Handbook of Freemasonry

«Freemasonry is the oldest initiatory society in the West not dependant on a religious institution» — la definición con que abre el volumen, y lo que la hace pertinente aquí: sociedad iniciática, y no dependiente de una institución religiosa.

«Freemasonry is not one organisation, but in fact represents a plethora of organisations» — su primera advertencia de método, contra el singular con que suele hablarse del asunto.

«Freemasonry was almost entirely a Christian phenomenon during the eighteenth and well into the nineteenth century» — el dato que corrige la imagen corriente de una orden deísta o indiferente desde el origen.

«Freemasonry has had a long and influential presence in the Muslim world» — contra la lectura del asunto como exclusivamente europeo y cristiano.

«the name given to any fine-grained sandstone or limestone that can be freely worked in any direction» — la etimología material de *freestone*, y con ella una de las explicaciones del «free» de *freemason*: la piedra que se labra en cualquier dirección.

«the great clerk Euclid devised geometry and gave it the name of masonry» — de la historia legendaria de los *Old Charges*, tal como el volumen la resume: es Euclides quien inventa la geometría y le da el nombre de masonería.

«he claimed that Freemasonry was not founded in Biblical times or at the time of the construction of Solomon’s Temple as claimed in the legendary histories of Freemasonry, but that it was founded during the Crusades in the Holy Land or Outremer» — sobre la alocución de Andrew Michael Ramsay de 1737: el momento en que la orden se busca un origen nuevo, cruzado en vez de salomónico.

«Ramsay did not specifically name the medieval Knights Templar as the founders, although it was assumed that he did indeed allude to them» — y la precisión que impide atribuirle el vínculo templario: no los nombró, se le supuso.

«Many of the Templar degrees and rites were infused by esoteric currents and practices, such as illuminism, alchemy and Christian Kabbalah» — la entrada de las corrientes esotéricas por la vía de los altos grados, que es por donde esta obra toca el resto del corpus.

«The last anti-masonic Bull was Leo XIII’s Annum Ingressi from 1902» — el término de la serie de condenas pontificias, con su fecha.

«Numbering millions of active members it is also the largest fraternal organization in the world, still managing to attract new members in the postmodern society of the twenty-first century.» — Bogdan y Snoek abren el volumen situando a la masonería como organización viva y no como reliquia: sigue reclutando en el siglo XXI.

«There is no single answer to the question, but part of it surely rests on the fact that despite its emphasis on tradition, transmission and authority, Freemasonry has always been a non-dogmatic organisation» — los editores explican esa vigencia por una convivencia poco frecuente: el énfasis en tradición, transmisión y autoridad sin dogma que fije el sentido.

«On the contrary, Freemasonry is characterised by a striking diversity of interpretation—it is thus possible to find purely moral interpretations of its central symbols, but also scientific, psychological, esoteric, political, philosophical, religious etc.» — de ahí que Bogdan y Snoek nieguen una lectura canónica de los símbolos centrales: la moral, la científica, la esotérica y la política coexisten sin jerarquía entre ellas.

«As the editors of this Handbook we have chosen not to use such value-laden designations as ‘conservative’ and ‘irregular’, which are based on emic understandings of the construct of authority and legitimacy, but rather the self-designations ‘regular’ and ‘liberal’» — decisión terminológica que los editores declaran: descartan los rótulos que trasladan al análisis el juicio de legitimidad de una obediencia sobre otra, y adoptan las autodesignaciones.

«Some masonic authors speak in this context about the ‘ancient landmarks’, although they do not seem to agree on what these landmarks actually consist of.» — Bogdan y Snoek señalan que el criterio interno de lo inmutable carece de contenido acordado entre quienes lo invocan.

«We have therefore specifically encouraged the contributors to contextualise Freemasonry, and thereby making the subject relevant for not only specialists in the study of Freemasonry, but also to a wider scholarly audience.» — la instrucción editorial que Bogdan y Snoek dicen haber dado a los colaboradores: contextualizar, para sacar el asunto del circuito de especialistas.

«It becomes evident in this part of the volume that the traditional founding date of 1717 is a purely artificial one for the commencement of Freemasonry, and that it is impossible to say when Freemasonry as we know it was founded.» — los editores retiran a 1717 el estatuto de fecha fundacional y declaran indeterminable el origen de la orden.

«1717 is merely the legendary date, claimed for the founding of the Premier Grand Lodge by four existing lodges in London.» — y Bogdan y Snoek precisan qué es esa fecha: la que cuatro logias ya existentes reclamaron para fundar una Gran Logia, no para fundar la masonería.

«It seems clear that Freemasonry gradually transformed from the medieval stone-masons’ guilds (particularly in Scotland and England, although similar developments can be traced in other parts of Britain and Europe) into so-called ‘gentlemen Freemasonry’, i.e. non-operative masonry.» — la transición que los editores sí dan por establecida, con su límite dentro: gradual, y no exclusiva de Escocia e Inglaterra.

«As noted by Prescott, the Old Charges are not only important for our understanding of the medieval stone-masons’ guilds, but more importantly they were read and used by Masons in the eighteenth century:» — los editores resumen a Prescott: el valor de los *Old Charges* no está solo en lo que documentan del gremio medieval, sino en su uso efectivo por los masones del XVIII.

«James Anderson drew heavily from the Old Charges when writing the ‘history’ of the stonemasons included in his extremely influential Constitutions (1723).» — dependencia que los editores consignan entre esos manuscritos y la historia legendaria que Anderson imprime en 1723.

«Stevenson identifies the William Schaw Statutes written in 1598 and 1599 as key documents in this transition in Scotland,» — los editores atribuyen a Stevenson la identificación de los estatutos de Schaw como documentos clave de la transición escocesa.

«The combination of speculation on the art and craft of stonemasonry with Christian symbolism naturally made the Temple of Solomon and its architect Hiram Abiff ideal symbols for Freemasonry, as evidenced by the legend of the third degree of Freemasonry which was adopted in the first half of the 1720s.» — de dónde derivan los editores la centralidad del Templo y de Hiram: del cruce entre especulación sobre el oficio y simbolismo cristiano, fijado en la leyenda del tercer grado en la primera mitad de la década de 1720.

«Jacob and Crow argue that the masonic lodges “provided space for the discursive and experimental ethos that characterized the ongoing project of Enlightenment.» — los editores resumen así la tesis de Jacob y Crow sobre la logia ilustrada: un espacio para un ethos, no un programa doctrinal.

«The Roman Catholic Church, the largest religious organisation in the world with over 1.2 billion members, has maintained a highly critical stance towards Freemasonry ever since the 1730s.» — los editores fechan en la década de 1730 el comienzo de la hostilidad católica, no en un episodio posterior.

«However, the main difference between these churches and the Roman Catholic Church is that since they are organised differently with many local and national independent churches, there is room for a variety of opinions» — los editores explican por qué no hay una postura protestante única sobre la masonería: la organización descentralizada admite posiciones divergentes.

«This open attitude changes, however, when we look at the relationship between Freemasonry and non-Christian religions.» — Bogdan y Snoek marcan el corte: la tolerancia que describen vale dentro del cristianismo y no se extiende de suyo al resto.

«Whereas there have been periods of anticlerical sentiments in Freemasonry, especially in Belgium, France, Spain, Portugal, Italy and Greece as a response to the anti-masonic Bulls of the Roman Catholic Church, these remain rare cases and the overall attitude of Freemasonry towards Christianity have been positive, in the sense that belief in the Christian faith has not barred people from joining Freemasonry.» — los editores acotan el anticlericalismo masónico a una reacción, geográficamente localizada, contra las bulas, y no a una posición general de la orden.

«The use of Old Testament texts and Hebrew words are filtered through the long history of Christian interpretation of Judaism and it says more about the Christian legacy in Freemasonry than any interest in Judaism as such.» — los editores desactivan la inferencia corriente: el hebreo de los rituales dice más de la herencia cristiana que de interés alguno por el judaísmo.

«Van Pelt argues that European anti-Semitism changed during the nineteenth century through its mingling with anti-masonry, whereby the Jews were depicted as having global political ambitions.» — los editores resumen a van Pelt: es la mezcla con el antimasonismo lo que da al antisemitismo europeo del XIX su forma de conspiración mundial.

«The increased admission of Muslims (and Jews) during the nineteenth century was facilitated by the fact that Freemasonry only required that the members should believe in a Supreme Being, the ‘Great Architect of the Universe’.» — los editores atribuyen la apertura decimonónica a un requisito mínimo de creencia, no a una decisión de tolerancia declarada.

«This requirement proved more difficult as Freemasonry encountered non-Abrahamic religions, as discussed by Jessica Harland-Jacobs and Jan Snoek in Chapter 14, “Freemasonry and Eastern Religions.”» — y Bogdan y Snoek señalan dónde ese mismo requisito deja de funcionar: fuera del monoteísmo abrahámico.

«From the 1840s onwards Parsis (Zoroastrians), Sikhs, and Jains were allowed to join Freemasonry, but it was not until 1872 before the first Hindu was admitted to a lodge.» — los editores fechan la apertura por escalones y con su desfase: parsis, sijes y jainistas desde 1840, el primer hindú hasta 1872.

«However, in order for this to happen, the faiths in question went through a process of reinterpretation, where the polytheistic elements were downplayed in favour of a monotheistic understanding of their beliefs.» — el precio de esa admisión, según los editores: no se flexibilizó el requisito masónico, se releyeron las religiones admitidas en clave monoteísta.

«This process both reflected and stimulated wider changes in Eastern religions during the second half of the nineteenth century, where religions such Hinduism and Buddhism reacted against the Western dismissal of their creeds as based on ritual, superstition, and idolatry, and instead emphasised the philosophical and ‘rational’ aspects of their own traditions.» — y los editores le dan doble dirección: esa relectura reflejó y a la vez alimentó la autorreforma racionalista del hinduismo y el budismo decimonónicos.

«Introvigne shows how these movements have adopted aspects of Freemasonry, in particular certain symbols and terms, but on the whole have not adopted any significant doctrine or ideas from Freemasonry as claimed by Evangelical critics.» — los editores resumen a Introvigne con su límite: los nuevos movimientos religiosos toman símbolos y vocabulario masónicos, no doctrina.

«The rituals of Freemasonry were devised to be performed, to be put into practice.» — los editores fijan el estatuto del ritual masónico: fue hecho para ejecutarse, no para leerse.

«It is believed that by performing the rituals the symbols are internalised and thereby change the personality of the initiate.» — y Bogdan y Snoek consignan la creencia que sostiene esa práctica, sin suscribirla: la ejecución interioriza el símbolo y transforma al iniciado.

«As there are literally thousands of different masonic rituals preserved in archives and libraries around the world, the symbols, teachings and doctrines transmitted through them have varied greatly.» — los editores derivan de la masa documental conservada la imposibilidad de hablar de una doctrina masónica única.

«Many of these rituals may have been never performed, or only used for a brief period, whereas others survived and were collected into various systems or Rites.» — y Bogdan y Snoek advierten que un ritual conservado no prueba una práctica: buena parte pudo no ejecutarse nunca.

«The claimed authority of these Grand Lodges rests on a peculiar form of legitimacy based on a combination of traditional and legal authority in the Weberian sense, connected to the masonic concepts of ‘regularity’ and ‘recognition’.» — los editores leen la autoridad de las Grandes Logias con las categorías de Weber: una mezcla de legitimidad tradicional y legal anudada a la regularidad y al reconocimiento mutuo.

«Weinbren shows that these societies did not seek to copy or imitate aspects of Freemasonry, as it is frequently claimed, but rather that there existed close ties between these organisations and that many friendly societies enjoyed a symbiotic relationship with the Freemasons.» — los editores resumen a Weinbren contra la explicación por imitación: las sociedades de socorros mutuos no copiaron a la masonería, convivieron con ella.

«One of the most enduring misconceptions about Freemasonry is that it excludes women from membership, but history shows that this is not factually correct.» — los editores tratan la exclusión femenina como error de hecho difundido, no como rasgo de la institución.

«However, the majority of all Grand Lodges do not accept women as members, which can be compared with the fact that Blacks were for a long time barred from membership (particularly in the United States and the British Caribbean) as well.» — y Bogdan y Snoek acotan de inmediato: que existan masonas no borra que la mayoría de las Grandes Logias no las admita, exclusión que ponen en serie con la de los negros.

«Issues of race and gender have been in conflict with the masonic ideal of universal brotherhood, and thus been the cause of internal strife and conflict.» — los editores sitúan raza y género como el punto donde la fraternidad universal choca consigo misma y produce cisma.

«establishing the colonies, but also that the ideology of Freemasonry—equality and fraternalism—ultimately undermined the fundamental basis of imperialism and thus contributed to the demise of the empires.» — los editores consignan el efecto de doble filo que Harland-Jacobs atribuye a la masonería colonial: instrumento del imperio y, a la vez, socavamiento de su base.

«What becomes apparent is that Freemasonry and its individual members, as human beings generally, do not have a single identity, but rather several identities, which are actualised in specific contexts and under specific circumstances.» — la clave de lectura que los editores proponen para todo el volumen: identidades múltiples y situacionales en vez de una pertenencia que lo explique todo.

«Despite the transnational nature of Freemasonry and its bonds of brotherhood, Rognon argues, Freemasons have historically shown that their loyalty to their country supersedes that of the masonic oaths, and that Masons have found themselves fighting against each other in times of war.» — los editores resumen a Rognon: puesta a prueba en la guerra, la lealtad nacional se impuso al juramento fraterno.

«At the same time, there are examples of Masons who managed to meet as brothers despite the fact that they were formally enemies.» — y Bogdan y Snoek dejan la excepción consignada al lado, sin resolverla contra lo anterior.

«Curl argues that classical architecture is in many ways central to Freemasonry, and geometry and architecture form indeed an intrinsic part of its symbolism.» — los editores presentan así la tesis de Curl: la arquitectura clásica y la geometría no ilustran el simbolismo masónico, lo constituyen.

«The creation of material culture is of importance in evidencing unwritten norms of behaviour and in transmitting these across time.» — Dennis fija el rendimiento del objeto masónico como fuente: hace visible la norma que nunca se escribió y la transmite.

«Freemasonry has no founder or founding date.» — con esta frase abren Snoek y Bogdan su panorama histórico: la ausencia de fundador no es un vacío documental sino el rasgo del objeto.

«Indeed, around 1600, the time when it can be identified with certainty, there seem to have existed at least two distinct forms, one in Scotland and one in England.» — Snoek y Bogdan fijan hacia 1600 el primer momento de identificación segura, y ya entonces encuentran dos formas separadas.

«Yet nothing is known of the relationships that existed between them.» — y Snoek y Bogdan declaran el límite del dato: de la relación entre la forma escocesa y la inglesa no se sabe nada.

«Right from the time that they can be historically grasped, then, there never was one Freemasonry, but rather a diversity of Freemasonries.» — de esas dos formas derivan Snoek y Bogdan su tesis de plural: nunca hubo una masonería que después se dividiera.

«According to this theory, at first there were simple, so-called ‘operative’, stonemasons, who had their Craft and their lodges, but who did not ‘speculate’ about their Craft or their working tools, that is, they did not interpret them symbolically.» — Snoek y Bogdan exponen la teoría heredada de Gould, que separa una masonería operativa sin símbolo de otra especulativa posterior.

«This theory would be regarded as fact for about a century, but we know now» — y Snoek y Bogdan consignan su fortuna antes de desmontarla: pasó por hecho durante un siglo.

«Freemasonry, then, was speculative right from its start.» — la corrección que Snoek y Bogdan oponen a esa teoría: la interpretación simbólica del oficio no llegó de fuera ni después.

«It were not them who introduced the speculative element, but rather the other way round:» — y con ello Snoek y Bogdan invierten la dirección de la influencia que la teoría suponía entre caballeros y canteros.

«Consequently, we should no longer oppose speculative to operative Masons, but rather gentlemen Masons to stone Masons,» — Snoek y Bogdan aportan la propuesta terminológica que se sigue: la oposición pertinente es social —caballeros frente a canteros—, no cognitiva.

«These Charges that you haue Received you shall well and truly keepe not discloseing the secresy of our Lodge to man woman nor Child :» — fórmula del juramento de los *Old Charges* reproducida por Snoek y Bogdan; es material citado, no redacción de los autores.

«The contents of these documents are explicitly Christian.» — Snoek y Bogdan describen así los *Old Charges*, contra la imagen de una orden religiosamente neutra desde el origen.

«You should serve God, the (Roman Catholic) Church, your Master, and the members of your lodge.» — y Snoek y Bogdan detallan el orden de obediencias que esos documentos prescriben, encabezado por Dios y la Iglesia romana.

«In 1598 and 1599, William Schaw, the King’s Master of Works and General Warden of the Craft, signed new ‘statutes’ for the lodges» — Snoek y Bogdan datan y sitúan los estatutos de Schaw, y le dan a su firmante el cargo de la corona, no una función interna del oficio.

«From the information these texts give there can be no doubt that these are masonic lodges,» — el argumento con que Snoek y Bogdan atribuyen carácter masónico a esas logias escocesas: lo que los propios textos consignan.

«Their members are called Masons, and there is at least one ritual reception, namely when, after one has passed his examination as a Master Mason in the Incorporation, one is brought into the lodge and ‘made’ a ‘Brother and Fellow in the Craft’.» — y Snoek y Bogdan lo desglosan: el nombre de los miembros y una recepción ritual documentada después del examen gremial.

«Thus we must assume that at least these two lodges existed around the middle of the sixteenth century, but possibly already much earlier» — Snoek y Bogdan retrasan la existencia de logias a mediados del XVI dejando abierto el margen anterior.

«There is no reason to assume that the phenomenon to which these terms refer, the ‘acception’, was an invention of 1621 only, much rather it was in existence at that moment for some time already.» — Snoek y Bogdan aportan el mismo razonamiento aplicado a la *acception* londinense: la primera mención documental no fecha la práctica.

«According to Anderson’s Constitutions of 1738, Sir Christopher Wren had been elected Grand Master in 1685, an office he supposedly held until 1695, and was “again chosen Grand Master, [in] A.D. 1698.”» — Snoek y Bogdan citan a Anderson sobre la Gran Maestría de Wren marcando la fuente y la reserva: es lo que Anderson dice en 1738.

«However, he “neglected the Office of Grand Master,” “some few years after” 1708.» — y Snoek y Bogdan siguen el relato de Anderson hasta el abandono del cargo, que es lo que en esa versión explica el vacío previo a 1717.

«Further, still according to Anderson, in 1716 the lodges in London found “themselves neglected by Sir Christopher Wren.”» — Snoek y Bogdan mantienen el discurso indirecto para no dar por hecha esa negligencia.

«According to Anderson, it was on St John’s Day (24 June) 1717 that the already-mentioned four lodges from London met again and chose Anthony Sayer as their new ‘Grand Master’ for 1717–1718.» — Snoek y Bogdan consignan el episodio de 1717 como reunión y elección, no como acto fundacional.

«What happened on St John’s Day in 1717—according to Anderson’s report, which is the only account of that event we have—was definitely not the foundation of a new organisation, but no more than the continuation of an old one.» — la lectura que Snoek y Bogdan hacen de ese día, con la advertencia de que el único testimonio disponible es el de Anderson.

«There can be little doubt that in the decade following this event, the Grand Lodge was reorganised into a form which had not existed in London before, mainly by developing itself into an organisation completely independent from the London Company of Masons and by considerably modifying and simplifying its ceremonial practice in order to adapt it to its new, less educated target group, the gentlemen Masons (Snoek 2004a; Snoek 2004b).» — lo nuevo, para Snoek y Bogdan, no es 1717 sino la década siguiente: independencia respecto de la compañía de oficio y simplificación del ceremonial para un público distinto.

«But there was no significant discontinuity between the Quarterly Communications before and after 1716, apart from the gap caused by Wren’s inactivity (Snoek 2010).» — y Snoek y Bogdan sostienen la continuidad institucional apoyándose en la serie de asambleas trimestrales.

«There was, of course, only one possibility to persuade the lodges to work with the new trigradal system: in 1730 its rituals were published as Samuel Prichard’s Masonry Dissected (Snoek 2003a).» — Snoek y Bogdan leen el exposé de Prichard al revés de como suele leerse: no una filtración hostil, sino el medio para imponer el sistema de tres grados.

«It was to a very large extent because of Masonry Dissected that these three degrees and their particular rituals of initiation were implemented in the masonic initiatory system.» — y Snoek y Bogdan le atribuyen la implantación efectiva de los tres grados y sus rituales.

«It is becoming more and more clear at the moment, that this Harodim/ York tradition of English Freemasonry is the source of most English ‘high degrees’, as well as the Royal Order of Scotland and the Adoption Rite (Snoek 2012).» — Snoek y Bogdan derivan de la tradición Harodim/York el grueso de los altos grados ingleses, la Orden Real de Escocia y el Rito de Adopción, y presentan la tesis como en curso de establecerse.

«If they tried to visit lodges of the ‘Premier’ Grand Lodge, they would either not be let in because of their low social status, or if they were, they» — la explicación social que Snoek y Bogdan dan del cisma de los *Antients*: un filtro de clase en la puerta de las logias de la Gran Logia primera.

«It was pretended that there existed no written text of these rituals, but we know today that texts in cipher existed perfectly well.» — Snoek y Bogdan corrigen la oralidad declarada del ritual: había textos, cifrados.

«During the years 1809 to 1811 the Lodge of Promulgation, created especially for that purpose, prepared the merger and formulated the Articles of Union.» — el mecanismo con que Snoek y Bogdan explican la unión de 1813: una logia creada expresamente para negociarla.

«And so it came that on 27 December 1813 the two Grand Lodges merged into the United Grand Lodge of England and Wales with the Duke of Sussex as Grand Master.» — Snoek y Bogdan fechan la fusión de Modernos y Antiguos y nombran a su primer Gran Maestro.

«In 1813 the Duke of Sussex was Grand Master of the Moderns, and his brother, the Duke of Kent, his Deputy Grand Master.» — y Snoek y Bogdan consignan el dato de parentesco que hizo negociable la unión: los dos bandos quedaron encabezados por hermanos.

«One of the things it did was to create new rituals for the new Grand Lodge, which were approved and confirmed by the Grand Lodge, based on their performance, in 1816.» — la unión, según Snoek y Bogdan, no armonizó los rituales existentes: produjo unos nuevos, aprobados tras ejecutarse.

«The first interdict against Freemasonry came from the States of Holland and West Friesland in 1735.» — Snoek y Bogdan sitúan la primera prohibición civil en los Estados de Holanda y Frisia Occidental, antes que en cualquier bula.

«The first lodges had been founded here in 1734 (The Hague) and 1735 (Amsterdam and The Hague again), and they had elected their own Grand Master.» — y Snoek y Bogdan muestran el desfase mínimo entre implantación y prohibición: un año.

«Then the States demanded certain documents from the lodges, including Anderson’s Constitutions (1723), and Prichard’s Masonry Dissected (1730).» — los dos impresos que las autoridades holandesas reclamaron como prueba, según Snoek y Bogdan.

«Bouman and Van den Brand have shown that all three of these accusations were unfounded and in fact no more than what at that time were the usual arguments to make an interdiction acceptable in the face of the general public (Bouman» — Snoek y Bogdan remiten a Bouman y Van den Brand para retirar valor probatorio a los cargos de la prohibición: eran fórmula de justificación pública.

«The French King had ordered the police officer Hérault to find out what the Freemasons were doing.» — Snoek y Bogdan explican por esa vía policial el origen de los primeros rituales impresos en Francia.

«However, as Freemasonry became popular in France, better printed rituals were required.» — y Snoek y Bogdan hacen de la demanda del público, no de la traición, el motor de la publicación ritual francesa.

«The rituals presented in La Franc-Maçonne seem not to relate to any known masonic tradition, but it tells a story about the beginnings of the initiation of women in Adoption lodges.» — Snoek y Bogdan separan en ese impreso lo que no acredita —el ritual— de lo que sí informa: el arranque de la iniciación de mujeres.

«From there this degree of Scots Master (probably of Harodim origin) spread over the continent.» — el trayecto que Snoek y Bogdan trazan para el grado de Maestro Escocés, con la reserva sobre su origen.

«This form of masonry did not place the origins of the Order of Freemasons with the medieval Crusades, but in ancient Egypt.» — Snoek y Bogdan presentan la masonería egipcia como una tercera genealogía, alternativa tanto al Templo como a las Cruzadas.

«One of the earliest propagators of Egyptian masonry was Karl Friedrich von Köppen (1734–1797) who founded the Order of the Afrikanische Bauherren (African Building Masters) in 1767 (Caillet 1994: 17).» — Snoek y Bogdan datan en 1767 y en Köppen el arranque documentado de esa vía.

«While Egyptian masonry never became a real threat to the predominance of the other forms of high degree masonry, it has remained on the fringes of conservative masonry to this day.» — y Snoek y Bogdan le miden el peso con su límite: marginal, pero persistente hasta hoy.

«It took until the last quarter of the nineteenth century before women were initiated in the lodges, working in the continental tradition of the ‘Moderns’, forming the mixed Order ‘Le Droit Humain’ in France.» — Snoek y Bogdan fechan la iniciación de mujeres en logias de la tradición continental en el último cuarto del XIX.

«Mainly after the Second World War, purely female Orders began to be founded.» — y Snoek y Bogdan separan de ella una etapa posterior: las órdenes exclusivamente femeninas, de la posguerra.

«The rituals of the first two degrees, practiced by these lodges, were transformed in a new trigradal system, the Adoption Rite (Snoek 2012).» — Snoek y Bogdan describen el Rito de Adopción como transformación de dos grados en tres, y no como invención separada.

«Allesandro di Cagliostro (the pseudonym of Giuseppe Balsamo, 1743–1795) was one of the most famous and charismatic adventurers of the eighteenth century.» — Snoek y Bogdan consignan el seudónimo junto al nombre civil, sin resolver a favor de ninguno de los dos.

«Among other things, he claimed to have been initiated at the pyramids in Egypt, and that he possessed the knowledge to transmute base metals into silver and gold.» — las dos pretensiones de Cagliostro que Snoek y Bogdan registran en discurso referido: iniciación en las pirámides y transmutación metálica.

«In 1785 he announced that both men and women should be entitled to the mysteries of the pyramids, and thus he opened his Rite to women (McIntosh 1975: 30–31).» — la apertura de su rito a las mujeres, que Snoek y Bogdan fechan en 1785 y derivan de su propia doctrina egipcia.

«Although this order possessed all the outward characteristics of a masonic organisation such as a hierarchical degree system, rituals of initiation and lodges, and employed a typical masonic terminology, it is perhaps more fitting to label the Orde des Élus Coëns a religious movement.» — Snoek y Bogdan proponen reclasificar la orden de Martines de Pasqually, y lo hacen con reserva: la forma es masónica, la sustancia no.

«The reason for this is not only the peculiar religious teachings derived from Pasqually, but also the marked religious life that the members were expected to live, which is referred to in the name of the order: ‘chosen priests’, from the Hebrew kohen (meaning priest).» — Snoek y Bogdan aportan el fundamento de esa reclasificación: doctrina propia, exigencia de vida religiosa, y un nombre que se declara sacerdotal.

«After the death of Pasqually in 1774 Caignet de Lester (1725–1778) succeeded him as the leader of the order» — Snoek y Bogdan siguen la sucesión al frente de los Élus Coëns tras la muerte de su fundador, que continúa en Sebastian de Las Casas desde 1778.

«It is often stated that Dom Antoine Joseph Pernety (1716–1796) was the founder of not only the Rite Hermétique d’Avignon, but also of the Rite Ecossais philosophique.» — Snoek y Bogdan recogen la atribución corriente a Pernety marcándola como dicho recibido.

«Modern scholarship, however, contest this assumption (Snoek 2003b: 28–32).» — y Snoek y Bogdan la dejan en suspenso remitiendo a la crítica reciente, sin sustituirla por otra adjudicación.

«It is striking to see that in a large number of Western countries the masonic rituals were, for the second time,13 dramatically changed during this period, reflecting a new Western culture, which was middle class, rather than aristocratic.» — Snoek y Bogdan hacen del ritual un indicador de estrato social: su segunda gran reescritura acompaña el paso de una cultura aristocrática a otra burguesa.

«The new rituals for the United Grand Lodge of England, approved in 1816, were Victorian in their moralistic outlook, even though Queen Victoria was not yet born.» — la observación con que Snoek y Bogdan lo ilustran: el tono moral llamado victoriano precede en dos décadas a la reina que le da nombre.

«In the ritual of the aasr, however, Hiram reincarnated in the human candidate, and in the ritual of the United Grand Lodge of England, Hiram steadfastly refuses to give his murderers the Master’s Word, thus showing the model behaviour of a man.» — Snoek y Bogdan contrastan dos usos rituales de Hiram: reencarnación del héroe en un rito, ejemplo moral de firmeza en el otro.

«The other way round, however, the majority of the non-Christian members—Jews and Muslims included—seem to have used Freemasonry intentionally as an emancipation tool, in order to get recognition from members of the dominant culture with» — Snoek y Bogdan invierten la pregunta por la apertura: no solo qué admitió la orden, sino para qué la usaron quienes entraron.

«Because the two leaders of the Nationalist movement Count Cavour and Giuseppe Garibaldi were both Freemasons, the Pope seems to have hoped that Bulls condemning Freemasonry would hurt these two men.» — Snoek y Bogdan proponen un móvil político para la ofensiva pontificia, y lo dan como conjetura, no como hecho probado.

«So, they tried to convince the Pope that there was nothing incompatible between Freemasonry and the Church.» — el intento de conciliación que Snoek y Bogdan atribuyen a los masones católicos frente a las condenas.

«But whatever they did, it could not stop the stream of anti-masonic Bulls.» — y Snoek y Bogdan añaden su resultado nulo, según los mismos autores.

«Once Rome was invaded by the Nationalists and the Church State integrated into Italy in 1870, the Papal Bulls against Freemasonry became even harsher, indicating frustration on the part of the Vatican.» — Snoek y Bogdan correlacionan el endurecimiento de las bulas con la pérdida del Estado pontificio en 1870.

«In 1896 Pope Leo XIII finally organised an anti-masonic conference and two years later the Anti-Masonic Liga was founded in Rome.» — Snoek y Bogdan documentan la institucionalización del antimasonismo católico en congreso y liga.

«In the eighteenth century, an important accusation had been that, by demanding that the candidates would take an oath with imprecations, Freemasonry not only infringed on Biblical interdictions against swearing such an oath generally (Matthew 5:34, 37; Exodus 20:7), but also against the tradition in Western Church and State law, that only sovereign Powers were allowed to do so.» — Snoek y Bogdan desglosan el cargo del juramento en dos: infracción bíblica y usurpación de una prerrogativa soberana.

«Other recurrent arguments were (1) the fact that Freemasons accepted that their members were of any (Christian) religion they wanted, instead of demanding their conversion to the Roman Catholic Church (‘indifferentism’), and (2) Freemasons wanted the separation of State and» — los otros dos cargos recurrentes que Snoek y Bogdan enumeran: indiferentismo religioso y separación de Iglesia y Estado.

«These last two points were correct.» — y Snoek y Bogdan añaden su juicio sobre ellos, dicho sin rodeos: a diferencia del cargo de conspiración, esos dos describían bien a la orden.

«In contrast to the Hungarian male lodges, those in Spain did not stop after the initiation of one woman, but continued initiating more of them» — Snoek y Bogdan contrastan dos trayectorias de la iniciación femenina en logias masculinas: la húngara se detiene en un caso, la española no.

«This rise of mixed Freemasonry in France, Allen argues, has in fact its origins in the remarkable synergy of men and women feminists (Allen 2008), who worked together in the name of women’s interests everywhere, not just in the Craft.» — Snoek y Bogdan remiten a Allen para sacar el origen de la masonería mixta francesa de dentro de la orden y ponerlo en el feminismo de la época.

«Anti-masonry experienced a second culmination in the twentieth century.» — Snoek y Bogdan periodizan el antimasonismo en dos cimas, y la segunda no es eclesiástica.

«Ever since Augustin de Barruel had in 1797 published the ideas he had stolen from his friend John Robison about a World Conspiracy, in which the Jews, the Freemasons and the Illuminati (regarded by Barruel as distinguished from the Freemasons) cooperated in order to overthrow all monarchies as well as the Vatican, and to found a World Republic instead, conspiracy theories have lived a life of their own.» — Snoek y Bogdan fechan en Barruel el arranque de la conspiración mundial y precisan que en su versión los Iluminados no son los masones.

«From now on, anti-Semitism (which was much older) became almost inseparable from anti-masonry.» — y Snoek y Bogdan datan ahí la soldadura entre dos hostilidades de edades distintas.

«The culmination of this development formed the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, written in 1897 or 1898 in Paris on the initiative of the Okharana, the secret police abroad of the Russian Tsar, led by Pyotr Ivanovitch Rachkovsky.» — Snoek y Bogdan adjudican la fabricación de los *Protocolos* a la policía secreta zarista en París, con la fecha entre dos años.

«It was based on Maurice Joly’s Dialogue aux Enfers entre Montesquieu et Machiavel (1864), an attack on the despotism of Napoleon III, but the Protocols reversed the argument, attacking exactly modernism.» — Snoek y Bogdan señalan el modelo copiado y la inversión de su sentido: de sátira contra el despotismo a ataque contra la modernidad.

«They were intended as propaganda against the progressive Count Sergey Witte, who was since 1892 minister of finances of Russia.» — el blanco original del panfleto, según Snoek y Bogdan: un ministro ruso, no un movimiento mundial.

«But with an intelligent preface, one could use the Protocols as propaganda for virtually any cause, as long as one could present the Jews and the Freemasons as the enemies.» — Snoek y Bogdan explican su portabilidad: el texto no argumenta nada propio, solo nombra un enemigo.

«From 1919 onwards, translations were published in most European languages, and they played a central role in Nazi propaganda during the period 1929–1945.» — la difusión y el uso nazi que Snoek y Bogdan documentan con sus fechas.

«Consequently, masonic activity came to a halt in Germany in 1935 and in all occupied countries during the Second World War.» — y Snoek y Bogdan añaden el efecto material: la masonería alemana cesa en 1935 y con la ocupación se extingue en el continente.

«After it a significant number of Nazis fled to the Middle East and spread there their anti-Semitic ideas, using the Protocols again.» — Snoek y Bogdan siguen la circulación del panfleto después de 1945 hacia Oriente Medio.

«Anti-Zionist Muslims from then on adopted them and use especially Arabic translations in their propaganda against Israel, in passing producing strong anti-masonic sentiments as well (Cohn 1967; Taguieff 1992).» — y Snoek y Bogdan describen su reciclaje antisionista, del que el antimasonismo resulta un subproducto.

«The twentieth century saw, however, also an attempt at rapprochement.» — Snoek y Bogdan colocan el acercamiento católico en el mismo siglo que la persecución, sin conciliar las dos series.

«After Vatican II (1962–1965), the Roman Catholic Church took the initiative to start conversations with representatives of Freemasonry.» — y Snoek y Bogdan atribuyen la iniciativa de esas conversaciones a la propia Iglesia.

«No doubt under the influence of those, the formulation of Canon 2335 in the first edition of the Codex, of 1917, that a Freemason is excommunicated automatically, was dropped in the second edition of 1983.» — Snoek y Bogdan registran la desaparición del canon que excomulgaba de oficio, con la reserva de que la causa la infieren.

«In the last two decades, however, attempts can be observed to reconcile the two groups.» — Snoek y Bogdan detectan un deshielo reciente entre obediencias enfrentadas.

«For example, at least some of the so-called ‘Prince-Hall’ Grand Lodges in the United States of America, composed of Blacks, are now recognised by the ugle, and it has also abandoned the position that an organisation which has female members can, by definition, not practice Freemasonry: friendly relations are now maintained with the ‘Order» — los dos gestos con que Snoek y Bogdan lo miden, cada uno con su acotación: reconocimiento de algunas Grandes Logias Prince Hall y abandono de la exclusión femenina por definición.

«In the 1920s it was decided to initiate no male candidates anymore, and in» — el paso que, según Snoek y Bogdan, convierte una obediencia mixta en la primera exclusivamente femenina.

«It thus was the first female-only Grand Lodge. After the Second World War, purely female Grand Lodges were founded in many countries.» — Snoek y Bogdan fechan la generalización de las Grandes Logias femeninas después de 1945.

«The Adoption lodges of the Grande Loge de France were formed into one in 1945, which since» — el trayecto que Snoek y Bogdan trazan de las logias de adopción francesas hacia una obediencia propia.

«which since 1952 is called the Grande Loge Féminine de France.» — y Snoek y Bogdan añaden su denominación definitiva desde 1952.

«Since the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, moreover, male, mixed and female masonic lodges and Grand Lodges have been founded in most of the» — Snoek y Bogdan añaden la reimplantación postsoviética a la geografía del asunto.

«One of the fastest growing ones seems to be the Female Grand Lodge of Turkey.» — y Snoek y Bogdan señalan su caso de mayor crecimiento con la reserva de la apariencia.

«In others, such as Germany and the Netherlands, female Grand Lodges were created on the initiative of male Masons and/or their female relatives.» — Snoek y Bogdan consignan una génesis que complica el relato emancipatorio: obediencias femeninas creadas por iniciativa de masones varones.

«The Old Charges are thus the chief documentary evidence for links between the medieval stonemasons and Enlightenment Freemasonry, and deserve far greater scholarly attention than they have hitherto received.» — Prescott sostiene que esos manuscritos son la prueba documental principal del vínculo entre el gremio medieval y la masonería ilustrada, y reclama para ellos la atención que no han tenido.

«Freemasons were originally a specialist grade of stonemason, who specialised in the carving of freestone, which was, in the words of Douglas Knoop and Gwilym Jones, “the name given to any fine-grained sandstone or limestone that can be freely worked in any direction and sawn with a toothed saw”» — Prescott deriva el nombre del oficio de una especialidad material, y toma la definición de la piedra de Knoop y Jones, a quienes cita.

«Members who made bequests to the guild would be remembered by masses, on a sliding scale according to the size of the donation.» — Prescott describe las cofradías de canteros como instituciones de sufragio graduado por la limosna, antes que como talleres.

«Any member of the guild who went on pilgrimage would receive money for the journey and a hero’s welcome on their return.» — y Prescott documenta prestaciones que exceden lo laboral: costeo y recibimiento del peregrino.

«Provision was also made to encourage members to avoid litigation and to assist them if they were arrested.» — Prescott registra la disuasión del pleito entre hermanos y el auxilio al detenido como cláusulas de gremio, no como moral posterior.

«Masons who were members of the gild agreed to give forty pence towards the cost of gild candles each time they took an apprentice.» — el tipo de detalle económico con que Prescott caracteriza esas ordenanzas: una cuota en cera por cada aprendiz tomado.

«Such practical concerns are also evident in a series of ordinances issued to govern the work of Masons and carpenters at Calais from 1474–1475, which deal with such matters as working hours, holidays, provision of tools, and use of spare wood and stone by the craftsmen.» — Prescott insiste en el carácter práctico de la normativa continental: horarios, festivos, herramienta y sobrantes.

«Penalties by members of the ‘felliship’ at Calais were paid into a joint fund known as ‘Saynte Johns boxe’ (London, National Archives, E 101/198/6).» — Prescott documenta con signatura archivística el fondo común de multas y su advocación joánica.

«For example, the regulations for Parisian Masons from the mid-thirteenth century make detailed stipulations on the length of apprenticeship (although the Parisian Masons also expressed their sense of superiority to other trades by claiming that they were exempt from the duty known as guet because of a privilege granted them by Charles Martel)» — Prescott registra ya en el siglo XIII un privilegio reclamado a un rey antiguo: la genealogía honorífica precede a la masonería especulativa.

«The minimum training period varied significantly, even in relatively small areas.» — Prescott advierte contra hablar de un aprendizaje gremial uniforme.

«In Verona the minimum was just one year, in Piacenza four, in Bologna five, in Genoa and Savona six, and in Venice six to seven.» — y Prescott lo mide ciudad por ciudad en el norte de Italia, de un año a siete.

«The lodge in Strasbourg owned its own property which provided a handsome revenue.» — Prescott señala en Estrasburgo una logia con patrimonio y renta propios, muy lejos de la cuadrilla de obra.

«Nevertheless, the content of these ordinances was again largely concerned with detailed matters of trade organization, as is also the case with ordinances from the Low Countries, such as the set of regulations from Maastricht copied in the sixteenth century but said to date from c. 1400 published by Gérard Dielemans (Dielemans 2005).» — Prescott mantiene el contraste incluso donde la logia es rica: la materia de esas ordenanzas sigue siendo la organización del oficio.

«There is no discussion of funds or benefits and the only reference to an organisational structure is a vague mention of a general assembly whose actual existence has never been established.» — Prescott marca lo que los *Old Charges* británicos NO traen, frente a las ordenanzas continentales: ni fondos, ni prestaciones, ni una asamblea documentada.

«The main focus of the Old Charges is instead on the supposed history of the craft of stonemasons.» — y Prescott dice de qué tratan en cambio: de una historia del oficio que él marca como supuesta.

«Euclid ordained that, although there were masters among the Masons, they should nevertheless treat each other as equals, ‘neither subject nor servant’.» — Prescott resume el contenido igualitario que la leyenda pone en boca de Euclides.

«Regius states that masonry came to England in the reign of Æthelstan.» — la entrada de la masonería en Inglaterra según el manuscrito *Regius*, referida por Prescott como afirmación del texto.

«Æthelstan enjoined that the Masons were to receive fair pay.» — y Prescott añade el contenido que la leyenda atribuye al rey: una garantía salarial.

«Æthelstan echoed Euclid by declaring that the Masons should always remember that they were fellow workers, helping each other in their work, serving each other at meals and avoiding recourse to litigation.» — Prescott muestra cómo el relato duplica en el rey sajón lo ya dicho por Euclides: ayuda mutua, servicio en la mesa y renuncia al pleito.

«Edward Augustus Bond, the Keeper of Manuscripts at the British Museum, examined the Regius manuscript and declared that in his opinion it dated from the first half of the fifteenth century.» — Prescott recupera el dictamen paleográfico de Bond sobre el *Regius*.

«Bond was broadly right, and that the dating of c. 1390 for Regius should be discarded in favour of the early fifteenth century.» — y Prescott lo respalda contra la datación de 1390 que la literatura masónica repetía.

«Payne stated that he had found it in the west of England and alleged (wrongly) that it dated from at least the early thirteenth century.» — Prescott corrige de paso la procedencia y la fecha que se dieron a un manuscrito en el siglo XVIII.

«In first publishing the Cooke manuscript, Matthew Cooke suggested that it dated from the end of the fifteenth century.» — la datación inicial del *Cooke* por su propio editor, referida por Prescott.

«Edward Bond of the British Museum was again asked to pronounce on its date and in 1869 stated that he considered that the Cooke manuscript was of the middle or later part of the fifteenth century, but rather inclined towards the earlier period.» — y el dictamen de Bond sobre el mismo manuscrito, que Prescott transmite con la vacilación incluida.

«Clearly, the author declares, geometry is at the root of them all, since geometry means measurement of the earth, and all tools involve measurement and are made of materials from the earth.» — Prescott expone el argumento con que el *Cooke* subordina todas las artes a la geometría, derivándolo de la etimología del término.

«All the crafts of the world, he continues, were founded by the sons of Lamach, who were mentioned in Genesis, with Lamach’s eldest son Jabal inventing geometry.» — la genealogía bíblica de los oficios que Prescott lee en el mismo manuscrito, con Jabal como inventor de la geometría.

«Nimrod, Ham’s son, sent Masons to Assyria and gave them charges which, declares the Cooke manuscript, survive, just as those given by Euclid have survived.» — Prescott señala el procedimiento del texto: cada legislador antiguo deja unos cargos que, se afirma, siguen vigentes.

«He states that a king was elected in France called Charles II, who loved Masons, and gave them charges which were still in use in France.» — la rama francesa de esa misma genealogía legendaria, referida por Prescott en discurso indirecto.

«Cooke then repeats the story of Æthelstan’s grant in the same terms as Regius, and repeats the various ordinances.» — Prescott establece la dependencia entre los dos manuscritos por repetición literal del episodio sajón.

«Cooke concludes by stressing that any mason who failed to attend the assembly would be arrested by the sheriff and cast into prison.» — Prescott muestra que la leyenda no solo autoriza la asamblea: la vuelve obligatoria bajo pena de cárcel.

«It has been argued that Cooke embodies an older and fuller version of the masonic legends than Regius (Poole and Worts 1935: 26–29), but this claim is difficult to sustain from a close comparison» — Prescott recoge la tesis de la anterioridad del *Cooke* y la deja en entredicho por comparación de los textos.

«In Cooke, the first regulation that Masons should be properly paid is extended back to the time of St Alban, and Æthelstan is presented as confirming these ancient provisions and authorizing the assembly.» — Prescott lee el retroceso de la garantía salarial hasta san Albano como operación del compilador, no como dato recibido.

«The way in which the story is subtly manipulated in Cooke to strengthen the claims of the stonemasons is strikingly illustrated by the introduction of the figure of Æthelstan’s supposed son (there is no evidence that Æthelstan had any children).» — el caso con que Prescott documenta la manipulación: un hijo del rey del que no hay rastro histórico.

«Æthelstan’s son was apparently invented by the author of Cooke in order to extend his rollcall of royal Masons and also to establish more firmly the right of Masons to hold their own assembly.» — Prescott atribuye la invención a un fin concreto: alargar la lista de reyes masones y afianzar el derecho de asamblea.

«Although Cooke contains fewer articles, it considerably strengthens a number of the provisions.» — Prescott advierte que la comparación no es de extensión sino de fuerza normativa.

«As is well known, wage pressure was particularly acute in the building trades after the Black Death, and much of the labour legislation in the late fourteenth and fifteen centuries sought to restrain the wage levels of building workers (Given-Wilson 2000a).» — el contexto económico del que Prescott hace derivar la leyenda: la presión salarial posterior a la peste y la legislación que la contuvo.

«The king replied that such chapters and congregations should not be held, and those who convene such chapters should be adjudged felons.» — Prescott cita la respuesta real de 1425 que convierte en delito convocar asambleas de canteros.

«Any Masons who go to such congregations should be imprisoned without fine or ransom at the king’s will.» — y Prescott añade la pena que la acompaña, sin fianza ni rescate.

«The stories in Regius and Cooke were intended to authorize the continued holding of such assemblies notwithstanding the statutory provision.» — de ahí la función que Prescott asigna a los dos manuscritos: contrarrestar con antigüedad legendaria una prohibición vigente.

«This suggests that the manuscripts date from after 1425, placing them into the second quarter of the fifteenth century.» — y Prescott añade la datación que se sigue de esa función.

«The Masons denied the authority of parliament to prohibit the annual assemblies of Masons, because these meetings had been authorized by Æthelstan (perhaps chosen for no other reason that his name, meaning ‘noble stone’, was a credible one for a patron of stonemasons).» — Prescott apunta, con reserva, que la elección del patrón sajón pudo decidirse por lo que significa su nombre.

«When Æthelstan was not found a sufficiently high authority, the story was extended back to Nimrod.» — Prescott describe el mecanismo de la leyenda: cuando la autoridad invocada no basta, se retrocede a otra más antigua.

«The Regius and Cooke manuscripts, however, are unusual and important because they allow the process of manipulation to be traced in great detail.» — el valor que Prescott les reconoce no está en lo que cuentan sino en que dejan ver cómo se fabricó lo contado.

«Robinson notes that A.C.F. Jackson claimed (without providing any evidence) that the manuscript was in the possession of the Lodge of Edinburgh (Mary’s Chapel) in 1665 and that a copy was said to have been made for the Lodge Kilwinning.» — Prescott marca como no probada una procedencia repetida en la literatura masónica.

«McLeod, ‘Old Charges’, disputes this on the grounds that the text of the Kilwinning MS. differs significantly from Grand Lodge MS. 1.» — y Prescott consigna la objeción textual de McLeod sin cerrar la cuestión.

«It is perhaps worth noting that Grand Lodge MS 1 was dated just four days after William Schaw was made Master undermining the statutes of labourers (Knoop and Jones 1938b: 183).» — Prescott señala una coincidencia de cuatro días entre el manuscrito y el nombramiento de Schaw, y la presenta como tal.

«The manuscript was stolen and mutilated in the mid twentieth century, and the section with the alleged Dunckerley inscription was lost.» — Prescott documenta una pérdida material que deja sin comprobación una atribución.

«The manuscript states that St Alban was a worthy knight and a steward of the king’s household who governed the realm and the town walls, ‘and loved Massons well’.» — el retrato de san Albano que Prescott extrae del manuscrito, con la fórmula del texto sobre su afecto por los canteros.

«Grand Lodge MS. 1 claims that St Alban ordained that the Masons should receive 2s 6d a week for their work and 3d a day for food and drink.» — Prescott registra la cifra exacta que la leyenda atribuye al santo: el relato legendario es, en su núcleo, una tarifa.

«Grand Lodge MS. 1 adds two components to the story of Æthelstan and his son as found in Cooke, namely that the son’s name was Edwin and that he held an assembly of the Masons at York.» — Prescott fecha aquí la aparición de los dos elementos que fundan la tradición de York.

«Grand Lodge MS. 1 accounts for the lack of any manuscripts of these charges by stating that Edwin in the assembly at York had subsumed them all into his own charges.» — y Prescott muestra cómo el texto se blinda: la ausencia de documentos queda explicada dentro de la propia leyenda.

«They retain the spurious references to medieval authorities such as the Polychronicon and Isidore of Seville which are a feature of the Cooke manuscript, but are expunged in Grand Lodge MS. 1.» — Prescott clasifica las familias de manuscritos por qué autoridades falsas conservan o suprimen.

«but add an additional claim that the charges had been seen and approved by King Henry VI and his council.» — la adición que Prescott destaca: una aprobación regia contemporánea sumada al aval antiguo.

«These manuscripts also make the surprising and wrong claim that Edwin succeeded Æthelstan as King.» — y Prescott añade el error que denuncia: Edwin nunca sucedió a Æthelstan.

«It seems rather that the reference to Henry VI was introduced to counter any suggestion that meetings of stonemasons had been outlawed by his parliament.» — Prescott explica esa aprobación regia por su utilidad: neutralizar la prohibición parlamentaria del mismo reinado.

«More than twenty manuscripts compiled between 1583 and 1717 have been so far identified, and these charges continued frequently to be copied after 1717, so that altogether more than 120 versions have so far been traced (McLeod 1986).» — Prescott mide la difusión de los *Old Charges*, y señala que la copia no cesó con la Gran Logia.

«Begemann’s work had a counterproductive effect in that masonic scholars have become obsessed with classifying texts of the Old Charges according to Begemann’s scheme and ignore the manuscript evidence.» — Prescott acusa a la erudición masónica de haber sustituido el examen de los manuscritos por su encasillado en una taxonomía heredada.

«It will not be possible to give an authoritative account of the Old Charge manuscripts until an up-to-date listing replacing Hughan has been compiled.» — y Prescott declara la condición previa que él mismo no da por cumplida: un catálogo nuevo que sustituya al de Hughan.

«First, the frequency of references to wage rates in the sixteenth and seventeenth century manuscripts of the Old Charges suggests that their compilation was closely related to agitation over pay in the building trade.» — Prescott hace del salario, y no de la doctrina, el hilo que explica la copia de esos manuscritos.

«While in southern England wages for building workers were allowed to rise, in northern England more vigorous attempts were made to control wages.» — la asimetría regional inglesa con que Prescott sitúa esa agitación.

«In York, matters came to a head in 1552 when building workers, refusing to obey the city council’s ordinance that they should work for 6d a day, went on strike and were imprisoned.» — el episodio concreto que Prescott ancla en York: huelga por seis peniques y prisión.

«As Woodward puts it, “It is clear that the government adopted a two-pronged strategy, attempting to enforce a rigid policy in the north (insisting upon the implementation of the maxima of 1514), but experimenting with a more conciliatory and flexible approach in the south and midlands” (Woodward» — Prescott toma de Woodward la fórmula de la política salarial doble, y la cita como suya.

«The mid sixteenth-century elaboration of the York legend, with its identification of Æthelstan’s son as Edwin and the place of assembly specified as York, is possibly a reaction to these attempts to enforce more rigorously labour» — Prescott propone, en modo hipotético, que la leyenda de York nace como respuesta a esa presión salarial en el norte.

«In 1552, the York strikers specified the customary rates as 5d a day with food and drink» — el dato con que Prescott aproxima la tarifa de la leyenda a la reclamada en la huelga real.

«For example, the copy of the Old Charges in London, British Library, Sloane MS. 3848, f. 179, was copied by Edward Sankey on the day» — Prescott vincula por signatura una copia de los *Old Charges* con la iniciación de Ashmole.

«The Scarborough MS. contains a minute describing the admission of six men to the lodge in 1705» — Prescott documenta el uso efectivo del manuscrito en una recepción, y no solo su conservación.

«For Hughan, the Old Charges were important evidence of the connections and continuity between Scottish and English» — Prescott recuerda para qué le servían a Hughan esos textos: probar continuidad entre las dos tradiciones.

«Plot declared that there was only one possible way of salvaging the legend.» — Prescott introduce así el intento de Robert Plot de rescatar la historia legendaria por vía crítica.

«However, Plot pointed out, it was highly unlikely that such a prince, forced into exile» — y Prescott añade la objeción con que el propio Plot lo abandona.

«The production of the Cooke manuscript by George Payne at the Grand Lodge in 1721 must have seemed to vindicate the antiquity of the legends» — Prescott describe el efecto que la exhibición del manuscrito debió tener sobre la Gran Logia, marcándolo como conjetura.

«In commissioning James Anderson to use his historical skills to revise and correct the legends recorded in Cooke and elsewhere, Grand Lodge wanted to show how modern scientific method could recover ancient truths from the Gothic ignorance» — Prescott presenta el encargo a Anderson como un programa ilustrado: depurar la leyenda con método, no descartarla.

«In the first edition of the Book of Constitutions, published in 1723, he did not mention the assembly in his account of Æthelstan’s reign, but instead inserted under his entry for Edward IV» — Prescott sigue el desplazamiento con que Anderson recoloca la asamblea de York en otro reinado.

«In doing so, Anderson amended his extract from the Old Charges to state that Edwin was the King’s brother, although he noted that he is ‘call’d in some» — y Prescott registra la enmienda de parentesco que Anderson introduce dejando constancia de la variante.

«However, in doing so, Anderson assigned to the assembly an impossibly early date of 926, which predates by a year Æthelstan’s acquisition of York following the death of the Viking King of York Sihtric Cáech in June 927.» — Prescott desmonta la fecha de Anderson con la cronología de la conquista de York.

«In choosing this date, Anderson was probably trying to work out the earliest feasible date at which such an assembly could have been held in York but was hampered by his reliance on the imprecise statements of Latin chronicles.» — y Prescott explica el error por el método disponible, no por mala fe.

«Second, Anderson drew attention to the fact that William of Malmesbury, the main English chronicle source for the death of Edwin, emphasised that his information was drawn from a popular ballad, and therefore not necessarily reliable.» — Prescott reconoce a Anderson una crítica de fuentes que no suele atribuírsele.

«The way in which Anderson grapples with these details illustrates how the legacy of the Old Charges loomed over Anderson’s attempt to recreate the history of the stonemasons.» — Prescott invierte la relación corriente: no es Anderson quien inventa la leyenda, es la leyenda la que le condiciona el trabajo.

«Although Anderson’s text retained little of the text of the Old Charges, their narrative structure played a fundamental part in shaping Anderson’s work.» — y Prescott precisa qué sobrevive del manuscrito en las Constituciones: no la letra, la estructura del relato.

«The Old Charges ensured that the new Enlightenment Hanoverian Freemasonry created in London did not forget its medieval roots.» — la conclusión de Prescott sobre el rendimiento de esos documentos en la masonería ilustrada.

«By the seventeenth century Scotland possessed a network of permanent institutions calling themselves lodges.» — Stevenson abre su capítulo con lo que da por establecido: en el XVII hay en Escocia logias permanentes, no cuadrillas de obra.

«Membership, at first, consisted almost entirely of stonemasons, but over time men of other occupations and social statuses were admitted, from craftsmen to noblemen.» — Stevenson describe la apertura social de esas logias como proceso, y no como acto fundacional.

«Members had secrets, collectively known as the Mason Word, into which they were initiated by elaborate rituals.» — Stevenson nombra el núcleo del asunto escocés, la *Mason Word*, y lo liga a un rito de iniciación.

«These contained references to historical traditions relating to the mason craft and lodges, and included secret recognition codes by which initiates could identify each other.» — y Stevenson desglosa su contenido: tradición histórica del oficio más códigos de reconocimiento.

«Compasses and the square played a part in their symbolism.» — Stevenson documenta ya en esas logias los dos instrumentos que serán el emblema de la orden.

«By the second half of the seventeenth century, and probably much earlier, Scottish lodges had copies of the fifteenth century ‘Old Charges’, which encapsulated the lore of medieval English stonemasons.» — Stevenson documenta la circulación en Escocia de los manuscritos ingleses, con el margen temporal abierto hacia atrás.

«As well as seeking to regulate the Masons’ trade, lodges had charitable funds to help members who fell on hard times.» — Stevenson añade la función asistencial a la reguladora.

«Thus by 1600 Scotland had clearly developed a form of Freemasonry—though it is true that the members of the lodges did not call themselves Freemasons, but simply Masons (see Stevenson 1988; Stevenson 2001).» — la tesis escocesa de Stevenson, enunciada con su reserva terminológica dentro: es masonería, aunque sus miembros no usen ese nombre.

«Scottish medieval Masons, like their English counterparts, had long before the seventeenth century had lodges associated with individual building sites, made up of the Masons working on them.» — Stevenson distingue esas logias de obra de las permanentes que le interesan.

«Though the word ‘lodge’ originally meant simply the shelter in which Masons worked, in time the word came (as in the Old Charges) also to denote the collective body the Masons on the site formed.» — Stevenson sigue el desplazamiento del término desde el cobertizo hasta el cuerpo colectivo.

«Some such lodges only existed while major building works were in progress, but in many cases they may have come to exist semipermanently, catering for the core of Masons who remained to deal with the routine maintenance and repairs necessary for major buildings.» — Stevenson propone el mantenimiento de los grandes edificios como vía de permanencia de la logia, y lo dice en potencial.

«The lodge may only have comprised Boiss and an apprentice or two, but it was clearly regarded as an institution with an agreed body of traditions and regulations.» — Stevenson separa el tamaño de la logia de su condición institucional.

«The Protestant Reformation of 1560, and the long period of political instability that followed it, must have severely disrupted the Masons’ trade.» — Stevenson hace de la Reforma escocesa un accidente económico del oficio, y lo formula como inferencia.

«Many ecclesiastical buildings were destroyed or left to fall into ruin, and employment opportunities must have been limited.» — Stevenson lo consigna así, con su consecuencia material: sin obra eclesiástica no hay trabajo para el cantero.

«But by the end of the century stability was returning, and both the crown and landowners were becoming more adventurous in their building projects.» — Stevenson sitúa la reactivación constructiva justo antes de los estatutos de Schaw.

«It is perhaps merely a coincidence, but just at this time the survival of a scattering of written records produces a sudden explosion of information for historians about the organisation of Scottish masonry.» — y Stevenson advierte contra confundir aparición de fuentes con aparición del fenómeno.

«Scottish legislation dating back to 1427 had ordered that in rural areas barons (landowners) like Copland should be appointed as wardens over craftsmen (aps 1844–1875, ii, 15.), but apart from this one reference there is no evidence of such appointments actually being made.» — Stevenson consigna la ley y a la vez la falta de prueba de que se aplicara.

«The minutes reveal that the lodges Schaw was dealing with were very different from those traceable in earlier times.» — Stevenson establece por las actas la discontinuidad entre las logias antiguas y las que Schaw regula.

«But the new-type lodges that emerge from obscurity in 1598–1599 claimed to have jurisdiction over all Masons in a town or area—and they have therefore aptly been called ‘territorial lodges’.» — de ahí el término con que Stevenson las nombra: logias territoriales, definidas por jurisdicción y no por obra.

«These lodges had no official role in local life, and though they performed many functions similar to those of incorporations—seeking to regulate trade and wages and recruitment to the trade through apprenticeship—they acted separately, and indeed ignored each other.» — Stevenson describe una duplicidad que no es competencia declarada sino desconocimiento mutuo entre logia y corporación.

«Each year the mason chosen to be mason-deacon of the incorporation of Masons and wrights in Edinburgh was also elected deacon of the lodge (Stevenson 2001: 13), the two bodies thus acting in silent collusion though the link cannot have been secret—the incorporation owned Mary’s Chapel, and both organisations met there.» — y Stevenson muestra que ese desconocimiento era formal: en Edimburgo las dos instituciones compartían jefe y local.

«Firstly, the incorporations that Masons joined were usually shared with other building crafts—wrights (carpenters), tilers, plumbers, and so on.» — Stevenson señala el rasgo que empuja a los canteros a una institución propia: la corporación era de todos los oficios de la construcción.

«Since the town council had licensed the Masons to have their own, exclusive organisation (though with limited powers), separate from other building trades, it could also act as a lodge for masonic rituals and secrets (Stevenson 2001: 94–97).» — Stevenson explica por dónde entra el rito: una licencia municipal para organizarse aparte deja el cuerpo disponible para otra cosa.

«A second reason that stonemasons usually insisted on having lodges as well as incorporations is probably that the latter were based in the towns, and assumed that the craftsmen pursued their crafts within these towns.» — Stevenson deriva la duplicidad de instituciones de un hecho material: el cantero trabaja donde está la obra, no donde está su ciudad.

«The institutional side of the building-site lodges had to some degree met this need, but even site lodges were under external control—by the representatives of their employer—such as a burgh council (as in Dundee in 1537), or a nobleman building a great house or castle.» — y Stevenson señala el límite de la logia de obra: existía bajo el control del que pagaba.

«The assertion that no lodge could meet closer to a town than a day’s journey away from it (Knoop, Jones and Hamer 1963: 32) might not be literally true, but it expressed the ideal of being free from the power of town councils.» — Stevenson lee una regla inverosímil como declaración de independencia respecto del poder municipal, sin darla por practicada.

«There is, however, no sign of tensions between town lodges and incorporations.» — Stevenson retira la lectura conflictiva de esa duplicidad.

«In Edinburgh at least, lodge and incorporation each in their records ignored the existence of the other, in spite of their heavily overlapping memberships.» — y Stevenson describe la forma que sí toma: silencio documental recíproco entre cuerpos con los mismos miembros.

«Another reason that Scottish Masons may have valued their lodges is that men could often gain the status of master in lodges that was denied to them in incorporations.» — Stevenson propone un móvil de estatus: la logia otorgaba una maestría que la corporación negaba.

«In the incorporations membership was restricted to masters, defined as men who produced and sold their own wares, often employing others as wage-earners—journeymen, who had previously served time as an apprentice or trainee.» — y Stevenson precisa el criterio económico que cerraba la corporación: ser maestro era vender obra propia y emplear a otros.

«The lodges, on the other hand, were much more inclusive in membership.» — Stevenson aporta la contrapartida que hace atractiva a la logia.

«Thus a great many Masons could find within the lodge recognition of the high status of master that the outside world denied them, but that they believed their skills and traditions deserved.» — Stevenson cierra el argumento: la logia funcionó como reconocimiento paralelo de una dignidad negada fuera.

«But it is tempting to connect it with the building of Rosslyn [Roslin] Chapel by Sir William Sinclair in the mid-fifteenth century.» — Stevenson formula el vínculo con Rosslyn como tentación, no como conclusión.

«Only a small part of the huge building intended was ever completed, but it is astonishing—and unique in Scotland—in its style and ornate decoration.» — y Stevenson describe la capilla por lo que es: una obra inacabada y sin par en Escocia.

«One answer is that he thought the craft was in a mess and needed his intervention.» — la primera explicación que Stevenson da del celo reformador de Schaw.

«As the king’s master of works he saw such reform as his duty, and he was willing to build on older foundations.» — Stevenson sitúa esa reforma dentro de un cargo de la corona y sobre instituciones ya existentes.

«Not only was the scattering of existing territorial lodges central to his plans, but he approved the recognition by Scotland’s Masons of William Sinclair of Roslin as hereditary patron and protector of the Masons of Scotland, “from aige to aige” [from age to age] with jurisdiction over them, in the so-called ‘First St Clair Charter’ (1600/1601).» — Stevenson documenta el patronazgo hereditario de los Sinclair en una carta fechada, y no en la tradición que después se le atribuyó.

«The Sinclair ‘charter’ spoke of confusion and decay in the mason trade, and of how potential employers had been abandoning “grit interpryses” [great enterprises], no doubt referring to the loss of church patronage after the reformation and the troubled times that followed which had discouraged ambitious building projects (Stevenson 1988: 52).» — Stevenson interpreta el lamento del documento como efecto de la Reforma sobre el mecenazgo constructivo.

«But stability began to emerge in Scotland in the 1590s after decades of political confusion, and demand from crown, landlords and towns for new building projects increased.» — y Stevenson fecha en la década de 1590 la recuperación de la demanda de obra.

«But Schaw may well have had more intellectual motives in acting.» — Stevenson abre, en potencial, la puerta a un móvil que no es gremial.

«Schaw was rumoured to be a Roman Catholic (though that may mean merely that Calvinists suspected he was unorthodox in his beliefs).» — Stevenson recoge el rumor sobre la fe de Schaw y de inmediato lo desactiva como indicio.

«Schaw’s zeal in reviving the mason craft may well have been influenced by his knowledge of the intellectual developments of his age, and particularly by its obsession with Hermeticism, one aspect of the Renaissance fascination with the ancient world as a source of lost knowledge and wisdom.» — la conexión hermética que Stevenson propone para Schaw, enunciada en potencial y no como hecho.

«It is impossible to say for certain that Schaw intended to introduce elements of Renaissance Hermeticism into the Scottish mason craft, but he was a member of a royal court at which Hermeticism and the Art of Memory were discussed.» — Stevenson declara el límite de su propia tesis y deja en pie solo lo que la corte documenta.

«However it is possible that in recommending the art of memory to Masons Schaw was concerned primarily with its practical value.» — y Stevenson ofrece la lectura alternativa, utilitaria, de esa misma recomendación.

«Schaw had ambitions to regulate and control a system of masonic lodges under his own jurisdiction as master of works to the king and as general warden of the Masons, though with the overall patronage of the Sinclairs of Roslin recognised.» — Stevenson describe el proyecto de Schaw como un sistema jerárquico con dos cabezas, la suya y la de los Sinclair.

«William Sinclair proved useless as a patron, facing prosecution as a Roman Catholic and for moral lapses, and eventually fleeing to Ireland.» — y Stevenson consigna el fracaso del patrón hereditario, en la persona misma que la tradición ensalza.

«Sinclair was supported by the Masons in a ‘Second St Clair Charter’ of 1627–1628, seeking a charter from the crown to act as patron—but his jurisdiction was said now to cover hammermen (blacksmiths and other ironworkers) as well as Masons (Lyon 1900: 66–68).» — Stevenson señala la ampliación de la jurisdicción reclamada en la segunda carta.

«Thus, it seems, he was not interested in the esoteric aspects of masonry but in a wider jurisdiction over craftsmen.» — y de ahí Stevenson infiere el interés real del patrón: mando sobre oficios, no doctrina secreta.

«Sir Anthony Alexander appealed to King Charles I arguing that the Sinclair claims to authority were derogatory to his own jurisdiction, and in 1636 Sir Anthony issued (with the consent of several lodges) the Falkland Statutes, claiming jurisdiction over all the building crafts as general warden.» — Stevenson documenta el pleito de jurisdicción que produce los Estatutos de Falkland.

«He ordered the establishment of ‘companies’ of building craftsmen throughout the country, and seems to have intended to use masonic lodges as a framework for these companies (Stevenson 1988: 67–72).» — y Stevenson añade el uso que ese proyecto quiso dar a las logias: armazón administrativo de compañías de oficio.

«After this the Sinclairs seem to have lost interest in their hereditary claims, and the masters of works were equally apathetic.» — Stevenson cierra la pugna por abandono de las dos partes, no por victoria de ninguna.

«New lodges had been established—and the keeping of written records became common, providing evidence of their existence.» — y Stevenson liga el aumento de logias conocidas al hábito nuevo de llevar actas.

«Often why they were initiated is obscure, but in a scattering of cases interest in geometry and mathematics seems significant.» — Stevenson deja sin resolver el móvil de los caballeros iniciados y solo destaca un rastro: la geometría.

«However, Moray should not be regarded as typical of the ‘gentleman’ Masons of the time: there is no evidence of other Masons giving symbolic meanings to their marks, but Moray clearly believed that masonic brotherhood was compatible with his own Stoic Christian philosophy and dedication to the cult of friendship.» — Stevenson aísla a Robert Moray como caso singular y advierte contra generalizar desde él.

«Why increasing numbers of gentlemen wanted to be initiated, and why lodges agreed to admit them, can only be conjectured.» — Stevenson declara conjetural la explicación del fenómeno central de su capítulo.

«Nonetheless, until 1696 the great majority of all Scottish lodges members remained stonemasons.» — Stevenson acota el peso real de los caballeros: hasta 1696 la logia escocesa siguió siendo de canteros.

«Not only was it the first lodge for which a date of foundation is known (rather than a date at which it is first mentioned as already existing) but the majority of its small number of members were gentlemen.» — el doble motivo por el que Stevenson destaca la logia de Dunblane de 1696: fecha de fundación conocida y mayoría de caballeros.

«The first known use of this term is in a poem composed in Perth in about 1630.» — Stevenson fecha en un poema la primera aparición conocida del término.

«But masons summoned before the general assembly of the church refused to reveal ‘the Word’.» — Stevenson documenta la resistencia de los canteros ante la asamblea eclesiástica.

«It was reported that the Masons suggested that the assembly chose one of its members, who would then be initiated, and could then assure the rest of the assembly of the innocence of the secrets of the Word, but that the offer was refused as no member dared for fear of finding that initiation involved some blasphemy!» — Stevenson refiere la salida propuesta y su rechazo, y consigna el temor que la impidió.

«This may have been in part due to the fact that Scotland had recently been conquered by an English regime which was determined to limit the interference of the church in public life, but churchmen may also have been reassured that the Word was harmless by claims (which cannot be confirmed) that parish ministers had in the past themselves known the secrets of the Word» — Stevenson ofrece dos explicaciones del apaciguamiento eclesiástico y marca como no confirmable la segunda.

«Certainly the earliest of these Masonic Catechisms seems to be written by someone lacking in respect for the rituals he writes about, for he uses the words ‘foolish’ and ‘ridiculous’ of parts of the rituals.» — Stevenson advierte sobre el tono del testigo antes de usarlo como fuente del rito temprano.

«He clearly was not writing for Masons, but to reveal their secrets.» — y Stevenson fija su intención: delación, no instrucción.

«The various early rituals revealed in the Catechisms suggest a good deal of local variation in practice and lore, but with a common core.» — Stevenson concluye de los catecismos variación local sobre un núcleo compartido.

«Some of the material in the catechisms is taken from the Old Charges.» — y Stevenson establece la dependencia entre esos catecismos y los manuscritos ingleses.

«In formalising Freemasonry in England, the Grand Lodge appeared to acknowledge some debt to Scotland and its masonic traditions, for the man chosen to compile its Constitutions (London, 1723) was a Scotsman, James Anderson, in all probability an initiate of Aberdeen Lodge, of which his father had been master» — Stevenson lee la elección de Anderson como reconocimiento tácito de la deuda inglesa con Escocia, y marca la iniciación como probable.

«A sign of the strength of the English model for Freemasonry was that the new Scottish Grand Lodge was of ‘free and accepted masons’, the latter term having some precedent in England but none in Scotland.» — el indicio con que Stevenson mide la reimportación: una fórmula sin precedente escocés en el nombre de la Gran Logia de Escocia.

«However, William St Clair of Roslin was chosen as the first Scottish Grand Master, through the old tradition of his family’s patronage of the craft—though the tradition was so much in decay that he had to be hastily initiated to make him eligible for election» — Stevenson mide el estado de esa tradición por un detalle: hubo que iniciar de urgencia al patrón hereditario.

«However, most of the older lodges came in time to accept new types of members—not least because those from the social elite were often willing to pay high fees to help charitable funds.» — Stevenson pone un motivo económico en la apertura social de las logias antiguas.

«Thus in the decades after 1737 there might be said to be two types of Freemasonry in Scotland, one made up of working men in independent lodges, which still attempted to control some aspects of the mason trade (though this was increasingly unrealistic as social and economic conditions changed)» — Stevenson sostiene la coexistencia de dos masonerías escocesas y señala la del oficio como cada vez menos viable.

«However, there was a good deal of overlap between the two types of lodge, often leading to internal tensions, as poorer members sought to keep costs to a minimum, while the richer favoured lavish dinners and good wine.» — y Stevenson localiza la tensión de clase donde se toca: en el costo de la cena.

«The brotherhood of men of all ranks was an ideal, but difficult to put into practice in a hierarchical society.» — Stevenson consigna la distancia entre el ideal fraterno y la sociedad estamental que lo alberga.

«Over time, however, the great majority of lodges came to accept Grand Lodge and seek charters from it.» — y Stevenson añade el desenlace institucional: la centralización acaba imponiéndose por adhesión.

«How long the past of these ‘invisible’ lodges had been is quite impossible to say.» — Stevenson declara indeterminable la antigüedad de las logias sin registro escrito.

«This has led the more enthusiastic to assume that the foundation dates (or major rebuilding dates) of these edifices can be taken to mark the foundation of the corresponding lodges, but there is no historical evidence for continuity.» — Stevenson corta la inferencia que data una logia por la fecha del edificio junto al que trabajó.

«Some carvings at Roslyn’s fifteenth century chapel have been claimed to correspond with aspects of later freemasonic ritual, but these interpretations have failed to win widespread acceptance.» — y Stevenson consigna la lectura masónica de los relieves de Rosslyn junto con su escaso crédito.

«The advertisement informed the reader that “This book is above twice as large as the former,” an oblique reference to the first edition of the Constitutions of ‘Free and Accepted Masons’ published in February 1723 ([Anderson] 1723).» — Scanlan arranca su historiografía por un anuncio de prensa de 1739, y lee en él la comparación implícita con la edición de 1723.

«However, the revised edition was, as the advertisement boasted, substantially larger than its predecessor in that it carried 140 pages of additional material mostly owing to a greatly expanded historical section in which the author, Bro. James Anderson D.D., attempted to trace the history of the craft all the way back to the era of the Old Testament Patriarchs and even to Adam himself.» — Scanlan localiza el crecimiento del libro de Anderson en la sección histórica, y su alcance en Adán.

«Even by the inexact historiographical standards of the day, Anderson’s semimythologised account of Freemasonry’s past was somewhat whimsical.» — el juicio de Scanlan, medido contra el estándar de la época y no contra el actual.

«Consequently, modern historians have tended to dismiss his work as little more than uncorroborated fancy.» — Scanlan registra la recepción moderna antes de matizarla.

«But despite its many flaws, including a slew of factual inaccuracies and unsupported claims, it was the first work to offer a detailed account of Freemasonry’s origins and as such it was significant in that it has coloured, and continues to colour, the way in which historians approach the subject.» — y Scanlan la matiza: el libro sigue condicionando el modo en que se estudia el asunto, precisamente por haber sido el primero.

«Following the publication of Anderson’s historical opus, the study of Freemasonry in the English language was left mainly to amateur historians and conspiracy theorists for the best part of two centuries.» — Scanlan describe dos siglos de vacío académico en lengua inglesa sobre el asunto.

«It should be noted that one academically trained historian, the German Freemason Dr Georg Emil Wilhelm Begemann, did write on the British origins of Freemasonry at this time, although his findings were never published in English.» — Scanlan salva de ese vacío a Begemann, y señala la barrera de lengua que lo mantuvo fuera del debate.

«Several founders of the lodge, such as Robert Freke Gould and William James Hughan, were evidently intrigued by the association’s enigmatic origins, however, their lack of training as professional historians, coupled with a distinctly antiquarian and positivist approach to the material they were examining, resulted in studies that were rather more attuned to a masonic audience than to an academic one.» — Scanlan explica el aislamiento de la logia de investigación Quatuor Coronati por su método y su destinatario, no por su tema.

«Knoop and Jones argued that modern ‘speculative’ Freemasonry evolved after a lengthy period of transition from the practices and traditions of ‘operative’ stonemasons in both Scotland and England, an idea not dissimilar to the one espoused by most masonic historians of their day.» — Scanlan resume la teoría de la transición de Knoop y Jones y la sitúa en la corriente de su tiempo.

«However, there was a subtle yet distinct difference in their argument, in that they did not believe the modern ‘speculative’ Freemasonry emerged directly from the practices of ‘operative’ stonemasons.» — y Scanlan aísla lo que sí los separaba: negaban la derivación directa.

«Such neglect, he argued, had resulted in “the impoverishment of English historians’ understanding of European history and even, though to a less important degree, of their own,”» — Scanlan cita a Roberts para medir el costo del desdén académico hacia la masonería.

«Yates began by sounding a cautionary note to anyone who might be considering researching this subject, as much of the available literature she warned “deservedly sinks below the notice of the serious historian”» — Scanlan recoge la advertencia de Frances Yates sobre la calidad de la bibliografía masónica, en palabras de ella.

«She then proceeded to take a brief look at what was known of early Freemasonry: however, her argument relied heavily on secondary sources» — y Scanlan le objeta el apoyo en fuentes de segunda mano.

«Jacob dedicated a sizeable portion of her study to the subject of Freemasonry’s origins and paid credence to the time-honoured theory of transition» — Scanlan sitúa a Margaret Jacob dentro de la teoría heredada de la transición.

«She also suggested that politicians such as late seventeenth-century London magnate and Whig Exclusionist, Sir Robert Clayton, and the radical Whig and pantheist, John Toland, may have been Freemasons» — Scanlan consigna esas dos adscripciones como sugerencia de Jacob, no como hecho establecido.

«Jacob’s work was initially well received, although the general encomium was soon punctured by some stern criticism of her thesis.» — Scanlan traza la curva de recepción de esa obra.

«There is a great deal of conjecture, far too much conjecture, a veritable whirlpool of conjecture, into which all manner of persons and things are sucked.» — de la reseña de Gibbs contra Jacob, reproducida por Scanlan: es voz del reseñista, no del autor del capítulo.

«William Schaw issued the first set of statutes on 27 December 1598, and the second on the same date in 1599.» — Scanlan fija las dos fechas de los estatutos de Schaw, ambas en el día de San Juan Evangelista.

«Stevenson argued that in reorganising these craft institutions Schaw helped to establish them as permanent entities, bodies that were independent of the Incorporations which typically comprised several different trades and fell under the control of the local burgh (town) authorities.» — Scanlan resume la tesis institucional de Stevenson: Schaw da permanencia e independencia municipal a la logia.

«He also argued that the late sixteenth-century Scottish lodges absorbed renaissance ideas, both Platonic and Hermetic, which set them apart from other craft-based associations both within Scotland and beyond.» — y Scanlan añade su tesis intelectual: lo que separa a esas logias de cualquier otro gremio es la absorción de ideas platónicas y herméticas.

«Stevenson noted that throughout the seventeenth century the Scottish lodges remained predominantly the preserve of stonemasons (Stevenson 1988a: 215), even though a small number of non-stonemasons, including members of the nobility and gentry, were admitted as members of some lodges from as early as the 1630s.» — Scanlan recuerda que el propio Stevenson acota su tesis: la logia escocesa del XVII siguió siendo de canteros.

«He was uncertain why these men sought the membership and sociability of a working craft association at this time, but, he observed, many of the non-stonemasons who joined lodges appeared to share an interest in geometry, an art long viewed as synonymous with stonemasonry and building.» — y consigna que Stevenson deja el móvil sin resolver, con la geometría como único rastro común.

«Stevenson’s works were generally well received and today his thesis is widely regarded as the most comprehensive and reliable account of the emergence of Freemasonry so far published.» — Scanlan reconoce a la tesis escocesa el estatuto de explicación de referencia.

«Nevertheless, his thesis did not escape totally unscathed and Margaret Jacob in particular was highly critical of what she termed his “positivist” approach.» — y consigna la objeción de Jacob sin adoptarla, marcando el término como de ella.

«Jacob once again subscribed to the idea that Freemasonry had emerged from the old craft guilds of the British Isles after a period of transition, although once again she made no mention of the pioneering work of Knoop and Jones.» — Scanlan le reprocha a Jacob una omisión bibliográfica reiterada.

«She argued that it was hardly surprising that Freemasonry emerged in Britain as the country’s craft guilds had been weakened earlier than those on the European continent.» — la explicación estructural que Jacob propone, según Scanlan: gremios británicos debilitados antes que los continentales.

«It should be noted that Professor David Stevenson was Lisa Kahler’s doctoral supervisor at the University of St Andrews.» — Scanlan declara una filiación académica al valorar el respaldo que una tesis recibe de otra.

«She was also emphatic in her belief that the association was not exclusively English as many masonic historians had traditionally argued, but British, born from a century of troubles that had bedevilled all of the British Isles and not just a part of it.» — Scanlan recoge la propuesta de un origen británico, y no inglés ni escocés, nacido de un siglo de conflicto.

«In spite of Jacob’s forceful objections to Stevenson’s nationalist approach, and despite returning to the subject once more in 2006, this time with a volume solely dedicated to the theme of masonic origins (Jacob 2006),4 the force and cogency of Stevenson’s argument persuaded many historians that evidence relating to early Freemasonry in England is scanty and therefore the movement must be Scottish in origin.» — Scanlan describe cómo se consolidó el consenso escocés, y deja ver el paso que le objeta: de escasez de pruebas inglesas a origen escocés.

«And even though Kahler’s study was not primarily focused on the theme of Freemasonry’s origins, she nevertheless based many of her arguments on the findings contained in Stevenson’s studies and boldly argued that “there is nothing definite to connect English Freemasonry with an operative past,” therefore “it is plausible that these ideas spread from Scotland” (Kahler 1998: 38).» — Scanlan cita la formulación de Kahler con su propio condicional dentro: de la ausencia de vínculo se pasa a lo plausible.

«In 2007, David Harrison tackled the subject in the opening chapter of his doctoral thesis and argued strongly that some proto-form of the association was active in England during the seventeenth century (Harrison 2007: 14–46).» — Scanlan registra la posición inglesa contraria al consenso escocés.

«He also highlighted evidence, long known to historians in this field, which shows that a handful of gentry in the counties of Staffordshire and Cheshire joined Freemason’s lodges during the 1640s and 1660s.» — y Scanlan añade el material en que se apoya: recepciones de caballeros en logias inglesas de mediados del XVII.

«A more serious and considered look at early Freemasonry is Ric Berman’s The Foundations of Modern Freemasonry (2012), a work that was ostensibly based on his doctoral thesis completed at the University of Exeter.» — Scanlan jerarquiza la bibliografía reciente y destaca el trabajo de Berman.

«Berman dedicates the work’s opening chapter to the subject of the associations’ origins and competently surveys much of the available evidence relating to early Freemasonry, before rejecting the idea of a transition from a working stonemason form of Freemasonry to a more ‘speculative’ or ‘spiritual’ form.» — y consigna que Berman rechaza la teoría de la transición que Knoop, Jones y Jacob comparten.

«However, Berman’s thesis is weakened by his repeated use of certain defining terms such as the term ‘speculative’—a word that was not actually used in any original documents relating to modern Freemasonry until the latter half of the eighteenth century (Berman 2012: 8–38).» — la objeción de método de Scanlan: se discute el origen con un término que la documentación del origen no usa.

«However, in both instances, the authors not only failed to secure commonly understood meanings for these key words, but they also repeated many of the same errors that other historians in this field have made.» — Scanlan atribuye buena parte del desacuerdo historiográfico a la falta de definiciones compartidas.

«Indeed, it is generally not realised that the term originated in medieval England as an abbreviated form of ‘freestone mason’ and that its earliest known use can be found in the City of London’s Coroners’ Rolls for the year 1325–1326 (Sharpe 1913: 13–131; Prescott 2004).» — Scanlan data la primera aparición conocida del término en un registro judicial londinense de 1325-1326 y lo deriva de *freestone mason*.

«In 1654, for reasons that are not entirely clear, the London Company of Freemasons changed its name to the London Masons’ Company.» — Scanlan consigna el cambio de nombre de la compañía londinense declarando que su motivo se ignora.

«However, individual members of the company, as well as many Masons across the country, continued to use the term to describe their profession, and the word remained in use as a trade term well into the eighteenth century.» — y Scanlan muestra que el término siguió siendo profesional mucho después del cambio institucional.

«Lodges are also known to have been active in early modern England, albeit that most do not appear to have been the permanent entities that existed in Scotland.» — Scanlan concede la diferencia con Escocia sin conceder la ausencia: había logias inglesas, pero no permanentes.

«The two oldest examples of these documents date from the first half of the fifteenth century, although the majority (there are approximately 130 known to exist) date from the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries.» — Scanlan cuantifica el corpus de los *Old Charges* y su reparto cronológico.

«It should also be noted that, like the word ‘freemason’, these old charge manuscripts are of English provenance, with the possible exception of one.» — el argumento que Scanlan opone al origen escocés: tanto el término como los manuscritos son ingleses.

«For example, in 1719 a Magistrate in Kendal, Westmoreland, ruled that “a Master Freemason,” when hewing or walling “freestone,” receives more than a “rough mason” and other workmen (Gould 1895:» — Scanlan documenta que en 1719, con la Gran Logia ya en pie, el término seguía designando una categoría salarial del oficio.

«The building accounts of Henry VIII’s Palace of Nonsuch (begun in 1538) are also replete with references to the wages of “lodgemen freemasons” at this time (Gairdner and Brodie 1898: 560–577), and despite the seismic upheavals of the Reformation, lodges remained a feature of the English architectural landscape throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.» — Scanlan apoya en cuentas de obra la continuidad de las logias inglesas a través de la Reforma.

«Much has been written about these two accounts and many commentators have concluded that they point to the existence of a ‘speculative’ fraternity in seventeenth century England, one that was completely divorced from the associations of working stonemasons. However, such a theory quickly disintegrates when one scrutinises Ashmole’s accounts in depth.» — Scanlan disputa la lectura corriente de los dos testimonios de Ashmole.

«Firstly, recent analysis of the 1682 account reveals that the lodge Ashmole attended not only met at the home of the London Masons’ Company, but it also included the Company’s reigning master, two of its former masters and both its acting wardens.» — la prueba con que Scanlan lo hace: la logia de 1682 estaba llena de dirigentes de la compañía de oficio.

«The fact that this lodge consisted of eminent stonemasons and that it was so closely connected to the London Masons’ Company, which, prior to 1654, was known as the London Company of Freemasons, is more than a little suggestive.» — Scanlan mide el peso de ese dato con cautela, y lo llama sugerente en vez de concluyente.

«But crucially, Ashmole also stated that he “was the senior Fellow among them (it being 35 years since I was admitted)” (Bodleian Library, Oxford, Ashmole MS. 1136: f. 69v), an obvious allusion to his initiation into Freemasonry at Warrington in October 1646, a statement which strongly suggests that both the 1646 and the 1682 lodges were connected, if not part of the same craft-based tradition or association.» — Scanlan une los dos episodios de Ashmole por su propio cómputo de antigüedad.

«It is also evident that Ashmole knew the term ‘freemason’ referred to a specific class of stone-mason as he used the word several times in his writings, but at no stage did he ever intimate that there was a second interpretation of it (Ashmole 1652: 7);» — Scanlan argumenta desde el silencio: Ashmole nunca da al término un segundo sentido.

«on the contrary, in a reference to some building work undertaken at St George’s Chapel, Windsor, in the early sixteenth century, Ashmole tellingly described the two contracting Masons, John Aylmer and William Vertue (already cited), as “Free Masons” (Ashmole 1672: chapter iv, section ii, 136).» — y con el uso positivo: Ashmole Scanlan llama así a dos contratistas de obra del siglo XVI.

«Holme later wrote about his membership of the “Felloship [sic] of the Masons,” a society he honoured “because of its Antiquity” and because he was “a Member of that Society, called Free-Masons.” He affirmed that it was part of a stonemason tradition, and proceeded to discuss the terms and tools of their art, as well as the different stones they used.» — Scanlan aporta el testimonio de Randle Holme, que declara su pertenencia y la sitúa dentro del oficio de la piedra.

«He also revealed that the fellows of the society were bound by a secretive oath and he ended his account by recommending some architectural reading for those who might “desire farther instruction in the Theorick part of Free Masonry” (Holme 1688: book iii, chapter iii, 100, 393; ch. xiii, 467).» — y Scanlan muestra que ya en 1688 se distingue una parte teórica del oficio, remitida a la lectura de arquitectura.

«Plot documented a popular custom of the county, that “of admitting Men into the Society of Free-Masons.” He stated that he found “the Custom spread more or less all over the Nation,” but, he observed, in Staffordshire “persons of the most eminent quality…did not disdain to be of this Fellowship.”» — Scanlan cita a Robert Plot para documentar la extensión nacional de la costumbre y su alcance social.

«Plot’s account, like those of Ashmole and Holmes, strongly suggests that the working Freemasons or stonecutters, or at least elements of them, presided over an organised ‘fellowship’ that consisted of stonemasons, other trade professionals, and gentlemen; that met in lodges and made use of secret signs and binding oaths.» — Scanlan reúne los tres testimonios en una sola conclusión, y la enuncia con reserva: una hermandad mixta presidida por canteros.

«Both Ashmole and Plot also stated that the members of this fellowship were known as ‘accepted masons’, which, as we shall see, is highly significant in that this term has been generally misunderstood by historians.» — Scanlan anuncia que el término mal entendido es la clave de su corrección.

«most historians who have written on early Freemasonry have concluded that an ‘accepted’ mason was someone who was not a working stonemason» — la lectura que Scanlan atribuye a la mayoría de los historiadores.

«However, recent research shows that this view is flawed and that an accepted mason was in fact a fellow of a fraternity that was made up of both stonemasons and non-stonemasons alike.» — y Scanlan añade la corrección que propone: el término no marca exclusión del oficio, sino pertenencia a una hermandad mixta.

«And importantly, like the word ‘freemason’, the term accepted was unknown in Scotland before the eighteenth century.» — Scanlan lo consigna así, con la consecuencia para el debate del origen: también ese término es inglés.

«What makes the acception highly unusual is that it was unrelated to the three time-honoured modes of membership that all London livery companies or guilds, including the Masons, were obliged to observe, namely servitude, patrimony and redemption.» — Scanlan define la *acception* por lo que la separa: no entra por ninguna de las tres vías gremiales de ingreso.

«Indeed, the acception was unique to the Masons’ Company most members of the acception were already long-standing and eminent members of the company when they entered this curious association.» — y Scanlan consigna que sus miembros ya eran veteranos de la compañía antes de entrar en ella.

«surviving records only provide a partial picture of the acception, but it is known that it met in lodges, that its meetings usually involved an expensive banquet or dinner, and that its members were known as ‘Accepted Masons’.» — Scanlan declara el límite documental y enumera lo poco que sí consta.

«The divertissement was self-evidently a skit, however, it demonstrates that the accepted Masons were sufficiently well known to the publication’s readership, for the anonymous author to deem them worthy of inclusion in this literary satire.» — Scanlan extrae de una sátira de 1677 no su contenido sino su presupuesto: el público ya conocía a los *accepted Masons*.

«Cramer, was asked to copy Aubrey’s manuscript before his papers were deposited in the Bodleian Library at Oxford for posterity, and the copy, still extant in the Society’s archives, contains an almost identical account of Wren’s alleged association with the fraternity, albeit that the word “adopted” was used in place» — Scanlan documenta la copia de la Royal Society y la variante de término que introduce.

«Both Aubrey’s and Evelyn’s accounts once again clearly point to an association linked to working stonemasons.» — y Scanlan añade la lectura que hace de los dos testimonios, coherente con su tesis.

«wrote about Freemasonry on more than one occasion and recollected how the “highest or last stone” on the lantern of St Paul’s Cathedral had been laid in the presence of that excellent Artificer Mr. Strong, his son and other Free and Accepted Masons chiefly employed in the execution of the Work.» — Scanlan documenta la colocación de la última piedra de San Pablo ante *Free and Accepted Masons* que eran los constructores mismos.

«Hatton’s statement that a fraternity existed within the London Masons’ Company has not only been ignored by historians looking at early Freemasonry, but it also appears to point strongly in the direction of the only fraternity known to exist within the company, and that was the acception.» — Scanlan recupera un testimonio de 1708 desatendido y lo identifica con la *acception*.

«And the fact that members of this fraternity were known as ‘accepted masons’ or ‘accepted freemasons’, would appear to indicate that modern Freemasonry did owe its parentage, at least in part, to the associations and traditions of England’s stonemasons.» — la conclusión de Scanlan, dicha con doble acotación: al parecer, y al menos en parte.

«the official constitutions of the new grand lodge in London published in February 1723, readily acknowledged that the modern society had sprung from the associations of working stonemasons» — Scanlan hace notar que la propia Gran Logia reconocía en 1723 su procedencia del oficio.

«Moreover, in a foreword written by the society’s deputy grand master, Dr John Theophilus Desaguliers, it was openly stated that the author of the work had gone to great lengths to digest “this Book from the old Records,” while the author himself, James Anderson, penned an equally telling note on page 82 of the work in which he acknowledged that the London “Company of Masons” was of “auncient standing” (sic) and had “otherwise [been] termed FREE MASONS.”» — Scanlan apoya esa continuidad en dos declaraciones internas del libro de 1723: el prólogo de Desaguliers y una nota del propio Anderson.

«But in 1314 it was suppressed by Pope Clement V, persecuted by the king of France, Philip the Fair, and banned by the majority of rulers in Europe.» — Mollier fecha y reparte la supresión del Temple entre el papa, el rey de Francia y los demás soberanos.

«But since the eighteenth century and up to the present day, there are those who believe that Freemasonry is a secret continuation of the medieval Order of the Knights Templar.» — Mollier enuncia la creencia que su capítulo examina, y la fecha en el siglo XVIII.

«It’s a lovely story … but there is not a single serious historical fact to support it.» — el veredicto de Mollier sobre esa continuidad, dicho sin atenuantes.

«If we adhere to the classic methods of approach to history, there is no reason to think that the Order of the Temple survived, in one form or another, its abolition by Pope Clement V.» — y Mollier añade su condición de validez, declarada: vale para quien se atenga al método histórico corriente.

«For historians studying the Middle Ages, there is not a single document, not one piece of contemporary evidence which could» — Mollier apoya la negativa en la ausencia total de documentación medieval.

«The same goes for the medievalists; there is not a single piece of documentary evidence to suggest that the Templars ever professed anything other than orthodox Catholicism, for which they fought for over two centuries, nor that they were given to esoteric ideas.» — Mollier separa dos negativas distintas: ni sobrevivió la orden, ni profesó nunca doctrina esotérica alguna.

«Not a single medieval document hints in any way at the survival of even the remnants of the ‘Order of the Poor Soldiers of Christ’.» — y Mollier repite la negativa documental con el nombre propio de la orden.

«But we are allowed to think that it may have differed very little from that of similar orders such as the Knights Hospitaler of Saint John—the Knights of Malta—or the Order» — Mollier reconstruye lo que el Temple pudo ser por comparación con órdenes contemporáneas, y lo dice en potencial.

«In Portugal, at first only the name changed, but as the centuries progressed the ‘Order of Christ’ also became a national honour.» — el caso portugués con que Mollier muestra que un nombre puede perdurar sin continuidad institucional.

«And so, to study links between Freemasonry and the Templars is to turn legend into history.» — Mollier reformula así el objeto de su capítulo: no probar el vínculo, sino historiar la leyenda del vínculo.

«In short, it would require many large Volumes to contain the many splendid Instances of the mighty Influence of Masonry from the Creation, in every Age» — de las *Constituciones* de Anderson, citadas por Mollier: material del siglo XVIII, no voz del autor.

«Nay, if it were expedient, it could be made appear, that from this ancient Fraternity, the Societies or Orders of the Warlike» — la insinuación de Anderson sobre el origen masónico de las órdenes militares, reproducida por Mollier.

«But more importantly, the result of this statement, which says little but implies a good deal more, is that he opens the door to a vast amount of speculation on the subject.» — Mollier mide el efecto de esa frase de Anderson: no afirma un origen caballeresco, lo deja disponible.

«The Branch of the Lodge of Solomon’s Temple, afterwards call’d the Lodge of St. John of Jerusalem on which our Guardian fortunately hit, is as I can easily prove, the Antientest and Purest now on Earth:» — de la *Carta de la Gran Maestra de las Mujeres Masonas* de 1724, citada por Mollier como material del siglo XVIII.

«The famous old Scotish Lodge of Killwinin of which all the Kings of Scotland have been from Time to Time Grand Masters without Interruption, down from the Days of Fergus, who Reign’d there more than 2000 Years ago, long before the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem or the Knights of Maltha, to which two Lodges I must nevertheless allow the Honour of having adorn’d the Antient Jewish and Pagan Masonry with many Religious and Christian Rules.» — continuación del mismo texto de 1724 reproducido por Mollier: la genealogía escocesa y caballeresca ya está armada trece años antes de Ramsay.

«In 1737, the famous lecture delivered by Andrew Michael (le chevalier) Ramsay popularised the idea that Freemasons are descendants of the Crusaders and that therefore their brotherhood was in fact a chivalric Order:» — Mollier asigna a la alocución de Ramsay la popularización, no la invención, de la genealogía cruzada.

«Our Ancestors the Crusaders, gathered together from all Parts of Christendom desired thus to reunite in a single Fraternity the individuals of all Nations … & to create, in the course of time, a wholly spiritual Nation» — del discurso de Ramsay citado por Mollier: la fraternidad como nación espiritual por encima de las patrias.

«At the time of the Crusades in Palestine many Princes, Lords and Citizens associated themselves and vowed to restore the Temples of the Christians in the Holy Land» — la fundación que Ramsay narra, en su propio texto, reproducido por Mollier.

«These signs and words were only communicated to those who had solemnly promised, sometimes even at the foot of an altar, never to reveal them.» — Ramsay explica así el secreto masónico, citado por Mollier.

«This sacred promise, therefore, was not an execrable oath, as is suggested, but a respectable bond which unites Christians of all Nations in the same Brotherhood.» — y en el mismo texto responde a la acusación de juramento execrable: es la apologética de Ramsay, no la tesis de Mollier.

«Neither was the chivalric nature of Freemasonry a secret kept uniquely behind the closed doors of the lodges, but a kind of piece of evidence for many contemporaries.» — Mollier subraya que el carácter caballeresco de la orden era del dominio público, no un arcano interno.

«Given the rapid development of the chivalric theme running through French Freemasonry after the 1730s it is difficult to ascribe its origins to anything other than the personal innovation of Ramsay.» — Mollier adjudica a Ramsay la innovación, y lo hace por eliminación y con reserva.

«It seems very likely that Ramsay—initiated into Anderson’s lodge in London in 1730—was a member in France of the lodge of the Grand Master Derwentwater.» — Mollier reconstruye el itinerario masónico de Ramsay marcándolo como muy probable.

«In fact, in the second half of the seventeenth century and the first decades of the eighteenth, chivalry was very much in fashion.» — Mollier sitúa la invención templaria dentro de una moda literaria previa y ajena a la masonería.

«Even though the last of the knights had disappeared in the second half of the fourteenth century, the ideal—or if we are to remain neutral on the subject, the image—of chivalry survived them.» — Mollier corrige su propio término a mitad de frase para no suscribir el ideal que describe.

«Having disappeared from daily life in Europe, knights nonetheless remained ever present in people’s minds, the imagination revealing itself to be infinitely more resilient than the real world.» — la formulación con que Mollier explica la persistencia de la caballería sin institución que la sostenga.

«From the moment when a link was established between Freemasonry and Chivalry, especially if that Chivalry was connected to the Crusades, the Templars were never very far behind.» — Mollier presenta la aparición del Temple como consecuencia casi mecánica del marco cruzado.

«Some, like that of Elias Ashmole—one of the very first Freemasons—even suggested that the Templars might have survived the suppression of the Order:» — Mollier localiza en Ashmole una supervivencia templaria escrita antes de cualquier grado masónico templario.

«Howbeit the Bishop of York commiserating their deplorable condition within his dioceses charitably disposed of them in monasteries under his juridiction.» — del texto de Ashmole citado por Mollier: los templarios ingleses recogidos en monasterios de York.

«Now the ancient city of York has a claim to be the cradle of a very old form of English Masonry.» — Mollier señala la coincidencia entre esa acogida y la ciudad que la leyenda masónica reclama como cuna.

«Contrary to what may have been written the Templars had already been hinted at in Ramsay’s Discourse.» — Mollier corrige la lectura corriente del discurso de Ramsay: la alusión templaria ya estaba ahí.

«And one of the principal accusations brought forward at the trial of the Templars, and reported by the numerous works dedicated to chivalry, was that of having the novice swear an heretical and obscene oath … which was, in a word, execrable.» — Mollier localiza el punto de contacto entre las dos acusaciones: el juramento execrable del novicio, imputado a los templarios y a los masones.

«In 1746, L’Examen de la Société des Francs-maçons explains that “The Free-masons have, like the Templars, such vital and secret points that they would rather lose their life than reveal them”.» — Mollier documenta en un impreso de 1746 la comparación ya hecha desde fuera de las logias.

«Another example, in 1752, Les vrais jugements sur la société des Francs-Maçons, states that “on examining [the sect] of the Templars in their final days, it seems to live on in its entirety within that of the Masons”.» — y Mollier añade otro de 1752 donde la continuidad ya se afirma entera.

«From the 1740s onwards public opinion establishes a link between masonic mysteries, which are widely talked about, and the Order of the Temple.» — Mollier fecha en la década de 1740 la formación de ese vínculo en la opinión pública.

«I repeated this and have repeated it for ten years, just as I learned it from my predecessor, who in turn had learned it through an ancient tradition, the origins of which he knew not.» — testimonio de época citado por Mollier: la transmisión se declara antigua y de origen desconocido por el propio transmisor.

«Thus the Masons were very quick to claim the chivalric nature of their Order and their connection with the Knights of the Temple, so prestigious and rich in» — Mollier atribuye la adopción del tema a la conveniencia del prestigio, y no a una transmisión recibida.

«It is hard not to have the feeling that it has been cobbled together—a fabrication even.» — el juicio de Mollier sobre la factura del ritual templario más antiguo que examina.

«The degree of ‘Elect Master’ is one of the oldest higher degrees in French speculative Freemasonry.» — Mollier data el grado de *Elect Master* entre los altos grados franceses más antiguos.

«it is precisely its proximity to the degree of ‘Elect Master’, even down to its name, which gives meaning to the ‘Sublime Order of Elect Knights’.» — y Mollier explica el grado caballeresco por derivación del anterior, empezando por el nombre.

«And so the ‘Elect Knight’ rituals add to what we know, reveal a secret part of the degree of ‘Elect Master’:» — Mollier describe el mecanismo de los altos grados: cada uno se presenta como la parte oculta del anterior.

«This degree, which every Freemason in the first half of the eighteenth century thought they knew, is in fact—it was claimed—the vestige and surviving remains of one of the most illustrious Orders of Chivalry.» — y Mollier marca con un inciso que esa identificación es lo reclamado, no lo probado.

«The ‘Elect Knights’ are, therefore, the descendants of the Templars.» — la conclusión que el propio ritual establece, expuesta por Mollier dentro de su reconstrucción.

«By the degree of 9 elected, when your heart was disposed to revenge, you have been prepared to the implacable hatred, that you have sworn to the Knights of Malta, in whom you ought to revenge the death of James de Molay.» — texto ritual citado por Mollier: la venganza de Molay se dirige contra los Hospitalarios, que heredaron los bienes del Temple.

«Appearing in France in the 1740s at the heart of the rich and complex Masonry of higher degrees, the ‘Sublime Order of Elect Knights’ is probably the direct source of all masonic templar degrees.» — Mollier propone un origen único para todos los grados templarios masónicos, y lo marca como probable.

«The first surprise is that no reference is made to the Order of the Temple, nor to the tragic fate of Jacques de Molay—so important in the continental rituals—within the body of the text.» — Mollier constata una ausencia que separa el grado templario británico del continental: en aquél no aparece ni Molay.

«The ‘Kadosh’ remains the final degree, being the pinnacle of a system of some twenty or so degrees practiced in Paris at the beginning of the 1760s, and which the noteworthy French mason Stephen Morin was to take with him to America.» — Mollier sigue el trayecto del sistema parisino hacia América por la mano de Morin.

«The 31st, 32nd and 33rd degrees develop Templar elements that are already present in the 30th.» — y Mollier establece la continuidad templaria dentro de los grados altos del Rito Escocés Antiguo y Aceptado.

«It is generally thought that Ireland played a major role in the introduction and spread of the degree of ‘Knight Templar’ within Anglo-Saxon Freemasonry, which practiced it with great zeal in the eighteenth century, records being relatively common from 1780 onwards, but before that we stumble against a lack of written evidence.» — Mollier recoge el papel irlandés como opinión recibida y marca dónde se acaba la documentación.

«Von Hund and the titles he laid claim to were also called into question.» — Mollier consigna la impugnación de los títulos del fundador de la Estricta Observancia.

«What is more, after all the debates and at the initiative of French members of the ‘Strict Observance’, the Wilhelmsbad convention renounced the claim to an historical link with the Order of the Temple.» — Mollier fecha en Wilhelmsbad la renuncia interna, y por iniciativa francesa, a la filiación templaria.

«They transformed the ‘Strict Observance’ into a Christian order of Chivalry with a strong theosophical dimension under the names of ‘Rectified Scottish Rite’ and ‘Order of the Benevolent Knights of the Holy City’.» — y Mollier describe en qué se convirtió la orden al abandonar la genealogía: una caballería cristiana de dimensión teosófica.

«In 1774 Duke Carl of Södermanland, brother to the king and from 1809 king Charles XIII of Sweden, became its head. From then on exchanges with the German Strict Observance grew in number. In 1778 at the convent of Wolfenbüttel, Duke Carl was elected ‘Heermeister’» — Mollier documenta el enlace entre el sistema sueco y la Estricta Observancia alemana en la persona de un príncipe reinante.

«Since many German members did not want to be ruled by a Swedish Prince, there was much opposition to his Grandmastership.» — y Mollier añade el límite nacional que ese mando encontró.

«The rituals of the system were revised twice by Duke Carl (with some advisors) in 1778–1780 and 1798–1801 (Snoek 2003: 41–44), which strengthened the Templar element.» — Mollier fecha las dos revisiones del Rito Sueco y su efecto: reforzar, no atenuar, lo templario.

«The Swedish Rite remains active right up to the present day and is firmly established in all Scandinavian countries and Germany.» — Mollier consigna su vigencia y su geografía actuales.

«With the ritual of the ‘Sublime Order of Elect Knights’, Freemasonry struck a chord with the legendary fate of the Knights of the Temple.» — Mollier fija ahí el punto de contacto entre la masonería y la leyenda templaria.

«The story of the Templars as it is presented in the ritual of ‘Elect Knight’ is clearly taken directly from the numerous treatises published on Orders of Chivalry since the seventeenth century.» — y Mollier adjudica su fuente: no una tradición interna, sino los tratados impresos sobre órdenes de caballería.

«The 1750 ritual, if it can be taken to be complete, only devotes twenty lines to the story of the Templars with a very brief summary.» — Mollier mide el crecimiento de la leyenda contando líneas, con su reserva sobre el estado del texto.

«In the manuscript rituals of Saint-Domingue from 1764 and Francken’s rituals of 1771, 1783 and 1786, the Templar story takes more than a hundred lines.» — y Mollier da la cifra de la etapa siguiente: de veinte líneas a más de cien en quince años.

«These texts do indeed reveal details of one of the classic templar degrees of the time: the Chevalier de Dieu et de son Temple, which Le Forestier presents, without any proof, as one of the oldest chivalric degrees.» — Mollier retira el respaldo probatorio a una datación de Le Forestier que la literatura repite.

«Increased as it is in volume the text of the ritual is equally enlarged in terms of style which presents the dramatic and romantic side of the story of the condemnation of the Templars.» — Mollier observa que el ritual no solo crece: cambia de registro hacia lo dramático y lo novelesco.

«Whereas the Kadosh rituals remain by and large fairly similar to one another and are based on the direct continuation of the ritual of the ‘Sublime Order of Elect Knights’, other masonic degrees go on to pick up the templar legend and further embellish it.» — Mollier separa una rama estable de otra que sigue elaborando la leyenda.

«Melessino entrusts him with the Testament of Jacques de Molay, a manuscript which reveals “the greatest hermetic and cabalistic secrets” which the Knights of the Temple possessed, according to their rank (Faivre 1967).» — Mollier documenta la vía por la que la leyenda templaria acaba portando un contenido hermético y cabalístico.

«The ritual reveals: “Q: Tell me what is Masonry? A: The secret of Masonry can be explained by the story of the Order of the Templars” (Girard-Augry» — Mollier cita el catecismo en que el secreto masónico queda identificado sin más con la historia del Temple.

«Masonry owes its strength to the suppression of the Templars: these latter gained their knowledge in the East.» — tesis de la Convención de los Filaletos que Mollier reproduce: el saber viene de Oriente y la fuerza, de la persecución.

«The books, to be specific, L’Histoire véritable de la condamnation des Templiers by Pierre Dupuy, the main source of information for the eighteenth century on the Knights Templar, are then quoted to lend weight to the link between the illustrious Order and Freemasonry:» — Mollier identifica la fuente única de la que el siglo XVIII saca su Temple: la obra de Pierre Dupuy.

«Some passages from Dupuis prove that candidates were received wearing nothing more than a shirt and trousers and the secret location of the house was arrived at after a lengthy detour, that the door was guarded by two BR∴ (sic) servants armed with a sword and guarding the keys; they had signs and words; following their persecution several of them fled to England.» — Mollier muestra el procedimiento de la prueba masónica: paralelos de ceremonial extraídos de Dupuy y leídos como continuidad.

«Belief in a real connection between the Order of the Temple and Freemasonry was, then, quite widely held in the lodges of the eighteenth century.» — Mollier separa la extensión de la creencia de su verdad.

«As another member of the Philaletes stressed: “A constant tradition, and one shared by almost all the different shades of M∴ speaks of secret knowledge handed down to the Kni∴ Temp∴, and this tradition is confirmed by monuments and historical facts”» — Mollier cita a un filaleto que invoca monumentos y hechos históricos como confirmación, y lo deja hablar sin comentario.

«Even though there are some like Chefdebien, who have their doubts, the majority seem to accept the role of the Knights Templar in the origins of modern Masonry.» — Mollier consigna la duda minoritaria dentro de la propia asamblea masónica.

«These two perspectives are, however, never completely separate and heresy provides the link between esotericism and social protest.» — Mollier propone la herejía como bisagra entre la lectura esotérica y la lectura política de la leyenda templaria.

«The legend was to undergo two metamorphoses. One, outlined in the degree of ‘Knight of God and of His Temple’ (Chevalier de Dieu et de son Temple) would emphasise the occult and mythical dimension.» — Mollier bifurca la leyenda en dos ramas, y sitúa la oculta en un grado nombrado.

«The political aspect is not less legendary.» — y Mollier advierte que la rama política no gana en historicidad lo que pierde en misterio.

«sees in the prince’s reception into the degree of ‘Kadosh’ the origins of the position he took during the French Revolution.» — de un libro de 1797 sobre la conjura del duque de Orleans, con el que Mollier documenta cómo la leyenda templaria se convierte en explicación conspirativa de la Revolución.

«the object of this degree is to renew the human race; that is, to take it from slavery to freedom» — del texto ritual citado por Mollier: el grado se declara instrumento de emancipación universal.

«the Templars also devoted themselves to “uncovering the secrets of nature, transmuting metals and finding the universal agent …”» — Mollier registra la atribución alquímica que la leyenda añade al Temple: transmutación y agente universal.

«A false idea is a fact in reality” say the historians.» — la fórmula con que Mollier justifica historiar una creencia falsa sin darla por verdadera.

«It matters little whether the survival of the Templars is an invention or not.» — y Mollier añade el desplazamiento de la pregunta que ella permite: lo que importa es lo que la creencia hizo.

«History relies on its documents; that is its methodology, but also its limitation.» — Mollier declara el límite de su propio método antes de proponer hipótesis.

«However we may be permitted, in conclusion, to evoke some hypotheses» — y Mollier marca expresamente el cambio de registro.

«The lack of archival material, especially for ancient times, too often causes the historian to underestimate the deliberate intention behind the creation of speculative Masonry in the eighteenth century.» — la hipótesis de Mollier: la escasez de archivo hace subestimar cuánto de la masonería especulativa fue deliberado.

«It seems to us that masonic Chivalry falls into this category.» — y Mollier añade su aplicación al caso: la caballería masónica como creación intencional.

«It was not dreamt up by the Chevalier de Ramsay nor anyone else for that matter— readymade and awake—to breathe life back into the chivalric ideal which» — Mollier retira a Ramsay la invención en solitario que él mismo había apuntado como probable.

«In 1717, four old London lodges consolidated and a remarkable social organization emerged.» — Jacob y Crow arrancan de 1717 sin discutir la fecha, y ponen el acento en lo que emerge, no en lo que se funda.

«Medieval and early modern guilds provided social life, benefits, wage protection, and quality control over skills and finished goods (Epstein 1991).» — Jacob y Crow describen el gremio por sus funciones antes de explicar qué le pasó a uno de ellos.

«A worker who knew them was truly a member of the guild.» — y Jacob y Crow hacen del conocimiento de los secretos del oficio el criterio real de pertenencia.

«Of the many medieval artisan crafts, only the Masons’ guilds survived the transition into modern market conditions by becoming something other than a protective and disciplining club for workers, by becoming Freemasonry (see also Dachez 2002; Hamill 1986; Knoop, Jones and Hamer 1943, 1963, 1975; for a meditation on the role of Newtonianism at the origins, see Bauer 2003).» — la tesis de Jacob y Crow: de todos los gremios medievales, solo el de los canteros sobrevive al mercado moderno, y lo hace dejando de ser gremio.

«The four London lodges must have gone through such a process.» — Jacob y Crow aplican esa transición a las cuatro logias londinenses en modo conjetural.

«We meet them only in 1717 when the existence of the Grand Lodge became known.» — y Jacob y Crow declaran el límite documental: antes de 1717 esas logias no son visibles.

«But the great English architect, Sir Christopher Wren, had been asked to head the London lodges as early as 1710, one of the few pieces of information we have about them before 1717.» — el único dato anterior que Jacob y Crow rescatan, y lo presentan como excepción a esa ceguera.

«Besides conviviality and fellowship, the masonic lodges held other cultural attractions for merchants and gentlemen, and these may partly explain why lodges tended to associate with a new, enlightened culture.» — Jacob y Crow buscan el atractivo de la logia más allá de la sociabilidad, y lo dan como explicación parcial.

«Master Masons were literate and known for their mathematical and architectural skills, particularly with fortifications, military and urban.» — el capital técnico que, según Jacob y Crow, hacía valiosa la compañía de un maestro cantero.

«The myth and lore associated with the lodges tied the geometrical skills of the masters with ancient learning supposedly inherited from the legendary Egyptian priest, Hermes Trismegistus (Linden, 2003).» — Jacob y Crow describen el enlace legendario entre geometría de oficio y saber hermético, marcando la herencia como supuesta.

«He was thought to have taught Moses and to have transmitted a mystical understanding of the heavens that included a dedication to mathematics.» — y Jacob y Crow añaden el contenido que se atribuía a esa figura: maestro de Moisés y transmisor de una astronomía mística.

«Educated non-masons may have been attracted to the lodges because of orally transmitted legends about their antiquity, and because in them the prosperous found useful men skilled in architecture and engineering.» — Jacob y Crow dan dos móviles a la vez, uno legendario y otro utilitario, sin elegir entre ellos.

«Mystical Hermeticism combined with utilitarianism to bond genteel brothers who became increasingly interested in the first, while shedding the second.» — y Jacob y Crow describen la deriva: el componente hermético crece a medida que el técnico se abandona.

«Of the many forms of new social behavior to become an integral part of enlightened culture during the eighteenth century, Freemasonry has been the most difficult to understand.» — Jacob y Crow declaran la dificultad del objeto antes de caracterizarlo.

«Secretive, ritualistic, devoted in many Grand Lodges to hierarchy—that would be one set of characteristics.» — Jacob y Crow aportan la primera mitad del retrato, la que contradice el marco ilustrado.

«But the eighteenth-century lodges also consistently spoke about civic virtue and merit, about men meeting as equals, about the need for brothers to become philosophers, about their being ‘enlightened’.» — y la segunda, que Jacob y Crow sostienen junto a la anterior sin armonizarlas.

«They said it in every European language: brothers must become in French éclairé, in Dutch verlicht, in German aufgeklärt (Jacob 1991).» — la prueba léxica con que Jacob y Crow lo apoyan: el mismo imperativo en tres lenguas.

«By late in the century the egalitarian logic had spread— particularly in France—where women flocked to the new lodges of adoption.» — Jacob y Crow siguen la lógica igualitaria hasta donde alcanza, y en Francia alcanza a las mujeres.

«This identity did not prevent the lodges from being hierarchical and everywhere eager for aristocratic patronage, but it did ultimately tilt the lodges in the direction of being schools for government, inculcating principles for a more republican politics.» — la conclusión de Jacob y Crow con su contradicción declarada dentro: jerárquicas y ávidas de mecenazgo noble, y aun así escuelas de gobierno republicano.

«There was no conspiracy that made the French Revolution happen, but right-wing ideology of the nineteenth century proclaimed it and some people believed it.» — Jacob y Crow niegan la conspiración masónica y explican en cambio su fortuna ideológica.

«Already by the middle of the nineteenth century, hostility toward the Jews combined with conspiracy theory to invent the myth of the Jewish-Masonic conspiracy.» — y Jacob y Crow fechan a mediados del XIX la invención del mito judeomasónico.

«Franklin’s number games and images of mathematical principles and ideals in natural philosophy, as well as his political activity abroad, all illustrate an important reliance on the ritualistic relationship to reason, political liberty, and public virtue that characterized Freemasonry.» — Jacob y Crow leen los cuadrados mágicos de Franklin como parte del mismo trato ritual con la razón que sostenía la logia.

«Caution must be taken in treating the letters as source on Franklin’s thought, because they are the letters of a fictional character, much like the Poor Richard’s Almanack published later in his life.» — Jacob y Crow advierten contra tomar por confesión lo que Franklin escribe bajo máscara.

«They are significant, however, in that they represent his entrance into the world of writing and publishing; they reveal the workings of a literary genius at a very early age, and they begin to give some inkling of the rationalist, anti-theological stance that will remain consistent throughout his intellectual career.» — y con esa cautela puesta, Jacob y Crow extraen de ellos lo único que sostienen: una posición racionalista y antiteológica temprana y constante.

«Franklin’s first public entrance into philosophy is his Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, published in 1725 in response to his reading of the deist tract, William Wollaston’s The Religion of Nature Delineated.» — Jacob y Crow fechan y motivan el primer escrito filosófico de Franklin.

«In his essay, Franklin argued against the existence of free will, stipulating that the universe is bound together in natural necessity.» — su contenido, según Jacob y Crow: una negación del libre albedrío por necesidad natural.

«After proving the existence of an all-perfect being who is infinitely good, Franklin goes on to state: “whatever an infinitely good God hath wise Ends in suffering to be, must be good, is thereby made good, and cannot be otherwise”.» — Jacob y Crow citan la teodicea con que el joven Franklin cierra ese argumento.

«What is most striking about Franklin is his unapologetic attack on the idea of human liberty.» — el rasgo que Jacob y Crow destacan, y que choca con la imagen corriente del personaje.

«A.O. Aldridge argues that the use of the plural designates Franklin as flirting with polytheism, and suggests that this connects Franklin to the radical private circles of Newton and some of his disciples; see Aldridge (1967: 29).» — Jacob y Crow recogen la lectura politeísta de Aldridge sobre un plural de Franklin.

«Walters disagrees, arguing instead that the plural here only references the religious valorization of nature that one would expect from any deistic thinker in the Enlightenment, see Walters (1999).» — y Jacob y Crow añaden la objeción de Walters, dejando las dos lecturas en pie.

«It is no wonder that the publication of this text won Franklin, in his first trip to England, an audience with Bernard Mandeville.» — Jacob y Crow miden el alcance del escrito por la compañía que le procuró.

«Historian Kerry S. Walters has described this text as a spiritual misstep, one of many in a life of metaphysical searching that never, so far as we know, came to a certain or stable conclusion» — Jacob y Crow citan a Walters para caracterizar la trayectoria religiosa de Franklin como búsqueda sin desenlace.

«It begins, “I believe there is one Supreme Being, Author and Father of the Gods themselves”» — de los *Articles of Belief* de Franklin, citados por Jacob y Crow: el plural que la discusión anterior disputa.

«Franklin, in the rest of the text, recognizes that he worships in response to an internal impulse that he cannot help but heed, considering it his duty to “pay Divine Regards to SOMETHING”» — Jacob y Crow muestran que Franklin funda el culto en un impulso propio y deja el objeto indeterminado.

«Ray’s injunction to interrogate nature not only for signs of divine wisdom, but as an extension of divine wisdom itself, is certainly a dominant influence, as is made clear by the philosophical liturgy.» — Jacob y Crow adjudican a John Ray la influencia dominante en esa liturgia filosófica.

«In an unpublished essay of 1730, Franklin accommodated free agency into his insistence on working in a providential framework» — Jacob y Crow fechan el giro que devuelve libertad al hombre sin abandonar la providencia.

«Franklin published articles in his own Philadelphia Gazette mocking the secrecy of all such societies and purporting to discover those secrecies and bring them out in public: “Their grand secret”, he wrote, “…is just no secret at all.”» — Jacob y Crow documentan que Franklin se burlaba en prensa del secreto masónico antes de entrar en la orden.

«It should be noted that Franklin’s close friend in London during their mutual stay there, Isaac Greenwood, was John Desaguliers’ assistant experimenter at the Royal Society.» — el enlace personal con que Jacob y Crow acercan a Franklin al mundo masónico londinense.

«Ultimately, we can only speculate on whether Franklin may have met Desaguliers himself, but he certainly knew of Freemasonry» — y Jacob y Crow añaden el límite que ellos mismos ponen a ese enlace: del encuentro no hay prueba.

«What is clear is that Franklin, once a mason, was an extraordinarily successful one.» — Jacob y Crow separan lo conjetural de lo documentado en la biografía masónica de Franklin.

«In 1732, Franklin helped write the by-laws of his lodge and in 1734, not only is he elected Grand Master of the Masons of Pennsylvania, serving a one year term, he also prints the Constitutions of the Freemasons by James Anderson, the first published masonic book in America, bearing the dedication of John Théophilus Desaguliers» — Jacob y Crow documentan la triple condición de Franklin en 1734: legislador de su logia, Gran Maestro y primer impresor masónico de América.

«At the same time he had become a mason, Franklin was appointed through his friend and fellow mason Andrew Hamilton to be the printer for the Pennsylvania Assembly, and in 1736, he was elected its clerk.» — y Jacob y Crow añaden el rendimiento civil de la pertenencia, dicho sin eufemismo: el cargo llega por un hermano de logia.

«the fate of Freemasonry as an emerging force in Philadelphia (although by then it had spread elsewhere) took a small blow, as did the reputation of Benjamin Franklin, when a young man named Daniel Rees was killed by a mock masonic induction ceremony in the summer of 1737.» — Jacob y Crow consignan la muerte de Daniel Rees en una iniciación simulada y el daño que causó.

«In one of the rare instances in which he actually writes of Freemasonry as such to anyone not also a Freemason, Franklin had to explain himself to his family, who upon hearing that he could be possibly caught up not only in such a terrible event, but tied to an organization that was hardly in line with the Calvinist upbringing he had received as a boy in Boston, inquired after the state of his soul.» — Jacob y Crow señalan que solo un escándalo hizo escribir a Franklin sobre la orden fuera de ella.

«Franklin went on to admit to his mother that she had every right to be upset that they did not admit women into their ranks.» — y Jacob y Crow registran la concesión que Franklin hace a su madre sobre la exclusión de las mujeres.

«One of the more convincing pieces of evidence we have that Franklin was operating under what might be called the indirect influence of Freemasonry or similar organizations prior to 1730 was his forming what he called the Junto in 1727» — Jacob y Crow proponen el Junto como indicio de una influencia previa a la iniciación, con doble reserva.

«We met on Friday evenings”, he would write in the Autobiography, and the rules he had drawn up “required that every Member in his turn should produce one or more Queries on any point of Morals, Politics or Natural Philosophy…” (Franklin cited in Lemay 1987: 1361).» — de la *Autobiografía* de Franklin, citada por Jacob y Crow: el reglamento obliga a cada miembro a plantear una cuestión.

«This elite brotherhood of learning had clear similarities to the basic spirit that Franklin saw in Freemasonry: free intellectual association among middling sorts and gentlemen, attaining personal betterment through enlightened conversation.» — Jacob y Crow definen lo que Franklin buscaba en la logia: mejora personal por conversación entre iguales.

«This call became the founding document of the American Philosophical Society that very same year, an institution that, according to Bernard Fay, was in its inception for all intensive purposes a masonic organization.» — Jacob y Crow recogen la adjudicación de Bernard Fay sobre la Sociedad Filosófica Americana, y la dejan como suya.

«what made Franklin the central figure of the American Philosophical Society, his experiments and findings in the scientific study of heat and electricity, were directly influenced by Desaguliers, who had conducted research on exactly the same problems and phenomena for which Franklin became known (Fay 1932: 258)» — la filiación experimental que Jacob y Crow trazan de Desaguliers a Franklin, y con ella un enlace entre logia y laboratorio.

«In 1749, the same year he was appointed Provincial Grand Master by Thomas Oxnard of Boston, he completed his first successful experiment with the lightening rod and published Proposals Relating to the Education of Youth In Pennsylvania, a publication that led directly to the founding of the Philadelphia Academy, which would become the University of Pennsylvania.» — Jacob y Crow superponen en un solo año el cargo masónico, el pararrayos y la fundación de una universidad.

«While the documentation of Franklin’s formal relation to Freemasonry fades after 1738, and even more so after 1750, when he takes the lower rank of Deputy Grand Master of the Province, we know he was still relatively active, visiting the Freemasons at Boston in 1752 and in Philadelphia until his departure for England in 1755 (Grand Lodge of Philadelphia 1906; 50 and 136–137; Lemay 2006: 92)» — Jacob y Crow declaran dónde se adelgaza la documentación y qué queda pese a ello.

«The purpose of such an exercise, according to Franklin, was to sharpen the reasoning, and was not meant to produce any “useful knowledge”.» — Jacob y Crow consignan que el propio Franklin negaba utilidad a sus cuadrados mágicos y les daba una función de adiestramiento.

«Anderson writes: For Franklin, the diagram might readily have embodied, in a curious and delightful way, the concept of a plural unity to which his civic and political experience in America necessarily led…Heeding exclusively the results of a single calculation is the natural limitation of human partiality.» — Jacob y Crow citan la lectura de Douglas Anderson, que ve en el diagrama numérico una figura de unidad plural.

«As Anderson notes, the Circle suggests to us Franklin’s familiarity with the long tradition of masonic and hermetic iconography, and bears striking resemblance to many of Giordano Bruno’s magic circles as well as those of John Dee in the Monas Hieroglyphica (Anderson 1997: 251;» — Jacob y Crow acercan, por la vía de esa lectura, el círculo mágico de Franklin a los de Bruno y a la *Monas* de Dee.

«In 1774, he co-founded with David Williams the Society of 13, a deistic circle that included in its original membership Franklin, Williams, Major Dawson, Thomas Bentley (assistant to Joshua Wedgewood), James Stuart, John Whitehurst, Thomas Day, and Daniel Solander.» — Jacob y Crow documentan la sociabilidad deísta londinense de Franklin al margen de la logia.

«Jefferson, even though his temperament was not for secret societies and philosophical liturgies, nevertheless knew of the group, corresponded with its members, and as a deist and republican shared the general spirit of their views on religion and politics.» — Jacob y Crow distinguen adhesión de simpatía: Jefferson comparte el espíritu sin entrar en la sociedad.

«While in France in 1778, negotiating French assistance in the Revolutionary War, Franklin did not help himself in the eyes of the King by joining the masonic ‘Lodge of the Nine Sisters’ in Paris, an organization to which he had been introduced by Madame Helvetius, and through which he had access to just about every important philosopher or political actor in France (Hans 1953: 516–521).» — Jacob y Crow consignan el costo diplomático y el rendimiento social de la afiliación parisina de Franklin.

«According to Stephen Bullock, when Franklin returned from Paris in 1785, he could not have stepped foot in a masonic lodge if he had wanted to, and the masonic editor of the 1906 republication of Franklin’s masonic work calls Franklin at the end of his life “an unaffiliated Mason” in his own land» — Jacob y Crow cierran la trayectoria masónica de Franklin en un desenlace de exclusión, con dos autoridades citadas.

«When Franklin himself died on 17 April 1790, no masonic ritual accompanied his burial ceremony, which took place on 21 April in the Christ Church burial ground, Philadelphia.» — el dato con que Jacob y Crow rematan esa desafiliación.

«The life of Benjamin Franklin, in so far as it intersected with the history of Freemasonry in the eighteenth century, illustrates that the period we have come to call the Enlightenment needs to be thought of less as a simply philosophical idea or movement than an experience, or series of experiences, both individual and collective, social and intellectual.» — la tesis general de Jacob y Crow: la Ilustración como experiencia practicada, y no como doctrina.

«For a limited sector of society, but across national boundaries, Freemasonry provided a space in which one could practice the speculative, experimental ethos of the era, and a number of leading members of the eighteenth century “republic of letters” took up this opportunity, and indeed, they did so to the point where divisions between self and society, or social and philosophical experience, lose the total distinctiveness of their meaning.» — Jacob y Crow definen la función de la logia con su acotación social dentro: un sector limitado, aunque transnacional.

«Across eighteenth century Europe, masonic lodges provided a remarkably secular intellectual environment, and their growing status as objects of debate, even fear, fed on the perceived threat to the philosophical foundations of human ethics that secularization entailed.» — Jacob y Crow explican el temor que despertó la logia por lo que ella misma era: un espacio intelectual secular.

«While lodges multiplied in Britain, the Netherlands, Germany, and even France, in 1738 the Catholic Church condemned Freemasonry, banned membership for Catholics in lodges, and identified the common practice of holding elections within lodges as republican» — Jacob y Crow señalan qué es lo que la condena de 1738 identifica como peligroso: la elección de cargos.

«Theologically, masonic tendencies to reference the ‘Grand Architect of the Universe’, were a threat to the concept of transubstantiation in the Eucharist as well as the imminence and omnipotence of God, employing Newtonian language of a rational universe governed by natural laws.» — Jacob y Crow precisan el choque doctrinal: un Dios arquitecto en lenguaje newtoniano compite con la transustanciación.

«These laws, whether they were created by an identifiable Deity or not, were increasingly understood in the eighteenth century as self-perpetuating, even self-evident, and the deistic, rationalist representations of God that we find in masonic constitutions, handbooks, and diaries were self-consciously generic enough to allow significant leeway» — Jacob y Crow atribuyen a la vaguedad de esa divinidad una función deliberada: dejar margen.

«James Anderson’s Constitutions of the Freemasons, originally printed in London in 1723, later printed in Philadelphia by Franklin in 1734, deemed it appropriate that lodges oblige their members only “to that religion in which all men agree”» — la fórmula de Anderson que Jacob y Crow citan como cifra de esa indeterminación religiosa.

«While the previous two centuries had been fraught with violent civil wars often centered on religious and denominational conflict, within masonic lodges members sought a space where moral and scientific inquiry could sidestep potentially divisive allegiances.» — Jacob y Crow explican esa neutralidad por la memoria de las guerras de religión, y no por indiferencia.

«Freemasonry earned at least as much enmity as respect, particularly from governments on the continent.» — Jacob y Crow equilibran el balance de recepción de la orden en el continente.

«In Berlin, Frederick the Great successfully wielded influence within masonic lodges, and in Sweden, nearly the entire body of royal courtiers joined lodges.» — y Jacob y Crow muestran el otro extremo: monarcas y cortes enteras dentro de las logias.

«In the 1780s, the Grand Lodge in Vienna worked with the government to suppress lodge activity in the then Austro-Hungarian colony of Belgium, and did so directly under the influence of Joseph II.» — el caso con que Jacob y Crow muestran a una Gran Logia colaborando en la represión de otras logias.

«In the eyes of many rulers and their advisors, the spread of Freemasonry and similar societies devoted to freethinking and alternative forms of civic association on the one hand and the dramatic social and political upheavals that took place over the course of the eighteenth century on the other hand were hardly a coincidence.» — Jacob y Crow reconstruyen la percepción de los gobernantes sin suscribirla.

«But as early as the 1740s, the French Minister of State, Cardinal Fleury, arranged to have lodges spied on.» — Jacob y Crow fechan en la década de 1740 la vigilancia policial francesa sobre las logias.

«Freemasonry also both borrowed from and provided models for republican governmental structures, in addition to the practice of writing and organizing under the rubrics of written constitutions.» — Jacob y Crow describen un préstamo de doble dirección entre logia y república, incluido el hábito de constituirse por escrito.

«And while the public face of the Grand Lodge was in line with the State and the Church, the practice of gathering in such a constituent assembly was unprecedented in Paris, and unparalleled in the previous century and a half until the convening of the French Estates General in 1789.» — la observación de Jacob y Crow sobre la asamblea constituyente masónica, con su alcance acotado a la práctica y no a la doctrina.

«Neither a full-scale secret society operating as the veiled hand of the Absolutist state or the nefarious conspiracy depicted by public fears of the Bavarian Illuminati, nor a uniform force for democratic ends, Freemasonry served primarily as an early incubator of larger trends in an age of rapid, sometimes traumatic intellectual, political, and social change.» — Jacob y Crow definen la orden por triple negación antes de darle su función: incubadora, no motor.

«At the same time, however, a disjuncture always existed between the sometime secretive, hierarchical and on several levels restrictive character of the Masonic lodge and the explosive birth of democratic political culture.» — y Jacob y Crow dejan la contradicción en pie como rasgo permanente, no como fase superada.

«Thus Freemasonry in many ways crystallized Enlightenment, and that in such an intensive way that for the purposes of scholarly investigation into Freemasonry, the two terms can hardly be separated.» — la conclusión de Jacob y Crow sobre la relación entre los dos términos de su capítulo.

«If that is true, then it might also be said that the future survival of what became of Freemasonry depends on its members exploring the historical conjoining of these two terms, and on the recovery of the spirit of experimental endeavor in the associational life of human beings that gave rise to Freemasonry in the era of Enlightenment.» — y Jacob y Crow añaden la consecuencia práctica que extraen para la orden misma, dicha en condicional.

«However, Freemasonry is not to be confused with these associations and right from the start it is clearly different; firstly as a result of the obscurity surrounding its origins, then by the secrecy which it wraps around itself and finally by the part it claims to play, or which it is believed to play, in the affairs of men.» — Porset distingue la masonería de las demás sociedades por tres rasgos, y del tercero deja dos versiones: lo que reclama y lo que se le cree.

«This was of course predictable: as a social entity Masonry did not enjoy any special privilege that set it apart and it can be studied in the same way as other social entities of a similar kind such as clubs, societies or political parties.» — Porset reclama para la masonería el trato metodológico de cualquier otra asociación.

«It presents itself then as a complete social entity, the driving force and mirror of a society in full flood of transformation.» — y Porset la caracteriza a la vez como motor y espejo de la sociedad que la produce.

«The fact that it was condemned by the secular powers of Europe confirms this» — el indicio con que Porset apoya ese peso social: la condena de los poderes civiles.

«Provincial erudition has its merits, but they rarely exceed those of a telephone directory or a tourist guide.» — el juicio de Porset sobre la monografía local de logia, dicho sin cortesía.

«One can increase the number of items but that has very little overall effect.» — Porset niega que la acumulación de casos produzca conocimiento del fenómeno.

«history of a lodge gives us a picture of a state of affairs but has nothing, or very little to say about Masonry or Masons.» — y Porset separa el objeto de esas historias del objeto que a él le interesa.

«Without fear of being contradicted I think I can affirm that masonic historiography was built, after 1789, on this defining event.» — Porset hace de la Revolución francesa el acontecimiento fundador de toda la historiografía masónica posterior.

«revolutionary historiography is, as it were, split between two approaches which rarely have anything in common: on the one hand a whole host of monographs which, with an unequal amount of success recreate the infinitely fragmented reality of a Jacobinism whose ideological dimension they tend to ignore; on the other a canonical historiography—legitimist or Jacobin—which systematically reduces the history of revolutionary societies to the understanding of Montagnard dictatorship.» — Porset parte en dos la historiografía revolucionaria y le reprocha a cada mitad lo que la otra tiene.

«Jacobin ideology is the will of the people which is supposed to have come out of meetings of the mother society: nothing can be justified, explained except in respect of this unique reference, open to all interpretations and all abuses.» — Porset describe el mecanismo de legitimación jacobino y señala su punto débil: una referencia única y disponible para todo.

«It only allows, by definition, votes without a minority, debates without discussion, undivided opinion, quickly passed on to country as a whole.» — y Porset añade lo que ese mecanismo excluye por construcción: la minoría, la discusión, la división.

«Mounier (Mounier 1801)3 who exonerated Freemasonry from all involvement in the preparation and then the bringing to fruition of the French Revolution.» — Porset consigna la exculpación temprana de Mounier frente a la tesis conspirativa.

«Augustin Cochin (Porset 1990; Schrader 1992), counter-revolutionary and confirmed anti-mason, but isolated in his own time, took up again at the start of the twentieth century the problems raised by Barruel, but in a completely different light.» — Porset declara la posición política de Cochin antes de tomarle en serio el problema.

«According to Cochin, the matrix for this democracy of the word is the masonic lodge which he defines as a machine for producing a consensus.» — la fórmula de Cochin que Porset recoge: la logia como máquina de fabricar consenso.

«This theory which in its own time had passed completely un-noticed had been forgotten until François Furet (De Calan 2004) resurrected it.» — Porset sigue la fortuna tardía de esa tesis por la mano de Furet.

«let us say that it allowed one to think in a new light of the masonic lodge as a laboratory of democratic sociability, that is to say as a means of producing a consensus.» — y lo que Porset le concede: una manera nueva de pensar la logia, aunque venga de un adversario.

«it was hoped that this sociology of Masonry would shed some light on its true nature and furthermore on the essential nature of democracy, but it has to be recognised that this line of enquiry remained unfruitful and lies fallow, the author having redirected his research towards the orators of the Revolution.» — Porset declara abandonada e infructuosa una línea de investigación de la que se esperaba mucho.

«However, such an approach, subscribing to the perspective of ‘new’ history for which the school of Annals provided the model (Burguière 2006), had the advantage of contextualising Masonry by trying to articulate the social and the political of which the lodge was the concrete manifestation.» — y Porset le reconoce, pese a ello, el mérito de haber contextualizado el fenómeno.

«Cochin saw in this the invisible hand of the Grand Orient of France, but for historians that hand remains invisible.» — Porset corta la discusión sobre la conspiración con una fórmula que no niega el fenómeno: niega su prueba.

«Nevertheless, it seems incontrovertible that the Masons did not remain indifferent to the Revolution.» — y de inmediato Porset acota su propia negativa.

«Their position in the society of the ancien régime placed them in front row seats, if we may say so, for the important reason which has nothing to do with the ideology nor the symbolism which surrounds it, but with the fact that they made up the only organised body in the France of the ancien régime whose existence did not depend on the Throne or the Altar.» — la explicación estructural de Porset: lo decisivo no fue la doctrina masónica sino ser el único cuerpo organizado independiente del trono y del altar.

«The constituant masonry which was the Grande Loge Nationale (which gave birth to the Grand Orient) ceased to hold its meetings on 1st September 1773.» — Porset fecha el cierre de la asamblea masónica que dio origen al Gran Oriente.

«Without wishing to institute a comparison which would be extreme with the States General of 1789 one cannot, on the other hand fail to notice the analogies which explain a shared state of mind.» — Porset marca la analogía con los Estados Generales y a la vez rehúsa convertirla en causa.

«Masonic Order it is the Parisian Masters who are the privileged ones, the aristocrats, and what the Duke of Luxemburg invites them to do is to accept the principles of democracy and election of the officers of the lodge just as on August 4th 1789 all aristocratic priviledges were abolished in revolutionary France.» — el paralelo que Porset sí desarrolla: una abolición de privilegios dentro de la orden, dieciséis años antes que en Francia.

«but this wide-ranging causality which in the end leads us back to the spirit of the age, mixes different phenomena and does not allow us to seize the moment when something new is about to happen.» — Porset rechaza la explicación por el espíritu de la época porque disuelve el momento de la novedad.

«Barruel never wrote that Masons in general had been part of a plot.» — Porset corrige lo que suele atribuirse a Barruel.

«Recent work by Hermann Schüttler, his publication of Bode’s (Bode 1994: 11–152) Journal and the creation of a secret lodge rooted in the Amis Réunis by Savalette de Langes (see Porset 1996: 227–236, Schüttler 1990; Schüttler 1992), led one to think that there was a fringe of Masonry that clearly intended to take part in a Revolution.» — Porset concede una franja masónica con intención revolucionaria, apoyándose en documentación reciente, y solo esa franja.

«The work done by Giuseppe Giarrizzo (Giarrizzo 1994) and Gian Mario Cazzaniga (Cazzaniga 1999)—translator and commentator on Mirabeau—published in recent years, had the merit of clearing up this problem (the transition from a society with secrets to a secret society) and giving it its proper place in the long» — Porset nombra la distinción que estructura el problema: pasar de una sociedad con secretos a una sociedad secreta.

«It presents itself as a secular religion lodged in the cracks of the Roman Catholic Church after the Council of Trent (Concilium Tridentinum, 1545–1563).» — Porset define la masonería como religión secular alojada en las grietas de la Iglesia postridentina.

«This religion of the modern age, of which, as Gian Mario Cazzaniga puts it, the lodges are the crucible, clears the path for the political parties which we come to know in the following century after having passed through the Philalèthes (an inner circle in Les Amis Réunis), the Carbonari and other loosely defined groups.» — Porset traza la línea que va de la logia al partido político pasando por filaletos y carbonarios.

«Hence the renewed attention that any researcher must bring to masonic utopias, to the legends with which Masonry surrounds itself and the zeal with which the brethren seek to bring to the construction of a universal masonic Republic which cannot be summed up as noble speeches but translates itself into writings» — Porset reclama atención para las utopías y leyendas masónicas por su efecto práctico, no por su valor doctrinal.

«That a mason from Naples should be different from a mason from Saint Petersburg, Vienna, Bristol, Philadelphia or Lyon, therein lies the evidence.» — Porset toma la diferencia entre masones de ciudades distintas como el dato de partida, no como una anomalía que explicar.

«If Freemasonry is first and foremost the concern of Masons, the role of the historian is to explain and understand what at any given moment in time leads him to knock at the door of the temple, to become a member, to practice philanthropy and philadelphia.» — Porset reformula el objeto de la historia masónica: no la institución, sino lo que en cada momento lleva a alguien a entrar en ella.

«The institution of Masonry is not very different from any other institution; this cannot be repeated often enough.» — Porset insiste en negar excepcionalidad a la orden.

«Except to say that whereas the majority of human institutions can be analysed in terms of what they do, Freemasonry defines itself by its lack of purpose; it is of no practical use and is happy just to serve those who serve it.» — y ahí Porset pone la única diferencia que admite: una institución que se define por no tener finalidad.

«The cloak with which it surrounds itself has played a large part in this as well as the legendary history which it has ascribed to itself.» — Porset atribuye a la propia orden, y no a sus adversarios, buena parte de la niebla que la rodea.

«An immense wealth of literature has been written about its Templar or operative origins.» — y Porset mide en volumen de bibliografía el rendimiento de esa niebla.

«But partisan blindness and in the end a willingness to believe prevail and often lead even the greatest minds to cling to a mythology from which only the merchants in the temple courts profit.» — Porset acusa a la voluntad de creer, y no a la falta de datos, del arraigo de esa mitología.

«However, this nonsense leads away from history.» — Porset aporta su veredicto, sin atenuar.

«With Margaret C. Jacob, things are entirely different; we come back to the higher ground and retake the field.» — Porset separa a Jacob del bloque que acaba de descalificar.

«Nevertheless on close inspection they still require caution; and furthermore they are far from unanimously accepted within the scholarly community (see, for example,» — y aun así Porset mantiene la reserva sobre sus conclusiones.

«This detour demonstrates the sterility of genealogical debates: they lead only to dead ends or declarations of faith:» — la conclusión de método de Porset sobre toda la disputa por los orígenes.

«It can be seen in the coming together of Muslim mysticism and Masonry during the Ottoman period.» — Porset registra el encuentro entre mística musulmana y masonería en el ámbito otomano.

«The prisca theologia and Hermeticism both predate Freemasonry by a long time, and will certainly outlive it.» — Porset ordena las edades: la *prisca theologia* y el hermetismo son anteriores a la orden y le sobrevivirán.

«And yet Masonry reconciles Fréron and Voltaire, De Maistre and Lalande, Du Laurens and Gresset, water and fire—sub specie aeternitatis.» — Porset ilustra por pares de enemigos declarados la capacidad de la logia para alojar posiciones incompatibles.

«demonstrated that politics is at the heart of masonic sociability, that the ‘regularity’ on which the United Grand Lodge in London prides» — Porset sostiene que la política está en el centro de la sociabilidad masónica, y que la regularidad misma es un asunto político.

«The ‘landmarks’ which no-one believed were set in stone for eternity, are moving; under the historian’s spotlight they are becoming less well defined.» — Porset describe el efecto del trabajo histórico sobre los supuestos límites inmutables de la orden.

«These changes can be seen in the dealings which traditional Masonry has reserved for women whose entry into the Order is not as recent as some people think, but which a sexist historiography has for a long time neglected.» — Porset atribuye a la historiografía, y no a los hechos, el retraso aparente de la entrada de las mujeres.

«The publication of letters, memoirs, autobiographies, in short all the ego-documents hitherto ignored should shed an entirely new light on Masonry» — el programa documental que Porset propone: los escritos personales antes desatendidos.

«Historiographcal assessments do not have a dogmatic vocation.» — Porset niega valor normativo a los balances historiográficos, incluido el suyo.

«Divergent understandings of Masonry may be inevitable. Brothers adapted the fraternity to an extraordinary range of cultural and geographical settings.» — de Steven C. Bullock, citado en nota por Porset: la divergencia de lecturas se sigue de la adaptabilidad de la orden.

«Stevenson [1988; 1990] points out that eighteenth-century Scottish lodges included operative Masons more often than their English counterparts;» — continuación de la cita de Bullock reproducida por Porset, con el contraste escocés e inglés.

«as Curl [1993] suggests indirectly, Masonry’s elements of mystery helped lead the Enlightenment into Romanticism.» — Porset lo consigna así, del mismo pasaje de Bullock: el misterio masónico como puente entre Ilustración y Romanticismo.

«A broad and nuanced view of European Masonry as a whole (let alone its experiences in other areas) may not be possible in the foreseeable future» — cierre de la cita de Bullock: Porset la suscribe, y con ella declara imposible por ahora una visión de conjunto.

«When De Witt Clinton, governor of New York and student of masonic history, dismisses out of hand, in 1825, all the absurdities which had been written about its origins but at the same time affirms that it is “the most ancient society in the world” (“The Address of De Witt Clinton” [to the Grand Lodge of New York, 29 Sept. 1825]), he visibly changes tack, no longer talking about history but talking to the brethren: he no longer speaks as a historian but as a believer.» — Porset localiza en un mismo discurso el punto exacto donde el historiador masón deja de serlo.

«who know how to read and write and are not just happy to scratch the surface, it has to be recognised that for the last thirty years the most innovative masonic history is that which has been able to benefit from the new history which the galaxy of the Annales has been able to promote by taking advantage of the Anglo-Saxon approach and which, in our time has been afforded academic professorships.» — Porset adjudica la renovación del campo al cruce entre la escuela de los Annales y el enfoque anglosajón.

«The ghetto to which it was confined just a short while ago, but where it was often quite contented, is no longer in fashion.» — y Porset observa que el aislamiento del campo era en parte buscado por él mismo.

«No doubt Masonry played a part in the Protestantism which split apart the Roman Catholic world; that its birthplace was England is not merely by chance; that it should then spread throughout Europe using existing widespread commercial links is written into the logic of the Imperium britannicum.» — Porset explica el nacimiento y la difusión de la orden por la fractura protestante y por las redes comerciales del imperio británico.

«If the French Revolution still divides them—for it remains a ‘hot topic’,18 if the Great Architect of the Universe is still the bone of contention setting ‘regular’ Masonry against the rest, it has to be said that historical research over the last thirty years has» — Porset nombra los dos asuntos que siguen dividiendo el campo: la Revolución y el Gran Arquitecto.

«The Ars Quatuor Coronatorum (AQC) published for more than a century by the London research lodge Quatuor Coronati remain a model; but like any journal not everything we read in it can be taken as Gospel; this is also true» — Porset reconoce la revista de referencia del campo y a la vez le retira la infalibilidad.

«has organised some ten international colloquies across Spain and whose regular publications amount to more than a thousand pages; an irreplaceable source of material for all ‘masonologists’.» — Porset destaca así el centro español de estudios masónicos creado y dirigido por Ferrer Benimeli, que firma otro capítulo de este mismo volumen.

«Also in 2000 was created the Chair for the study of Freemasonry at the university of Leyden (The Netherlands), first occupied by Anton van de Sande, and after his retirement by Malcolm Davies, who, however, died only one year later.» — Porset documenta la institucionalización universitaria del campo, y de paso la muerte de Malcolm Davies, autor del capítulo sobre música de este volumen.

«Unknown to anyone, these Masonic archives were brought to my attention by Alexander Stroev, who is today professor of comparative literature at Paris III, but at the time was a member of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR and who with rare concern for which he must be congratulated, put me in contact with the Conservator.» — Porset narra en primera persona el hallazgo de los archivos masónicos retenidos en Moscú.

«I had also made the President of the Grand Orient de France, Philippe Guglielmi, aware so that he could intervene at the highest level» — y Porset añade su gestión ante la obediencia francesa para recuperarlos.

«Whatever the case may be, in the years which followed the Grand Orient recovered the main body of archive material which is today available for all researchers.» — Porset consigna el desenlace: el grueso del fondo volvió y hoy está abierto.

«This project which engages more than a hundred researchers form all nationalities is coming to point of completion and will comprise more than 2000 pages offering for the first time the intellectual biography of 1500 Masons from both worlds detailing everywhere it is possible their Masonic career—each entry accompanied by a bibliography.» — Porset describe el diccionario prosopográfico colectivo como el instrumento que faltaba al campo.

«the opening up of all of their masonic archives20 by the main Obediences, cannot fail to have a direct impact on future research.» — y Porset hace de la apertura de archivos de las obediencias la condición del trabajo venidero.

«Masonic research no longer has to justify itself.» — el balance con que Porset cierra: el campo ya no necesita defender su existencia.

«Recognised in England, Austria, Spain, the Netherlands and Belgium it has now been accorded the same status by the Sorbonne.» — y Porset lo mide por reconocimiento institucional país por país.

«In the relationship between the Catholic Church and Masonry there are two key moments of tension and confrontation: one in the eighteenth century and the other in the nineteenth, and a third period of calm and rapprochement brought about, above all, in the aftermath of Vatican II, although in some sections of the Church there have recently arisen certain problems of incomprehension and lack of understanding.» — Ferrer Benimeli periodiza la relación en tres tiempos y deja abierta la reserva sobre el presente.

«In this context the condemnation and prohibition declared by Clement XII, in 1738, and later by Benedict XIV, in 1751, as well as the decree issued by Cardinal Firrao for the Pontifical States in 1739, are nothing more than further links in the long chain of measures adopted by European authorities throughout the eighteenth century.» — Ferrer Benimeli descentra las bulas: son un eslabón más de una cadena de prohibiciones civiles europeas.

«It is certain that both Clement XII and Benedict XIV added to the reasons of State security—that is to say political reasons—others of a religious nature, which were that meetings of Masons were ‘suspected of heresy’ from the mere fact that masons admitted into their lodges men of different religions (‘indifferentism’, that is to say, Catholic and non-Catholic) on condition that they expressed a belief in one God; a reason which in the eighteenth century was distinctly more significant than in our time.» — Ferrer Benimeli distingue en las bulas el motivo político del religioso, y advierte que el segundo pesaba entonces más que hoy.

«It is obvious, then, that there were reasons of State for condemning Masonry.» — Ferrer Benimeli aporta su conclusión sobre el fondo de la condena.

«which declared that masonic meetings were not only suspected of heresy but, more importantly, represented a danger to public peace and order within the Ecclesiastical State» — y Ferrer Benimeli añade el orden de gravedad que el propio decreto establece: primero el orden público, después la herejía.

«For this reason the Masons were condemned to death, confiscation of their goods and destruction of the places where they met, although at that time not even the Tribunal of the Inquisition—according to its own Penal» — Ferrer Benimeli consigna la severidad del decreto de Firrao y la contrasta con la práctica penal inquisitorial.

«The governments of Europe—and on this point the Protestants, Catholics and Muslims were of one mind—did not like what they understood to be the clandestine nature of Freemasonry which prevented them from knowing what was taking place in masonic meetings.» — Ferrer Benimeli muestra la prohibición como reacción común a católicos, protestantes y musulmanes, y por un mismo motivo.

«In short, they come down to the secrecy with which Masons cloak themselves, as well as the oath taken under such dire penalties, and above all to the jurisdiction of the age—based on Roman law—under which any group or association not authorized by the government was considered illegal, a focus of subversion and a danger to the good order and peace of the State.» — Ferrer Benimeli reduce los cargos a tres, y pone el peso en el derecho romano de asociación vigente.

«The Bull Providas (1751) of Benedict XIV went further by calling on, as the strongest argument (apart from the charter of Plinio Cecilio which, however, was not correctly applied), the provisions of Roman Law (Dig. 47, tit. 22: De Collegiis et corporibus) against collegia illicita, which forbade associations formed without the permission of the public authority.» — Ferrer Benimeli identifica el fundamento jurídico de la bula de 1751 y señala de paso una cita mal aplicada.

«Moreover, as the Jesuit Karl Michaeler makes clear in his 1782 reply to Benedict XIV’s bull, what appears to be a logical proof is in reality an argument which discredits that which it sets out to prove, then affirms precisely the contrary, since we know today that the quotation from Pliny was intended to be used against Christians.» — Ferrer Benimeli recuerda que un jesuita ya en 1782 mostró que el texto de Plinio invocado contra los masones se había escrito contra los cristianos.

«What happened next was that in those countries with a confessional political system, the Masons were persecuted not as such, but for an offence against the Catholic religion, since they were excommunicated, which declared the crime of Masonry as being harmful to the Catholic religion, and from the moment that this was enshrined in the constitution of Catholic countries, the ecclesiastical crime automatically became a political one and was punished as such.» — Ferrer Benimeli describe el circuito por el que una censura eclesiástica se convierte en delito civil en los Estados confesionales.

«This is the reason why no document of the eighteenth century states—and in this Clement XII’s and Benedict XIV’s Bulls are no different— that Masonry as an institution is prohibited, but rather ‘meetings’ held by Masons are considered illegal.» — la precisión con que Ferrer Benimeli corrige lo que suele decirse: lo prohibido eran las reuniones, no la institución.

«This is shown by the growth and prestige that, despite everything, Masonry enjoyed, coupled with the fact that many important men of the nobility and the clergy, and in one instance a monarch, were members.» — Ferrer Benimeli mide la eficacia real de las condenas por quiénes seguían entrando en las logias.

«above all Catholic clergy: bishops, canons, parish priests, vicars and» — y Ferrer Benimeli detalla qué clero: obispos, canónigos, párrocos.

«However, in the so-called Catholic countries the ideals of Masonry were by and large confused and identified with those of liberalism, which caused the Catholic Church and the absolutist governments of the time to react forcefully, founded on the well-known union of the Throne and the Altar, in defence of their power.» — Ferrer Benimeli atribuye el recrudecimiento decimonónico a una identificación —la de masonería con liberalismo— que él marca como confusión.

«In the early years of the nineteenth century the clash between the Catholic Church and Masonry was coloured by the ways in which the French Revolution was interpreted, and by the birth of the famous myth of the masonic-revolutionary plot for which Abbé Barruel was largely responsible.» — Ferrer Benimeli hace del relato de Barruel, y no de los hechos revolucionarios, el determinante del conflicto decimonónico.

«simply stated, that masonry and secret societies were attacking “the rights of the Papal power and civil authority”, that they “were conspiring» — Ferrer Benimeli resume la acusación pontificia manteniendo entre comillas la letra del documento.

«And as proof of the behaviour of the “masonic sect” and its determination to “bring to fruition all the theories of the supporters of natural law” he adds that Masonry “has for a long time been striving tenaciously to put an end to any interference in society by the rulers and authority of the Church and for this purpose it openly contends that the Church and the State should separate, thereby excluding from the laws and administration of the public domain the very salutary influence of the Catholic Religion”.» — Ferrer Benimeli deja ver que el cargo central del documento pontificio es, en su propia letra, la separación de Iglesia y Estado.

«Leo XIII himself in his Humanum genus alludes to the prohibition of Masonry by certain governments and emphasises that “the ultimate and principle aim” of Masonry “was to destroy to its very foundations any civil or religious order established throughout Christendom, and bring about in its place a new order founded on laws drawn out of the entrails of naturalism”.» — Ferrer Benimeli cita la formulación máxima de la acusación: no un abuso concreto, sino la destrucción del orden entero.

«It is evident that Vatican II advocated this separation of Church and State without, as a result, falling into line with the ideas of natural law.» — Ferrer Benimeli señala que el propio Concilio adoptó después lo que León XIII condenaba como naturalismo.

«it is worth mentioning the International Congress of Trent (1896), at which the famous Leo Taxil played such an important part» — Ferrer Benimeli recuerda que el congreso antimasónico de 1896 tuvo como figura destacada al autor del fraude taxiliano.

«In fact canon 2335 confirmed all previous Papal dispositions of the nineteenth century (thus overruling those of the eighteenth century: the secrecy, the swearing of oaths and the» — Ferrer Benimeli hace notar que el canon de 1917 recoge los cargos decimonónicos y deja caer los del XVIII.

«This identification of Masonry with a society which “plots against the Church or legitimate civil authorities” can only be understood from the standpoint of the problem created in Italy by the famous ‘Roman question’, or the loss of the Papal States.» — Ferrer Benimeli explica una norma de alcance universal por un conflicto territorial italiano.

«Commentators on the Code of Canon Law, when deciding on the exact nature of the crime set out in canon 2335, went on to state: “Societies which plot against the Church or against legitimate civil powers are those whose aim is to develop a subversive activity by using illicit means”.» — Ferrer Benimeli acude a los comentaristas del Código para acotar el alcance del canon.

«Therefore only those Catholics who belonged to a masonic or another association which was in reality plotting against the Church or civil authorities could incur the penalty of excommunication.» — y de ahí Ferrer Benimeli extrae la consecuencia que discute con la práctica corriente: la excomunión nunca alcanzó a todo masón.

«Anyone who was in Masonry ‘of good faith’ (not finding it, for example, anything other than an association seeking universal brotherhood, or a society for social progress) would not be subject to the penalty of excommunication.» — Ferrer Benimeli introduce la cláusula de buena fe como límite efectivo de la pena.

«For this reason Catholics could join Masonry so long as it did not coincide with what Canonical Law erroneously described as Masonry, that is, a society which plotted against the Church or legitimate civil powers.» — y Ferrer Benimeli llama erróneo, sin rodeos, al retrato que el derecho canónico hacía de la orden.

«The intervention of Monsignor Méndez Arceo (Bishop of Cuernavaca, in Mexico) at the Vatican Council II was a landmark during the 31st and 71st General Congregations (1962–1963), in which he asked that the question of the attitude of the Church towards secret societies, and in particular Masonry, should be dealt with.» — Ferrer Benimeli fecha en dos congregaciones conciliares, y en un obispo mexicano, la reapertura del asunto.

«The Scandinavian Episcopal Conference at the end of 1967 went further by declaring that any mason wishing to become a Catholic could be received into the Church without having to relinquish membership of Masonry.» — el paso más largo que Ferrer Benimeli documenta: recibir en la Iglesia a un masón sin pedirle que deje la logia.

«the Holy See admitted publicly the existence of branches of Masonry which were free of content contrary to the Church, and therefore membership of them did not incur the penalty of excommunication.» — Ferrer Benimeli registra el reconocimiento vaticano de que la masonería no es una sola cosa.

«Put another way, it was recognised that the excommunication declared two centuries earlier—and renewed and reiterated during the period leading up to the unification of Italy with the loss of the Papal States—could be explained in the context of political problems and religious strife.» — y Ferrer Benimeli añade lo que ese reconocimiento implica sobre la condena original: se explica por su contexto político.

«Two years earlier, in 1972, Cardinal Seper had already set in motion the possibility of the presence of Catholics within Masonry.» — Ferrer Benimeli adelanta a 1972 el inicio del giro doctrinal.

«This judgment was renewed on March 12, 1975, in a reply to the bishops’ conferences most directly concerned such as England, North America, Canada, Brazil, France, Scandinavia and the Dominican Republic.» — y Ferrer Benimeli enumera las conferencias episcopales que habían planteado el problema.

«It is obvious that from Cardinal Seper’s document it was to be understood that excommunication of Masons was only valid where they belonged to lodges that worked expressly against the Church or its mission.» — la lectura que Ferrer Benimeli hace del documento de Seper.

«a large part of the bishops’ conferences most affected by the problem of what to do about Catholic Masons—with the exception of Germany—were sufficiently clear about what the Church had to say, and there remained no doubt about the possibility of being both a Catholic and a mason as long as the Masonry to which they belonged “did not plot against the Church”, which— when all is said and done—was the correct interpretation maintained for a long time by the specialists on the subject.» — Ferrer Benimeli aísla a la conferencia alemana como la única discrepante, y toma partido por la lectura de las demás.

«The Penal law [said Cardinal Seper] needs to be interpreted in a restricted sense.» — el principio de interpretación restrictiva que Seper invoca, citado por Ferrer Benimeli.

«This means that all references to Masonry have been removed, along with the references to excommunication as well as plots against legitimate civil authorities, three of the fundamental aspects whose only reason for being there was in the historical context of a solely Italian problem from the nineteenth century, which, since it clearly did not exist today, meant that holding on to them was an anachronism.» — Ferrer Benimeli enumera las tres supresiones del Código de 1983 y las explica por caducidad del conflicto que las motivó.

«In essence his statement says that “the negative opinion of the Church with regard to masonic associations has not changed, because their principles have always been considered irreconcilable with the doctrine of the» — Ferrer Benimeli consigna la declaración de 1983 que reafirma la incompatibilidad justo cuando el Código la borra.

«He added that “those members of a congregation who did belong to masonic associations were committing a grave sin and would not be allowed to partake of Holy Communion”.» — y Ferrer Benimeli añade la sanción que la sustituye: pecado grave y exclusión de la comunión en vez de excomunión.

«Finally he concluded by saying that “it did not fall within the competences of local Church authorities to reach their own decisions with regard to the nature of masonic associations”.» — Ferrer Benimeli señala el efecto centralizador de esa declaración sobre las conferencias episcopales.

«It would have been more accurate to have referred to the Catholic faith since there was certainly at that time no ‘official’ incompatibility between Christian beliefs and Masonry,» — Ferrer Benimeli corrige el alcance del término empleado: la incompatibilidad, de haberla, era católica y no cristiana.

«Masonry is not and never has been a religion or a pseudo-religion.» — la afirmación de Ferrer Benimeli sobre la que descansa toda su objeción al documento romano.

«It is an initiatory and secular society, with philanthropic, cultural humanist, and philosophical aims, which are bound together in a notion of universal brotherhood and the improvement of mankind,» — y Ferrer Benimeli añade la definición positiva con que la sustituye.

«The starting point is seriously flawed in its view of Masonry as a religion or pseudo religion and in the way it considers masonic rituals to have some kind of sacramental aspect.» — Ferrer Benimeli localiza el error del documento en su premisa: tratar el ritual masónico como sacramento.

«Among the doctrinal reasons is the suggestion that Masonry has philosophical ideas and moral concepts opposed to Catholic doctrine, which are in essence “a rationalist naturalism which is behind its activities in opposition to the Church”.» — Ferrer Benimeli resume el cargo doctrinal manteniendo entre comillas la fórmula del documento.

«The use of two documents by Leo XIII, Humanum genus, of 1884, and a letter to the Italian people of 1892, as evidence gives the impression of profound historical weakness and partiality,» — y Ferrer Benimeli le objeta la base documental: dos textos decimonónicos como toda prueba.

«But what is most worrying is that both the “Declaration” of 1983 and the “Reflections” of 1985 are founded on the reactionary and erroneous document that the German bishops had published against Masonry on April 28, 1980.» — Ferrer Benimeli remonta los dos documentos romanos a una sola fuente alemana que califica de errónea.

«However, Masonry does not have any official philosophy, although throughout history there have been philosophers who were Masons such as Lessing himself, Herder, Goethe, Fichte and Krause, who all wrote of their ‘own’ philosophy of Masonry.» — Ferrer Benimeli separa las filosofías de masones de una filosofía de la masonería, que niega que exista.

«To sum up, the document published by the Osservatore Romano in 1985 avoids the fundamental and historical question of the hostility of Masonry towards the Church, or if you prefer that of the Church towards Masonry, which was the sole legal reason for incompatibility contained in the old Code.» — Ferrer Benimeli señala lo que el documento omite: el único fundamento jurídico que la incompatibilidad tenía.

«So, from the explicit recognition that there can exist today—and therefore there are—types of Masonry which do not plot against the Church, the logical conclusion should have been that the ideological and moral principles which inspire Masonry were not in opposition to the Catholic Church.» — la inferencia que Ferrer Benimeli reclama y que el documento no saca.

«Masonry was not plotting against the Church but its doctrinal principles had not changed, and therefore, according to the “Reflections”, any Catholics who became Masons—using a simple game of semantics—were not excommunicated although “their membership constituted a grave sin” and therefore “they could not partake of Holy Communion”.» — Ferrer Benimeli describe la operación como un juego semántico: se retira la pena y se conserva íntegro su efecto.

«It remains very worrying that it can be said that membership of Masonry constitutes a grave sin.» — Ferrer Benimeli aporta su juicio, dicho en primera persona del análisis.

«Finally the document in question annulled the right of bishops’ conferences and local ecclesiastical authorities to make their own decisions, which they had over recent years been doing openly and in favour of Catholics joining and remaining in membership of Masonry, in line with the directives of Cardinal Seper, Ratzinger’s predecessor on the same post.» — Ferrer Benimeli marca la ruptura entre dos titulares del mismo dicasterio.

«In future all important evaluations of the nature of any lodge wherever in the world would be made in Rome—one of the most absurd things in the document, but in line with the reactionary attitude of, and withdrawal of prerogatives imposed by, the Vatican policy of the time.» — y Ferrer Benimeli califica sin eufemismo la centralización que resulta.

«But if the document published in the Osservatore Romano seems somewhat less disturbing, the one published by the Holy Apostolic Penitentiary (Prot. n.º 456/84) one year earlier and sent out to every bishop in the world on August 7, 1984, exceeds it as a cause for concern by impulsively accusing sects, and in particular Masonry, of profanation of the most Sacred Sacrament.» — Ferrer Benimeli documenta una acusación de profanación eucarística dirigida a los obispos del mundo entero en 1984.

«Here, although there is no reference to Leo XIII, there could easily have been one and more especially to his friend and ‘convert’, the genial joker Leo Taxil, or to the fundamentalist Bishop Lefebvre who was especially obsessed by ‘masonic Satanism’, references which were quite eloquent whatever the case.» — Ferrer Benimeli emparenta esa acusación con el fraude de Taxil y con el satanismo masónico de Lefebvre.

«It is certain that the Pope, as Head of the Church, added to this list that of suspicion of heresy due to their custom of allowing Catholics and non-Catholics to meet together, something that at the time was punishable by excommunication, at the very time when the majority of Masons were Catholics, including priests.» — Ferrer Benimeli señala la paradoja de fondo: la sospecha de herejía cae sobre una orden mayoritariamente católica.

«Second, the nineteenth century by and large ignores the secrecy, the oath and the suspicion of heresy and condemns not so much ‘meetings of masons’ but Masonry itself as an institution identified with liberalism from a political point of view and with naturalism from a philosophical one.» — Ferrer Benimeli fija el desplazamiento del blanco: del acto de reunirse a la institución identificada con el liberalismo.

«by citing the secrecy with which the Masons surrounded themselves, the oath they swore, and Roman Law in force at the time which suspected them of acting against the peace and good order of society.» — y Ferrer Benimeli recuerda los tres cargos del XVIII que ese desplazamiento deja atrás.

«Consequently there is no mention of either Masons, or excommunication or legitimate civil powers in canon 1374 of the New Code of Canonical Law.» — el estado final del derecho canónico según Ferrer Benimeli: el canon vigente no nombra a la masonería.

«the only one which adopted the opposing view, in 1980, was the German one, following the determination of Monsignor Stimpfle, Bishop of Augsburg, principal promoter of the initiative.» — Ferrer Benimeli reduce la posición condenatoria a la iniciativa de un solo obispo.

«However, the declaration issued by Ratzinger (a Cardinal at the time)—who voted in favour of the defeated German proposition—on the eve of the promulgation of the new Code, had the result of making it say something that was not contained in the text and imposed the German restrictive and condemnatory approach, despite being in the minority of bishops’ conferences which were far more concerned with the pastoral problems posed by the existence of» — Ferrer Benimeli sostiene que la declaración hizo decir al Código lo que su texto no dice, imponiendo una posición minoritaria.

«Fourth, as a result of the preparation and promulgation of the new Code of Canonical Law, the interest of a fundamentalist section of the Catholic Church, particularly determined to continue to condemn all members of Masonry to excommunication, is highlighted.» — la conclusión de Ferrer Benimeli sobre quién sostuvo la condena y con qué empeño.

«This attempt was marred from the outset—just as the German bishops’ conference document—by the denial of the existence of different branches of Masonry, and above all by considering Masonry to be a religion and its rituals as a substitute for the Sacraments and by the theological arguments put forward based, among other documents, on the Bull Humanum genus of 1884, on a letter to the Italian people by Leo XIII in 1892, on the philosophy of Lessing and on the work so often quoted by the German bishops, the dictionary of Masonry by Lennhof-Posner of 1932.» — Ferrer Benimeli desglosa la base bibliográfica del argumento romano y muestra que ninguna pieza es posterior a 1932.

«Publications which—with their outdated and often ignorant anti-masonic attitude—have only served to create uncertainty among Catholic Masons and have delighted the anticlericals, agnostics and free-thinkers who have rediscovered the anticlerical banner as a cohesion and justification for a reality which, but for that, was beginning to have no meaning at the dawn of the twenty-first century.» — Ferrer Benimeli sostiene que ese antimasonismo tardío devolvió sentido al anticlericalismo que ya se estaba quedando sin él.

«The subject of this chapter is not easy to deal with, for one main reason: the organization, or rather the absence of a general organization, of the Orthodox Churches.» — Var declara de entrada por qué su asunto no admite una respuesta única.

«Unlike the Roman Catholic Church whose pattern is monolithic and monarchic, the characteristic of these Churches is equality in diversity.» — Var opone dos modelos eclesiales y de ahí deriva la imposibilidad de una condena ortodoxa general.

«As for the disciplinary rules, hierarchical patterns, etc, they have the force of laws only if stated by the decrees or canons of the same Councils.» — Var precisa el límite de lo vinculante en la ortodoxia.

«For the rest, every Church is free.» — y Var añade lo que queda fuera de ese límite.

«When Freemasonry was spread over Europe in the course of eighteenth century, the Orthodox space was either Ottoman or Russian, and the history of Freemasonry in those areas belongs to the history of western influences into the Russian and Ottoman Empires respectively.» — Var reencuadra el asunto como capítulo de la penetración occidental en dos imperios.

«Thus it is only in Russia that one may observe a long-lasting coexistence between masonic bodies and Orthodox Church, and from that situation draw some meaningful conclusions.» — y Var acota su propio caso de estudio a Rusia por ser el único con duración suficiente.

«Tatiana Bakounine estimates that, from the beginnings of Freemasonry in Russia until its abolition there in 1822, it may have counted four to five thousand members.» — Var cuantifica la masonería rusa con la estimación de Bakounine.

«And, what is important for our study, she identified twenty-four clergymen, amongst them four metropolitans, two archbishops, five archpriests, and three abbots (archimandrites).» — y Var extrae de ese censo el dato que le interesa: clero ortodoxo de alto rango dentro de las logias.

«Philarethe was to be solemnly canonized by the Church of Russia in 1994: a rare but not unique example of a Freemason recognised as a saint by a Christian Church.» — Var consigna un caso extremo de esa convivencia: un masón canonizado, y advierte que no es único.

«His aim was to struggle against physical, moral and religious destitution by means of the lights of reason and faith, of religion and education.» — Var describe el programa de Novikov como una alianza de razón y fe, no como sustitución de una por otra.

«Actually both Platon and Novikov were Martinists (source, personal documents in possession of Daniel Fontaine)—a fact which the Tsarina was not aware of.» — Var aporta una adscripción martinista apoyada en documentación privada, y la declara como tal.

«Russian masonry of that time was deeply and ardently Christian.» — la caracterización con que Var explica esa convivencia sin conflicto.

«A present-day Russian theologian, Father Florovsky, has written an acute analysis, in which he stated: “Freemasonry finalized a method of ascetic life and self-overseeing. For Lopoukhine, the true aim of a Mason is to die on the cross of abnegation and burn to the fire of purification”.» — Var cita a Florovsky para dar a la masonería rusa el estatuto de método ascético.

«So, during a quarter of century, from about the 1770 until 1794, there took place a quite exceptional and striking period in all the history of Freemasonry, not to be seen again in any era or country, made conspicuous by a close collaboration, even a symbiosis, between Freemasonry and Church.» — Var declara única en toda la historia de la orden esa simbiosis rusa de veinticinco años.

«The Church of Russia was like a partner of Russian Freemasonry, and had absolutely no part in its prohibition by Catherine II in 1794.» — y Var descarga a la Iglesia rusa de la prohibición, que atribuye por entero al poder civil.

«After the Soviets seized power in 1917, they banned Freemasonry once again, while also tormenting the Church.» — Var pone bajo la misma persecución soviética a la logia y a la Iglesia.

«Freemasonry and Orthodox Churches closely cooperated in the fight for national freedom.» — Var documenta la colaboración de ambas en las luchas nacionales de los Balcanes.

«In Turkey, Freemasonry played a similar role and took part in the Young Turks’ fight to liberalize the regime.» — y Var extiende esa función política al caso turco.

«After the decolonization, the Islamic rules were enforced and Freemasonry was prohibited, with three exceptions: Turkey and Israel, because they are supposed to be secular States, notwithstanding many restrictions; and Lebanon, owing to its singular situation as a multiconfessionnal State.» — Var mapea la prohibición en el mundo islámico y salva tres excepciones, cada una con su razón.

«The great majority of Orthodox Churches have not yet taken a decision neither for nor against Freemasonry.» — Var consigna la abstención como la posición ortodoxa mayoritaria, y no como un vacío.

«Thus, on October 12, 1933, the Synod of the Church of Hellas (Greece) promulgated a solemn condemnation of Freemasonry, forbade all clerics to be members of it on pain of being stripped of their rank, and insisted that the faithful misled in the lodges break all relations with Freemasonry.» — Var data y detalla la única condena ortodoxa de peso.

«The official motives for the sentence follow those of previous Roman Catholic condemnations of Freemasonry: it is an idolatrous religion, deriving from the ancient mysteries; its actions and teachings are secret and mysterious; it welcomes not only Christians but also Jews and Muslims; it leads to syncretism; and it ‘deifies rationalism’.» — y Var muestra que sus motivos están calcados de los católicos.

«That this ban had to be renewed in 1949, and again in 1969, demonstrates that it was ineffective.» — Var mide la eficacia de la condena por el número de veces que hubo que repetirla.

«Four years later, in 1937, a condemnation was pronounced by the Church of Romania, upon the same grounds and in a similar political context.» — Var añade el caso rumano y remite al mismo contexto político.

«It is worth noting, however, that several patriarchs of Constantinople were Freemasons. The most famous was the patriarch Athenagoras (1886–1948– 1972), who received the 33rd degree of the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite in the usa.» — Var pone junto a las condenas el dato que las relativiza: patriarcas de Constantinopla masones, y uno de ellos grado 33.

«In short, there is no common and general rule decreed by the Orthodox Churches about, or more precisely against, Freemasonry. Only four of them have officially proclaimed its prohibition, but the banning ordered by a Church applies only to its own members.» — la conclusión de Var, con el alcance de cada prohibición acotado a su propia grey.

«So there one can see within one and the same Church clergy and laymen vehemently opposed against Freemasonry, and others having benevolent feelings or even being members of it, even reaching the masonic hierarchical summit.» — Var consigna la coexistencia de las dos posiciones dentro de una misma Iglesia, sin resolverla.

«That is possible, because in Orthodoxy, with the exception of truths of faith, the rule applying everywhere is freedom under supervision of the sole personal conscience.» — y Var la explica por un principio de conciencia, no por desidia disciplinaria.

«There is a generally recognised close relationship between the Protestant movement (viz. of the Liberal, rationalistic and in Northern Europe of the pietistic type) and Freemasonry. They are sometimes even considered as parent and child, as expressed in the Hamburger Fremdenblatt, June 13, 1917 for the two hundredth anniversary of Freemasonry (1717) and the four hundredth anniversary of the Reformation (1517):» — Liagre presenta como opinión recibida el parentesco entre protestantismo y masonería, y lo documenta en la prensa de 1917.

«It is a remarkable fact that the one rests on the other as on its foundation and that Freemasonry is inconceivable without Protestantism.» — del artículo de 1917 citado por Liagre: la formulación fuerte de ese parentesco, que es material citado y no tesis suya.

«However, competing Catholic Jacobite lodges also existed on the masonic scene during this period.» — Liagre introduce de inmediato el dato que complica esa genealogía protestante.

«But it is no coincidence that in Protestant countries such as Sweden and Britain Freemasonry has been associated with the conservative establishment, whereas in Catholic and Orthodox countries Freemasonry has often been considered as a subversive force.» — Liagre correlaciona la posición política de la orden con la confesión dominante del país, y no con su doctrina interna.

«In the Anglo-Saxon and Protestant countries we see many Masons defending Masonry as a servant of religion.» — Liagre contrasta esa posición con la que la orden adopta en países católicos: sierva de la religión, no rival suya.

«Historically we can distinguish five ‘ideal types’ of Freemasonry: esoteric Freemasonry with a florilegium of higher degrees; Christian Freemasonry where initiation is sometimes reserved for Christians and more specifically Protestants, e.g. some German and Scandinavian forms of Masonry; the Anglo-Saxon (more Anglican) moral Freemasonry with an accent on humanitarian aspects; modern liberal-symbolic Masonry and (in Catholic countries) agnostic Freemasonry.» — la tipología de cinco formas con que Liagre organiza el asunto, y de la que la vertiente esotérica es la primera.

«Freemasonry came to Sweden at a time when Lutheranism was the compulsory state religion, and basically there were no non-Lutherans in the country.» — Liagre explica el carácter confesional del sistema sueco por el punto de partida: no había nadie más a quien admitir.

«When Duke Charles XIII ascended the Swedish throne as king in 1809, the royal princes were considered to be born Freemasons and the highest Templar degrees were restricted to members of the Swedish nobility, although this later changed.» — Liagre documenta un caso extremo de fusión entre corona y orden: príncipes masones de nacimiento.

«Nevertheless, the first official condemnation of Freemasonry, influenced by protestant politics, was made by the States of Holland as early as 1735.» — Liagre recuerda que la primera condena oficial no vino de Roma sino de un poder protestante.

«King William I hoped that, with Protestantism, Freemasonry would help to unite the two countries into one (Snoek 1997).» — Liagre atribuye a Guillermo I un uso político de la orden como argamasa nacional.

«The relation between the creation of the first Protestant Churches in Cape Town and the first masonic lodge in South Africa (working under the Grand Lodge of Holland) is also known.» — Liagre señala la simultaneidad entre la implantación protestante y la masónica en el Cabo.

«Nevertheless, in the archives we find little information about this Protestant presence:» — Liagre declara el límite documental de su propio capítulo.

«because Protestantism was forbidden, for security reasons the lodges did not make a note in their records of the religion of the members.» — y Liagre explica el silencio: en países donde el protestantismo estaba prohibido, la logia no anotaba la confesión.

«They were interested in Masonry because of the opportunities it gave to their international businesses.» — Liagre da un móvil mercantil, y no doctrinal, a buena parte de la afiliación protestante.

«Important Protestants such as the pastors Antoine Court de Gébelin (1725–1784), Jean-Paul Rabaut Saint-Etienne (1743–1793) and Jacques Antoine Rabaut-Pommier (1744–1820) were active in politics and Freemasonry.» — Liagre documenta pastores protestantes franceses activos a la vez en la política y en la logia.

«By 1727 Freemasonry was established in Portugal by Protestant/ Anglican merchants.» — Liagre data la entrada de la masonería en Portugal y la atribuye al comercio inglés.

«In an attempt to protect the spiritual absolute exclusivity of Catholicism, a second, predominantly Irish Catholic lodge, was founded in 1733.» — y Liagre muestra la respuesta local: una logia católica fundada para preservar la exclusividad confesional.

«A third lodge was formed by the Protestant John Coustos (1703–1746), but he wrote in his autobiographical report, published after returning to London in 1746, that he was arrested in 1743, tortured and sentenced in the same year.» — Liagre presenta el testimonio de Coustos marcando su carácter autobiográfico y su fecha de publicación.

«he confessed everything he knew precisely in order to avoid being tortured, but the foreign ecumenical non-Latin Masonry that Coustos had introduced, was indeed considered by the political and religious authorities as atheist and potentially subversive.» — Liagre corrige un detalle del relato de Coustos y a la vez da por bueno el fondo del cargo inquisitorial.

«The records of the Inquisition, which are the earliest known documentary references on the existence of lodges in Portuguese territory, referred to the first Masons as ‘heretic merchants’.» — Liagre hace notar que la primera fuente sobre logias portuguesas es el archivo de quien las perseguía.

«In the city of Funchal, on Madeira, another masonic lodge composed of British merchants was founded in 1767 which became heavily persecuted by the local government in 1770 and was accused of heresy and liberalism, causing many members to go into exile in London.» — el caso de Madeira con que Liagre documenta la persecución y el exilio consiguiente.

«George Washington (1732–1799), a prominent Freemason, was a lifelong member of the Episcopal Church, being convinced that organized religion served a good purpose, that of promoting morality and maintaining order.» — Liagre presenta a Washington como caso de compatibilidad plena entre iglesia y logia.

«After 1802 the French Protestants—at this time there were around three thousand Protestants in the French lodges—were officially recognised by Napoleon.» — Liagre cuantifica la presencia protestante en las logias francesas al tiempo del reconocimiento napoleónico.

«It is a paradox to note that Protestantism on one hand reinforced the secular character of society, whilst at the same time promoting a new Protestant spirituality.» — Liagre formula como paradoja lo que estructura su capítulo: secularización y espiritualidad nueva salen del mismo movimiento.

«In France the Protestant clergyman Frédéric Desmons (1832–1910) was National Grandmaster at that time.» — Liagre sitúa a un pastor protestante al frente de la obediencia francesa en el momento del giro.

«As orthodox Protestant Masons were adopting the revival movement at the beginning of the nineteenth century, at the end of the nineteenth century the relationship between Freemasonry and Protestantism changed and some French liberal Protestant Masons left the Church to go into politics, while others e.g. in France, the Netherlands and Belgium, created new liberal free Churches.» — Liagre describe una bifurcación: unos salen de la Iglesia hacia la política, otros fundan iglesias libres.

«In Belgium (1872) and France (1877) this change in masonic spirituality resulted in the suppression of the expression ‘the Great Architect of the Universe’, in the name of freedom of conscience.» — Liagre fecha las dos supresiones que abren la brecha entre masonería liberal y regular, y consigna el argumento invocado.

«Some continental Masons held also that Christianity was a corruption of monotheism.» — la posición extrema que Liagre documenta dentro de la masonería continental.

«To understand this fact, it is important to note that in this period very often there was no sharp distinction between being in and outside the Protestant Church.» — Liagre advierte contra aplicar retrospectivamente una frontera confesional nítida.

«A number of Protestants considered in these years that Protestantism prevented consistent secular thinking, while it gave the possibility to reduce religion to the extent that one could use Church rituals, without being obliged to accept the mythic-religious character of religion.» — Liagre describe una posición de doble filo: el protestantismo como obstáculo al pensamiento secular y a la vez como su vía.

«In 1913 a clash between Protestants and anti-religious atheists in French Masonry could no longer be avoided.» — Liagre fecha en 1913 la ruptura interna de la masonería francesa por el asunto religioso.

«The Grand Orient de France refused the lodge ‘Le Centre des Amis’ to use the symbol of the Great Architect and the Grande Loge Nationale Indépendante et Régulière pour la France et les Colonies was created.» — y Liagre añade su desenlace institucional: una obediencia nueva nacida del rechazo de un símbolo.

«At the beginning of the century many Protestant Churches had annual masonic services at which the brethren wore full regalia in public, a tradition that continued till 1930 in England and Wales.» — Liagre documenta oficios masónicos públicos dentro de templos protestantes hasta 1930.

«As a result, as in Europe a few decades later, there was a mass exodus of Protestant (and Roman-Catholic) Christians from the lodges, thereby creating a vacuum to be filled by those who held a non-Christian view of Masonry.» — Liagre explica la descristianización de las logias como efecto de una salida, y no de una conversión interna.

«There is still much work that needs to be done to analyse the precise relationship between masonic lodges and Protestant sociability on the Iberian Peninsula, in Latin America and the Hispanic Caribbean, as well as in other regions.» — Liagre declara pendiente el estudio del asunto en el mundo ibérico y latinoamericano.

«The continuous presence of Protestant pastors in Freemasonry, has largely influenced Protestantism in Spain, so much so that it became one of its constituent elements.» — Liagre sostiene que en España la masonería no acompañó al protestantismo: lo constituyó en parte.

«Freemasonry and Protestantism evolved at the same rhythm and in a parallel ways: together with Freemasons, Protestant religious activists were persecuted as militant republicans and educators, defending a democratic and secularised society.» — Liagre explica ese paralelismo español por una persecución compartida y un programa común.

«Not without reason, in the twentieth century the Spanish fascist circles close to Franco wanted to extinguish Marxism, Protestantism and Freemasonry in Spain.» — Liagre consigna la tríada de enemigos del franquismo, y da por fundada la asociación que hacía entre ellos.

«Conservatives became more Catholic; progressives and liberals gravitated with Freemasonry towards anti-Catholicism or even favoured Protestantism.» — Liagre describe la polarización confesional que acompaña a la política en el mundo hispánico.

«In Ireland, Paul Cardinal Cullen (1803–1878), the Roman-Catholic Archbishop of Dublin who became the first Irish Cardinal, shaped Irish Catholicism by fighting the ‘demonic’ forces of Protestantism and Freemasonry.» — Liagre muestra que la identidad católica irlandesa se define en parte contra ese par.

«The Constitution of 1824, although Masons had a hand in composing it, maintained Roman-Catholicism as the state religion.» — Liagre acota el alcance del influjo masónico en la constitución mexicana de 1824.

«Not until the Constitution of 1857 did religious freedom prevail.» — y Liagre fecha en 1857 la libertad religiosa efectiva en México.

«The Mexican Catholic Church in the colonial era being far from monolithic, exhibited a diversity of expressions and perspectives that interacted with, and were sometimes at odds with one another.» — Liagre advierte contra tratar a la Iglesia mexicana colonial como bloque único.

«Juárez was one of the main leaders of The Reform (La Reforma), which, if implemented, would change the general social structure.» — Liagre sitúa a Juárez al frente de la Reforma dentro de este relato.

«It would for example strip the military and the Church of some of their special privileges.» — y Liagre precisa el contenido del programa: retirar fueros al ejército y a la Iglesia.

«Poinsett was expelled from Mexico because of the hatred of the clergy and their faithful.» — Liagre consigna la expulsión del enviado estadounidense y masón, y le da un motivo religioso.

«The main protestant arguments in a plead for Freemasonry, were that the fraternity as a beneficial and non-religious organisation generated respect for the Protestant presence among people of high calibre, and opened the way to serve God in society in general.» — Liagre resume la defensa protestante de la orden: ni religión rival ni sustituto, sino acceso social.

«But not all Brazilian Protestants showed the same enthusiasm towards Freemasonry.» — y de inmediato Liagre acota que esa defensa no fue unánime.

«The first Baptist Church was organized in Brazil, on September 10, 1871, in the city of Santa Barbara, state of São Paulo, by five members of the masonic lodge.» — el dato con que Liagre mide la implicación: la primera iglesia bautista brasileña la funda una logia.

«In 1903 a group of Brazilian pastors and elders, led by the Rev. Eduardo Carlos Pereira (1855–1923), organized the Independent Presbyterian Church of Brazil under the banners of nationalism, autonomy, and anti-Masonry.» — y Liagre añade el reverso: una iglesia brasileña fundada expresamente contra la masonería.

«Already in 1791 the loyal Catholic ecclesiastic and French Abbé Jacques François Lefranc (1739–1792), saw a direct link between the modern philosophy, apostate Protestantism and Freemasonry.» — Liagre fecha en 1791, antes de Barruel, la primera cadena entre filosofía moderna, protestantismo y logia.

«Jews and Protestants were with Freemasons indiscriminately categorized as figures of the hereditary enemy or foreign invader, which one had to fight.» — Liagre describe la construcción de un enemigo único a partir de tres grupos distintos.

«The theory was simple: introducing a dissenting religion, Protestants have begun to destroy the religious unity of France. Then, by their doctrine of libre examen they made a priest of every believer. They introduced individualism and Freemasonry and negated the principle of a social bond. The Dreyfus affair at the end of the nineteenth century was already seen as a Protestant-Jewish matter: the individual conscience prevailed over collective discipline.» — Liagre reconstruye la cadena entera del argumento contrarrevolucionario francés, del libre examen al caso Dreyfus.

«In 1949, the old director of ‘L’Action Française’, Charles Maurras (1868–1952), wrote the book Pour un jeune Français, in which he explained that the ‘anti-France’ was made up of Protestants, Jews, Freemasons, and coloured people.» — Liagre documenta la pervivencia de esa lista de enemigos hasta mediados del siglo XX.

«Protestantism is licentiousness of thought, of consciousness and of word; Masonry is the satanic hatred of God; and liberalism is both things, in the guise of a refined hypocrisy.» — fórmula antiliberal citada por Liagre, que es material de época y no juicio suyo.

«The conference of English Methodist ministers, on the other hand, passed in 1927 a resolution that Freemasonry in its ritual and official language is of a theistic nature and that the distinctive faith of Christianity and the Christian message of salvation through faith in Jesus Christ are wholly incompatible with the claims put forth by Freemasonry in writing and speech.» — Liagre data la posición metodista y precisa en qué se funda: el teísmo del ritual frente a la salvación por Cristo.

«In 1985 the Methodist Conference in England confirmed its position of 1927, asking Freemasons to reconsider their membership.» — y Liagre consigna su ratificación casi sesenta años después.

«The report of the Methodist Conference condemned the Craft for not mentioning the name of Jesus Christ and because of the danger that a Christian who becomes a Freemason will find himself compromising his Christian beliefs or his allegiance to Christ, perhaps without realising that he is doing so.» — Liagre localiza el reproche exacto: no lo que la logia dice, sino lo que calla.

«There is no evidence to support the statement that William Booth was a Freemason.» — Liagre niega que haya prueba de una adscripción difundida sobre el fundador del Ejército de Salvación.

«The Salvation Army passed a ruling in 1986 that people that are Freemasons may not wear the Salvation Army uniform.» — y Liagre documenta la medida concreta que esa organización tomó.

«The Free Church of Scotland declared already in 1927 that anyone wishing to become a member of the Church would have to sever connection with Freemasonry absolutely.» — Liagre registra la exigencia más tajante del arco protestante.

«In our view total obedience to Christ precludes joining any organisation such as the Masonic movement which seems to demand a wholehearted allegiance to itself, and at the same time refuses to divulge all that is involved in that allegiance prior to joining…» — declaración eclesiástica citada por Liagre: el reproche no es doctrinal sino de lealtad ciega.

«The Church does not ban members from becoming Freemasons, but in 1989 the general assembly said that there were very real theological difficulties with Church of Scotland members being Freemasons.» — Liagre distingue la advertencia teológica de la prohibición efectiva.

«In Germany many Protestant pastors are members of the brotherhood. There exists between the Protestant Churches and Freemasonry neither animosity nor fear» — y Liagre sitúa en el extremo opuesto el caso alemán.

«The decision of a membership in Freemasonry must be left to the individual following his own free decision”» — de una declaración evangélica alemana citada por Liagre: la pertenencia queda entregada a la conciencia individual.

«The Swedish Church, which is evangelical-Lutheran, has no formal objections to Masonry, and many bishops are Masons.» — Liagre consigna la ausencia de objeción formal en Suecia, con obispos masones incluidos.

«Pastors and laypeople must avoid membership or participation in any organization that in its objectives, ceremonies, or practices is inimical to the Gospel of Jesus Christ or the faith and life of the Christian Church» — norma confesional citada por Liagre, del extremo restrictivo del arco.

«Southern Baptists in general and Southern Baptist leaders in particular, have a long history of embracing Freemasonry.» — Liagre documenta una tradición de adhesión, y no de rechazo, en la mayor denominación bautista.

«The Closer Look concludes by noting that, while many Christians and leaders have been and are Masons, “several points of the lodge’s teachings are non-biblical and non-Christian”.» — y Liagre añade el informe que la matiza sin condenarla.

«The important question is not whether Freemasonry is itself a religion, but whether the undoubted religious elements in it can be accepted by a committed Christian without the danger of compromising the Christian faith.» — Liagre reformula así la pregunta que las iglesias evangélicas se plantean de hecho.

«The clear conclusion we have reached from our enquiry is that there is an inherent incompatibility between Freemasonry and the Christian faith.» — conclusión de un informe eclesiástico citado por Liagre, en su propia letra.

«On the other hand the Presbyterian Church of Queensland noted in 1987 that Freemasonry transgresses the first three Commandments by its use of titles and attributes of God not revealed in Scripture.» — Liagre registra un cargo preciso: atribuir a Dios nombres y títulos que no están en la Escritura.

«Freemasonry, in not referring to Christ in the rituals of the first three degrees, implicitly—according to evangelicals—obscures even the Father, only speaking about the Grand Architect of the Universe.» — Liagre expone el argumento evangélico marcando de quién es.

«But Paul affirms in his epistle to the Galatians that, “by works of the law shall no one be justified…for if justification were through the law, then Christ died to no purpose” (Galatians 2:16, 21).» — el texto paulino que, en la exposición de Liagre, funda el reproche de salvación por obras.

«The report of the Home Mission Board of the Southern Baptist Convention commended in March 1993 Freemasonry for its works of charity and education, and for upholding values such as honesty, integrity, industry and moral character; but also noted several incompatibilities, such as the use of offensive titles such as Worshipful Master, bloody oaths and obligations, the pagan and occult nature of many of the Masonic writings, the Bible’s shared role among other items in masonic lodges, the doctrine of salvation by works, the doctrine of universalism (i.e. that all humans will be saved), and the refusal of most American masonic lodges to admit Afro-Americans to membership.» — Liagre reproduce un balance que suma en la misma lista objeciones teológicas y la exclusión racial.

«Nevertheless, today it is clear that the position of the Protestant and Evangelical Churches and communities is characterised by a great variety.» — la conclusión de Liagre: no hay una posición protestante, hay un abanico.

«The relations between Freemasonry, Judaism, Jews, and Freemasons have attracted the attention of many buffs, bigots, and conspiracy theorists, and as a result the vast majority of information on the topic is pernicious and delusional drivel.» — van Pelt declara el estado de su asunto antes de entrar en él, y lo declara envenenado.

«The intrinsic significance of all four connections is little, yet, tragically, the extrinsic importance of the limited political association» — la tesis de van Pelt en una línea: los vínculos reales fueron menores, y sus efectos, enormes.

«In the late eighteenth century the German officer Ernst August Anton Göchhausen, who is today remembered as a whistleblower about the allegedly nefarious aims of the Illuminati, confidently proclaimed that “no order bears more revealing marks or birthmarks—let me emphasize this very appropriate word—than the symbolism of masonry, which is centered on the purest Jewish hieroglyphics.» — van Pelt documenta en el siglo XVIII la lectura del simbolismo masónico como marca de nacimiento judía.

«the Italian rabbi Elijah Banamozegh, a radically unorthodox and universalist thinker who believed in the unity of Judaism with all other religions, observed in his Israel et Humanité (Israel and Humanity) that “Judaism has been accused of forming a sort of Freemasonry” and that it is certain that “the theology of Freemasonry is quite similar to that of the Kabbalah” and that “the Aggadah was the popular form of a secret discipline whose initiation methods bore the most striking resemblances to Freemasonry” (Benamozegh 1995: 78).» — van Pelt cita a un rabino que afirma el parentesco, y de paso marca cuán heterodoxo era.

«Only if we can see that the apparently Old Testament theme is in fact directly derived from the Tanakh without the mediation of the Christian Bible, Christian religion, and Christian culture may we define it as a token of influence of Pharisaic Judaism—but even then not necessarily of rabbinical Judaism,» — el criterio estricto con que van Pelt propone medir cualquier influencia judía sobre la masonería.

«In fact, they are clearly derived from the King James translation of the Bible.» — y van Pelt añade su aplicación: los hebraísmos del ritual vienen de una biblia inglesa, no del hebreo.

«Stories or themes from the five books of Moses, which is the core text of Judaism, do not figure much in the lodge, and the key story in the Jewish tradition, the Exodus from Egypt and God’s revelation of the Law to Moses, has no place in it at all.» — van Pelt argumenta desde la ausencia: el relato central del judaísmo no está en el ritual masónico.

«Rabbinical Judaism had no influence on Freemasonry. Christian theologians did not accept the Jewish tradition that God had revealed to Moses not only the written law, but also an oral law that allowed interpreters of the Torah to resolve apparent puzzles and contradictions within the written law.» — la conclusión de van Pelt y su explicación: la teología cristiana nunca dejó pasar la ley oral.

«They postulated that Christianity had superseded (Pharisaic) Judaism, and that therefore Judaism had only one purpose: to remain as a fossilized witness of the legitimacy of Christianity until the return of Christ.» — van Pelt describe la doctrina de la sustitución que hacía impensable una influencia judía viva.

«In the thirteenth-century some Jewish scholars challenged this (voluntary) limitation of enquiry, and claimed the existence of a secret tradition that went back to Moses and that provided access to the hidden meanings of the Tanakh, Mishnah, Talmud and Midrash.» — van Pelt fecha en el siglo XIII el reclamo de una tradición secreta mosaica.

«This secret tradition focused on the very chapters of Genesis and Ezekiel that the Talmud had declared to be forbidden territory and was embodied in (allegedly) ancient texts hitherto unknown to the rabbis.» — y van Pelt precisa dónde se aloja: en los capítulos que el Talmud había vedado.

«While mainline Christian theologians continued to reject the rabbinical writings because they competed with the New Testament, these heterodox if not heretical philosophers were willing to accept the Jewish esoteric teachings because their Jewish champions claimed that they either went back to God’s Revelation on Mount Sinai, or that they dated from around the time of Christ—and also because they carried an explicit universalistic message.» — van Pelt explica por qué la cábala pudo pasar donde el Talmud no: por antigüedad reclamada y por universalismo.

«Yet the Christian interpreters kept a distance to the core elements of kabbalistic teaching, which related to the secret of Creation, the emergence of the world out of the Godhead, or the mystical concept of the Shekinah (literally ‘dwelling’), which envisions the presence of God on earth.» — y van Pelt acota lo que esa recepción dejó fuera: justamente el núcleo doctrinal.

«The result was that, as the historian of Kabbalah Joseph Dan observed, “Kabbalah, in different spellings, became a common term in European Languages, indicating in an imprecise manner anything that was ancient, mysterious, magical, and to some extent dangerous.» — van Pelt cita a Joseph Dan sobre la degradación del término en las lenguas europeas.

«Christian kabbalists now focused on magic, and European Kabbalah fully separated from Judaic Kabbalah.» — van Pelt marca la separación entre las dos cábalas y sitúa la masónica del lado europeo.

«It appears that this de-Judaized form of Kabbalah had some influence on various masonic ideas and practices.» — y van Pelt añade lo poco que concede como influencia real, dicho con doble reserva.

«While Freemasonry is ostensibly built on the traditions of common workmen, it has consistently pushed these into a realm of an aristocratic concern with the larger questions of life.» — van Pelt describe el desplazamiento de registro que hace la masonería con su propia materia de origen.

«When Masons come together, they aim at no less than to build a universal Temple of Humanity.» — y van Pelt añade la escala de esa ambición.

«It offers, in the words of the eminent Jewish theologian Abraham Joshua Heschel, “a theology of the common deed, of the trivialities of life, dealing not so much with the training for the exceptional as with the management of the trivial” (Heschel 1951: 271).» — van Pelt opone, en palabras de Heschel, una religión de lo trivial cotidiano a esa ambición universal.

«Anderson had drafted this language to allow Christians of different denominations to join the lodge, but because the text did not stipulate explicitly that the candidate had to be a Christian, it suggested that non-Christians might be welcome also.» — van Pelt atribuye la apertura a los judíos a un efecto colateral de la redacción de Anderson, no a un propósito.

«When in 1732 a Jew sought admission to a London lodge, he was admitted, and a precedent having been set, middle-class Jews could join British Freemasonry (Katz 1970: 16).» — van Pelt fecha en 1732 el precedente, y acota su alcance a la clase media.

«But it does not appear that, in the eighteenth century, the presence of a few Jews in a relatively small number of lodges influenced the emancipation of Jewry as a whole.» — y van Pelt niega que esa admisión tuviera efecto emancipador colectivo.

«The Russian philosopher Alexander Piatigorsky noted that Freemasonry does not require its members to change their lives.» — van Pelt toma de Piatigorsky la clave de esa irrelevancia social.

«The core of this activity is, of course, the ritual—but in contrast to religious rituals, masonic ritual does not intercede with the world outside the lodge.» — y van Pelt la formula: el rito masónico no intercede fuera del templo.

«It is the game that matters most, not the team or the club, nor even obtaining a result that has any meaning beyond the Ritual itself» — la imagen con que van Pelt cierra ese argumento.

«In the nineteenth century, when Jews (had) gained in most European countries political and civil rights, the lodges remained generally irrelevant to the social emancipation of the Jews.» — van Pelt extiende su conclusión al siglo XIX, con el adverbio que la acota.

«Such an engagement with society earned these Freemasons the hostility of political opponents and also led to an automatic break with the United Grand Lodge of England and the ‘regular’ masonic jurisdictions connected to it.» — van Pelt explica la escisión entre masonerías por el compromiso político, y no por doctrina.

«Regular or not, these men considered themselves as Freemasons; everyone around them saw them as Freemasons, and so they’re part of the history of Freemasonry—even if many members of the regular jurisdictions wished this were different.» — la decisión de método con que van Pelt rechaza dejar fuera del relato a la masonería irregular.

«When, in 1920s Germany, National Socialists and others on the right began to call for a reversal of the emancipation of the Jews, the great majority of German Freemasons did not offer any resistance, and the chill that began to characterize the attitudes of most Germans towards German Jews also changed the atmosphere in the lodges.» — van Pelt consigna que la fraternidad universal no funcionó como dique en la Alemania de los años veinte.

«The creation of this new masonic jurisdiction which was to have mainly Jewish members was a symbol of the failure of German Freemasonry as a tool of emancipation.» — y van Pelt lee la creación de una obediencia mayoritariamente judía como signo de fracaso, no de logro.

«In June 1933 Grand Master Leo Müffelmann, a Christian, convened in a (for once) explicitly conspirational manner the key members of the Grand Lodge in a secret meeting in Frankfurt am Main, and they decided on the transference of the Symbolic Grand Lodge to Palestine.» — van Pelt documenta el traslado de esa obediencia a Palestina, con la ironía puesta en el adverbio.

«Within the lodges Jewish-Arab encounters appear easy—a clear contrast to the suspicion that characterizes Jewish-Arab relations in civil society.» — van Pelt registra lo que sí ocurre dentro de la logia israelí.

«But, in the same way that in the past European Freemasonry did not make any difference to the emancipation of European Jews, so today Israeli Freemasonry does not seem to have much, or any, impact on Jewish-Arab social relations in general (see Zeldis n.d.; Zeldis 2004).» — y de inmediato van Pelt le niega efecto fuera de ella.

«The story of the assumed and real political relationships between Freemasonry and Jews—or between Jews and Freemasons, or organized Judaism and Freemasons—is a tale that has become part of a toxic mythology that is full of lies, confusions, falsifications, half-truths and, at best, badly-understood truths.» — van Pelt gradúa el material que va a historiar, de la mentira a la verdad mal entendida.

«Barruel picked up a simple but brilliant explanation first proposed by the conservative English man of letters Edmund Burke: everything, from the fall of the Bastille to the establishment of the Republic and the execution of the former King had been the result of a conspiracy.» — van Pelt remonta a Burke la idea que Barruel desarrolla.

«Burke believed that the plot had been hatched by Enlightenment philosophes such as Voltaire, Diderot and their associates (Burke 1968: 211ff.).» — y van Pelt precisa quiénes eran los conspiradores en la versión de Burke: filósofos, no masones.

«But no-one really knew what the Freemasons stood for—if they stood for anything at all.» — van Pelt localiza en esa indeterminación la condición de posibilidad del mito.

«Piatigorsky noted that because the lodge was divorced from the social reality of the world surrounding it, it became an object of unease because society did not know how to read this social, political and religious non-involvement.» — y van Pelt la explica con Piatigorsky: la sociedad no supo leer una no implicación.

«It is irritated by the non-involvement of Freemasonry, which it condemns for its unseriousness, while strongly suspecting at the same time that it must be maliciously or anti-socially involved: no social institution can really be indifferent to society” (Piatigorsky 1997: 345).» — cierre de la cita de Piatigorsky reproducida por van Pelt: la sospecha nace de la incredulidad ante la indiferencia.

«In 1797 Barruel proposed in his Mémoires pour servir à l’Histoire du Jacobinisme (Memoirs Illustrating the History of Jacobinism) that the French Revolution was a masonic plot to destroy Christendom in revenge for the suppression of the Order of the Templars in the fourteenth century.» — van Pelt resume el argumento de Barruel: la Revolución como venganza templaria a cuatro siglos de distancia.

«Barruel posited that the Templars had survived in secret, and infiltrated the Freemasons and a Bavarian secret society known as the Illuminati who, in turn, had laid the foundations for the Revolution and directed the policies of its most radical faction, the Jacobins.» — y van Pelt añade la cadena de infiltraciones que la sostiene.

«If the earlier descriptions of conspiracies had aimed to reveal the hidden agendas of a few public figures that could be described in a pamphlet, Barruel claimed to reveal the activities of thousands hidden political actors who were all members of a few tightly-knit and interconnected organizations that were involved in a single, enormous conspiracy that covered the world, spanned centuries, and required the compilation of four massive volumes.» — van Pelt mide el salto de escala que Barruel introduce en el género conspirativo.

«Because the conspiracy that connected Templars, Freemasons, Illuminati and Jacobins had proven to be both durable and global, it was capable of absorbing crushing defeats without losing its ability to destroy Christendom.» — y van Pelt añade la propiedad que ese salto le da: una trama que sobrevive a sus propias derrotas.

«The theory of a single, large and durable conspiracy also made the conspiracy-theory itself universal and sturdy, creating a flexible framework of interpretation that would be able to assimilate new developments (see Cubitt» — van Pelt señala la ventaja epistémica del modelo: asimila cualquier novedad.

«In his magistral Warrant for Genocide, Norman Cohn claimed that while he was working on his Mémoires, Barruel visited Robison in Edinburgh, and that the latter had shown the Frenchman his own manuscript— suggesting that the Scotsman inspired the Frenchman.» — van Pelt recoge la tesis de Cohn sobre la dependencia entre Barruel y Robison.

«Sadly, Cohn did not provide a source for this interesting assertion (Cohn 1967: 31).» — y van Pelt le retira el respaldo por falta de fuente.

«In his vision of a centuries’ old global conspiracy, Barruel had no place for the Jews.» — el dato con que van Pelt separa la conspiración masónica de la judeomasónica.

«Göchhausen did not see this as signs that Freemasons were the tools of Jews, but that the Jesuits ran the lodges» — van Pelt muestra que la misma observación sobre el simbolismo hebreo servía para acusar a los jesuitas.

«In Göchhausen’s time, a global Jewish conspiracy was still unimaginable.» — y van Pelt fecha el límite de lo pensable en esa época.

«Simonini claimed that the apparent separation between Jews and the Freemasons, the Jacobins and the Illuminati was only an appearance.» — van Pelt localiza en la carta de Simonini el paso que funde las dos conspiraciones.

«The letter was most likely a fabrication, produced by collaborators of Fouché, who disapproved of Napoleon’s policy towards the Jews.» — y van Pelt adjudica la carta a la policía napoleónica, con la reserva del caso.

«Barruel decided not to revise his Mémoires pour servir à l’Histoire du Jacobinisme— fearing that it would lead to a massacre of the Jews.» — van Pelt consigna que Barruel se abstuvo de incorporar a los judíos a su tesis, y por qué.

«While the assumption of the existence of a universal masonic conspiracy and Napoleon’s establishment of the Great Sanhedrin had created the possibility of a convincing narrative of a Judeo-masonic conspiracy, the story had not found yet what Thomas Mann defined as the particular Geist der Erzählung, or “spirit of story-telling” which is the necessary form the story of a Judeo-masonic plot must assume in order to be believable» — van Pelt distingue la disponibilidad de los materiales de la forma narrativa que los vuelve creíbles.

«that the concept of a masonic plot had remained the concern of a small group of reactionaries, while the belief in a Jesuit plot was shared by the man in the street.» — van Pelt mide la difusión desigual de las dos conspiraciones.

«Furthermore, discussions of the alleged masonic plot were abstract, while the alleged Jesuit plot became the object of romantic imaginings.» — y van Pelt localiza la diferencia en el registro: abstracción contra imaginación novelesca.

«The Jesuit Order and the Congrégation were actual and powerful organizations that visibly influenced social and political developments.» — van Pelt señala lo que la conspiración jesuítica tenía y la masónica no: un referente visible.

«If Le Juif Errant firmly planted the subversive Jesuit in the popular imagination, Biarritz did the same for the perfidious Jew.» — van Pelt adjudica a dos novelas la instalación popular de las dos figuras.

«Sue’s Le Juif Errant and Goetsche’s Biarritz suggest how romanticism allowed the concept of a global conspiracy to enter the collective imagination.» — y van Pelt hace del romanticismo, no de la política, el vehículo de esa entrada.

«Lévi postulated the existence of a single esoteric doctrine that spanned history from the beginning of time to the present.» — van Pelt sitúa a Éliphas Lévi en el origen de la tradición esotérica única que después se usará como prueba.

«Lévi’s romantic postulation that Kabbalah was the core of an esoteric tradition that went back to the beginnings of time and that embraced also Freemasonry convinced the reactionary, ultramontane aristocrat Henri Roger Chevalier Gougenot des Mousseaux that Freemasons and Jews had been involved in a centuries- if not millennia-long conspirational association, and that their conspiracy was responsible for the decline of traditional values» — van Pelt traza la conversión de una tesis esotérica en una tesis conspirativa, nombrando a los dos autores.

«“It is important enough to repeat”, he wrote, “that the elite of the [masonic] Order, the real leaders who are only known by a few initiates, and then only under assumed names, work in a profitable and secret dependence on Israelite kabbalists”.» — de Gougenot des Mousseaux, citado por van Pelt: la forma acabada del sometimiento masónico a los cabalistas.

«The proposition that Jews used Freemasonry to Judaize the world was clearly inspired by the earlier conspiracy theory that a relatively small cabal of Jesuits controlled the French state through the Congrégation.» — van Pelt deriva la estructura del mito judeomasónico de un molde antijesuítico anterior.

«Freemasonry became an important political force: forty percent of those who served in the governments of the Third Republic belonged to a lodge.» — la cifra con que van Pelt mide el peso real de la orden en la Tercera República.

«They believed that Jewish moral teachings had prepared the ground for the republican ideals, that the Republic was a secular incarnation of Jewish values.» — van Pelt registra que la identificación entre valores judíos y republicanos también se hacía desde dentro.

«According to him, Satan, through the Judeo-masonic conspiracy described by Gougenot de Mousseax, was preparing the way for the Jewish Antichrist.» — van Pelt sigue la deriva apocalíptica del mito en la pluma de Chabauty.

«Interesting theory, but Chabauty had no substantial evidence to back it up.» — y van Pelt la despacha en una línea.

«Chabauty postulated that a single, secret Jewish government had existed throughout the diaspora.» — van Pelt aísla el postulado que hace falta para sostener el resto.

«In this campaign, “the Republic, Freemasonry, and Jewry are one and the same thing.» — la identificación literal, citada por van Pelt, a la que llega ese razonamiento.

«The Government realized that it could not afford a direct attack on the Church, as it would upset the middle classes.» — van Pelt explica por qué la ofensiva republicana se dirigió a las escuelas y no al culto.

«The Jesuits and the other orders refused to apply for an authorization, and as a result the government forcefully closed their houses and evicted their occupants.» — y van Pelt añade el desenlace material de esa ofensiva.

«In 1884 he published an Encyclical in which he identified, following Saint Augustine, an opposition between two communities in the world:» — van Pelt sitúa la encíclica de 1884 en el molde agustiniano de las dos ciudades.

«was ‘the Kingdom of God’, represented by the Catholic Church, and the second ‘the Kingdom of Satan’, represented “by that strongly organized and widespread association called the Freemasons.» — y van Pelt precisa qué ocupa cada término: la logia como reino de Satanás.

«Drumont blamed the Jews for all the misfortunes of France.» — van Pelt resume en una línea la operación de Drumont.

«Taxil’s accusation that Freemasonry was devoted to Satanism was nothing extra-ordinary—especially as it was backed by the authority of Pope Leo XIII’s Encyclical that had identified the lodges as “the Kingdom of Satan”» — van Pelt explica la credibilidad del fraude de Taxil por el respaldo pontificio previo.

«Meurin’s thesis was simple: “Everything in Freemasonry is fundamentally Jewish, exclusively Jewish, enthusiastically Jewish, from the beginning to the end”» — van Pelt cita la formulación más extrema del cargo, y la marca como tesis de un arzobispo.

«Indeed, while the thesis of the book was not that original, the book became important because of Meurin’s archiepiscopal dignity (even when it was a titular one based on a dead archidiocese).» — van Pelt explica el éxito del libro por la dignidad de su firmante, no por su contenido, y anota que esa dignidad era titular.

«It gave the idea of a Jewish-masonic conspiracy a legitimacy it had not had before.» — el efecto que van Pelt le atribuye: prestar autoridad eclesiástica a una fantasía.

«This hoax was the sequel to the unprecedented literary and commercial success of Joris Karl Huysmans’ best-selling novel La-Bas (Down There), which centered on a scholar’s obsession with Satanism in medieval and contemporary France and which contained a very graphic description of a Satanic mass (Huysmans» — van Pelt sitúa el fraude de Taxil como derivado comercial de una novela de éxito.

«Huysmans had not mentioned the Freemasons, and Taxil realized that he could use the interest that La Bas had created to push his own agenda—and make a great deal of money.» — y van Pelt precisa lo que Taxil añadió al molde: los masones y el negocio.

«The series, entitled Le diable au XIXème siècle (The Devil in the Nineteenth Century), purported to be the results of investigative journalism that began when a certain Dr Bataille, a physician serving on a merchant frigate, learned of a satanic cult in Calcutta.» — van Pelt describe el dispositivo narrativo del fraude: un reportaje de investigación con testigo inventado.

«This city was “the Rome of the Luciferians” and the seat of the Pope of Satanism which Bataille identified as the Freemason Albert Pike» — van Pelt consigna la identificación de Albert Pike como papa del satanismo, que es invención de Taxil.

«The Catholic Church embraced Taxil’s revelations. On New Year’s day of 1894 the periodical L’Écho de Rome noted that Freemasonry was “the principal force and the indispensable arm by which Judaism seeks to expel from this world the reign of Jesus Christ and to substitute for it the reign of Satan” (as quoted in Harvey 2006: 196).» — van Pelt documenta la acogida eclesiástica del fraude con la letra de un periódico romano.

«Remarkably, in the early installments Taxil did not mention the Jews.» — van Pelt hace notar que el elemento judío no estaba en el plan original del embuste.

«Yet responding to questions of his readers he began to stress their role in later installments.» — y van Pelt añade que entró por demanda de los lectores.

«The increasing prominence of the Jewish connection in Taxil’s revelations reflected the prominence of ‘The Dreyfus Affair’.» — van Pelt correlaciona esa deriva con el caso Dreyfus.

«In 1896 a senior intelligence officer in the French army realized on the basis of new evidence that Dreyfus was innocent, and that the spy was a certain Major Ferdinand-Walsin Esterhazy, but the generals refused to re-open the case, believing that such action would harm the reputation of the army.» — van Pelt resume el nudo del caso: la inocencia probada y el cierre institucional.

«On April 19, 1897 Taxil gave a press conference in which he admitted that all his revelations about devil worship in the lodges had been part of a large hoax perpetrated to reveal the credulity and stupidity of all Catholics, laymen and priests, bishops, cardinals, and the Pope (Harvey 2006: 200).» — van Pelt fecha la confesión pública del fraude y consigna el propósito que su autor le atribuyó.

«In 1901 the Combes government, in which every minister was a Freemason, adopted the so-called Associations Law that allowed the Government not only to close any association that was seen to be, in character, design or influence, contrary to existing law.» — van Pelt registra un gobierno enteramente masónico legislando contra las congregaciones.

«The Dreyfus Affair began with the wrongful conviction of a Captain who happened to be a Jew, evolved because the army could not admit a mistake and antisemites couldn’t believe that a Jew might be innocent and a Catholic guilty, and ended with a cabinet of Freemasons that shut down a crucial operation of the Church.» — van Pelt resume el arco entero del caso en una sola frase, sin moraleja.

«The verbal violence and the riots had ruptured the social fabric of France, but no-one had been killed.» — el balance con que van Pelt cierra el episodio francés, y que preparará el contraste alemán.

«Many had surrendered to paranoid fantasies, but for the anti-Dreyfusards the revelation of Taxil’s hoax had taken the diabolical sting out of the alleged conspiracy of Jews and Freemasons, while the Dreyfusards could not fully turn against the army—the most important symbol of the nation.» — van Pelt explica por qué el conflicto se desactivó por los dos lados a la vez.

«Yet, in the French discourse, the obsession with a Judeo-masonic conspiracy would remain at the political margin until the defeat of 1940, when embittered traditionalists saw another opportunity to undo the achievements of the French Revolution under the aegis of Nazi Germany.» — van Pelt sitúa el retorno francés del mito en la derrota de 1940.

«According to Caro y Rodríguez, Freemasonry was the “legitimate child” of Satan and the “instrument” of the Jews in their 1900-year struggle against Christianity» — van Pelt documenta la versión hispanoamericana del mito en un arzobispo chileno.

«Yet they believed that it could be countered by traditional means—that is a general return to the embrace of the Catholic Church.» — y van Pelt marca el límite de esa versión: su remedio era la restauración, no el exterminio.

«The fantasy of a political conspiracy between Jews and Freemasons had evolved in the Third Republic, but was to have its catastrophic culmination in the Third Reich.» — van Pelt enuncia el arco de su capítulo entre dos regímenes.

«The myth was the product of French circumstances, but the Russian aristocrat Matvei Golovinsky, who was a proud and self-confessed antisemite and who was employed as a member of the Russian secret police in Paris, recognized its potential to discredit those who propagated political, social and economic change in Russia.» — van Pelt adjudica a Golovinsky el traslado del mito francés al uso ruso.

«“Gentile masonry, blindly serves as a screen for us and our objects”, the fourth protocol proclaimed.» — de los *Protocolos*, citados por van Pelt: la masonería queda reducida a pantalla, es decir, degradada dentro del propio mito.

«But those who believed in the conspiracy did not believe that the world that the Jews tried to create with help of the Masons would be qualitatively different from the present.» — van Pelt señala la pobreza imaginativa del mito: el mundo conspirado se parece al existente.

«The Protocols of the Elders of Zion had been written in Paris, but for the first two decades of their existence only circulated within Russia.» — van Pelt fija el itinerario del panfleto: escrito en Francia, leído en Rusia.

«De Lagarde may have been an antisemite, but he was a rational antisemite.» — la distinción con que van Pelt separa un antisemitismo argumentado de otro mítico.

«He did not believe that the Jews and Freemasons were joined in a common conspiracy.» — y van Pelt añade su consecuencia en ese autor concreto.

«It made no political sense in Germany.» — van Pelt explica por qué el mito judeomasónico no prendió de inmediato en Alemania: allí faltaba la república masónica que en Francia le daba sentido.

«The universal currency in the age of bad faith are “useful lies” which are “consciously created and consciously accepted fictions that take the place of truths not only because they are serviceable, easily handled, and universally employed but because truths that give even a semblance of unity and meaning to the world in which we live do not exist”.» — van Pelt caracteriza la época por una moneda de mentiras aceptadas a sabiendas.

«German generals openly insisted that revolution on the home front and not defeat on the battlefield had caused the collapse.» — van Pelt sitúa el mito de la puñalada por la espalda en la boca de los propios generales.

«Gruber argued that in the same way that Freemasons had triggered the French and other revolutions, so they were also responsible for the outbreak of war in 1914.» — van Pelt documenta la extensión del cargo masónico al estallido de la Gran Guerra.

«Heise was careful to exculpate the German and Austrian lodges, and also did not mention a possible Jewish connection.» — y van Pelt añade las precauciones que aún se tomaban: se acusaba a las logias extranjeras y no se nombraba a los judíos.

«Wichtl devoted a whole chapter to the role of the Jews in Freemasonry, and that they had achieved control of the lodges in many countries and had begun to make use of it.» — van Pelt fecha en Wichtl el abandono de esas precauciones.

«Wichtl’s argument convinced many, including a nineteen-year-old youngster named Heinrich Himmler.» — y van Pelt mide su alcance por un lector concreto.

«But in post-war Germany there was little confidence in democratic practices.» — van Pelt explica por esa desconfianza la eficacia política del mito en Weimar.

«Sorel’s understanding of myth as a political force became the order of the day.» — y van Pelt nombra el concepto que le sirve para pensarlo.

«Thomas Mann observed that “mythical fictions, devised like primitive battle cries”, became the basis of politics, allowing “fables, insane visions, chimaeras, which needed to have nothing to do with truth or reason or science in order to be creative” to become the engines of change, “and thus to prove themselves dynamic realities” (Mann 1948: 366).» — van Pelt cita a Thomas Mann sobre ficciones que se vuelven realidades por su eficacia, no por su verdad.

«Alfred Rosenberg was to play a crucial role in the transformation of the conspiracy theory that credited Jews and Freemasons for some of the world’s ills into a Mythus (myth) that blamed them for all of the world’s ills (see Meyer zu Uptrup 2003: 99ff.).» — van Pelt localiza en Rosenberg el paso de algunos males a todos los males.

«Rosenberg claimed that Freemasonry was an international conspiracy to destroy the old order and establish a world-republic, and that Jews were attracted to it as they are “an innate conspirational nation”.» — la articulación que Rosenberg da a las dos piezas, citada por van Pelt.

«Freemasons had tried to destroy the natural distinctions between peoples, allowing the Jews to penetrate into the body of each nation, creating bastard peoples.» — van Pelt expone la función racial que Rosenberg asigna al universalismo masónico.

«The philosopher Emil Fackenheim, who grew up in Germany to end up in Israel after a shorter sojourn in Great Britain and a longer one in Canada, observed that a Weltanschauung had three important characteristics: “cosmic scope, internal coherence or Geschlossenheit, and a sincere commitment on the part of its devotees”.» — van Pelt toma de Fackenheim los tres rasgos que hacen operativa una cosmovisión.

«Rosenberg’s view was totalitarian because it refused to acknowledge that social life occurred in a number of autonomous spheres, in which art and science, religion and politics, economics and technology can develop independently of each other.» — la definición de lo totalitario que van Pelt maneja: la negación de esferas autónomas.

«In ideological matters in general, and in Judeo-masonic matters in particular, Rosenberg was Hitler’s mentor.» — van Pelt invierte la jerarquía habitual en este punto concreto.

«Remarkably enough, Hitler was happy to invoke the Protocols as evidence whilst remaining not convinced about their authenticity.» — van Pelt registra que la falsedad del documento no le restaba utilidad.

«It is completely indifferent from what Jewish brain these disclosures originate; the important thing is that with positively terrifying certainty they reveal the nature and activity of the Jewish people and expose their inner contexts as well as their final aims» — de Hitler, citado por van Pelt: la autenticidad del texto se declara irrelevante.

«It belongs to the genius of a great leader to make even adversaries far removed from one another seem to belong to a single category, because in weak and uncertain characters the knowledge of having different enemies can only too readily lead to the beginning of doubt in their own right» — el principio de un solo enemigo, en palabras de Hitler citadas por van Pelt.

«Given a choice to focus either on ‘the Jew’ or Freemasonry, it was clear that the former provided a more useful target.» — y la aplicación que van Pelt le ve: la masonería sale de la ecuación por cálculo, no por indulgencia.

«Unlike antisemitism, anti-masonry had not been a non-negotiable foundation of Hitler’s Weltanschauung.» — van Pelt distingue el estatuto de las dos hostilidades dentro de la doctrina nazi.

«The result is that the Nazi Machtsübernahme (assumption of power) in 1933 did not prove a catastrophe to German Freemasons.» — van Pelt aporta la conclusión que de ahí extrae, contra lo que suele suponerse.

«But as a rule individual Freemasons did not suffer as a result of their onetime masonic affiliation.» — y van Pelt añade su alcance individual, dicho como regla general.

«In 1938 Hitler even went so far as formally declaring a general amnesty of all those who had been Freemasons» — el dato con que van Pelt lo documenta.

«prewar German Freemasonry will never be able to shake off the reproach of an undeterminate and ambiguous attitude to all truly national issues.» — de un historiador nazi de las sociedades secretas citado por van Pelt: el reproche se rebaja a tibieza nacional.

«He had been a prophet before, he said. “Once again I will be a prophet: should the international Jewry of finance succeed, both within and without Europe, in plunging mankind into yet another world war, then the result will not be a Bolshevization of the earth and the victory of Jewry, but the annihilation of the Jewish race» — van Pelt cita la profecía de 1939 sin masones en ella.

«The Nazis killed only a few Jewish financiers, and not too many of the victims had been initiated into Freemasonry.» — van Pelt confronta el mito con sus víctimas reales.

«I believe that there is some significance in the fact that this apocalyptic ending of a history that had begun with Barruel’s theory about a masonic conspiracy without Jews only occurred after the Nazi propaganda and policies had effectively severed the assumption of a relationship» — la tesis con que van Pelt cierra: el exterminio llega justo cuando el mito se desprende de su mitad masónica.

«It appears unlikely that the Holocaust would have happened if Hitler had chosen to ignore his deep-held conviction that one should focus on a single enemy alone» — y van Pelt añade su consecuencia, enunciada con la reserva de lo contrafáctico.

«The theory was mad, but the hatred that pushed it to its apocalyptic conclusion was real» — van Pelt separa la locura de la doctrina de la realidad de su motor.

«In his Cimitero di Praga (The Prague Cemetery), Eco arraigned almost all the authors of the hateful fiction that produced the Holocaust.» — van Pelt describe la novela de Eco como un proceso a los autores del mito.

«I was doubtful that documents against the Jesuits would be saleable,” Simonini jotted down in his diary.» — palabras del Simonini de la novela de Eco, citadas por van Pelt: son de un personaje de ficción, no de un documento.

«And so one day we’ll have to try out the only reasonable solution, the final solution—the extermination of all Jews.» — del mismo personaje de ficción de Eco, reproducido por van Pelt para mostrar hasta dónde lleva la novela su ironía.

«Written in an unrelenting ironical tone, Eco’s labyrinthine novel is a playful and undoubtedly fascinating intellectual game that provides a good read to those interested in the history of the idea of the Judeo-masonic conspiracy.» — van Pelt reconoce el mérito del libro antes de objetarlo.

«Yet somehow the idea doesn’t work to plot as a farce the history of the idea that a cabal of Jews conspired in the lugubrious setting of the cemetery of the Prague synagogue to rule the world, and that they used Freemasons as their unwitting tools, and that the only “reasonable solution” to this threat is a genocide of all Jews.» — y su objeción: esta historia no van Pelt admite el registro de la farsa.

«Bedded in an ocean of counterknowledge that credits conspiracies for ufos, the aids epidemic, satanic ritual abuse, the New World Order, 9/11 and countless other phenomena, the ‘Jews and Masons’ formula appears to have lost it former power to shape social and political agendas.» — van Pelt sitúa la fórmula en el ruido conspirativo contemporáneo y le mide una pérdida de eficacia.

«Of course: antisemitism is alive and well, and in a modern variation of the old conspiracy theory there are many who postulate that the Mossad and American neocons planned and executed the destruction of the World Trade Center (Jaecker 2005).» — y de inmediato van Pelt acota que la pérdida es de la fórmula, no del odio.

«Today the central focus is the allegedly colonial nature and supposedly fascist policies of the State of Israel.» — van Pelt describe el desplazamiento del blanco en el antisemitismo actual.

«In this ‘new’ antisemitism Freemasonry has not acquired a place—yet.» — y van Pelt cierra con una reserva temporal en vez de una conclusión.

«Freemasonry was born in an almost purely Christian society with its ceremonial and rituals heavily influenced by Christian culture and Western esotericism.» — Zarcone parte de la matriz cristiana y esotérica del rito para explicar lo que costó abrirlo.

«Hence, it is not surprising that in spite of the masonic principle of tolerance, Jews, Muslims, and ‘Pagans’, were not accepted in the Order» — y Zarcone sostiene que la exclusión no contradice el principio de tolerancia: convive con él.

«In 1755, according to the Constitution of the Grand Lodge of France, a person who was not baptized could not be made a Mason» — el dato normativo con que Zarcone lo documenta: se exigía bautismo.

«It is surprising that the Catholic Church, as indicated in the Papal Bulls of 1738 and 1751, idealized the universal tolerance of Freemasonry and imagined naively that Jews, Muslims, and Pagans were easily accommodated within the Order.» — Zarcone hace notar que las bulas atribuían a la orden una apertura que la orden no practicaba.

«Notwithstanding, we do know some cases of Muslims, in general merchants, students or diplomats, who were initiated in England and continental Europe in the eighteenth century, but they were very few and admitted into the Order under exceptional conditions only.» — Zarcone concede casos aislados y los acota expresamente como excepción.

«These lodges constituted either a powerful commercial network serving the foreign merchants established in the Empire, or a diplomatic club for members of the legations» — Zarcone describe la función real de las primeras logias en Oriente: red mercantil o club diplomático.

«First, the lodges which were set up in colonial areas, like British India, French North Africa and the Dutch East Indies often functioned as social clubs that supported charities, provided entertainment and aimed to bring together the colonial administrators, the Foreign military, and the well-to-do colonists (merchants, landholders) with the local aristocratic and upper class.» — Zarcone distingue dos formas de logia en el mundo musulmán, y ésta es la colonial.

«In general, the goal of this form of colonial Freemasonry was the ‘fraternal’ assimilation of the indigenous population.» — y Zarcone nombra su propósito sin eufemismo, con la fraternidad entrecomillada por él mismo.

«Second, the lodges which were started in non colonised areas, such as the Ottoman Empire including its Arabic provinces and Egypt, were rather reformist groups composed of foreign diplomats, merchants and of local senior civil servants, literati and well-to-do men.» — Zarcone aporta la segunda forma, reformista, propia de los territorios no colonizados.

«But after 1877, the Grand Orient of France, in order to open its lodges to freethinkers and atheists, decided to remove the obligation to profess belief in the Great Architect of the Universe and the immortality of the soul.» — Zarcone data la supresión que romperá con el mundo musulmán.

«This dogmatic disagreement had a great impact on the Muslim Freemasons who were, for the most part, wary of an irreligious and even atheist form of Freemasonry.» — y Zarcone añade su efecto: los masones musulmanes desconfían de una orden sin Dios.

«The lodge was also a neutral ground for various ethnic groups and members of different religions to meet and fraternize: colonizers and native populations in India and in North-Africa; Westerners and locals in the Ottoman Empire, and also among the ethnic and religious minorities of these areas: Jews, Christians and Muslims in Turkey and in the Middle East; Hindus, Zoroastrians and Muslims in India; Muslims and Chinese in the Dutch East Indies.» — Zarcone reconoce a la logia una función de terreno neutral que ninguna otra institución cumplía.

«On the other hand, secret societies have fascinated the Muslims and this may be one explanation for the success of Freemasonry among them—the other being its social and political character.» — Zarcone ofrece dos explicaciones del éxito y marca la primera como posible.

«The lodge was actually open to Zoroastrians and Muslims but closed to Hindus because of their polytheism» — Zarcone localiza la frontera efectiva de la admisión: el monoteísmo.

«The solemn obligation was not only signed in English, but also in the vernacular language of the candidate, and “an examination is entered into regarding the nature and import of the serious promise» — Zarcone documenta las adaptaciones de procedimiento que exigió la apertura.

«In the course of time, this fraternal assimilation progressively undermined colonialism and allowed the Zoroastrians, Muslim, and Hindus to call the British Masons ‘brother’ and thus assumed an air of equality that nurtured ideas of nationalism among the western-educated locals.» — Zarcone consigna el efecto no buscado: el instrumento de asimilación alimentó el nacionalismo.

«the project to found separate lodges— ‘language-lodge’—for Indonesian and Chinese brothers using languages other than Dutch was opposed because such lodges would be a ‘divisive element’, a decision which annoyed the natives» — Zarcone documenta el límite de la apertura neerlandesa en el asunto de la lengua ritual.

«Contrary to the majority of the masonic lodges in the rest of the Muslim world, with the exception of India, the Indonesian lodges remained aloof from political matters, discussing only symbolism and ritual.» — Zarcone aísla el caso indonesio como excepción apolítica.

«The first Muslim to be made a mason here was Sidi Hamed, the imam and great mufti of Bougie, at the Lodge ‘Les Frères Numides’, in 1839.» — Zarcone fecha y nombra la primera iniciación musulmana en Argelia, y era un mufti.

«Although the French Freemasons established in Algeria were in general favourable to the reception of the Arabs, they regarded Islam and the devout candidates as an obstacle to their assimilation.» — Zarcone señala la contradicción de la apertura francesa: acoge al árabe y rechaza su religión.

«During the Third Republic in France (1870–1940), the Grand Orient of France became a radical anticlerical and secular organisation and this made the reception of Muslim Algerians rather difficult.» — y Zarcone añade su consecuencia práctica sobre el reclutamiento argelino.

«Finally, the assimilation of the North-Africans failed, just as the dream of the French Masons to launch an Arab Freemasonry.» — el balance de Zarcone sobre el proyecto francés, sin atenuantes.

«However, in 1878, the Young Ottomans were exiled by the Sultan Abdülhamid II who suspended the new Ottoman Constitution and put an end to the reforms.» — Zarcone sitúa el cierre del primer ciclo reformista otomano.

«The lodges then experienced a dark period under the surveillance of the despotic State, although they continued to operate as a meeting point for moderate Ottomans and exiled Persian reformists (mostly diplomats), whose aim was to spread liberal ideas towards Iran.» — y Zarcone añade la función que la logia conservó bajo vigilancia: punto de encuentro entre reformistas otomanos y persas.

«The first ottoman independent masonic body, the Ottoman Grand Orient (hereafter OGO), was founded in 1909 and a great number of lodges were created in all the provinces of the Empire, but functioning more as governmental political clubs than masonic lodges.» — Zarcone caracteriza la obediencia otomana como aparato político antes que masónico.

«The Grand Master of the OGO was the number one of the régime, Talat Pasha (d. 1921).» — el dato con que Zarcone lo documenta: el Gran Maestro era el hombre fuerte del régimen.

«Thereafter, the Freemasons gave their support to the new Republican Turkey and to its future leader Kemal Atatürk but, for political reasons, the Turkish Grand Lodge (who succeeded the OGO) was forced to close its lodges in 1935.» — Zarcone consigna que el apoyo a la República no salvó a las logias del cierre.

«Freemasonry never entered Central Asia and Afghanistan, though there was a British Lodge, probably military, at Kabul in 1880.» — Zarcone marca el límite geográfico del fenómeno con su única excepción, y la deja en probable.

«Egyptian Freemasonry must be considered the most independent and innovative masonic community in the whole of the Muslim world since there were more Muslim natives in the Egyptian lodges than elsewhere in the Muslim world, and because these lodges worked from the start with a masonic ritual in the vernacular language, that is, Arabic.» — Zarcone da a Egipto el primer lugar por dos razones medibles: composición y lengua del ritual.

«Although Palestine and Syria were the places in the Muslim world where the first masonic lodges were founded in early eighteenth century, it was not until the 1880s that Palestinian Muslims were welcomed into the fraternity.» — Zarcone mide el desfase entre la implantación de la logia y la admisión de los locales: siglo y medio.

«Freemasonry then started to play a notable role in the Nahda, the Arab Renaissance which espoused Western modernity, and the Arab quest for identity and nationalism.» — Zarcone inserta a la orden en el renacimiento árabe y en la formación del nacionalismo.

«During the nineteenth and twentieth century, the lodges attracted the upper-middle class establishment and initiated some of the leading figures of the political and cultural life of Egypt, such as prince Abd al-Halim (son of Mehmed Ali); the Algerian Abd al-Qadir; the famous Islamic reformist and agnostic Jamal al-Din al-Afghani; the mufti of Egypt Muhammad Abduh; the Egyptian national Party leader Muhammad Farid; and the leader of the 1919 Revolution and founder of the Wafd Party Sad Zaghlul.» — Zarcone enumera las adscripciones egipcias, entre ellas la de al-Afghani y la del mufti Abduh.

«The Lodge ‘Temple of Solomon’ (Grand Orient of France, 1910) at Jerusalem, experienced a cultural and political division that pitted Europeans against natives, and Zionists against anti-Zionists, leading to a new lodge, ‘Moriah’, composed exclusively of foreigners and Jews.» — Zarcone documenta cómo la fractura política parte una logia en dos.

«The lodges under the jurisdiction of the Grand Lodge of Egypt were divided over the working of the ritual, in Hebrew, in French, in English, or in Arabic.» — Zarcone muestra que la lengua del ritual era el terreno donde se dirimía la pertenencia nacional.

«Almost all the Arab political elites were involved in Freemasonry, which was regarded essentially as a political club and an annexe of the political parties.» — Zarcone define el estatuto efectivo de la logia en el mundo árabe de entreguerras.

«For example, almost all the positions in the 1924 Syrian government were held by members of the Lodge ‘Kaysun’ at Damascus, which set up a ‘masonic party’.» — Zarcone aporta el caso extremo con que lo documenta.

«Many Freemasons criticized strongly the pro-Mandate policy of the Grand Orient of France and left this masonic body to join the Scottish Grand Lodge and, especially, the Grand Lodge of New York because of its non-colonialist views regarding the region.» — Zarcone consigna un cambio de obediencia motivado por posición colonial.

«The division over the national issue was still observable in the 1930s when two masonic bodies were founded: the Grand Lodge of Syria (1938) which was nationalist and opposed to the French Mandate, and the Grand Orient of Syria (1937) recognized by the Grand Orient of France and favourable to the Mandate.» — y Zarcone añade el desdoblamiento institucional que produjo.

«In the post-war period Freemasonry was banned in almost all the Arab countries for many reasons, such as the alleged Zionist character of the Order and its secretive framework, which was believed to threaten Muslim society and implicitly its authoritarian governments.» — Zarcone enumera los motivos de la prohibición y añade el que no se declara.

«President Nasser banned the Order in Egypt in 1964, and the Syrian government did the same in 1965.» — Zarcone aporta las dos fechas con que lo fija.

«However, suspected to be pro-Dutch or, at least, close to the former rulers of the country, the Order (but not the Indonesian Federation of ‘Le Droit Humain’) was banned by President Sukarno in 1961.» — Zarcone documenta la prohibición indonesia y la excepción que dejó fuera.

«The situation in Morocco should be distinguished from the rest of North Africa with a King, Hassan II, who is said to have been a Freemason himself, more liberal toward Freemasonry than elsewhere in the Arab world.» — Zarcone separa el caso marroquí y marca como dicho, no como hecho, la adscripción del rey.

«Worth noting is the fact that in 1973, the High Court of Casablanca, after a long court procedure, returned to the verdict that Freemasonry was compatible with Islam.» — y Zarcone aporta una sentencia judicial que declara compatible la orden con el islam.

«Female Freemasonry is still in its infancy in the Muslim world where two countries only have authorised female Grand Lodges: the Female Grand Lodge of Turkey (1991) and the Female Grand Lodge of Morocco (2008).» — Zarcone acota la masonería femenina en el mundo musulmán a dos países y dos fechas.

«The discovery of Freemasonry by Muslims in the middle of the nineteenth century provoked a shock of recognition, since Freemasonry was regarded almost immediately, or at least when Muslims were accepted, as an equivalent of the Sufi brotherhoods» — la tesis central de Zarcone: la orden se recibió en el islam por asimilación a la cofradía sufí.

«This occurred especially in Turkey and in Iran where ‘Freemasonry’ was translated by the term tariqa in ritual» — y Zarcone añade el indicio léxico que la sostiene: se tradujo por *tariqa*.

«The major para-masonic organizations in Iran and in the Ottoman Empire maintained the masonic framework and conceptualized Freemasonry through Sufi symbolism, even mixing deeply masonic and tariqa frameworks.» — Zarcone describe organizaciones que conservan la forma masónica y le ponen contenido sufí.

«The first organisation was the House of Oblivion/ Faramushkhana set up at Tehran, in 1858; this is the first attempt to set up a ‘Muslim Freemasonry’ in which the masonic ceremonial act is reinterpreted through Sufism (Zarcone 2002: 119–131).» — Zarcone fecha en Teherán y en 1858 el primer intento de una masonería musulmana.

«The second example of a para-masonic society is that of the Virtuous Order (Tarikat-i Salahiye), founded in 1920 in Istanbul and composed of prominent Turkish Freemasons and shaykhs of the Bektashi Sufi Order.» — Zarcone aporta el segundo caso, con masones y jeques bektaşíes en el mismo cuerpo.

«Furthermore, masonic ideas and symbols were introduced into a modern branch of a Persian Sufi Order, the Safialishahi Order, at the beginning of the twentieth century; the name adopted thereafter by this branch was Anjuman-i Ukhuvvat (Society of Brotherhood) (van den Bos 2002: 97–102, 184–190).» — Zarcone documenta el préstamo en sentido inverso: símbolos masónicos dentro de una orden sufí.

«From as early as the 1850s (“Are the Druses Masons?” Freemasons Magazine and Masonic Mirror [December 31, 1859]: 506) some Freemasons tried hard to compare themselves with the Druzes, the members of a Muslim branch in Lebanon who keep their rituals of initiation absolutely secret, and use passwords, grips, and sacred numbers (Smith 1901; Springett 1922: 248–258, 270–287; see also de Smet 2004.).» — Zarcone documenta el empeño masónico por reconocerse en los drusos.

«To conclude this section, one thing must be said of the Algerian Sufi Abd al-Qadir, one of the great representatives of the Ibn Arabi school, whose initiation in 1864 at the lodge ‘Les Pyramides’ in Alexandria, on behalf of the French Lodge ‘Henri IV’, was actually a mutual misunderstanding.» — Zarcone califica de malentendido recíproco la iniciación más célebre de un sufí en la orden.

«Abd al-Qadir thought naively that French Freemasonry was a spiritual movement and the French Masons dreamt of having the illustrious Algerian adopting the ideas of progress and civilisation and spreading the Order in the East (Yacono 1966; Etienne 1994: 329–373).» — y Zarcone desglosa las dos expectativas que se cruzaron sin encontrarse.

«One of the first major problems faced by the Freemasons who aimed to initiate Muslims was the question of the obligation and of the sacred book on which an initiate must swear his oath.» — Zarcone identifica el punto donde la apertura se vuelve un problema técnico de rito.

«To my knowledge, Robert Morris was the first Mason to question the possibility of having the Qur’an as a sacred book for a Muslim candidate to be obligated, asking: “Is the Koran a book to support the hands of a Freemason?”» — Zarcone atribuye a Morris la formulación del problema, con la reserva de su propio conocimiento.

«For example, in the Indian mixed-race Lodge ‘Rising Star’, the candidate was obligated on the Bible, but with an addition, “for each is re-obligated on what he considers as most binding on his conscience.» — Zarcone aporta la solución práctica de la logia india: dos juramentos, uno formal y otro eficaz.

«The officers of the lodge mentioned that “these deviations, or rather additions, were considered necessary and proper, and to afford a sufficient additional safeguard for the keeping inviolate our sacred mysteries” (Wadia 1912: 40).» — Zarcone deja ver el motivo declarado: no el respeto a la fe ajena, sino la garantía del secreto propio.

«After this date, however, the candidates were obligated on the “Holy Scriptures”, more precisely: the Gospel, the Talmud, and the Qur’an, all placed on the pedestal of the lodge.» — y Zarcone añade la solución posterior: los tres libros a la vez sobre el ara.

«Finally, we know that after 1953 some French lodges in Algeria allowed Muslim candidates to swear on the Qur’an (Odo 2001: 110).» — Zarcone fecha en 1953 la concesión en las logias francesas de Argelia.

«The belief in God was a limit, however, to this modernization, which aimed to liberate them from traditional society.» — Zarcone marca dónde se detiene la modernización que los masones musulmanes buscaban.

«In 1909, the Ottoman Grand Orient maintained the invocation of the Great Architect in its ritual, although the Turkish Masons were very sympathetic to the Grand Orient of France, and their ritual was almost a copy of the French one.» — Zarcone muestra una copia ritual con una excepción deliberada, y esa excepción es Dios.

«The philosopher Riza Tevfik, the Grand Master of the Ottoman Grand Orient, declared in 1918 that, “a candidate who doesn’t believe in a Creator [God] cannot be made a Mason” (Zarcone 1993: 319).» — la declaración con que Zarcone documenta esa línea roja en boca del Gran Maestro otomano.

«Particularly interesting is the case of the French Lodge ‘Le Liban’, which was authorized by the Grand Orient of France not to implement the decision of the suppression of the Great Architect and of the immortality of the soul (Dupont» — Zarcone documenta una dispensa que suspende para una logia el principio fundacional de su obediencia.

«Though reluctantly, the Grand Orient of France authorised these deviations from its Constitution in order to attract Muslim candidates.» — y Zarcone añade el motivo, dicho sin adorno: captar candidatos musulmanes.

«Both actually considered this removal as a bida, a theological Islamic concept to express a blameworthy religious deviance or innovation.» — Zarcone traduce la objeción musulmana a su propia categoría teológica: la supresión del Gran Arquitecto es *bida*.

«The oldest exposure on Freemasonry in Turkish was written by an Ottoman literate, Edhem Pertev Pasha (d. 1873), himself a Mason, probably initiated in a French lodge in the middle of the nineteenth century.» — Zarcone consigna que el primer exposé turco lo escribió un masón.

«In his eyes, Freemasonry was no more than a missionary organisation which aimed to deliver Jerusalem from the Turks and a continuation of the mission of the Crusaders.» — y Zarcone añade el cargo que ese autor formula: la orden como continuación de la cruzada.

«In twentieth century and present-day Turkey, masonic tolerance was fiercely criticised, because being tolerant towards other religions was interpreted by the clerics of Islam as being less respectful of one’s own religion.» — Zarcone explica cómo la tolerancia misma se convierte en cargo.

«In 1978, the Order was strongly condemned by the religious authority of Mecca and depicted as the “most dangerously destructive organisation to Islam and to Muslims”.» — Zarcone data la condena de La Meca y la cita en su propia letra.

«Another political objection to the Order was its international character, considered a threat to patriotism and nationalism, which was denounced in Turkey since the first decade of the twentieth century by famous intellectuals (Landau 1996; Zarcone 2004).» — y Zarcone añade el cargo nacionalista, distinto del religioso.

«They were answered by the clerics that although the Masons might be recognized as believers, Freemasonry must be classified, in this case, like several Sufi brotherhoods (for example the Bektashi Order), as a branch of the Batini movement.» — Zarcone muestra la réplica clerical más fina: conceder la fe y reclasificar la orden como esoterismo *batiní*.

«This movement is a historical and mystical trend, which considers that every thing, and especially the text of the Quran, has an inner side (batin) which is actually the true one.» — y Zarcone define el término al que se la remite.

«Freemasonry’s opening up to religions other than Christianity was an extended process of crossing successive borders.» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek presentan la apertura religiosa como una serie de fronteras sucesivas, no como una decisión.

«The first to cross the boundary between Abrahamic and non-Abrahamic religions was a Parsi (a Zoroastrian) who moved easily between the Indian and British worlds of Bombay (Mumbai), India.» — y Harland-Jacobs y Snoek nombran quién cruza la más difícil de ellas, y desde qué posición social.

«By 1872, when the first Hindu joined an English lodge in India, members of all religions seem to have been accepted without exception.» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek cierran el proceso en 1872, con la reserva de la apariencia.

«There can be no doubt anymore that Freemasonry was originally a product of the Christian Western culture.» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek aportan el punto de partida que los dos autores dan por establecido.

«The allusive method, as so prominently applied in masonic rituals, uses not just the Tanakh, but the whole Bible—Old and New Testament plus the cross-references in the notes—as its referential corpus.» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek precisan cuál es el corpus de referencia del ritual, y por qué eso excluye de hecho al no cristiano.

«But though in ancient Times Masons were charg’d in every Country to be of the Religion of that Country or Nation, whatever it was, yet ‘tis now thought more expedient only to oblige them to that Religion in which all Men agree, leaving their particular Opinions to themselves; that is, to be good Men and true, or Men of Honour and Honesty, by whatever Denominations or Persuasions they may be distinguish’d; whereby Masonry becomes the Center of Union, and the Means of conciliating true Friendship among Persons that must have remain’d at a perpetual Distance.» — la primera Carta de Anderson en su letra de 1723, reproducida por Harland-Jacobs y Snoek; Rognon la cita igual en el capítulo 26.

«It is clear now that with the expression “Denominations and Persuasions” only variations of the Christian religion were intended (Chakmakjian 2008; Impens 2008).» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek acotan el alcance real de esa fórmula: dentro del cristianismo.

«Surely, even that was proof of great tolerance.» — y aun así Harland-Jacobs y Snoek le reconocen su mérito para la época.

«Yet, from 1732 onwards Jews had been initiated into Freemasonry, at first only in London, but soon elsewhere as well (Katz 1970:» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek fechan la primera excepción efectiva a esa fórmula.

«That Jews could be initiated was no doubt based on the fact that the principle symbolic theme on which the rituals of Freemasonry have been constructed is the building of the Temple of King Solomon, described» — y Harland-Jacobs y Snoek la explican por el terreno común: el Templo pertenece también a la escritura judía.

«From the 1730s, moreover, the rituals were reformed, losing their explicitly Christian character.» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek señalan una reforma ritual que precede y hace posible la apertura.

«But Masonry being found in all Nations, even of divers Religions, they are now only charged to adhere to that Religion in which all Men agree (leaving each Brother to his own particular Opinions) that is, to be Good Men and True, Men of Honour and Honesty, by whatever Names, Religions or Persuasions they may be distinguish’d: For they all agree» — la versión de 1738 de la misma Carta, citada por Harland-Jacobs y Snoek: ahora dice *Religions* donde antes decía *Denominations*.

«The third edition of the Constitutions, published in 1756, however, returned to the formulation of 1723.» — y Harland-Jacobs y Snoek añaden el retroceso que los autores registran acto seguido.

«While, as noted, Christians and Jews found some common ground in the Old Testament’s rendering of the story of the Temple of King Solomon, Muslims had a different exposure to the story.» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek explican la dificultad musulmana por una diferencia en el relato del Templo, no por hostilidad.

«So, in the 1770s, as the East India Company extended its influence over the Indian subcontinent, the Moderns’ Grand Lodge of England celebrated the admission of Umdat-ul-Umrah Bahadur3 into Freemasonry in lodge ‘Perfect Unanimity’ in Madras» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek sitúan la primera admisión musulmana notable en el avance de la Compañía de las Indias.

«Thus, until at least the 1830s, the initiation of Muslims remained a rare phenomenon, limited to princes, ambassadors, and some well-placed merchants.» — y Harland-Jacobs y Snoek acotan su alcance social y cronológico.

«Their initation was usually not motivated by the wish to allow them to share in the masonic initiation experience, but rather to secure their cooperation with the colonial state.» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek dan a esas iniciaciones un móvil de gobierno, no de fraternidad.

«By the early nineteenth century, significant changes had taken place within Freemasonry itself, which had the unintended consequence of rendering it more open to members of non-Abrahamic religions.» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek aportan la tesis de los dos autores: la apertura fue un efecto no buscado de una reforma interna.

«These rituals reflected a new approach to Freemasonry, one in which not so much the highly complex and erudite spiritual game, but much more the self-education of its members as moral citizens, was moved to the centre.» — y Harland-Jacobs y Snoek describen el desplazamiento: del juego espiritual erudito a la formación moral del ciudadano.

«For a successful participation in this form of Freemasonry, deep knowledge of the Bible was no longer absolutely necessary.» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek lo consignan así, con su consecuencia inmediata sobre quién puede entrar.

«The change of the rituals, which was based on cultural developments in the second half of the eighteenth century known as the ‘Reformation of Manners’ (see Hasselmann 2009), made it possible to accept an even wider range of candidates.» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek remiten esa reforma ritual a un movimiento cultural más amplio, y a otro capítulo del volumen.

«The Freemasons’ Quarterly Review, a London periodical that reported on colonial affairs, observed in 1840: “The question as to the propriety of admitting Mahomedans and Hindoos into the Order still occupies the attention of the Anglo-Indian Craft, and some intimation from headquarters is anxiously looked for”» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek documentan la pregunta en la prensa masónica de 1840 y la espera de una instrucción de Londres.

«Two years later, the English Grand Master, the Duke of Sussex, ruled “that provided a Man believe in the existence of the…Architect of the Universe, in fraternity, and extends that belief likewise to a state of Rewards and Punishments hereafter, such a person is fully competent to be received as a Brother”.» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek aportan la resolución del duque de Sussex citada en su letra, con los tres requisitos que fija.

«While they could support the admission of elite Muslims who had at least some familiarity with the story of the Temple of Solomon, they had great difficulty accepting adherents of non-Abrahamic religions to whom Freemasonry’s central symbolic theme was meaningless.» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek localizan la resistencia en un argumento simbólico, y no racial.

«The Regulations of the Provincial Grand Lodge of Bengal contained (until 1871) a rule that ‘Asiatics’ could not be initiated, unless with explicit permission from the Provincial Grand Master (Provincial By-Law 55).» — y Harland-Jacobs y Snoek documentan la norma que, hasta 1871, dejaba la admisión de indios a discreción de una sola persona.

«A key role in the process of opening up Freemasonry, not only in India, for the adherents of other religions than Christianity, Judaism, and Islam, was played by Parsis in Bombay (now Mumbai) and their primary advocate and supporter, James Burnes.» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek adjudican la apertura a un grupo concreto y a su valedor.

«Cursetji turned to the English Lodge ‘Perseverance’ No. 546 (the Master of which was Burnes),4 but he was voted down because he was an Indian (despite his status as a prominent citizen, engineer, and customs official).» — el rechazo con que los autores Harland-Jacobs y Snoek muestran que el obstáculo no era religioso sino de raza.

«Although in this way the first Parsi had been made a Mason, Cursetji was not yet a member of a lodge in India.» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek separan la iniciación en Londres de la afiliación en la India.

«When Cursetji returned to Bombay in 1843, he asked to be affiliated with that Lodge, but was again voted down in May.» — y Harland-Jacobs y Snoek consignan el segundo rechazo, ya con el candidato iniciado.

«Some of the Brethren apparently held different ideas, since in November a group of about 30 Brethren—19 of them from Lodge ‘Perseverance’—asked the Provincial Grand Master James Burnes to be constituted into a lodge “for the admission of natives into the Craft” and suggested he become its Master.» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek aportan la salida institucional: fundar una logia expresamente para admitir a los locales.

«Contrary to the attitude of the Europeans in the colonies— who tended to keep the locals at a distance—those in Europe embraced the opportunity to make contact with Indians, whom they saw as romantic and mysterious.» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek contrastan la acogida metropolitana con la colonial, y explican la primera por exotismo.

«He was at once elected Junior Warden of his Lodge in Bombay, skipping all the functions that normally precede this one.» — el indicio con que los autores Harland-Jacobs y Snoek infieren una actividad masónica previa de Cama en Europa.

«In 1864 he founded a society for the study of the Zoroastrian religion, and in 1866 a journal with the title Zoroastrian Studies.» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek documentan el giro erudito de Cama hacia su propia tradición.

«According to Modi, Cama first mentions six points in which Zoroastrianism and Freemasonry are alike.» — y Harland-Jacobs y Snoek añaden el ejercicio comparativo que de ahí salió, referido por Modi.

«Freemasonry also [teaches] that its mysteries may be imparted only to a few select and elect who are initiated.» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek aportan uno de esos puntos de semejanza, en la formulación citada por los autores.

«Before Modi, symbolic interpretations of the Parsi rituals are unusual.» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek establecen que la lectura simbólica del rito parsi no es tradición sino novedad.

«Modi’s interpretations of the symbolism of these rituals may well have been stimulated by the habit of Freemasons to interpret their rituals in that way.» — y Harland-Jacobs y Snoek proponen, en potencial, que el hábito venga de la logia.

«It was only 9 years later that his book The Religious Ceremonies and Customs of the Parsees was published, of which Michael Stausberg writes: “This several times reprinted book is still the unchallenged standard work about Zarathustrian ritualistic” (Stausberg 2002: Vol. 2, 108).» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek miden el peso de esa obra en el estudio del zoroastrismo con una cita ajena.

«It would of [course] be impossible to find in our V.S.L. the traditional text of the Order comprehended in the Bible.» — de Modi, citado por Harland-Jacobs y Snoek: el problema práctico de sustituir la Biblia por el Avesta en el ritual.

«Modi (1913) also gives the Biblical passages, each followed (as proposed by Mistree) by the Avestan texts selected by Modi in his English translation.» — y Harland-Jacobs y Snoek añaden la solución que adopta: emparejar cada pasaje bíblico con uno avéstico.

«What we see here is that the transfer of the masonic rituals to Parsi members was followed by their adaptation to that new context.» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek nombran el fenómeno: transferencia de ritual seguida de adaptación.

«The British regarded all of these religions as monotheistic; that was important for the Freemasons, since monotheists believe in one God whom they may symbolically refer to as the Great Architect of the Universe.» — y Harland-Jacobs y Snoek señalan que la admisión dependía de una clasificación británica de las religiones.

«Walker mentions (and this is confirmed by the web-site of the Grand Lodge of India), that in fact the first Hindus, Ranganath Sastry in lodge ‘Perfect Unanimity’ and Murugesa Mudaliar in lodge ‘Universal Charity’ No. 283, were initiated “without fuss” in 1857 “in the more equable South” of India.» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek corrigen la primacía de 1872 con dos iniciaciones hindúes de 1857 en el sur.

«Since the Europeans of that time regarded Hinduism the polytheistic religion par excellence (Smyth 1991: 258), it took much longer before, after much controversy and many delays, the person who is usually regarded the first Hindu Freemason was initiated (Walker 1979: esp. 178–182).» — y Harland-Jacobs y Snoek explican la demora por la clasificación europea del hinduismo.

«The most salient theological reason for the non-acceptance of Hindus into Freemasonry had to do with the polytheistic nature of Hinduism itself: It appeared to the nineteenth century English Masons in India that the Hindus had a multiplicity of gods and could not therefore satisfy the basic qualification for initiation: belief in a (one) Supreme Being” (Beck 1992: 22» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek citan a Beck para fijar el obstáculo doctrinal.

«But the Provincial Grand Lodge effectively tabled the issue by passing Provincial Bylaw No. 55 that required the Provincial Grand Master to approve native candidates on a case-by-case basis.» — y Harland-Jacobs y Snoek describen la maniobra dilatoria que la norma permitía.

«In the course of the discussion, “Hindus were quick to address the polytheism issue by reaffirming the essentially ‘monotheistic’ nature of Vedic religion” (Beck 1992: 22).» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek muestran que la respuesta vino de los propios candidatos, releyendo su tradición.

«The Vedic Visvakarman is “sometimes identified with Prajapati, who figures in the Rig-Veda (X.81, 2–3; 82, 2) as ‘the divine architect of the universe…’.» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek aportan el hallazgo que hizo posible la equivalencia: un arquitecto divino del universo en el Rig Veda.

«Dutt used the monotheism argument explicitly: “I am not a pantheist or a polytheist. I do not identify my creator with any one of his creatures. I believe in the existence of one Great Architect of the Universe, whose wish is the happiness of all creatures, whose will is law…I am not now, nor ever was, an idolater” (quoted in Beck 1992: 23–24).» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek reproducen la declaración con que el candidato hindú se dice monoteísta.

«The argument worked for the British Freemasons, who now accepted that Hindus could be initiated.» — y Harland-Jacobs y Snoek consignan su eficacia.

«Although there can be no doubt anymore that with “that Religion in which all Men agree” Anderson meant Christianity, and with “Denominations or Persuasions” the different Christian Churches, his formulation could potentially be interpreted differently.» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek separan la intención de Anderson del rendimiento posterior de su fórmula.

«Rather, they were admitted for political reasons, to help secure their cooperation with the British Empire.» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek aportan el balance de los autores sobre el móvil real de las primeras admisiones.

«The hardest nut to crack turned out to be Hinduism, which was, according to the definitions used at that time, polytheistic.» — y Harland-Jacobs y Snoek añaden el orden de dificultad que resultó, con la acotación de que la definición era de época.

«In 1876, the Scottish Lodge ‘Islam’ (now 27 GLInd.)—a Lodge of Muslims—was constituted in Bombay.» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek documentan una logia enteramente musulmana en Bombay.

«Ten years later (so, in 1886), Dorabji Prestonji Cama became the first Parsi Grand Officer (viz. Grand Treasurer) of the United Grand Lodge of England.» — y Harland-Jacobs y Snoek añaden el ascenso de un parsi a la dirección de la obediencia inglesa.

«Article 6. That the three Great Lights of Freemasonry (namely the Volume [singular!] of the Sacred Law, the Square and the Compasses) shall always be exhibited when the Grand Lodge or its subordinate Lodges are at work, the chief of these being the Volume of the Sacred Law.» — la fórmula británica citada por Harland-Jacobs y Snoek, con el singular marcado por ellos mismos.

«By contrast, Article 5 of the Indian version states: that the three Great Lights of Freemasonry, the Volumes [plural!] of the Sacred Law, the Square and the Compasses, will always be exhibited when the Grand Lodge or Regional Grand Lodges or daughter Lodges are at labour and that every candidate will be required to take his Obligation on or in full view of the Volume which is binding on his conscience.» — y Harland-Jacobs y Snoek añaden la fórmula india, donde el plural cambia la doctrina entera.

«A Mason is obliged, by his tenure, to obey the moral law; and if he rightly understand[s] the art he will never be a stupid atheist nor an irreligious libertine.» — de la Primera Carta en su versión india, citada por Harland-Jacobs y Snoek.

«Let a man’s religion or mode of worship be what it may, he is not excluded from the order, provided he believe in the glorious architect of heaven and earth, and practise the sacred duties of morality.» — Harland-Jacobs y Snoek aportan el cierre de esa versión india: la formulación en que la apertura queda por fin escrita.

«As a scholarly construct, Western esotericism has been defined in a number of different ways, but it is the definition of the French historian of religions Antoine Faivre that became the first paradigm, as it were, in the study of Western esotericism, and which came to dominate the field for over a decade.» — Bogdan sitúa la definición de Faivre como el primer paradigma del campo, y la presenta como constructo académico.

«In 1992 Faivre proposed that currents such as Hermeticism, Christian Kabbalah, and Rosicrucianism, share a family resemblance and that their common denominator is a specific form of thought or way to interpret man’s relation to the universe.» — Bogdan resume el contenido de esa definición: un aire de familia, no una doctrina común.

«This form of thought, claimed Faivre, was shaped during the Renaissance, although many of its roots stretch back to late antiquity.» — y Bogdan añade su datación, con la salvedad sobre las raíces antiguas.

«The two secondary or relative components are, according to Faivre, often present but do not have to be so in order for something to be called esoteric.» — Bogdan distingue los componentes necesarios de los accesorios en el esquema de Faivre.

«The main advantage of Faivre’s typological and heuristic definition of Western esotericism was perhaps not only that it made esotericism a defined (and for the non-specialist understandable) field of research, but also that it proved to be efficient as an analytic approach to the subject itself.» — Bogdan le reconoce dos méritos y presenta el primero con reserva.

«Nevertheless, in the past few years the field has been undergoing a paradigmatic shift in focus and new definitions of esotericism have been put forward by scholars such as Wouter J. Hanegraaff» — Bogdan declara en curso un cambio de paradigma en el campo.

«The main criticism against Faivre’s definition of esotericism is, according to von Stuckrad, on the one hand that Faivre is not consistent in how he applies it, and on the other hand that he seems to base it on a limited set of sources, which is composed of Renaissance Hermeticism, Naturphilosophie, Christian kabbalah, and Christian theosophy (von Stuckrad 2010a: 48–49).» — y Bogdan expone las dos objeciones de von Stuckrad marcándolas como suyas.

«These sentiments are deeply imbedded in Western culture where magic throughout history has been used to describe the beliefs and practices of the Others (be they imagined non-Christians, heretics, non-Westerners, indigenous, ancient or ‘primitive’ cultures, and so on).» — Bogdan trata la magia como categoría de exclusión, es decir, como nombre que se da a la práctica ajena.

«The image of magic as something exotic, primitive, evil, deviant or even ridiculous is intimately connected to the self-conception of the West (Bogdan 2012).» — y Bogdan la ata a la imagen que Occidente se hace de sí mismo.

«Instead, von Stuckrad argues that “what we see at work is an old dialectic of fascination and rejection that gave way to a disjunctive mechanism only after the scientific revolution and the Enlightenment” (von Stuckrad 2010a: 52).» — Bogdan recoge la propuesta de von Stuckrad de leer el esoterismo como dialéctica de fascinación y rechazo dentro de la cultura, y no como corriente aparte.

«von Stuckrad, who prefers to speak of “esoteric discourse in Western culture” rather than Western esotericism (von Stuckrad 2010a: x), emphasises the discursive operations in Western culture.» — y Bogdan consigna el desplazamiento terminológico que eso implica.

«Theoretical considerations notwithstanding, it is clear that Western esoteric currents have, in various degrees, influenced Freemasonry.» — Bogdan afirma la influencia con el matiz puesto en el grado, y por encima de la disputa de definiciones.

«It is also evident from interpretative studies of Freemasonry written by a large number of masonic authors, in which the ethics, symbolism and use of rituals are given esoteric interpretations.» — y Bogdan localiza la prueba en la literatura interpretativa de los propios masones.

«It should be stressed, however, that there is no consensus among masonic authors as to how symbols should be interpreted.» — Bogdan acota de inmediato: no hay lectura masónica autorizada del símbolo.

«Freemasonry is often regarded as a prime example of a secret society, but many contemporary masonic writers question this (e.g. Hamill 1986: 146).» — Bogdan abre la cuestión del secreto consignando el rechazo interno del rótulo.

«However, it also betrays that most Freemasons are not aware that the term “secret society” is not only used for groups that try to hide their existence, or of which the members try to hide their membership, but also for groups which guard a secret.» — y Bogdan deshace el equívoco distinguiendo dos sentidos de sociedad secreta.

«And in that last respect, Freemasonry is a secret society.» — Bogdan lo consigna así, con la conclusión que se sigue del segundo sentido.

«Snoek highlights the fact that the notion of secret societies often implies something negative in the public mind, and that Masons therefore often find themselves in a defensive position in which they seek to distance masonry from the popular conception of a secret society.» — Bogdan explica la negativa masónica por su función defensiva, no por su exactitud.

«The first group of esoteric texts “seem to be designed to mean something other than what they appear to mean at face value”, and the author of such texts “seems desirous to give the impression that he conceals while revealing and reveals while concealing”» — Bogdan caracteriza el texto esotérico por un ocultar que revela y un revelar que oculta.

«The allusive method always refers to more than one layer of meaning.» — la clave de lectura que Bogdan aplica al ritual masónico.

«It is as if that veil constituted the message itself.» — y Bogdan añade su consecuencia: el velo no cubre el mensaje, es el mensaje.

«More importantly, however, it is not so much the ritual itself as the experience of it that constitutes the message.» — Bogdan desplaza el contenido del rito del texto a la experiencia.

«It is the experience of the ritual that constitutes the message—or perhaps more adequately, the experience and interpretation of the ritual is the esoteric message.» — y Bogdan corrige su propia formulación para incluir la interpretación junto a la experiencia.

«The secret concerned, however, is nothing unethical, but just the experience of going through the ritual of the first degree, which turns one into an Entered Apprentice Freemason.» — Bogdan vacía el secreto masónico de todo contenido doctrinal o inconfesable.

«Esoteric transmission cannot, so it seems, unveil secrets.» — Bogdan aporta el límite estructural que de ahí se sigue, enunciado con reserva.

«The interaction of experience and interpretation is essential to the understanding of rituals of initiation.» — la tesis metodológica de Bogdan sobre cómo se estudia una iniciación.

«according to Faivre, is a more or less systematic “desoccultation of the occult” (Faivre 1999: 170).» — Bogdan toma de Faivre la fórmula que describe el trabajo del iniciado sobre lo oculto.

«According to Hanegraaff, Western esotericism is characterised by an emphasis on gnosis, rather than on rationality or the reliance on religious authority, and this gnosis should be understood as a revelatory experience that leads to an encounter with one’s true self as well as with the divine aspect of existence (Hanegraaff 2004: 510).» — Bogdan expone la definición de Hanegraaff, que opone la gnosis tanto a la razón como a la autoridad religiosa.

«The various degrees in a given masonic initiatory system can thus be interpreted as an internalisation of the esoteric form of thought in the sense that the degrees ritually corresponds to the stages in a transmutative process leading to the realisation of gnosis—the non-communicable experience of the self and union with the godhead.» — la lectura que Bogdan propone del sistema de grados: etapas de un proceso transmutativo hacia la gnosis.

«When studying early masonic exposures from the eighteenth century it is clear that it is the rituals that are considered to be the Masons’ prime secret, and not some other sort of secret knowledge or hidden agenda.» — Bogdan apoya en los exposés del XVIII la negativa a suponer un saber oculto detrás del rito.

«The main object of the ‘traditional secrets’ is to allow Freemasons to recognise each other.» — y Bogdan reduce los signos y palabras a su función práctica.

«In each and every masonic ritual of initiation the initiates take solemn oaths of never divulging what has happened during the initiation, and sometimes the very existence of the society is to be kept secret.» — Bogdan describe el juramento como constante universal del rito masónico.

«this type of secrecy is not necessary since there is no persecution conducted against masonry, but the oaths are still used in the rituals.» — y Bogdan hace notar que el juramento sobrevive a la persecución que lo justificaba.

«Today, this can be considered as, to use Snoek’s words, “part of the elegant game which Freemasonry is”, just as the “traditional secrets” are (Snoek 2003a: 40).» — Bogdan cierra ese punto con la fórmula de Snoek: un juego elegante.

«However, as we have seen, secrecy plays a dominant role in esoteric discourses in general, and the non-communicable experience of undergoing a ritual of initiation is universal.» — Bogdan generaliza: lo incomunicable de la iniciación no es propio de la masonería.

«masonic rituals of initiation are intrinsically connected to secrecy, but to a secrecy that ultimately is dependent upon the individual initiate’s personal experience and interpretation of the ritual.» — y Bogdan define ese secreto como dependiente del iniciado, no del contenido.

«must be understood that secrecy is part of the initiation, and not vice versa.» — la inversión que Bogdan reclama contra la lectura corriente.

«probably did not exist a fraternity of the Rosy Cross as described in the manifestos, the belief in the existence of such a society spread across Europe.» — Bogdan separa la inexistencia de la fraternidad rosacruz de la difusión efectiva de la creencia en ella.

«fraternity were expected to follow six simple rules, of which the final rule was that the fraternity was to remain secret from the world for one hundred years.» — el contenido de los manifiestos que Bogdan destaca: un secreto con fecha de caducidad.

«The publication of the manifestos in 1614 marked the end of the period of secrecy, but the text nevertheless refers to a secret knowledge whereby the whole of Western religion and society might be reformed.» — Bogdan señala la doble operación del texto: levanta un secreto y anuncia otro.

«In the same manner, the earliest-known printed reference to Accepted Masons is also to be found in connection to esoteric topics.» — Bogdan hace notar que la primera mención impresa de los *accepted Masons* ya viene en contexto esotérico.

«However, it was through Rosicrucianism that the public eye most often viewed early masonry as part of what we today call Western esotericism.» — y Bogdan adjudica al rosacrucismo la vía por la que la masonería entra en ese marco.

«The first English expositor and defender of Rosicrucianism was Robert Fludd (1574– 1637), who in 1616 published his Apologia Compendiara Fraternitatem de Rosea Cruce.» — Bogdan fecha en Fludd la introducción inglesa del rosacrucismo.

«English Rosicrucianism during the seventeenth century differed from its German and French counterparts, as it blended with alchemy in a far more outspoken manner.» — el rasgo con que Bogdan distingue la rama inglesa: su alianza declarada con la alquimia.

«By the mid-1720s, we find the first printed references to a supposed Rosicrucian influence on masonry.» — Bogdan data la primera atribución impresa de influencia rosacruz sobre la masonería.

«In a mock advertisement printed in The Daily Journal of 27 December 1725 it is claimed that “Masonry” had received a “new light from some worthy Rosicrucians”:» — y Bogdan precisa que la primera aparece en un anuncio burlesco, no en un documento de la orden.

«It must be confessed, that there is a Society abroad, from whom the English Free-Masons (asham’d of their true Origin, as above) have copied a few Ceremonies, and take great Pains to persuade the World that they are derived from them, and are the same with them:» — texto satírico de 1730 citado por Bogdan: la acusación de que los masones se apropian de otra sociedad por vergüenza de su origen.

«Ashmole noted in his diary, on October 16, 1646: “I was made a Free Mason at Warrington in Lancashire, with Coll: Henry Mainwaring of Karincham in Cheshire”.» — Bogdan cita el asiento de Ashmole con su fecha exacta.

«This is the earliest-known private account of a person becoming a mason.» — y Bogdan le da el estatuto que le corresponde: el testimonio privado más antiguo conocido.

«On the basis of certain Rosicrucian manuscripts in Ashmole’s collection, now at the Bodleian Library, it has often been claimed that Ashmole was a Rosicrucian himself.» — Bogdan recoge la adscripción rosacruz de Ashmole como afirmación ajena.

«Whether or not Ashmole was a Rosicrucian, the fact that Ashmole was a mason, and that he took such a large interest in the Fama and the Confessio as to copy it, shows that he did not regard the two as incompatible.» — y Bogdan salva lo único que el dato permite concluir: que no vio incompatibilidad entre las dos cosas.

«In fact, one of the earliest Rosicrucian texts published in England, a tract called Summum Bonum from 1629, deals with Rosicrucian matters in what appears to be a very masonic manner.» — Bogdan localiza en 1629 un texto rosacruz de vocabulario constructivo.

«By interpreting the Rosicrucian brotherhood as a company of spiritual builders the author of Summum Bonum echoes a characteristic masonic theme, that of the Masons building a new, spiritual temple.» — y Bogdan describe la coincidencia temática sin convertirla en filiación.

«One reason probably lies in the fact that masonry was a closed society into which one could only enter by undergoing a secret ritual of initiation.» — Bogdan explica en potencial por qué la masonería atrajo la atribución rosacruz.

«The parallel to the Fraternity of the Rosy Cross as proclaimed in the Fama and the Confessio (as well as in the writings of the English Rosicrucians of the period) is striking, to say the least.» — y Bogdan mide el paralelo con los manifiestos sin declararlo causa.

«It needs to be emphasised, however, that the masonic Rosicrucian degrees differ considerably both in content and in their relation to seventeenth century Rosicrucianism.» — Bogdan advierte contra tratar los grados rosacruces masónicos como un bloque.

«In order to simplify matters, it can be said that most (but not all) of the masonic Rosicrucian degrees and Rites of the eighteenth century were focused on alchemy, whereas later Rosicrucian degrees and Rites are more focused on Christian mysticism.» — y Bogdan ordena la serie con su salvedad dentro: del interés alquímico a la mística cristiana.

«The Rosicrucianism of Der Orden des Gülden und Rosenkreuzes was heavily infused with alchemy (see McIntosh 1990: 237–244), but there was also a political aspect to the Order.» — Bogdan suma un componente político al alquímico en la orden áurea rosacruz.

«Many, if not most, of the masonic Craft lodges of the eighteenth century cherished the ideals of the Enlightenment, whereas the High Degree Rites often were more ambivalent as regards to these ideals.» — la asimetría que Bogdan traza entre logias simbólicas y altos grados frente a la Ilustración.

«The success was due not only to the fact that the order functioned as a “conservative focal point”, but also because it stressed the importance of religion in times when anti-religious sentiments were popular in certain parts of society.» — Bogdan explica el éxito de esa orden por su carácter de refugio religioso y conservador.

«Last, but not least, the Order claimed to posses a secret knowledge (alchemy) which was restricted to its initiates (McIntosh 1997: 66).» — y Bogdan añade el atractivo del saber reservado, identificado aquí con la alquimia.

«At least since the reorganisation of the Order in 1777, and possibly even earlier, that is, since the reorganisation of 1767 or since that of 1757 (see Snoek 2011: 155), the initiatory system of Der Orden des Gülden und Rosenkreuzes consisted of nine degrees, and one had to be a Master Mason in order to be eligible for joining the order (for a description of the second degree ritual [Theoreticus], see McIntosh 1997: 72–74).» — Bogdan fija la estructura de nueve grados y su requisito masónico previo, con la datación abierta hacia atrás.

«Another important masonic Rosicrucian order is The Royal Order of Scotland, which was founded in the early eighteenth century, existing at least in 1732 (Stewart 1996: 46).» — Bogdan data la Orden Real de Escocia por el primer testimonio de su existencia.

«According to a legendary history of the Order (The Royal Order of Scotland n.d.: 53), the Royal Order of Scotland was founded by King Robert the Bruce (1274–1329) in 1314 to commemorate the assistance he received at the battle of Bannockburn on June 24, 1314, from sixty-three Knights Templar.» — y Bogdan expone su historia legendaria marcándola como tal desde la referencia.

«It was established in the United States in 1877 with the prolific masonic author Albert Pike (1809–1891) as its first Provincial Grand Master.» — Bogdan consigna a Pike al frente de esa orden en América.

«The degree which became the seventh of the French Modern Rite in 1786, and the eighteenth of the Ancient and Accepted Rite created in 1801 in Charleston (South Carolina), Rose-Croix of Heredom, Knight of the Pelican and Eagle, is probably the most well-known and practiced of all the masonic Rosicrucian degrees.» — Bogdan identifica el grado rosacruz masónico de mayor difusión y su doble numeración.

«The Eagle and the Pelican are symbols of Christ, which alludes to the Christian nature of the degree.» — y Bogdan descifra sus dos emblemas como cristológicos.

«Prior to 1725 the Craft rituals had consisted of only two rituals, Entered Apprentice and Fellow Craft or Master Mason.» — Bogdan fija el punto de partida del sistema: dos grados, no tres.

«However, by 1730 the Entered Apprentice ritual had been split into two degrees, Entered Apprentice and Fellow Craft, thus inserting a new degree between the two previous ones.» — y Bogdan describe la operación que produce el tercero: una escisión del primero.

«Samuel Prichard’s Masonry Dissected, first published in October 1730, is perhaps the most influential of all masonic exposures published in the eighteenth century, and the text ran into no less then thirty editions.» — Bogdan mide la difusión del exposé de Prichard en número de ediciones.

«Prichard’s assertion that he had published the pamphlet at the request of several Masons appears to be quite odd, to put it mildly.» — Bogdan marca como sospechosa la justificación que el propio exposé se da.

«Unless new information comes to light, we will never get a conclusive answer to these questions.» — y Bogdan declara sin respuesta el problema de quién y por qué lo hizo publicar.

«… but it is very much doubted, and most reasonable to think it will be expended towards the forming another System of Masonry, the old Fabrick being so ruinous, that, unless repair’d by some occult Mystery, will soon be annihilated.» — del propio Prichard, citado por Bogdan: el sistema antiguo se declara ruinoso y necesitado de un misterio oculto que lo repare.

«What this “occult mystery” might allude to is uncertain, but it is, in my opinion, tempting to interpret it as the legend of Hiram, as will be discussed presently.» — Bogdan propone identificarlo con la leyenda de Hiram, y marca la propuesta como suya y tentativa.

«In A Defence of Masonry Freemasonry is particularly likened to the Pythagoreans, the Essenes and the Druids—but more importantly masonry is connected to Kabbalah.» — Bogdan localiza en 1730 la primera genealogía esotérica hecha en defensa de la orden.

«It is significant that the peculiar way of lettering certain words found in Freemasonry was interpreted as having a kabbalistic origin as early as 1726; that is, four years prior to the publication of Prichard’s Masonry Dissected.» — el dato cronológico con que Bogdan adelanta la lectura cabalística de la masonería a 1726.

«While the mere use of Hebrew letters does not necessarily have anything to do with Kabbalah, it should be kept in mind that by many Christian kabbalists non-kabbalistic Hebrew texts, were in fact interpreted as being kabbalistic.» — Bogdan advierte contra la inferencia fácil y a la vez explica por qué se hacía.

«The Hiramic legend remains the most important and characteristic legend of Freemasonry to this day and it plays a key role in the third or Master Mason degree.» — Bogdan sitúa la leyenda de Hiram en el centro del sistema.

«Nevertheless, the main aspect of the legend, the search for a lost word, presents an intriguing parallel with Jewish kabbalistic speculations concerning the loss of the proper way to pronounce the name of the Lord, Tetragrammaton (YHVH).» — el paralelo central del capítulo, enunciado por Bogdan como paralelo y no como derivación.

«According to kabbalistic tradition, the proper mode of vocalisation or pronunciation of the Divine Name was a guarded secret reserved for the Holy of Holies within the Temple of Jerusalem.» — Bogdan expone el lado cabalístico de ese paralelo.

«Because of the second siege of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar in 586 b.c. (it resulted in the destruction of Solomon’s Temple and the beginning of the so-called Babylonian Captivity of the Jews that was to last until 538 b.c.), the High Priest no longer had the opportunity to pronounce the name of God.» — y el acontecimiento con que la tradición Bogdan explica la pérdida.

«Thus, we find in the kabbalistic tradition a search for the lost name, or rather for the true way of pronouncing a known name.» — Bogdan corrige la formulación: no se busca un nombre desconocido, sino su pronunciación.

«It is still unclear from where the word Macbenac derives, but the pre-1730 texts reveal that different words were used as the Master’s Word, such as “matchpin”.» — Bogdan declara sin resolver la etimología de la nueva palabra del maestro y documenta sus variantes.

«Even though Waite lacked academic training, which accounts for his writing being “diffuse, often verbose, and peppered with archaisms” (Gilbert 1987: 12), his firm belief that the originators of Freemasonry were versed in kabbalistic doctrine is worth considering:» — Bogdan rescata la tesis de Waite pese a declarar sus defectos de forma.

«For myself I believe that the mystic hands which transformed Freemasonry were the hands of a Kabalistic section of Wardens of the Secret» — de Waite, citado por Bogdan: la transformación de la orden atribuida a una sección cabalística.

«Indeed, for Waite, this did not only apply for the masonic tradition, for he firmly believed “that all mystical and hermetic traditions, from alchemy and the Hebrew Kabbalah to the quest for the Holy Grail, contained true paths to be followed in the quest for Mystical Union with God; and God, for Waite, is immanent rather than transcendent” (Gilbert 1983: 14).» — Bogdan sitúa esa tesis dentro de la posición general de Waite sobre las tradiciones místicas.

«It is obvious therefore that the Word in Masonry is Christ, and again that the finding of the Word is the finding also of Christ. In its preliminary meaning, the loss of the Word signifies the death of Christ. The three assassins are the world, the flesh and the devil—to make use of familiar technical and conventional terms.» — de Waite, citado por Bogdan: la lectura cristológica completa de la leyenda de Hiram.

«According to Waite, the early Christian kabbalists of the Renaissance held that the search for a lost name within the kabbalistic tradition was actually the search of a way for finding Christ. The originators of the masonic tradition, who were cognizant of the kabbalistic search, incorporated the theme of a search for something lost (in this case the Master’s Word) to represent the search for Christ.» — Bogdan reconstruye el argumento de Waite en su encadenamiento completo.

«According to Christian kabbalistic tradition, the name of God conceals the secret name of Jesus, and thus it is ‘kabbalistically proved’ that Christ is the Saviour.» — Bogdan expone el procedimiento de la cábala cristiana con la prueba entrecomillada.

«The form ‘Jehovah’ results from reading the consonants of the Tetragrammaton with the vowels of the surrogate word Adonai.» — la explicación filológica que Bogdan aporta sobre la forma del nombre.

«Be that as it may, the importance of the Pentagrammaton for the Christian kabbalists cannot be underestimated, and speculations concerning the secret name of God became an important theme of Christian Kabbalah.» — Bogdan mide el peso del Pentagrámaton en la cábala cristiana.

«Research by Jan Snoek tends to substantiate the theory that the search for the Master’s Word is indeed influenced by the kabbalistic quest for the proper way of pronouncing the name of the Lord.» — Bogdan remite a la investigación de Snoek, coeditor del volumen, y formula el respaldo con reserva.

«According to the legend of Hiram, the old Master’s Word was lost with Hiram’s murder and a new Master’s Word was adopted, viz. Makbenak— believed to mean “the flesh falls from the bones” (Snoek 2003b: 14). The old Master’s Word was the name of God in Hebrew, the Tetragrammaton, pronounced as Jehovah,19 which is the same name that appears in the kabbalistic tradition.» — Bogdan establece la identidad entre la palabra perdida del maestro y el Tetragrámaton.

«Snoek has unravelled this knot by clearly showing that in the early English versions of the legend there was never a question of losing the Word, but that which was lost was rather the way of pronouncing the Word (Snoek 2003b: 25 and 40).» — la corrección de Snoek que Bogdan adopta: lo perdido no es la palabra sino su pronunciación.

«According to the early versions of the legend, the Master’s Word could only be pronounced by the three Masters together, viz. King Solomon, King Hiram, and Hiram Abiff.» — y Bogdan añade el detalle ritual que lo explica: la palabra requería tres voces.

«This is why Hiram could not, as opposed to would not, reveal the word.» — Bogdan lo consigna así, con la consecuencia que cambia el sentido moral del relato: Hiram no calla, no puede hablar.

«It seems highly unlikely that the choice of the old masonic Master’s Word would have been made without the influence of kabbalistic speculations on the name of God.» — Bogdan formula su conclusión sobre la influencia cabalística en modo probabilístico.