those writers singled out for praise by Dr Simpson for his criticisms of it.» — la declaración de interés que Hutton hace: Simpson lo elogia justamente por sus críticas a la tesis de Murray.
«Despite all these considerations, it may now be suggested that the true context for Margaret Murray’s work is becoming lost from view and that it would be unhelpful as well as unjust to begin to regard her as, in this respect, an isolated crank.» — lo que Hutton propone pese a todo: se está perdiendo el contexto de la obra de Murray y sería injusto tenerla por chiflada aislada.
«She was, after all, not the first scholar to propose the idea that a pagan religion was persecuted in the Witch Hunt; that was put forward in the nineteenth century by at least three historians, including the celebrated Jules Michelet, and by a folklorist, Charles Godfrey Leland.» — los antecedentes que Hutton le halla a Murray: tres historiadores del XIX, entre ellos Jules Michelet, y el folclorista Charles Godfrey Leland.
«Dr Murray merely seemed to document it properly for the first time.» — lo que Hutton reconoce como aporte de Murray: pareció documentar esa idea como es debido por primera vez.
«Furthermore, her opinions upon the subject developed steadily over five decades and became less and less credible.» — la deriva que Hutton describe en Murray: sus opiniones se fueron volviendo menos y menos creíbles a lo largo de cinco décadas.
«It was in the 1930s that she began to suggest that English royalty had been members of the witch religion, and in the 1950s that some of them, and of the aristocracy, had been made human sacrifices according to a systematic tradition, up to the sixteenth century.» — los extremos a los que Hutton dice que llegó Murray: realeza inglesa en la religión de las brujas y sacrificios humanos sistemáticos.
«From 1930 onwards her new books ceased to be published by university presses, and it is easy to believe that by the 1940s and 1950s there was almost nobody in the Folk-Lore Society, any more than inside academe, who fully endorsed her opinions.» — el índice que Hutton aduce de esa pérdida de crédito: sus libros dejan de salir en editoriales universitarias desde 1930.
«It was her work of the 1910s and 1920s, concerning the existence of a pagan ‘witch cult’ in medieval and early modern Europe, which continued to convince respected historians of those periods (although not those expert in the Witch Hunt) until the 1960s.» — la precisión que Hutton hace: fue la obra de los años diez y veinte la que convenció a historiadores respetados hasta los sesenta.
«It was to the society that she first aired her ideas upon the subject, in a series of lectures and papers between 1917 and 1920.» — dónde y cuándo aireó Murray sus ideas por primera vez según Hutton: en la Folk-Lore Society, entre 1917 y 1920.
«Her first presentation was followed by a letter to its journal from one of its most prominent members, Charlotte Burne, who stated that she had been unable to attend herself, but was very excited by what she had heard reported of it, and thought that it sounded wholly convincing.» — la carta de Charlotte Burne que Hutton aduce: sin haber asistido, le pareció del todo convincente lo que le contaron.
«It is true that when Dr Murray’s first book upon the theme did appear, in 1921, it was sent by the same journal to a specialist, and (as Dr Simpson has pointed out) had its shortcomings relentlessly laid bare.» — lo que Hutton concede a Simpson: el primer libro de Murray fue reseñado por un especialista que dejó sus fallas al descubierto.
«This does not, however, mean that her colleagues in the society necessarily accepted the criticisms, and Margaret Murray’s own reviews of publications upon the Witch Hunt which did not endorse her theory, in the same periodical, were just as negative (and much ruder).» — la objeción que Hutton pone: nada indica que los colegas aceptaran esas críticas, y las reseñas de Murray eran igual de negativas y más groseras.
«Contributions to that journal which did favour her ideas, usually expressed in the form of unfavourable comment upon the work of others, continued into the 1950s.» — lo que Hutton documenta en esa revista: aportes favorables a Murray hasta los años cincuenta.
«She went on to opine that this proved the continued vitality of pagan folk religion in England throughout the Middle Ages.» — lo que Murray sacaba de ahí según Hutton: la vitalidad continuada de la religión popular pagana en la Inglaterra medieval.
«This provided the direct inspiration for Lady Raglan to link the carved medieval foliate heads with the Jack in the Green and so invent the notion of the Green Man.» — la filiación que Hutton traza: de ahí sacó Lady Raglan la idea del Hombre Verde, ligando las cabezas de follaje al Jack in the Green.
«Neither idea was seriously questioned until the 1970s and 1980s.» — cuándo se empezó a cuestionar en serio esas dos ideas según Hutton.
«Most important, however, is the issue raised by Charlotte Burne’s admiring letter of 1917, sent, after all, upon nothing more than a report of the first public airing of Margaret Murray’s views.» — lo que Hutton llama más importante: la carta de Burne se escribió sobre un mero informe de la primera exposición pública de Murray.
«She said that the latter made perfect sense because they fitted well into the account of ancient religion and its folkloric survivals provided by Sir James Frazer, of which Charlotte Burne herself was wholly convinced.» — la razón que daba Burne según Hutton: las ideas de Murray cuadraban con el relato de Frazer, del que ella estaba del todo convencida.
«Furthermore, she made a separate, and equally influential, contribution towards historical debate in 1934, when she suggested that the spread» — la segunda aportación influyente de Murray que Hutton consigna, de 1934; la cita se parte en el guion de fin de renglón de *spread-legged* y sigue *legged female figures called sheela na gigs, carved in medieval churches, were images of pagan fertility goddesses*.
«Here indeed is the key to the matter: that Margaret Murray’s picture of a pagan nature religion, surviving furtively in the countryside throughout the Middle Ages and beyond, was absolutely in harmony with the view of rural British culture taken, with equal confidence and equally little regard for the proper conduct of historical research, by Charlotte Burne and also by Cecil Sharp, Violet Alford, Mary Macleod Banks, and,» — la clave que Hutton propone: el cuadro de Murray armonizaba con la visión de la cultura rural británica de Burne, Cecil Sharp, Violet Alford y Mary Macleod Banks; el tramo se corta en el salto de plana.
«It was of a timeless and sealed world, in which the Old Religion and the Old Ways long endured, at first literally and then subsumed into a shadow-world of legends, dances, plays, rites, and superstitions.» — el mundo que Hutton describe en esa visión: sellado y sin tiempo, con la Vieja Religión durando primero literalmente y luego en sombras.
«The question must now be confronted of why this myth—for such it was—had such potency for so many people in this country between about 1880 and about 1980.» — la pregunta que Hutton plantea sobre ese mito y su potencia de un siglo.
«The trite answer is, of course, the influence of The Golden Bough, but to make this is to beg the question of why Frazer’s work should have had such an enormous impact.» — la respuesta trillada que Hutton descarta: culpar a La rama dorada solo traslada la pregunta.
«This is surely closer to the heart of the matter, but still leaves a large problem. Why did folklorists not focus upon images of a green and ordered land centred upon the manor house, the parish church, the common fields, and the village feast, as the proponents of Merrie England had done?» — la pregunta que Hutton deja abierta: por qué los folcloristas no se quedaron con la imagen ordenada de la casa señorial y la fiesta de la aldea.
«Why did they turn instead to evocations of pagan deities and archaic rites?» — la segunda mitad de esa pregunta en boca de Hutton.
«The question, although not its resolution, becomes considerably plainer when the writings of Frazer, Murray, Alford, and their colleagues and followers are treated as not a branch of scholarship but as one of creative literature.» — el giro de método que Hutton propone: tratar los escritos de Frazer, Murray y Alford como literatura de creación y no como erudición.
«Helen Law’s Bibliography of Greek Myth in English Poetry, published in 1955, revealed not only that Pan was far and away the most popular deity of English poets, but that his considerable lead over all the other immortals was the result of a spate of verse produced between 1895 and 1914.» — el dato que Hutton toma de Helen Law: Pan fue con mucho la deidad preferida de los poetas ingleses, por una oleada de versos entre 1895 y 1914.
«Margaret Murray was only one of many writers in her time to be dreaming about a horned god, served by exciting and disturbing rites, in the familiar English landscape.» — el lugar que Hutton le da a Murray: una más entre muchos que soñaban con un dios cornudo en el paisaje inglés.
«She just took the extra step of trying to make the dream into a historical reality; Gerald Gardner helped to turn it into a contemporary one.» — el paso de más que Hutton adjudica a Murray y el de Gerald Gardner: volver ese sueño realidad histórica, y luego realidad contemporánea.
«Sir James Frazer and the English folklorists of the early twentieth century were working with images which were alien not just to the conventional religion of their time but to the conventional morality. In that lay their attraction, and power.» — la explicación que Hutton ofrece: esas imágenes eran ajenas no solo a la religión convencional sino a la moral convencional, y ahí estaba su fuerza.
«Pan, however, was not a ‘safe’ deity. As Patricia Merivale has pointed out, in her study of his image in modern literature, he could stand as much for the savagery in nature as for its comforting aspects.» — lo que Hutton dice de Pan con apoyo en Patricia Merivale: no era deidad segura y valía tanto por la fiereza de la naturaleza como por su lado consolador; el tramo se corta en el salto de plana y sigue *He was also very much a sexual being*.
«Instead of shunting the Murray thesis and Frazerian folklore into an academic cul-de-sac, therefore, it would seem more appropriate to put them in a high road of modern British culture.» — lo que Hutton propone hacer con la tesis de Murray y el folclore frazeriano: ponerlos en la vía principal de la cultura británica moderna.
«There is obvious need now for a proper study of the treatment of the themes of paganism and witchcraft in the English-speaking world during the last couple of centuries.» — la deuda de investigación que Hutton declara: falta un estudio serio del paganismo y la brujería en el mundo anglohablante de los dos últimos siglos.
«Only when that work is complete can the significance of early twentieth-century British folklore studies be properly understood.» — la condición que Hutton pone para entender el folclore británico de principios del XX.
«It may be helpful to repeat here that the name of the periodical Folk-Lore was altered to Folklore in 1960, in keeping with the change in that of its parent society.» — la advertencia editorial que abren las notas del volumen sobre el cambio de nombre de la revista Folk-Lore en 1960.
«All titles published in London unless otherwise stated.» — la convención bibliográfica que declaran las notas del volumen.
«For desperate and futile attempts to get round this problem, see the next chapter.» — la nota 2 del capítulo 1, donde el aparato califica de desesperados y fútiles los intentos de sortear el problema.
«The sources are listed in E. K. Chambers, The Medieval Stage (Oxford, 1903), i. 241 n. 1.» — la obra a la que el aparato remite para las fuentes de la fecha de la Navidad: The Medieval Stage de E. K. Chambers.
«This text is considered by Gaston H. Halsberghe, The Cult of Sol Invictus (Leiden, 1972), 174» — las dos obras que el aparato alinea para el culto del Sol Invicto: Halsberghe y Frazer.
«For a concise summary of current thinking, see E. P. Sanders, The Historical Figure of Jesus (1993), 85» — la primera nota del libro, que remite al resumen de E. P. Sanders sobre la figura histórica de Jesús.
«For the most optimistic interpretation, see T. O’Brien, T. Jennings, and D. O’Brien, ‘The Equinox Cycle at Cairn T. Loughcrew’, Riocht Na Midhe, 8 (1987), 3–15; for a cautionary word, see Jean McMann, ‘Forms of Power: Dimensions of an Irish Megalithic Landscape’, Antiquity, 68 (1994), 537.» — la nota que contrapone la interpretación más optimista del ciclo del equinoccio en Loughcrew con la palabra de cautela de Jean McMann.
«Quoted in Frazer, Adonis, 256, save for Maximus of Turin, Sermo 61. a. 1.» — la nota que declara de dónde vienen las citas patrísticas del primer capítulo.
«Ovid, Fasti, I. 1–20; Alexander Murray, ‘Medieval Christmas’, History Today (Dec. 1986), 33; David Miller, ‘A Theory of» — las fuentes clásicas y modernas que el aparato alinea para el Año Nuevo romano, de los Fastos de Ovidio a Alexander Murray y David Miller.
«Clement A. Milnes, Christmas in Ritual and Tradition (1912), 25.» — la nota que remite a Christmas in Ritual and Tradition, de 1912, para el Yule nórdico; el troceo imprime *Clement A. Milnes* donde la obra fichada en la casa lleva Clement A. Miles, sin cotejo con el facsímil.
«Ronald Hutton, The Pagan Religions of the Ancient British Isles (Oxford, 1991), 156.» — la nota en que el aparato remite a otro libro del propio autor, The Pagan Religions of the Ancient British Isles.
«Ronald Hutton, The Rise and Fall of Merry England (Oxford, 1994), 6.» — la nota en que el aparato remite a The Rise and Fall of Merry England, el libro del propio autor que sirve de peldaño a este.
«A Collection of the Laws and Canons of the Church of England, ed. John Johnson (Oxford, 1850), i. 328. Ibid. i. 137 has the earliest reference which can be found to ‘midwinter’, in the law code of Ine of Wessex, 693.» — la nota que fecha la referencia más temprana hallada a *midwinter*, en el código de Ine de Wessex.
«See the account of what was done at Middleton, Lancashire, in the 1790s, in The Autobiography of Samuel Bamford, ed. W. H. Chaloner, (1967), i. 132.» — la nota que remite a la autobiografía de Samuel Bamford por lo hecho en Middleton en los años noventa del XVIII.
«For the most recent discussion of James’s policy, see Julian Goodare, ‘Scotland’, in Bob Scribner, Roy Porter, and Mikuláš Teich (eds.), The Reformation in National Context (Cambridge, 1994), ch. 6.» — la nota que remite a Julian Goodare por la discusión más reciente de la política de Jacobo VI.
«For the general background to this, see Hugh Trevor-Roper, ‘The Invention of Tradition: The Highland Tradition of Scotland’, in Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger (eds.), The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge, 1983), ch. 2.» — la nota que remite al ensayo de Hugh Trevor-Roper sobre la invención de la tradición de las Highlands.
«Clement A. Miles, Christmas in Ritual and Tradition (1912), 351–60» — la nota en que el aparato cita Christmas in Ritual and Tradition con el apellido Miles bien impreso, frente al *Milnes* de la nota del capítulo 1.
«I owe this reference to Dr James Gibson, who will be publishing it in his edition of the Records of Early English Drama for Kent.» — la nota en que el aparato agradece una referencia inédita al doctor James Gibson.
«For a sample spanning the years 1672–1801, see Frederick William Hackwood, Staffordshire Customs, Superstitions and Folklore» — la nota que remite a Hackwood por una muestra de costumbres de Staffordshire a lo largo de siglo y medio.
«Quoted in John Brand, Observations on the Popular Antiquities of Great Britain, ed. Sir Henry Ellis (1908), i. 28–9, and R. P. Chope, ‘Devonshire Calendar Customs. Part II. Fixed Festivals.’, Transactions of the Devon Association, 70 (1938), 353.» — la nota que remite a las Observations de John Brand en la edición de Sir Henry Ellis, columna vertebral del aparato folclórico del volumen.
«For other examples, see Northall, English Folk-Rhymes, 225–8.» — la nota que remite a English Folk-Rhymes de Northall por más ejemplos de coplas.
«Kevin Danaher, The Year in Ireland (Cork, 1972), 241–3.» — la obra de Kevin Danaher a la que el aparato remite por el año ritual irlandés.
«For criticisms of Chambers’s methods, see Georgina Boyes, ‘Excellent Examples: The Influence of Exemplar Texts on Traditional Drama Scholarships’, Traditional Drama Studies, 1 (1985), 21–3; Craig Fees, ‘Christmas Mumming in a North Cotswold Town’ (Leeds University Ph.D. thesis, 1988), 1–10; Theresa Buckland, ‘English Folk Dance Scholarship: An Overview’, in Theresa Buckland (ed.), Traditional Dance (Crewe, 1982), i. 3» — la nota que reúne las críticas al método de E. K. Chambers en el estudio del drama tradicional.
«This is the main theme of Alan Brody, The English Mummers and their Plays (Philadelphia, 1969).» — la nota que adjudica a Alan Brody el tema central de una lectura de los mummers.
«Trinity College, Dublin, MS 1206, ch. 9, pp. 11–12. I am very grateful to Daniel Beaumont for sending me a copy of these pages from Dublin.» — la nota en que el aparato agradece a Daniel Beaumont el envío de unas páginas del manuscrito de Dublín.
«I am very grateful to the Prideaux-Brune family for my entertainment upon my visit.» — la nota en que el aparato agradece a la familia Prideaux-Brune la hospitalidad durante la visita de campo.
«See also Arthur Bernard Cook, Zeus, (5 vols.; Cambridge, 1914–25); Jane Ellen Harrison, Themis, 2nd ed. (New York, 1927); Francis Macdonald Cornford, The Origin of Attic Comedy (Garden City, NY, 1914); Arthur Pickard-Cambridge, Dithyramb, Tragedy and Comedy (Oxford, 1927); Theodore Gaster’s foreword to his edition of Cornford, Origin of Attic Comedy (New York, 1961).» — la nota que alinea la escuela ritualista de Cambridge, de Cook y Harrison a Cornford, Pickard-Cambridge y Gaster.
«e.g. Aubrey Burl, Rites of the Gods (1981), 27–8; an error the more influential for being part of a deservedly popular book by a distinguished archaeologist.» — la nota que llama error tanto más influyente por ir en un libro merecidamente popular de un arqueólogo distinguido.
«Data from Cawte, Ritual Animal Disguise, 23–64, 79–82, and sources given there, although the arguments made are my own.» — la nota en que el aparato distingue los datos tomados de Cawte de los argumentos propios del autor.
«These three Staffordshire parishes represent three-quarters of those in the county from which early Tudor parish accounts survive, directly or indirectly, to which the manorial record from Abbots Bromley in 1532 can now be added to make a fourth.» — la nota que mide la representatividad del puñado de parroquias de Staffordshire con cuentas Tudor tempranas conservadas.
«Sandra Billington, Mock Kings in Medieval Society and Renaissance Drama (Oxford, 1991) 30–2, which is the standard work upon the subject.» — la nota que llama obra de referencia al Mock Kings de Sandra Billington.
«I only differ from her in failing to find any firm evidence of midwinter mock-rulers in Britain between 1335 and 1414.» — la nota en que el aparato declara su único desacuerdo con Billington: no halla prueba firme de reyes de burlas de pleno invierno entre 1335 y 1414.
«Billington, Mock Kings, 35; and in the same decade see the Barrington household accounts, Essex RO, DD/Ba/A/2, Dec. 1635, for a ‘Puritan’ gentleman who kept a Lord of Misrule.» — la nota que aduce a un caballero puritano con su Lord of Misrule en las cuentas de los Barrington.
«Hutton, Merry England, 10,100,114, and sources there. They are attested at Swaffham, Great Witchingham, Shipham and Snettisham (Norfolk), Dennington, and Milden-hall (Suffolk), and Great Dunmow, and Harwich (Essex).» — la nota que enumera las parroquias donde consta el uso, con el troceo pegando las cifras de página y partiendo *Mildenhall* en el guion de fin de renglón.
«For typical comment, see David Harrison, ‘Driven Crackers by the Christmas Crush’, Observer (19 Dec. 1993), 4.» — la nota que toma del Observer un comentario típico sobre el agobio navideño.
«Polydor Vergil, Works, trans. John Langley (1663), 194–5; Table Talk of John Selden, ed. Sir Frederick Pollock (1927), 28. See also Nicholas Breton, Fantastickes (1626), 22; John Webster, The Duchess of Malfi» — las fuentes del XVII que el aparato alinea para el Lord of Misrule, de Polidoro Virgilio a Selden, Breton y Webster.
«Eric B. Hamp, ‘imbloc, oimelc’ Studia Celtica, 14 (1979), 106–13, which also surveys the linguistic arguments outlined above.» — la nota que remite a Eric B. Hamp por los argumentos lingüísticos sobre el nombre de Imbolc.
«For different discussions of it, see Kathleen Hughes, Early Christian Ireland: Introduction to the Sources (1972), 226–9; Proinsias MacCana, Celtic Mythology (1983), 34–5, 90–1; Ronald Hutton, The Pagan Religions of the Ancient British Isles (Oxford, 1991), 153–4, 167, 175, 182, 252, 285, 287.» — la nota que alinea tres discusiones distintas del asunto, una de ellas del propio autor.
«John Brand, Observations upon the Popular Antiquities of Great Britain, ed. Sir Henry Ellis (1908), i. 88, cites The Seven Deadly Sins of London (1606), The Masque of the Inner Temple (1613), and Tottenham Court (1638), to which can be added Francis Beaumont’s The Knight of the Burning Pestle (1613), v. 320» — la nota que amplía la lista de referencias teatrales de Brand con El caballero de la mano de mortero de Beaumont.
«Jack a Lent his Beginning and Entertainment (1621), sig. B2. For other early Stuart references, see Pasquils Palinodia (1619), 20, and Thomas Nabbes, The Springs Glorie (1638), sig. B.» — la nota que alinea los impresos de los primeros Estuardo sobre Jack a Lent.
«Nash, Jonson, Beaumont, Fletcher, Taylor, and Quarle, quoted in Brand, Observations, i. 101, and A. R. Wright, British Calendar Customs, ed. T. E. Lones (Folk-Lore Society, 1936), i. 39.» — la nota que reúne a los poetas jacobinos citados de segunda mano por Brand y por Wright. El troceo imprime *Quarle*, sin cotejo con el facsímil.
«The Poetical Works of Robert Herrick, ed. L. C. Martin (Oxford, 1956), 236. For ‘simnel’, see T. F. Thiselton Dyer, British Popular Customs (1876), 115.» — la nota que da la edición de Herrick usada en el volumen y la fuente para la voz *simnel*.
«Tusser Redivivus, quoted in Hone, Every-Day Book, i. 247–8.» — la nota que declara de segunda mano la cita del Tusser Redivivus.
«Hutton, Merry England, 83; Richard Watson Dixon, History of the Church of England from the Abolition of the Roman Jurisdiction (1903), ii. 516; Worcester (St Helen’s) RO, 009/1/BA 2636, parcel 11, fos. 155–9 (I owe this reference to Diarmaid MacCulloch» — la nota en que el aparato agradece a Diarmaid MacCulloch una referencia de archivo de Worcester.
«These authors cite London, Salisbury, and Exeter cases, to which I can only add Rye: East Sussex RO, Rye Corporation Records 147/1» — la nota en que el aparato declara lo único que puede añadir a los casos ya publicados del sepulcro de Pascua: el de Rye.
«For references to the ceremony in sermons see Speculum Sacerdorale, ed. E. H. Weatherly (EETS, 1935), 101–2, and Mirk’s Festival, ed. T. Erbe (EETS, 1905), 117» — la nota que remite a los sermonarios medievales por la ceremonia. El troceo imprime *Speculum Sacerdorale*, sin cotejo con el facsímil.
«Two Lives of Saint Cuthbert, trans. Bertram Colgrave (Cambridge, 1940), 219; Feasey, Holy Week Ceremonial, 95– 103; Wright, British Calendar Customs, i. 62–3; Arnold Kellet, ‘King John’s Maundy’, History Today (Apr. 1990), 34» — la nota que alinea las fuentes del Jueves Santo real, de las dos vidas de san Cutberto al artículo de Arnold Kellet.
«To judge from Nicholas Breton, Fantastickes, quoted in John Dover Wilson, Life in Shakespeare’s England (Cambridge, 1939), 23.» — la nota que apoya un juicio del cuerpo en los Fantastickes de Breton, citados de segunda mano.
«Cf. William Warner, Albions England (1589), book 5, p. 121, ‘At Paske begun our Morrice’; British Calendar Customs: Scotland, ed. Mary Macleod Banks (Folk-Lore Society, 1937), 44, for ‘Robin Hood, abbots unreason etc’ at Cranston 1590, and a maypole in Lanarkshire, 1625.» — la nota que coteja el verso de Warner sobre el morris pascual con los datos escoceses de Cranston y Lanarkshire.
«Poor Robin’s Almanac, quoted in Brand, Observations, i. 154–7.» — la nota que declara de segunda mano la cita del almanaque de Poor Robin.
«William Kethe, A Sermon Made at Blandford Forum (1571), fos. 18–19; Bale, quoted in Henry John Feasey, Ancient English Holy Week Ceremonial (1897), 126.» — la nota que alinea el sermón de Kethe y la cita de Bale tomada de Feasey.
«gathering’ for Holy Trinity, Bungay, in 1558 may be another such, but there is nothing to connect it with Hocktide» — la cautela con que el aparato descarta una junta de esposas de 1558 como caso de Hocktide.
«126–7, seem to me to be from hoggling not hocking» — la nota en que el aparato reasigna unos asientos de Gloucestershire del hocking al hoggling.
«Sir William R. Wilde, Irish Popular Superstitions (Dublin, 1852), 39–40, 47–9.» — la obra de Sir William R. Wilde a la que el aparato remite por las supersticiones populares irlandesas.
«Allan Macdonald, Gaelic Words and Expressions from South Uist and Eriskay, ed. J. L. Campbell (Dublin, 1958), 46; McNeill, Silver Bough, ii. 62, 67–8; British Calendar Customs: Scotland, ii. 217–18, 232; Gregor, ‘Beltane Cakes’, 2–5; William Grant Stewart, The Popular Superstitions and Festive Amusements of the Highlanders of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1823), 261; I. F. Grant, Highland Folkways (1961), 66, 297.» — la nota que reúne las fuentes gaélicas y escocesas para las tortas de Beltane.
«Henry Bourne, Antiquitates Vulgares (Newcastle, 1725), 200–1; William Hutchinson, A View of Northumberland (Newcastle, 1778), vol. ii, appendix, 13; Brand, Observations, i. 212» — la nota que alinea las Antiquitates Vulgares de Bourne con Hutchinson y Brand.
«As the latest contribution to a large literature, see Hutton, Merry England, ch. 5.» — la nota en que el aparato presenta el libro anterior del propio autor como la contribución más reciente a una literatura amplia.
«St John’s College library, Cambridge, D 91/2o/f.22. I owe this reference to Dr Michael K. Jones, the biographer of Lady Margaret.» — la nota en que el aparato agradece al doctor Michael K. Jones, biógrafo de Lady Margaret, una referencia de archivo.
«Apart from those mentioned by Roy Judge, see Porter, Cambridgeshire, 111; Dyer, British Popular Customs, 261–2; Manning, ‘Watford’, 403–4; Wright, British Calendar Customs, ii. 215–16; Hamer, ‘May Songs’, 83» — la nota que añade casos a los ya reunidos por Roy Judge para las guirnaldas de mayo.
«Listed in Richard Vallpey French, Nineteen Centuries of Drink in England (1884), 81–4. See also Councils and Synods 1205–1313 ed. F. M. Powicke and C. R. Cheney (Oxford, 1964), 197, 265, 303, 622, 722, 1044.» — la nota que remite a los concilios medievales y a Nineteen Centuries of Drink in England por las prohibiciones eclesiásticas de las ales.
«See e.g. the situation in Dorset: Robson, ‘Dorset Garland Days’, 159–66. See also Wright, British Calendar Customs, ii. 215» — la nota que ilustra con Dorset el estado de las guirnaldas.
«The full list is given in Hutton Merry England, 320-1, n. 7. The breakdown by county is Cornwall (2), Devon (9), Somerset (1), Gloucestershire (1), Dorset (1), Wiltshire (5), Hampshire (3), Sussex (1), Kent (1), Warwickshire (2), Shropshire (1), Worcestershire (1), Northamptonshire (1), Leicestershire (2), Bedfordshire (1), Buckinghamshire (3), Oxfordshire (6), Berkshire (3), Hertfordshire (1), Essex (1), Suffolk (1).» — la nota que desglosa por condado la lista completa que el libro anterior del autor daba; el troceo pega *Hutton Merry England* sin coma.
«Georgina Smith, ‘Winster Morris Dance’, in Traditional Dance, ed. Theresa Buckland (Crewe, 1982), i. 93-108. For earlier expressions of disquiet regarding Sharp’s methods, see Roy Dommett’s contribution to Lionel Bacon, A Handbook of Morris Dances (Morris Ring, 1974), n.p., and Keith Chandler, ‘Morris Dancing in the South Midlands: A Social History’ (Lancaster University BA dissertation, 1979» — la nota que reúne las expresiones tempranas de inquietud por los métodos de Cecil Sharp.
«Waldron, Description of the Isle of Man, quoted in John Brand, Observations on the Popular Antiquities of Great Britain, ed. Sir Henry Ellis (1908), i. 257-8; Joseph Train, An Historical and Statistical Account of the Isle of Man (Douglas, 1845), ii. 117» — la nota que da de segunda mano la descripción de la Isla de Man de Waldron.
«Humphrey Roberts, An Earnest Complaint of Divers Vain, Wicked and Abused Exercises (1572); William Harrison, The Description of England, ed. Georges Edelen (Ithaca, NY, 1968), 36.» — la nota que alinea la queja de Humphrey Roberts con la Descripción de Inglaterra de Harrison.
«The historiography of this debate is summarized in Barbara Lowe, ‘Robin Hood in the Light of History’, JEFDSS 7: 4 (1955), 228-38: Maurice Keen, The Outlaws of Medieval Legend (1961), appendix 1; J. C. Holt, Robin Hood, 2nd edn. (1989), 54-7.» — la nota que resume dónde está historiada la discusión sobre Robin Hood.
«The last record seemingly being the performance of a Hertfordshire village team in Clerkenwell in 1826: William Hone, The Every-Day Book and Table Book (1832), ii, 792-4.» — la nota que fija el último registro aparente de esa costumbre, en Clerkenwell en 1826.
«See esp. John Marston et al, Jack Drums Entertainment (1601) Act I; Francis Beaumont, The Knight of the Burning Pestle (1613), iv. 8-60; John Fletcher, Women Pleased (n.d.) vi. 85-214; Thomas Dekker, John Ford, William Rowley, The Witch of Edmonton (1621), 11. i. 1-24, 111. iv.» — las cuatro piezas jacobinas que el aparato alinea, con La bruja de Edmonton entre ellas.
«The parishes are Belstone, Bickington, Bishopsteignton, Chudleigh, Colyford, Hennock, Honiton, Ilsington, Kinkerswell, South Brent, and South Molton. I am very grateful to Thomas, Baron Clifford of Chudleigh, for additional information.» — la nota que enumera las once parroquias de Devon y agradece al barón Clifford de Chudleigh la información adicional.
«For a general survey of this development, see Alice Chandler, A Dream of Order: The Medieval Ideal in Nineteenth-Century English Literature (1971), 1-20.» — la nota que remite a A Dream of Order de Alice Chandler por el panorama del ideal medieval en la literatura del XIX.
«Heaney, ‘Kingston to Kenilworth’, 99-102. This material is wholly supported by the parish evidence used in Ronald» — la nota que declara respaldado por la evidencia parroquial del libro anterior del autor el material de Heaney; el tramo se corta en el salto de plana.
«Kilvert’s Diary 1870-79, ed. William Plomer (1946), 314-16» — la edición del diario de Kilvert que el aparato usa.
«The festival and its inception are the subject of an excellent monograph: Miri Rubin, Corpus Christi (Cambridge, 1991).» — la nota que llama monografía excelente al Corpus Christi de Miri Rubin.
«e.g. at Bridgwater torches appeared in 1428-9, and at Nottingham torches in 1473 and banners in the 1490s» — la nota que fecha la aparición de antorchas y estandartes en las procesiones de dos villas.
«The very Protestant Parish of St Botolph Aldgate: Guildhall L, 9235/1. For references to the other City accounts, and those of Bristol, see Ronald Hutton, The Rise and Fall of Merry England (Oxford, 1994), appendix.» — la nota que remite al apéndice del libro anterior del autor por las cuentas de la City y de Bristol.
«Chambers, Medieval Stage, ii. 338-98; Players in Lincolnshire, ed. Karhl, 76-84; Harold C. Gardiner, Mysteries’ End (New Haven, 1967), ch. 3; V. A. Kolve, The Play Called Corpus Christi (1966); Leach, ‘Some English Plays’, 206-34; Nelson, Medieval English Stage, passim; William Tydeman, The Theatre in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1978), 114-20.» — la nota que reúne la bibliografía de cabecera sobre el teatro medieval inglés.
«Thomas F. O’Rahilly, Early Irish History and Mythology (Dublin, 1946), ch. 15, makes a particular discussion of this last point.» — la nota que remite a O’Rahilly por la discusión particular del punto.
«This is the latest and best work to remark upon an association first studied by H. Gaidoz, ‘Le Dieu Gaulois du soleil et le symbolisme de la roue’, Revue Archéologique (1884), 7-37» — la nota que llama lo más reciente y mejor sobre una asociación estudiada ya por Gaidoz en 1884.
«For its enshrinement in the annals of folklore, see J. Walker, ‘The Midsummer Bonfire at Whalton’, Archaeologia Aeliana, 25 (1903), 181-4.» — la nota que señala dónde quedó consagrada en los anales del folclore la hoguera de Whalton.
«To sample a very large number of examples, see Public Record Office, SP 29/263/158 (for Coventry); MacNeill, Lughnasa, 373-8; The Diary of Henry Machyn, ed. J. Nichols (Camden Society, 1848), 241; T. Brown, ‘67th Report on Folklore’, Transactions of the Devon Association, 102 (1970), 269; Records of Early English Drama: Newcastle-upon-Tyne, ed. J. J. Anderson (Toronto, 1982), 11; A. R. Wright, British Calendar Customs, ed. T. E. Lones (Folk-Lore Society, 1936), iii. 44-5» — la nota que ofrece una muestra de un número muy grande de ejemplos.
«See esp. Antike Wald- und Feldkulte (Berlin, 1877), but also Mythologische Forschungen (Strasburg, 1884), Die Korndämonen (Berlin, 1868), and Roggenwolf and Rogenhund (Danzig, 1866).» — la nota que reúne los títulos alemanes de Mannhardt sobre los demonios del grano.
«For evidence for the veneration of these in ancient Irish and British religion, see G. A. Wait, Ritual and Religion in Iron Age Britain (British Archaeological Reports, British series, 149; 1985), 217-24.» — la nota que remite a G. A. Wait por la evidencia de veneración en la religión irlandesa y británica antigua.
«Quoted in J. G. Frazer, The Golden Bough (1924 edn.), 405.» — la nota que declara tomada de La rama dorada, en la edición de 1924, una cita del cuerpo.
«M. S. Clark, ‘Pembrokeshire Notes’, Folk-Lore, 15 (1904), 194-8. See also Maclean, ‘The Last Sheaf, 194, for a similarly joking approach taken in Skye.» — la nota que compara el tono jocoso de Pembrokeshire con el de Skye ante la última gavilla.
«I do not find Dr Obelkevitch’s characterization of this as ‘pagan’, as opposed to ‘Christian’, the most helpful analysis: ‘medieval’ would be, I suggest, more to» — la nota en que el aparato objeta la etiqueta de *pagan* frente a *Christian* que Obelkevitch usa y propone *medieval* en su lugar (sigue: *the point*).
«Fisher himself accepted Rhys’s theory of a ‘Celtic New Year’ on 1 November, without providing better evidence.» — la nota que reprocha a Fisher aceptar la teoría del Año Nuevo celta sin aportar mejor evidencia.
«See the set printed in Early Ballads, ed. Robert Bell (1877), 376-84. For a comparable view, See Robson, ‘Calendar Customs’, 97-102.» — la nota que remite a un juego de baladas de cosecha y a la tesis de Robson por una visión comparable.
«At the time of writing, important research into modern British celebrations of Hallowe’en, and Pagan observation in particular, is being conducted at the University of Sheffield by Leila Dudley-Edwards.» — la nota que declara en marcha, al escribirse el libro, una investigación sobre el Halloween británico moderno y la observancia pagana.
«Enid Porter, Cambridgeshire Customs and Folklore (1969), 125. For comparable West Country measures, see Ruth Tongue, Somerset Folklore (1965), 171.» — la nota que empareja las medidas de Cambridgeshire con las del West Country.
«Quoted in the Observer, 31 Oct. 1993.» — la nota que declara tomada del Observer una cita de la polémica del Halloween de 1993.
«The discussion in this section is much extended, and attached directly to the evidence extrapolated from the book, in an essay, ‘The English Reformation and the Evidence of Folklore’, Past and Present, 148 (1995), 89-116.» — la nota en que el aparato remite a un artículo propio de 1995 donde la discusión se extiende y se ata a la evidencia.
«These seem to be the conclusions and emphases made by Dr Watt herself, although there have been attempts to conscript her work into the debate outlined above» — la nota en que el aparato distingue las conclusiones de la propia Tessa Watt de los intentos de reclutar su obra para el debate.
«Virtually all are from the early nineteenth century and not before, a selection from the period 1820-50 being provided in Manning, ‘Stray Notes’, 176, and Dyer, British Popular Customs, 412-15.» — la nota que fecha casi todas las coplas del cinco de noviembre en el XIX temprano.
«The exception is a specimen sung or chanted by ‘Boys’ in 1742: ‘Don’t you Remember, I The Fifth of November, I ‘Twas Gunpowder Treason Day, I I let off my gun, I And made’em all run. I And stole all their Bonfire away’ I (Iona and Peter Opie, The Lore and Language of Schoolchildren (Oxford, 1959), 282).» — la excepción de 1742 que el aparato rescata: la copla de los muchachos que se llevaron la hoguera ajena.
«The controversy over Carmina Gadelica is summarized in the preface by John Maclnnes to the Floris Books edition in 1992.» — la nota que remite al prefacio de John Maclnnes por la controversia sobre la Carmina Gadelica. El troceo imprime *Maclnnes*, sin cotejo con el facsímil.
«It is now generally accepted that Carmichael conflated and rewrote the Gaelic hymns, chants, and charms which he collected in such a way as to give them that haunting beauty which is the chief attraction of the work; the degree of ‘improvement’ varied greatly between the individual pieces.» — lo que la nota da por generalmente aceptado: Carmichael refundió y reescribió los himnos y ensalmos gaélicos que recogía.
«The suspicion must remain that he standarized and embellished the accounts of folk customs which he collected in just the same way, but the apparent loss of his field notes makes this difficult to prove.» — la sospecha que la nota deja en pie sobre las costumbres recogidas por Carmichael, imposible de probar por la pérdida de sus apuntes de campo. El troceo imprime *standarized*, corrupción de la capa de texto.
«As for Trevelyan, even the earliest and most enthusiastic reviewers of her book, such as Charlotte Burne in Folk-Lore, noticed that she sometimes seemed to pass off accounts copied word for word from earlier printed sources as original material collected from oral tradition.» — lo que la nota consigna de Marie Trevelyan: ya Charlotte Burne notó que a veces pasaba por material oral propio lo copiado a la letra de impresos anteriores.
«Theo Brown, The Fate of the Dead (Folklore Society, 1979). I am very grateful to Dr P. R. Newman for presenting me with a copy long ago and so first alerting me to its existence.» — la nota en que el aparato agradece al doctor P. R. Newman el ejemplar que le dio a conocer el libro de Theo Brown.
«Abbots’ Bromley (Staffordshire), hobby-horses and horn dances 90, 91, 92, 93» — la primera entrada del índice del volumen, que reparte la danza del cuerno de Abbots Bromley por cuatro planas. El troceo imprime *Abbots’ Bromley* con apóstrofo.
«Alford, Violet 424 and hobby-horses 82–3, 88, 89, 91, 93 and the Mummers’ Play 73–4, 74–5, 76, 77, 80» — la entrada del índice para Violet Alford, que la reparte entre el capítulo historiográfico, los caballitos y el Mummers’ Play.
«All Saints’ Day 363, 364, 367, 369, 371–8, 379, 383, 384, 417» — la entrada del índice para el día de Todos los Santos, que mide el peso de la fiesta en el volumen.
«Aubrey, John: and All Fools’ Day 177 and All Souls Day 374 and Christmas 36, 39, 46, 49, 104, 109 and May Day 229» — la entrada del índice para John Aubrey, repartida entre el Día de los Inocentes de abril, los Difuntos, la Navidad y el mayo.
«animal-head customs 81–94» — la entrada temática del índice para las costumbres de cabeza de animal.
«Cressy, David 388, 389, 390, 394, 399» — la entrada del índice para David Cressy, uno de los estudiosos con quienes el volumen discute más.
«Gunpower Treason Day 161, 393–407, 420» — la entrada del índice para el día de la Conspiración de la Pólvora; el troceo imprime *Gunpower* por *Gunpowder*, corrupción de la capa de texto.
«greenery decorations: Christmas 34–8, 120 Easter 184–5, 197 May Day 226–7, 230–1» — la entrada temática del índice para el adorno de verdor, repartido entre Navidad, Pascua y mayo.
«Grindal, Edmund, Archbishop of York 281, 282, 310, 323» — la entrada del índice para el arzobispo Grindal, presente en cuatro pasajes del volumen.
«Corpus Christi 279, 304–10 dramas 280–1, 306–10» — la entrada del índice para el Corpus y sus dramas.
«Hallowe’en 360, 363, 366, 373–4 cakes 374, 376 and Guy Fawkes’ Night 393–4 modern 379–85 vegetable lanterns 382–3» — la entrada del índice para Halloween, con sus tortas, su lazo con la noche de Guy Fawkes y sus linternas de hortaliza.
«Hardy, Thomas 407 Far From the Madding Crowd 322 The Return of the Native 393» — la entrada del índice para Thomas Hardy, con las dos novelas que el volumen cita.
«MacNeill, Máire 327–8, 330–1, 409, 411» — la entrada del índice para Máire MacNeill, la autoridad del volumen sobre Lughnasadh.
«Man, Isle of: Beltane 223 Brigid’s Festival 136–7 Christmas customs 17, 44, 67, 97, 98 Easter customs 202–3 First Foot 50 harvest festivals 337, 340 hobby-horses and horn dances 84–5 Laa’Lhuanys 328 May games 259» — la entrada del índice para la Isla de Man, con las once fiestas que el volumen le registra.
«harvesting 332–47 corn dollies 341–2, 347 festivals 345–7 gleaning 335 harvest queens 333–4 hay harvests 323» — la entrada temática del índice para la cosecha, desglosada en muñecas de grano, festivales, espigueo, reinas y siega de heno; el tramo se corta en el salto de plana.
«May games 112, 226–61, 279 and church ales 245–57 garlands 237–9, 241 hobby-horses 81–3 Jack in the Green 241–3, 297, 302, 424 milkmaids’ dances 242 revival of 295–303 songs 231–2, 239–41» — la entrada temática del índice para los juegos de mayo, con las ales de iglesia, las guirnaldas, los caballitos, el Jack in the Green y su revivificación.
«Mary I, Queen (Mary Tudor): and All Saints Day 372 and Candlemas 142 and Christmas 16, 21, 103, 106, 108 and Corpus Christi 309 and Holy Week 184, 185, 188, 192, 195 and Lent 170, 172 and May games 227, 235, 250, 251 and Rogationtide 281» — la entrada del índice para María Tudor, repartida entre ocho fiestas del año ritual.
«maypoles 205, 233–7, 291, 296, 297, 301–2» — la entrada del índice para los palos de mayo.
«Saturnalia 2–3, 99, 105, 111» — la entrada del índice para las Saturnales, repartida entre el origen de la Navidad y los reyes de burlas.
«wrens, killing and display of 97–9» — la entrada del índice para la caza y la exhibición del reyezuelo.
«Yule 6–7, 32 see also Christmas» — la entrada del índice para el Yule, con su remisión a la Navidad.
«‘Yule bread’ 32 Yule Logs 38–40, 41 Zurich, Church of 26» — las últimas entradas del índice y del volumen, del pan de Navidad a la iglesia de Zúrich.
«St George’s Day 214–15 Shrovetide 152, 156 summertime festivals 315 Whitsun 281» — las últimas entradas de York en el índice, antes de pasar al condado.
«Yorkshire: All Saints/All Souls 374 boy bishops 103 Candlemas 141 Christmas customs 21, 39, 51, 59, 63, 64, 96 Easter customs 184, 185, 200, 210 Guy Fawkes’ Day 404 Hallowe’en 382 harvest festivals 337, 339, 341, 355 hobby-horses 85 Lent 172, 177 May Day customs 233, 247, 258 plough festival 127 Royal Oak Day 291 Shrovetide 157–8 summertime festivals 316, 323, 325 Sword Dances 71, 76 young men 414» — la entrada del índice para Yorkshire, con quince fiestas registradas, de la Navidad a las danzas de espada, seguida de la entrada para los mozos.
«Peter Burke, Popular Culture in Early Modern Europe (1978), 192» — la nota que remite a la Popular Culture in Early Modern Europe de Peter Burke, en la edición de 1978.
«In The God of the Witches (1933), and The Divine King in England (1954).» — la nota que nombra los dos libros tardíos de Margaret Murray en que llegó a la realeza y al sacrificio humano.
«Listed by Keith Thomas, in Religion and the Decline of Magic (1971), 514-19, to which I would add the work of the very influential scholar of pagan Celtic Britain, Anne Ros» — la nota que remite a Keith Thomas por la lista de quienes aceptaron la tesis de Murray y le añade a Anne Ross.
«J. G. Frazer, The Golden Bough (1890), i. 72–82. One does not, I think, need to postulate Sir James’s concept that this was to bring ‘the blessings which the tree spiri» — la nota en que el aparato declara no necesitar el concepto de Frazer sobre las bendiciones del espíritu del árbol.
Conceptos tratados
Crítica de fuentes (criterios de inclusión y descarte) — Hutton mide una por una las carencias de su fuente principal —las colecciones folclóricas observan desde fuera, registran la emoción del observador y no la del que actúa, e ignoran a conciencia la política de las tradiciones—, y aun así las defiende por su mole y su exactitud comprobable por cotejo; aparta dos como raras (Carmichael y Trevelyan), declara que las acepta a falta de refutación positiva y remite en nota a la controversia sobre la Carmina Gadelica y a la copia literal que Charlotte Burne detectó en Trevelyan.