Mystical Dimensions of Islam

«Glory to God Who has not vouchsafed to His creatures any means of attaining unto knowledge of Him except through impotence to attain unto knowledge of Him.» — el epígrafe con que el volumen abre su cuerpo, impreso sin firma: el conocimiento de Dios solo se alcanza por la impotencia de alcanzarlo.

«In recent years many books have been published on Sufism and the spiritual life in Islam.» — Schimmel abre el capítulo primero situando su libro en una bibliografía ya crecida.

«Each of them has touched upon a different facet, for the phenomenon usually called Sufism is so broad and its appearance so protean that nobody can venture to describe it fully.» — la razón que da Schimmel para que ningún libro agote el asunto: el sufismo es proteico y cada estudio toca una faceta.

«Like the blind men in Rūmī’s famous story, when they were made to touch an elephant, each described it according to the part of the body his hands had touched: to one the elephant appeared like a throne, to another like a fan» — Schimmel toma de Rūmī la parábola de los ciegos y el elefante, que cita por el Mathnawī (M 3:1259–68), para decir lo que le pasa a quien describe el sufismo; el tramo corta antes de la enumeración restante.

«That mysticism contains something mysterious, not to be reached by ordinary means or by intellectual effort, is understood from the root common to the words mystic and mystery, the Greek myein, “to close the eyes.”» — la etimología con que Schimmel traza el sentido de misticismo: el griego *myein*, cerrar los ojos.

«Mysticism has been called “the great spiritual current which goes through all religions.”» — Schimmel recoge, sin firmarla, la definición del misticismo como corriente espiritual que atraviesa todas las religiones.

«In its widest sense it may be defined as the consciousness of the One Reality—be it called Wisdom, Light, Love, or Nothing.» — la definición amplia que Schimmel propone: consciencia de la Realidad Una, llámesele Sabiduría, Luz, Amor o Nada.

«Such definitions, however, merely point our way.» — Schimmel acota de inmediato el alcance de esas definiciones: solo señalan la dirección.

«Only the wisdom of the heart, gnosis, may give insight into some of its aspects.» — según Schimmel, ni la filosofía ni la razón alcanzan esa realidad: solo la sabiduría del corazón, la gnosis, y solo algunos de sus aspectos.

«Mysticism can be defined as love of the Absolute—for the power that separates true mysticism from mere asceticism is love.» — la distinción que Schimmel usa en todo el libro: lo que separa el misticismo del mero ascetismo es el amor.

«Divine love makes the seeker capable of bearing, even of enjoying, all the pains and afflictions that God showers upon him in order to test him and to purify his soul.» — Schimmel enuncia la función que el amor divino cumple en la prueba y la purificación del buscador.

«This love can carry the mystic’s heart to the Divine Presence “like the falcon which carries away the prey,” separating him, thus, from all that is created in time.» — la imagen del halcón que Schimmel trae para el arrebato del corazón, con las comillas que ella misma pone.

«The former type has found its highest and purest expression in the system of Plotinus and in the Upanishads, particularly as elaborated in Shankara’s advaita philosophy.» — Schimmel coloca el Misticismo de la Infinitud en Plotino y en los Upanishads, con el advaita de Shankara como elaboración.

«Sufism comes close to it in some of the forms developed by the Ibn ʿArabī school.» — Schimmel sitúa la escuela de Ibn ʿArabī del lado del Misticismo de la Infinitud, con la cautela de *comes close*.

«Here, the Numen is conceived as the Being beyond all being, or even as the Not-Being, because it cannot be described by any of the categories of finite thought; it is infinite, timeless, spaceless, the Absolute Existence, and the Only Reality.» — la descripción que Schimmel da del Numen en ese primer tipo: Ser más allá de todo ser, o incluso No-Ser, por indescriptible con categorías finitas.

«By contrast the world possesses only a “limited reality,” which derives its conditioned existence from the Absolute Existence of the Divine.» — el estatuto que ese tipo de misticismo deja al mundo, según Schimmel: realidad limitada y existencia condicionada.

«This type of mysticism was often attacked by prophets and reformers, because it seemed to deny the value of the human personality and to result in pantheism or monism, thus constituting the greatest threat to personal responsibility.» — Schimmel consigna la objeción de profetas y reformadores sin hacerla suya: que ese misticismo anula la personalidad y desemboca en panteísmo o monismo.

«The idea of continuous emanation in contrast to the unique divine act of creation was considered, by both Muslim and Christian mystics, to be incompatible with the Biblico-Koranic idea of a creatio ex nihilo.» — Schimmel registra que místicos musulmanes y cristianos tuvieron por incompatibles la emanación continua y la creación de la nada.

«In the so-called Mysticism of Personality, the relation between man and God is perceived as that of creature and Creator, of a slave in the presence of his Lord, or of a lover yearning for his Beloved.» — el segundo tipo según Schimmel, que dice más común en el sufismo temprano: criatura y Creador, siervo y Señor, amante y Amado.

«These two types of mystical experience, however, are rarely met with in their purest forms.» — Schimmel desactiva su propia tipología en cuanto la enuncia: los tipos puros casi no se dan.

«A differentiation between the “voluntaristic” and the “gnostic” approaches to mystical experience is somewhat easier.» — la segunda distinción que Schimmel propone, y que declara más manejable que la primera.

«The mystic of the voluntaristic type wants to “qualify himself with the qualities of God,” as the Prophetic tradition says, and to unite his own will completely with God’s will, thus eventually overcoming the theoretical difficulties posed by the dilemma of predestination and free will.» — el tipo voluntarista según Schimmel, con la fórmula de la tradición profética —cualificarse con las cualidades de Dios— dentro de la cita.

«This mysticism can be seen as a practical life process.» — Schimmel resume el tipo voluntarista como proceso vital práctico.

«knowledge of God: he attempts to know the structure of His universe or to interpret the degree of His revelations—although no mystic could ever dare to “know” His Essence.» — el tipo gnóstico según Schimmel, con su límite dentro: ningún místico se atrevería a conocer la Esencia. La frase empieza en la plana anterior con *The mystic of the gnostic type strives for a deeper*.

«Did not Dhūʾn-Nūn (d. 859), usually regarded as one of the founders of speculations about maʿrifa, or gnosis, warn his fellow mystics: “To ponder about the Essence of God is ignorance, and to point to Him is associationism (shirk), and real gnosis is bewilderment” (N 34)?» — Schimmel cita a Dhūʾn-Nūn, muerto en 859 y tenido por uno de los fundadores de la especulación sobre la maʿrifa: pensar la Esencia es ignorancia, señalarla es shirk y la gnosis verdadera es perplejidad. La sigla N remite a las Nafaḥāt al-uns de Jāmī.

«Despite this bewilderment, the gnostic approach often led to the building of theosophical systems with its adherents tending to interpret every aspect of mysticism in the light of their own particular theories, sometimes even denying the simple experience of loving submission.» — Schimmel señala el precio del enfoque gnóstico: sistemas teosóficos que acaban negando la experiencia simple de la sumisión amorosa.

«In Islamic mysticism, both aspects are equally strong, and in later periods they are intermingled.» — la conclusión de Schimmel sobre los dos enfoques: igual de fuertes, y mezclados en las épocas tardías.

«There is a difference between one who is burned by His Majesty in the fire of love and one who is illuminated by His Beauty in the light of contemplation.» — Hujwīrī, muerto hacia 1071, en la traducción que Schimmel cita del Kashf al-Maḥjūb (H 367): quien arde en el fuego del amor por la Majestad no es quien se ilumina en la luz de la contemplación de la Belleza.

«There is a difference between one who meditates upon the Divine acts and one who is amazed at the Divine Majesty; the one is a follower of friendship, the other is a companion of love.» — la segunda distinción de Hujwīrī que Schimmel reproduce (H 373): meditar los actos divinos es amistad, asombrarse de la Majestad es amor.

«to whom the Primordial Grace and Lovingkindness has granted salvation after their being submerged in complete union and in the wave of tauḥīd [unification], [taking them out] of the belly of the fish “Annihilation” on the shore of separation and in the arena of permanent subsistence, so that they might lead the people towards salvation.» — Jāmī, en las Nafaḥāt al-uns (N 8–9) que Schimmel traduce, describe al primero de los dos tipos de sufí avanzado: el que vuelve del vientre del pez de la Aniquilación para guiar a la gente. Los corchetes son de la traductora.

«The others are those who are completely submerged in the ocean of Unity and have been so completely naughted in the belly of the fish “Annihilation” that never a news or trace comes to the shore of separation and the direction of subsistence . . . and the sanctity of perfecting others is not entrusted to them.» — el segundo tipo de Jāmī: los que no vuelven, y a quienes por eso no se confía la santidad de perfeccionar a otros.

«Even the finest psychological analysis is limited; words remain on the shore, as the Sufis would say.» — Schimmel declara el límite del análisis psicológico de la experiencia mística con una fórmula que atribuye a los sufíes.

«the French scholar Henry Corbin, in his book on Ibn ʿArabī, has shown to what depths such a study of structure underlying» — Schimmel nombra el libro de Henry Corbin sobre Ibn ʿArabī como ejemplo de hasta dónde llega el estudio de estructuras; el tramo corta antes de *a specific mystical-philosophical system can lead*, que el troceo parte con guion de fin de renglón.

«Since Sufism is to a very large extent built upon the principle of the disciple’s initiation, the different methods of spiritual education, the exercises practiced in the Sufi orders, the psychological phases of the progress, the formation of orders, and their sociological and cultural role are rewarding fields of research.» — Schimmel enuncia que el sufismo está construido en muy buena medida sobre el principio de la iniciación del discípulo, y de ahí deriva el programa de investigación.

«the works of the Catalanian mystic and scholar Ramon Lull (d. 1316) show a remarkable influence of Sufi literature.» — Schimmel data el primer contacto de Europa con ideas sufíes en la Edad Media y lo apoya en la obra de Ramon Lull, muerto en 1316.

«The first figure from the history of Sufism to be introduced into European literature was Rābiʿa al-ʿAdawiyya, the great woman saint of the eighth century; her legend was brought to Europe by Joinville, the chancellor of Louis IX, in the late thirteenth century.» — según Schimmel, la primera figura sufí que entra en la literatura europea es Rābiʿa al-ʿAdawiyya, traída por Joinville a fines del siglo XIII.

«In 1638 the learned Fabricius of Rostock University edited and translated, for the first time, a poem by the great Egyptian mystic» — Schimmel data en 1638 la primera edición y traducción europea de un poema de Ibn al-Fāriḍ, muerto en 1235, por Fabricius de la Universidad de Rostock.

«Most of the information about oriental spirituality, however, was derived from the translations of Persian classical poetry— Saʿdī’s Gulistān has been one of the favorite books of European intellectuals since Adam Olearius produced its first complete translation into German in 1651.» — Schimmel hace venir de la poesía clásica persa el grueso de lo que Europa supo de espiritualidad oriental, y data en 1651 la traducción alemana completa del Gulistān de Saʿdī por Adam Olearius.

«That is why the interpreters usually agreed that Sufism must be a foreign plant in the sandy desert of Islam, the religion that was so little known and even less appreciated and that could not possibly be related to any finer and higher spiritual movement.» — Schimmel consigna la tesis que dominó entre los intérpretes europeos: el sufismo como planta extranjera en el desierto del islam.

«Amazingly enough, Tholuck—himself a good Protestant and therefore not at all prone to mystical ideas» — Schimmel destaca a Tholuck como excepción a esa tesis, y subraya que era protestante y poco dado a lo místico; la frase sigue con lo que él entendió de la doctrina sufí.

«His ideas about Sufi poetry have influenced many English-speaking orientalists, although one may find, in some works on Sufism written during the nineteenth century, rather absurd views in wild confusion.» — Schimmel mide la huella de las ideas sobre la poesía sufí que llegaron con Ḥāfiẓ y a la vez consigna el desorden de la interpretación decimonónica.

«A German professor of Divinity, F. A. D. Tholuck, produced the first comprehensive book on Sufism in 1821, called Ssufismus sive theosophia persarum pantheistica, and four years later an anthology called Blüthensammlung aus der Morgenländischen Mystik.» — Schimmel data en 1821 el primer libro de conjunto europeo sobre el sufismo, de Tholuck, y en 1825 su antología; el troceo imprime *Ssufismus* con dos eses.

«Sufi doctrine was both generated and must be illustrated out of Muhammad’s own mysticism.» — lo que Schimmel cita de Tholuck y llama sorprendente: que la doctrina sufí nace y se explica desde el misticismo del propio Mahoma. La frase empieza en la plana anterior.

«held that Sufism is “the development of the Primaeval religion of the Aryan race» — la tesis de E. H. Palmer que Schimmel recoge en su Oriental Mysticism de 1867, y de la que anota que no era desconocida para algunos escritores alemanes del periodo nazi; el tramo corta antes de la llamada de nota.

«In any case, Sufism has often been considered a typically Iranian development inside Islam.» — Schimmel consigna la lectura que hace del sufismo un desarrollo típicamente iraní dentro del islam.

«There is no doubt that certain important Iranian elements have survived through the ages beneath its surface, as both Henri Corbin and Seyyed H. Nasr have recently emphasized.» — lo que Schimmel sí concede de esa tesis, apoyada en Henry Corbin y en Seyyed H. Nasr.

«Nobody would deny that Neoplatonism had deeply permeated the Near East—the so-called “Theology of Aristotle” (which is, in fact, Porphyry’s commentary on Plotinus’s Enneads) was translated into Arabic as early as 840.» — Schimmel consigna la presencia neoplatónica en el Cercano Oriente y la atribución de la Teología de Aristóteles al comentario de Porfirio a las Enéadas, traducida al árabe ya en 840.

«Nicholson, however, understood that the early ascetic movement can be explained without difficulties from its Islamic roots and that, therefore, the original form of Sufism is “a native product of Islam itself.”» — la posición de Reynold A. Nicholson que Schimmel recoge: el movimiento ascético temprano se explica desde raíces islámicas y el sufismo originario es un producto nativo del islam.

«It is only natural that the Christian influences should have interested many European scholars (Adalbert Merx, Arend Jan Wensinck, Margaret Smith),11 who mainly tried to explore the relations of Muslims with the Syrian monks.» — Schimmel nombra a los estudiosos que trabajaron la relación de los musulmanes con los monjes sirios; la llamada de nota *11* queda dentro del verbatim porque el troceo la imprime pegada.

«But even Max Horten’s numerous articles in this field could not bring any stringent proof of such influences14 in the early period; for later times, the situation is slightly different.» — Schimmel niega que los artículos de Max Horten hayan dado prueba estricta de influencias indias en el periodo formativo, y deja abierta la época posterior; la llamada *14* va dentro del verbatim.

«For the earliest period, influences from Turkestan are much more important, as Richard Hartmann has shown; Ignaz Goldziher had already pointed out parallel traditions» — Schimmel pone las influencias de Turkestán por delante de las indias para el periodo más antiguo, con Richard Hartmann e Ignaz Goldziher; el tramo corta antes de *in Islamic mystical tales and Buddhist stories*.

«And the miracles of saints are the same all over the world.» — el argumento con que Schimmel desactiva el paralelismo entre relatos místicos islámicos e historias budistas: los milagros de los santos se parecen en todas partes.

«But such generalizations are dangerous.» — la advertencia de Schimmel a propósito de quienes hablan de un misticismo típicamente turco de la Infinitud que describe a Dios como No-Ser positivo.

«Louis Massignon’s research into the personality of al-Ḥallāj, the “martyr of divine love,” is the best example for this approach» — Schimmel pone la investigación de Massignon sobre Ḥallāj como el mejor ejemplo del estudio consagrado a un solo místico.

«Hellmut Ritter’s masterly book on ʿAṭṭār, Das Meer der Seele (The Ocean of the Soul), is the result of an ideal combination of strict philology combined with aesthetic and religious understanding.» — Schimmel describe el Meer der Seele de Hellmut Ritter como combinación de filología estricta y comprensión estética y religiosa.

«Even now there is so much material available in the different languages of Islam that any generalization seems impossible.» — Schimmel declara el estado de la cuestión que vuelve imposible generalizar: demasiado material en demasiadas lenguas.

«That is why this book can give only a glimpse of a few aspects of Sufism; even this will, probably, be tinged by a personal predilection for mystical poetry derived from the large area of Iranian cultural influence.» — Schimmel declara el alcance y el sesgo de su propio libro: un atisbo de unos pocos aspectos, teñido por su predilección por la poesía mística de ámbito iraní.

«In interpreting Islamic mystical texts, one must not forget that many sayings to which we give a deep theological or philosophical meaning may have been intended to be suggestive wordplay;» — la cautela de lectura que Schimmel impone: muchos dichos a los que se da hondura teológica pudieron ser juego de palabras.

«The resolution of apparent contradictions in some of these sayings might be found, then, in an act» — según Schimmel, la resolución de las contradicciones aparentes de esos dichos estaría en un acto de iluminación, no en la lógica; el tramo corta antes de *of illumination*.

«This “willful paradox” and “pious highfalutin” was perhaps “intended to make their flesh creep a little for their health’s sake,” as W. H. Temple Gairdner puts it, who with full right asks: “Do we not take their language too seriously?» — Schimmel cita a W. H. Temple Gairdner sobre la paradoja deliberada de los sufíes y le concede la pregunta.

«It parades as scientific; it is really poeticorhetorical.» — el remate de Gairdner que Schimmel reproduce: el lenguaje sufí se presenta como científico y es retórico-poético. El troceo imprime *poeticorhetorical* sin guion.

«Indeed, one aspect of mystical language in Sufism that should never be overlooked is the tendency of the Arabs to play with words.» — Schimmel sostiene que el juego verbal árabe es parte inseparable del lenguaje místico sufí.

«Another problem is posed by the fondness of many Sufi authors for inventing classifications, usually tripartite, to define certain mystical states; they often press the meaning of a word rather than explain it.» — Schimmel señala la afición de los autores sufíes a las clasificaciones tripartitas, que fuerzan el sentido de una palabra más que explicarlo.

«Their definitions go back to the earliest period and thus defy the tendency of some modern Western writers to apply this name only to the later» — Schimmel objeta que el término taṣawwuf se reserve para la fase teosófica tardía: las definiciones de los propios sufíes vienen del periodo más antiguo.

«Some of the pious would even ask the Prophet when he blessed them with his appearance in their dreams: “What is Sufism?” (N 255)» — la anécdota que Schimmel trae de las Nafaḥāt al-uns: los piadosos preguntaban qué es el sufismo al Profeta mismo cuando se les aparecía en sueños.

«Some assert that the Sufi is so called because he wears a woollen garment (jāma-i ṣūf), others that he is so called because he is in the first rank (ṣaff-i awwal), others say it is because the Sufis claim to belong to the asḥāb-i Ṣuffa (the people of the Bench who gathered around the Prophet’s mosque).» — Hujwīrī, a mediados del siglo XI, en la traducción que Schimmel cita del Kashf al-Maḥjūb (H 30), resume las etimologías en disputa del nombre sufí.

«Another—Western—definition, namely the derivation from Greek sophos, “wise,” is philologically impossible.» — Schimmel niega por razones filológicas la derivación occidental de sufí desde el griego *sophos*.

«The derivation from ṣūf, “wool,” is now generally accepted—the coarse woolen garment of the first generation of Muslim ascetics was their distinguishing mark.» — la etimología que Schimmel da por aceptada: ṣūf, lana, por el sayal de la primera generación de ascetas musulmanes.

«the strangerhood of John, who was a stranger in his own country and an alien to his own kind amongst whom he lived; the pilgrimhood of Jesus, who was so detached therein from worldly things that he kept only a cup and a comb» — Junayd, en la traducción del Kashf al-Maḥjūb que Schimmel cita (H 39–40), enumera las ocho cualidades del sufismo ejemplificadas en ocho apóstoles; aquí la extranjería de Juan y la peregrinación de Jesús.

«the wearing of wool by Moses, whose garment was woollen; and the poverty of Muhammed, to whom God Almighty sent the key of all treasures that are upon the face of the earth» — las dos últimas cualidades de la lista de Junayd que Schimmel reproduce; el troceo imprime *Muhammed* con e.

«Junayd, the undisputed leader of the Iraqian school of mysticism (d. 910), wrote: “Sufism is not [achieved] by much praying and fasting, but it is the security of the heart and the generosity» — Junayd, muerto en 910 y a quien Schimmel llama cabeza indiscutida de la escuela de Irak, niega que el sufismo se alcance por mucho rezo y ayuno; el tramo corta antes de *of the soul* y de la sigla QR 60.

«Some of Junayd’s contemporaries emphasized the ascetic side of Sufism, a complete break with what is called “the world” and egotism: “Sufism is to possess nothing and to be possessed by nothing”» — la definición ascética que Schimmel atribuye a contemporáneos de Junayd, citada del Kitāb al-lumaʿ (L 25).

«Sufism is freedom and generosity and absence of selfconstraint» — otra definición del Kitāb al-lumaʿ (L 57) que Schimmel traduce. El troceo parte *self-constraint* con guion de fin de renglón y la extracción por programa devuelve la forma unida; la lectura propuesta es *self-constraint*, no cotejada contra facsímil porque el ejemplar es un EPUB sin imagen.

«the small-talk of the Sufis!” (X 90) shows that the danger of talking too much in a sort of technical and quasi-esoteric language was felt quite early.» — el consejo de Ruwaym, muerto en 915, al joven Ibn Khafīf —sacrificar el alma y no ocuparse de la charla de los sufíes— le sirve a Schimmel para datar temprano la desconfianza del lenguaje cuasiesotérico.

«The Sufi should rather insist upon “faithfulness with the contract” (N 226) and should be free, “neither tired by searching nor disappointed by deprivation”» — dos fórmulas que Schimmel reúne de las Nafaḥāt al-uns y del Kitāb al-lumaʿ para decir qué se le pide al sufí.

«“The Sufis are people who prefer God to everything and God prefers them to everything else”» — la definición del Kitāb al-lumaʿ (L 25) que Schimmel atribuye a los dichos de Dhūʾn-Nūn.

«Sahl at-Tustarī defined the Sufi: “It is he whose blood is licit and whose property is allowed [i.e., he who can be killed and whose property can be legally given to the faithful] and whatever he sees, he sees it from God, and knows that God’s loving-kindness embraces all creation”» — Sahl at-Tustarī, en la versión que Schimmel cita del Sharḥ-i shaṭḥiyāt (B 370), define al sufí por la licitud de su sangre y por ver todo desde Dios; los corchetes son de la traductora.

«according to whom “Sufism is not composed of practices and sciences, but it is morals”» — la definición de Junayd y de Nūrī que Schimmel cita por Hujwīrī (H 42): el sufismo no es prácticas ni ciencias, sino moral.

«Sufism is the heart’s being pure from the pollution of discord”—» — la definición que Hujwīrī glosa (H 38) y que Schimmel usa para enlazar pureza del corazón con concordia del amor.

«Love is concord, and the lover has but one duty in the world, namely to keep the commandment of the beloved, and if the object of desire is one, how can discord arise?» — la explicación de Hujwīrī que Schimmel traduce: si el objeto del deseo es uno, la discordia no tiene de dónde nacer.

«The Sufis have spoken of the threefold meaning of taṣawwuf according to the sharīʿa, the Muslim law, the ṭarīqa, the mystical path, and the ḥaqīqa, the Truth.» — la tríada que Schimmel consigna como sentido triple del taṣawwuf: ley, camino y Verdad.

«Shiblī (d. 945), as was so often the case, wanted to shock his audience when he asserted: “Sufism is polytheism, because it is the guarding of the heart from the vision of the ‘other,’ and ‘other’ does not exist”» — Shiblī, muerto en 945, en el pasaje de Hujwīrī (H 38) que Schimmel traduce: el sufismo es politeísmo porque guarda el corazón de ver lo otro, y lo otro no existe. Schimmel lee ahí una embestida contra el asceta que cierra los ojos al mundo creado.

«Therefore, “a true Sufi is he who is not,” as Kharaqānī says, with a paradox that has been repeated by other mystics» — la paradoja de Kharaqānī que Schimmel cita de las Nafaḥāt al-uns (N 298, 225).

«The Islamic mystics enjoyed the play with the root ṣajā, “purity,” when they discussed Sufism and the qualities of the ideal Sufi: “He that is purified by love is pure (ṣāfī), and he who is purified by the Beloved is a Sufi”» — Schimmel muestra el juego de raíces con que los místicos derivan sufí de pureza; el troceo imprime la raíz *ṣajā* donde la grafía esperable sería otra.

«It is not surprising that the Sufis made attempts to designate Adam as the first Sufi; for he was forty days “in seclusion” (like the novice at the beginning of the Path) before God endowed him with spirit; then God put the lamp of reason in his heart and the light of wisdom on his tongue, and he emerged like an illuminated mystic from the retirement during which he was kneaded by the hands of God.» — Schimmel consigna el intento sufí de hacer de Adán el primer sufí, con los cuarenta días de reclusión leídos como el retiro del novicio.

«Even a poet who cannot be called exactly a mystic, namely Khāqānī, the greatest panegyrist of Iran (d. 1199), claims: “I am pure since I am a servant of the purity of the Sufi”; and in one of the long chains of oaths that he likes to insert in his qaṣīdas he swears “by the Sufis who love afflictions and are enemies of wellbeing.”» — Khāqānī, panegirista muerto en 1199 y que Schimmel no cuenta entre los místicos, jura por los sufíes amigos de la aflicción.

«He is thus close to Rūmī, who a century later defined Sufism in this way: “What is Sufism? He said: To find joy in the heart when grief comes” (M 3:3261).» — la definición de Rūmī en el Mathnawī que Schimmel traduce: hallar gozo en el corazón cuando llega la aflicción.

«Sufism meant, in the formative period, mainly an interiorization of Islam, a personal experience of the central mystery of Islam, that of tauḥīd, “to declare that God is One.”» — la tesis de Schimmel sobre el periodo formativo: el sufismo como interiorización del islam y experiencia personal del tauḥīd.

«The Sufis always remained inside the fold of Islam, and their mystical attitude was not limited by their adherence to any of the legal or theological schools.» — Schimmel sostiene que los sufíes se mantuvieron siempre dentro del islam y que su actitud no dependía de la escuela jurídica o teológica de cada cual.

«Hujwīrī sums up the early Sufi attitude toward science and theology when he poignantly observes: “Knowledge is immense and life is short: therefore it is not obligatory to learn all the science . . . but only so much as bears upon the religious law” (H 11).» — Hujwīrī, citado por Schimmel, acota el saber obligatorio a lo que toca a la ley religiosa; la elisión es de la propia cita.

«True gnosis, namely the gnosis of the One, is not attained through books, and many a legend tells how a Sufi who had reached, or thought he had reached, his goal threw away his books, for: “Books, ye are excellent guides, but it is absurd to trouble about a guide after the goal has been reached” (NS 21).» — Schimmel enuncia que la gnosis del Uno no se alcanza por libros y cierra con la sentencia que cita de los Studies in Islamic Mysticism de Nicholson.

«The great saint ʿUmar Suhrawardī, who studied scholastic theology in his youth, was blessed by a saint who put his hands on his chest and made him forget all he had studied, “but he filled my breast with the ʿilm ladunnī” (Sūra 18:65), the “knowledge immediately derived from God” (N 515).» — el relato de las Nafaḥāt al-uns sobre ʿUmar Suhrawardī que Schimmel traduce, con el ʿilm ladunnī coránico como sustitución del saber escolástico.

«Abū Ḥanīfa has not taught love, Shāfiʿī has no traditions about it.» — el verso que Schimmel da por de Sanāʾī (SD 605) y atribuido también a ʿAṭṭār y a Rūmī: los fundadores de las escuelas jurídicas no enseñaron el amor. La triple atribución se consigna sin arbitrarla.

«Sanāʾī (d. 1131) has often contrasted the Sufi with the Kūfī, the learned lawyer Abū Ḥanīfa from Kufa, and still in eighteenth-century Sindhi mystical poetry the Sufi is called lā-kūfī, “non-Kūfī,” i.e., not bound to a particular religious rite.» — Schimmel traza la oposición sufí-kūfī de Sanāʾī hasta la poesía sindhi del siglo XVIII.

«The Sufis claimed that the whole wisdom was included in the letter alif, the first letter in the alphabet and symbol of God (see Appendix 1).» — Schimmel adelanta aquí el simbolismo de la letra alif que desarrolla en su primer apéndice.

«Did not Noah live for nine hundred years, with only the recollection of God? And, as Rūmī adds with a slightly ironical bent, “he had not read the risāla nor the Qūt al-qulūb” (M 6:2652–53)» — la ironía de Rūmī que Schimmel traduce: Noé vivió novecientos años sin haber leído los dos manuales del sufismo moderado.

«For although the Sufis often condemned the bookishness of scholars and admonished their disciples to “strive to lift the veils, not to collect books,”24 it is a fact that they themselves were among the most productive writers in Islamic history.» — Schimmel consigna la contradicción sin resolverla: los mismos que condenaban la librería fueron de los autores más productivos del islam; la llamada de nota *24* va dentro del verbatim.

«The main target of Sufi criticism was philosophy, influenced by Greek thought: “There is nobody more distant from the law of the Hashimite prophet than a philosopher” (U 54; see also MT 291), says ʿAṭṭār, echoing Sanāʾī’s sentiments when he wrote:» — ʿAṭṭār, citado por su Muṣībatnāme y su Manṭiq aṭ-ṭayr, pone al filósofo en el extremo opuesto de la ley del Profeta.

«From words like “primary matter” and “primary cause” you will not find the way into the Presence of the Lord.» — el verso de Sanāʾī que Schimmel traduce contra el vocabulario de la filosofía.

«The whole “Universal Reason” is nothing in the presence of a single divine order, “Say!” (U 45)—a fine pun on kull, “universal,” and qul, “say,” the divine address to the Prophet.» — Schimmel desarma el juego de palabras de ʿAṭṭār entre kull y qul, y consigna qué sostiene el verso.

«Strangely enough, Ibn Sīnā (Avicenna, d. 1037) has become the representative of dry rationalism, although he was as much of a mystical thinker as some of those classified as Sufis.» — Schimmel objeta el lugar común que hace de Ibn Sīnā el racionalista seco: lo tiene por pensador místico tanto como a varios clasificados de sufíes.

«Such an anti-intellectualism, as it was sensed by the orthodox, could lead to dangers for the communal life.» — Schimmel señala el riesgo comunitario que la ortodoxia veía en ese antiintelectualismo.

«But since they were insane they escaped punishment: “God has freed them from order and prohibition”» — la fórmula de las Nafaḥāt al-uns (N 296) con que Schimmel explica la impunidad del sabio idiota, tipo que ejemplifica en Buhlūl, del califato de Hārūn ar-Rashīd.

«In the introduction to his Nafaḥāt al-uns, Jāmī poignantly criticizes the imitators of the different Sufi types and their vain and dangerous attitudes.» — Schimmel recoge la crítica de Jāmī a los imitadores de los tipos sufíes.

«Comparatively harmless types, living on the charity of the pious, did not really endanger the Sufi movement; but the degeneration of the wandering dervishes or faqīrs, the “poor,” who performed miracles and were beyond the law (bī sharʿ), has done much to bring Sufism into discredit.» — Schimmel adjudica el descrédito del sufismo a la degeneración de los derviches errantes que se declaraban fuera de la ley.

«The type of the majdhūb, the “enraptured one” who, under the shock of a mystical vision or any psychological experience, is bereft of his senses and walks around in a fashion» — Schimmel define el tipo del majdhūb, el arrebatado que pierde el sentido por una visión; el tramo corta en el fin de la plana y sigue *prohibited by the religious law (i.e., stark naked) belongs to the darker side of the Sufi world*.

«It was such people whom European travelers in the East met first, so that one of the honorific names given to the genuine mystic, faqīr, “poor,” has become, in German, the designation of a mere trickster.» — Schimmel explica por qué faqīr acabó significando embaucador en alemán: fue con esa clase de gente con la que el viajero europeo se topó primero.

«between the true Sufi, the mutaṣawwif who aspires at reaching a higher spiritual level, and the muṣṭawif, the man who pretends to be a mystic but is a useless, even dangerous, intruder.» — la distinción terminológica que Schimmel data desde el principio del movimiento; el troceo imprime *muṣṭawif* con esa grafía.

«They knew well that the spiritual path is “hard to travel except for those who were created for that purpose”» — la sentencia del Kashf al-Maḥjūb (H 4) que Schimmel trae para decir que el camino no es para cualquiera.

«This patched frock must have been sewn in pre-eternity,” for, as much as a person may strive to reach the rank of a Sufi, “no ass can turn into a horse by energy and zeal» — las dos fórmulas que Schimmel cita del Muṣībatnāme de ʿAṭṭār (U 70–71): el sayal cosido en la preeternidad y el asno que no se vuelve caballo por empeño.

«Therefore, the complaint about the decline of Sufism almost coincides with its beginning; a saying of the ninth-century mystic, the Persian Yaḥyā ibn Muʿādh, warns his fellow mystics: “Avoid the society of three classes of men—heedless savants, hypocritical Koranreaders, and ignorant pretenders to Sufism”» — Schimmel sostiene que la queja por la decadencia del sufismo es casi tan vieja como el sufismo, y la apoya en Yaḥyā ibn Muʿādh. El troceo parte *Koran-readers* con guion de fin de renglón y la extracción devuelve la forma unida; la lectura propuesta es *Koran-readers*.

«Poets have satirized the self-styled Sufi (S 666), and in the eleventh century it was repeatedly said: “Today Sufism is a name without reality, but formerly it was a reality without name. . . . The pretence is known and the practice unknown”» — la sentencia del siglo XI que Schimmel cita por Hujwīrī (H 44), con la elisión de la propia fuente.

«People were content with empty confession, and “blind conformity has taken the place of spiritual enthusiasm”» — el diagnóstico de Hujwīrī (H 7) que Schimmel traduce: la conformidad ciega en lugar del entusiasmo espiritual.

«Thus a saint of the eleventh century angrily declared: “I looked into Hell, and I saw that most of its inhabitants were those donning a patched frock and carrying a food-bowl”» — la sentencia que Schimmel cita del Sharḥ-i shaṭḥiyāt (B 309) y que Baqlī glosa como dicha contra los traidores al misticismo.

«The ignorant one is busy with building up his body, The wise man is busy with the coquetry of words, The lover is busy with annihilating himself.» — la cuarteta de ʿUrfī, cortesano de Akbar muerto en 1591, que Schimmel traduce; el primer verso, en la plana anterior, dice que el sufí se ocupa en engañar a hombres y mujeres.

«He thus attributes to the lover the quality that should be that of the Sufi: namely, to annihilate himself in the Beloved.» — la lectura que Schimmel hace de la cuarteta de ʿUrfī: la cualidad propia del sufí ha pasado al amante.

«The word Sufi became a pejorative expression; the great mystic of Delhi in the eighteenth century, Mīr Dard, insistently repeated that he did not want to be called a Sufi, but rather “a true Muhammadan.”» — Schimmel consigna el rechazo del nombre sufí por Mīr Dard, que prefería llamarse verdadero muhammadano.

«He did not hesitate to call the representatives of mystical doctrines opposed to his stern, law-bound mysticism “pig-natured,” and he often expressed his contempt for the “shopkeeper sheikh,” the “seller of patched frocks” who was found everywhere in the country.» — los epítetos de Mīr Dard contra el misticismo ajeno que Schimmel reproduce.

«Would that we had not lived to see every demented madman held up by his fellows as a Pole!» — el arranque de la sátira de al-Badr al-Ḥijāzī sobre la decadencia del sufismo, en la traducción de Arberry que Schimmel reproduce.

«Their ulema take refuge in him, indeed, they have even adopted him as a Lord, instead of the Lord of the Throne.» — la acusación de al-Badr al-Ḥijāzī contra los ulemas, en esa misma traducción.

«For they have forgotten God, saying “So-and-so provides deliverance from suffering for all mankind.”» — la queja de al-Badr al-Ḥijāzī por la sustitución de Dios por el santo.

«When he dies, they make him the object of pilgrimage, and hasten to his shrine, Arabs and foreigners alike;» — el cierre de la sátira: la tumba del santo convertida en peregrinación.

«Ḥijāzī has put his finger on the danger of the exaggerated veneration of the spiritual master, the sheikh or pīr (see chapter 5), what Muhammad Iqbal has called “pirism,” which means the absolute sway of the leader over his followers and the attendant exploitation of ignorant peasants and villagers.» — Schimmel nombra el pirismo con el término de Muhammad Iqbal y lo define como dominio absoluto del guía sobre sus seguidores.

«In their criticism of saint worship and pirism—a facet of popular Islam the danger of which one can scarcely realize without having lived in the East—Muslim modernists and moderate Sufis are united.» — Schimmel señala la coincidencia de modernistas musulmanes y sufíes moderados en la crítica del culto a los santos, y apoya el juicio en su propia experiencia de Oriente.

«We shall see how this movement has assumed various shapes appropriate to the times and the personalities of its leaders, though its substance has remained the same.» — la tesis de continuidad con que Schimmel cierra el capítulo primero: las formas cambian con la época y con quien las encarna; la sustancia, no.

«The best introduction to mysticism is still Evelyn Underbill, Mysticism: A Study in the Nature and Development of Man’s Spiritual Consciousness (1911; paperback ed., New York, 1956).» — la nota de Schimmel que declara su deuda con Evelyn Underhill; el troceo imprime el apellido *Underbill*.

«Marijan Molé, Les mystiques musulmans (Paris, 1965), the best short introduction to Sufism, its history and meaning» — el juicio bibliográfico de Schimmel en sus notas sobre el libro de Molé.

«Fritz Meier, Vom Wesen der islamischen Mystik (Basel, 1943), is a small but weighty book that stresses the importance of initiation in Sufism; it contains rich source material.» — Schimmel destaca el peso que Meier da a la iniciación en el sufismo.

«Idries Shah, The Sufis, as well as his other books, should be avoided by serious students.» — la advertencia bibliográfica de Schimmel contra los libros de Idries Shah, en nota.

«E. H. Palmer, Oriental Mysticism: A Treatise on Sufistic and Unitarian Theosophy of the Persians (1867; reprint ed., London, 1969), is immature but has some good points;» — el juicio de Schimmel sobre el libro de Palmer cuya tesis aria había citado en el cuerpo.

«The history of Sufi studies in Europe has been discussed by A. J. Arberry in An Introduction to the History of Sufism (London, 1942).» — la nota con que Schimmel remite a Arberry para la historia de los estudios sufíes en Europa.

«Robert C. Zaehner, Hindu and Muslim Mysticism (London, 1960), is well documented and thought-provoking, though it overstresses the Indian elements.» — Schimmel objeta a Zaehner el énfasis en los elementos indios y a la vez le reconoce documentación.

«Max Horten, Indische Strömungen in der islamischen Mystik (Heidelberg, 1927–28); like his article “Der Sinn der islamischen Mystik,” Scientia, July 1927, this book should be used with caution.» — la cautela que Schimmel pone a los libros de Horten sobre corrientes indias en la mística islámica.

«a poisonous book attacking the degeneration of Sufism in the twelfth century.» — el juicio de Schimmel sobre el Talbīs Iblīs de Ibn al-Jauzī, que recomienda como antídoto a la masa de fuentes árabes y persas.

«Oriental scholars have published a number of general studies on the history of Sufism in the last twenty years, during which there has been a growing interest in the spiritual life of Islam.» — Schimmel consigna en nota el crecimiento de los estudios sobre sufismo publicados por eruditos orientales en las dos décadas anteriores a su libro.

«Among the anthologies of Sufi texts produced in the West, the following useful collections should be mentioned:» — la fórmula con que Schimmel abre en nota su lista de antologías occidentales de textos sufíes.

«Paul Loosen, “Die weisen Narren des Naisaburi,” Zeitschrift für Assyriologie 27 (1912), deals with this type of mentally deranged “wise” man or “saint.”» — la referencia con que Schimmel apoya en nota el tipo del sabio idiota.

«“Islamic mysticism is the attempt to reach individual salvation through attaining the true tauḥīd,” says one of the leading Western orientalists.» — la definición con que Schimmel abre el capítulo segundo, atribuida a un orientalista occidental que la nota identifica.

«The aims of all the mystics are essentially the same.» — la tesis de fondo del capítulo histórico de Schimmel: por distintos que sean los caminos, el fin es el mismo.

«Henri Corbin has stated, “the religious conscience of Islam is centered upon a fact of meta-history” (W 46), namely, upon the transhistorical fact of the primordial covenant as understood from the Koranic word in Sūra 7:171.» — Schimmel cita a Henry Corbin por la Exégèse coranique de Nwyia y aplica su fórmula al pacto primordial de la sura 7:171.

«Before creation, God called the future humanity out of the loins of the not-yet-created Adam and addressed them with the words: “Am I not your Lord?” (alastu birabbikum), and they answered: “Yes, we witness it» — el relato del pacto primordial tal como Schimmel lo expone; el troceo parte *bi-rabbikum* con guion de fin de renglón y la extracción devuelve la forma unida, cuya lectura propuesta es *bi-rabbikum*.

«The idea of this primordial covenant (mīthāq) between God and humanity has impressed the religious conscience of the Muslims, and especially the Muslim mystics, more than any other idea.» — Schimmel coloca el mīthāq como la idea de mayor peso en la conciencia religiosa musulmana, y de ahí hace salir libre albedrío, predestinación y elección.

«The goal of the mystic is to return to the experience of the “Day of Alastu,” when only God existed, before He led future creatures out of the abyss of not-being and endowed them with life, love, and understanding so that they might face Him again at the end of time.» — la meta del místico según Schimmel: volver al Día de Alastu, cuando solo Dios existía.

«The Koran was accepted relatively early by the faithful as uncreated and coeternal with God.» — Schimmel data temprano la aceptación del Corán como increado y coeterno.

«essential textbook of his sciences, the key for his Weltanschauung as Louis Massignon has put it» — la fórmula de Massignon, en la Passion (P 465), que Schimmel usa para decir qué es el Corán para el místico.

«The mystics have played a decisive role in the development of the Koranic sciences; their hermeneutical methods range from a simple verbal interpretation to symbolical and allegorical exegesis, without, however, denying the value of the exterior meaning of the Koranic words.» — Schimmel adjudica a los místicos un papel decisivo en las ciencias coránicas y consigna el límite que ellos mismos se ponen: no negar el sentido exterior.

«For the devout—some of whom could find up to seven thousand meanings in a single Koranic verse—the holy book was “the resurrection,” for, as Ḥallāj had claimed, “in it there are the signs of Divine Lordship [rubūbiyya], information of the resurrection, and news about the future till the eternity of eternities.» — Ḥallāj, citado por Schimmel del Sharḥ-i shaṭḥiyāt (B 265), hace del Corán la resurrección misma; los corchetes son de la traductora.

«God, as revealed in the Koran, is both the stern Judge and the Merciful and Compassionate; He is All-knowing and Wise, but He is also the Most Cunning.» — Schimmel consigna la coexistencia de atributos contrarios en el Dios del Corán sin armonizarla.

«The hope of discovering the Greatest Name of God has inspired many a Sufi who dreamed of reaching the highest bliss in this world and the next by means of this blessed name.» — Schimmel consigna la búsqueda del Nombre Supremo y anota que los noventa y nueve nombres se usaron a veces en conexiones casi mágicas.

«God appears, through the Koranic words, as the only real Agent who creates and predestines human actions.» — el Dios del Corán como único Agente real, según la exposición de Schimmel.

«He alone has the right to say ‘I’» — la definición sufí de la Personalidad Absoluta que Schimmel cita por la Exégèse coranique de Nwyia (W 249).

«Pious mystics have often objected to these pseudophilosophical definitions containing names and words not found in the Koran and therefore ill becoming Him who revealed Himself in the holy book.» — Schimmel registra la objeción de los místicos piadosos a los sistemas de los otros místicos: nombres que el Corán no trae.

«But the Koran contains more than the description of God and of the otherworld; it also regulates the practical and moral life of the community, and the Sufis meticulously followed its injuctions.» — Schimmel sostiene que los sufíes siguieron con rigor las prescripciones prácticas del Corán; el troceo imprime *injuctions*.

«Even though millions of men and women did not and do not understand its Arabic wording, they still sense the numinous quality of the book and live with it.» — Schimmel separa comprensión de lengua y percepción de lo numinoso en la recepción del Corán.

«One can certainly speak of a “koranization” of the memory3; and everyone who has read Persian, Turkish, or any other Islamic idiom knows how strongly the language of the Koran has penetrated the literature and everyday language, and how beautifully the “letters of the Koran” have been elaborated according to the artistic taste of Persians, Turks, Indians, and Africans, creating the most exquisite calligraphy—the typical art of the mystics.» — Schimmel llama arte típico de los místicos a la caligrafía; la llamada de nota *3* queda pegada a *memory* dentro del verbatim.

«He is described in the Koran as ummī, “illiterate” (Sūra 7:157–58), a quality that is central to the understanding of Islamic religiosity:» — Schimmel hace de la condición de ummī del Profeta la clave de la religiosidad islámica.

«just as in Christianity, where God reveals Himself through Christ —the word made flesh—the virginity of Mary is required in order to produce an immaculate vessel for the divine word, so in Islam, where God reveals Himself through the word of the Koran, the Prophet had to be a vessel that was unpolluted by “intellectual” knowledge of word and script so that he could carry the trust in perfect purity.» — la analogía que Schimmel traza entre la virginidad de María y el analfabetismo del Profeta: dos vasos sin mancha para la palabra.

«Muhammad is the first link in the spiritual chain of Sufism, and his ascension through the heavens into the divine presence, to which the first lines of Sūra 17 allude, became the prototype of the mystic’s spiritual ascension into the intimate presence of God.» — Schimmel coloca al Profeta como primer eslabón de la cadena espiritual del sufismo y su miʿrāj como prototipo del ascenso místico.

«According to the tradition, esoteric wisdom was transmitted from Muhammad to his cousin and son-in-law ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib, the fourth of the righteous caliphs (d. 661).» — Schimmel consigna la transmisión de la sabiduría esotérica a ʿAlī como dato de la tradición, no como hecho propio.

«Every tendency within Islam, and so within Sufism, found material to support its claims from Prophetic traditions.» — Schimmel señala que toda corriente halló en los ḥadīth respaldo para sus pretensiones, y anota que los sufíes usaron muchos que no están en las colecciones oficiales.

«He was the ideal leader, and the duty of every Muslim was to imitate him.» — la función del Profeta en la vida espiritual de la comunidad según Schimmel.

«The Western student of Islam, used to the traditional picture of Muhammad as it emerged during hundreds of years of hatred and enmity in the Christian world, will be surprised to see the strong “mystical” qualities attributed to this man» — Schimmel anticipa la sorpresa del lector occidental ante las cualidades místicas atribuidas al Profeta.

«We do not know how many of the later tales of Muhammad’s ascetic piety are true and how many simply reflect the ideals of later mystical devotion.» — la abstención que Schimmel declara sobre la historicidad de los relatos de piedad ascética del Profeta.

«A number of his sayings about the importance of prayer, and mainly of the night vigils, seem to be authentic, and “when his eyes slept his heart did not sleep,” as his beloved young wife Āʿisha relates.» — lo que Schimmel sí tiene por probablemente auténtico, con el dicho que atribuye a Āʿisha; el grado de certeza queda en *seem to be*.

«Indeed, a prophet who was so certain of being God’s instrument must have relied upon prayer; for through prayer he could experience, over and over again, the presence of Him who had sent him.» — el argumento de verosimilitud con que Schimmel sostiene la oración del Profeta.

«Among the Prophet’s companions, Abū Dharr al-Ghifārī (d. 653) is often mentioned as “un socialiste avant la lettre,” as Louis Massignon puts it» — la fórmula francesa de Massignon sobre Abū Dharr al-Ghifārī que Schimmel reproduce, y a quien la tradición adjudica las sentencias sobre la pobreza.

«Even more important is Salmān al-Fārisī, a Persian-born barber who was taken into Muhammad’s household and became the model of spiritual adoption and mystical initiation—he is, thus, the symbol of the Persians, who were adopted into Islam, and links the Arabian world with the Iranian tradition.» — Salmān al-Fārisī como modelo de adopción espiritual e iniciación, y como enlace entre el mundo árabe y la tradición irania, según Schimmel.

«It is said that Muhammad knew of his piety and uttered these famous words: “The breath of the Merciful (nafas ar-Raḥmān) comes to me from Yemen.”» — el dicho que Schimmel atribuye al Profeta sobre Uways al-Qaranī, a quien nunca conoció, consignado con el *it is said*.

«Uways, about whom the tradition relates that he spent all his nights in prayer (T 1:21), became, for the later Sufis, the prototype of the inspired Sufi who has been guided solely by divine grace, knowing of the Prophet without outward connection.» — Uways como prototipo del sufí inspirado sin conexión exterior, según Schimmel, con la Tadhkirat al-auliyāʾ como fuente.

«Thus uwaysī, or, as the Turks say, veysi meshreb, is the mystic who has attained illumination outside the regular mystical path and without the mediation and guidance of a living sheikh.» — la definición de uwaysī que Schimmel fija, con la variante turca *veysi meshreb*.

«And the “breath of the Merciful” has become, in poetical language, the symbol for the act of divine guidance, which, like the morning breeze, opens the contracted bud of the human heart.» — el destino poético de la fórmula, según Schimmel: el aliento del Misericordioso como brisa que abre el capullo del corazón.

«Out of this nucleus of pious people around Muhammad has emerged a definition that was adopted by the Sufis: that is, the threefold attitude of islām, īmān, and iḥsān.» — la tríada islām, īmān e iḥsān que Schimmel hace salir del núcleo de piadosos en torno al Profeta.

«Thus a muslim need not be a muʾmin “one who has faith,” but the muʾmin is definitely a muslim.» — la asimetría que Schimmel establece entre islām e īmān.

«As to iḥsān, it was added—according to most traditions by the Prophet himself—with the meaning “that you worship God as if you see Him» — el tercer término, iḥsān, con la atribución en grado —*according to most traditions*— que Schimmel conserva.

«With the addition of this third element the complete interiorization of Islam begins; for the believer has to feel that he stands every moment in the presence of God, that he has, to behave with awe and respect, and must never fall back into the “sleep of heedlessness,” never forget the all-embracing divine presence.» — la tesis de Schimmel: con el iḥsān empieza la interiorización completa del islam.

«We know little about the earliest appearance of ascetic tendencies in Islam.» — la abstención con que Schimmel abre la historia del ascetismo islámico.

«The continuous expansion of the Muslim Empire made the pious ponder the discrepancy between the eschatological threat in the early Koranic revelations and the necessity to expand the realms of Muslim rule by conquering more and more of the lands of the infidels.» — la tensión que Schimmel pone en el origen del ascetismo: amenaza escatológica frente a expansión imperial.

«The negative attitude toward the government engendered during these decades has significantly shaped the feeling of the pious throughout the history of Islam; the Sufis would often equate “government” with “evil.”» — Schimmel data en el periodo omeya la ecuación sufí entre gobierno y mal.

«Ḥasan al-Baṣrī, however, sober and clearsighted as he was, sensed the dangers inherent in a society that had become interested in conquest alone, in collecting wealth and worldly goods, while tending to forget the Koranic word (Sūra 55:26): “Whatever is on earth is perishing save His Face.”» — Ḥasan al-Baṣrī, muerto en 728 y a quien Schimmel llama patriarca del misticismo musulmán, contra la sociedad de la conquista y la riqueza.

«He used to admonish his listeners to live strictly according to the rules laid down by the Koran so that they would not be ashamed at Doomsday: “O son of Adam, you will die alone and enter the tomb alone and be resurrected alone, and it is with you alone that the reckoning will be made!”» — la exhortación de Ḥasan al-Baṣrī que Schimmel traduce: la cuenta del Juicio se rinde a solas.

«Be with this world as if you had never been there, and with the Otherworld as if you would never leave it.» — la segunda sentencia de Ḥasan al-Baṣrī que Schimmel reproduce, y de la que dice que resuena siglos después en verso persa, turco y pashto.

«Ḥasan al-Baṣrī was deeply steeped in the sadness and fear so typical of ascetics of all religions.» — el juicio de Schimmel sobre el temple de Ḥasan al-Baṣrī, con la comparación transreligiosa que ella misma propone.

«Louis Massignon has seen in Ḥasan and in the ascetics who followed him a “realistic critical tendency” as opposed to the more “idealistic tradition”» — la distinción de Massignon que Schimmel recoge entre Basora y Kufa, sede de los primeros grupos chiíes y patria de Abū Hāshim, el primero llamado aṣ-Ṣūfī.

«In contrast with the growing luxury of life, the men and women of these groups advocated strict renunciation of the world and what was in it and relied upon the Prophet’s word: “If ye knew what I know ye would laugh little and weep much.» — el dicho profético en que Schimmel apoya la renuncia de los ascetas de Basora.

«Therefore they were known as “those who constantly weep” (al-bakkāʾūn), for both the miserable state of the world and the meditation of their own shortcomings made them cry in hope of divine help and forgiveness.» — el nombre de al-bakkāʾūn y su razón, según Schimmel.

«Kharaqānī, in the eleventh century, attests that “God is fond of His servant’s crying» — la sentencia de Kharaqānī que Schimmel cita de las Nafaḥāt al-uns (N 299).

«It is, therefore, not surprising that one of Ḥasan al-Baṣrī’s disciples founded a settlement of ascetically inclined people in Abbadan on the Persian Gulf:» — Schimmel data en Abbadan, en el golfo Pérsico, el asentamiento ascético fundado por ʿAbduʾl Wāḥid ibn Zayd, muerto en 794.

«A new chapter in the history of Islam was opened when the Abbasids—related to Muhammad’s uncle ʿAbbās—came to power in 750.» — el corte histórico que Schimmel marca con la llegada de los abasíes.

«The legal injunctions of the Koran were brought into a more systematic form by the scholars who are considered the founders of the four orthodox law schools: Abū Ḥanīfa (d. 767), Mālik ibn Anās (d. 795), ash-Shāfiʿī (d. 820), and Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal (d. 855).» — los cuatro fundadores de las escuelas jurídicas con sus fechas, tal como Schimmel los imprime.

«As early as the late tenth century, the possibility of free investigation into the sources of law (ijtihād) in matters that previously had been decided was no longer permitted; this led to a fossilization of jurisprudence, and the ijmāʿ, once a force for creative change in Islam, became the cause of its stagnation.» — Schimmel data a fines del siglo X el cierre del ijtihād y lee el ijmāʿ como fuerza que pasa de creativa a estancadora.

«Although Islamic law was never codified, the classical handbooks, along with their commentaries and scholia, were handed down verbatim through the generations—and the Sufis have often raised their voices against the spiritless legalism that stifled free development of the personal spiritual life.» — Schimmel enlaza la transmisión literal de los manuales jurídicos con la protesta sufí contra el legalismo sin espíritu.

«They fought relentlessly against any trace of Manichaean dualism, of Christian trinitarianism, or of whatever seemed to constitute shirk, “associating anything with God,” i.e., worship of anything besides the sovereign ruler Allah.» — el frente de los teólogos según Schimmel: dualismo maniqueo, trinitarismo cristiano y todo lo que pareciera shirk.

«Defense of God’s absolute unity led to discussions concerning the attributes of God, from which ensued the problem of whether the Koran, as God’s own word, was created (according to the Muʿtazila) or uncreated (according to the followers of Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal and the majority of the faithful).» — Schimmel consigna las dos posiciones sobre la creación del Corán sin arbitrar entre ellas.

«Maʿrūf al-Karkhī, a leading Sufi of the early ninth century in Baghdad, sighed: “When God loves His servant, He opens for him the door of actions [i.e., religious and pious acts] and closes the door of theological disputations.”» — Maʿrūf al-Karkhī contra la disputa teológica, en la versión que Schimmel traduce; el corchete aclaratorio es de ella.

«The reign of the caliph Maʾmūn (813–33) marks the beginning of that remarkable activity of Arab translators (many of whom were non-Muslims) who made Greek science and philosophy available to Muslim scholars; these, in turn, elaborated the given data, adding many new practical insights.» — Schimmel data en el califato de Maʾmūn la entrada de la ciencia y la filosofía griegas al árabe, y anota que muchos traductores no eran musulmanes.

«All these currents helped develop the language; the jurists, the theologians, and the translators gave Arabic a greater pliability, adding new dimensions to an already rich and beautiful language.» — la tesis lingüística de Schimmel sobre el efecto de juristas, teólogos y traductores en el árabe.

«Paul Nwyia, noting the “adventures of the mystics” in language, has highlighted the fact that, “thanks to the mystics, in the Arabic language, an authentic language, that of experience, was born” (W 4).» — la tesis de Paul Nwyia que Schimmel hace suya: la lengua de la experiencia nace en árabe gracias a los místicos.

«The writings of the early Sufis show not only variety of expression but an increasing profundity of thought as the mystical experience is refined.» — Schimmel liga refinamiento de la experiencia y profundidad de la escritura en los primeros sufíes.

«In the prayers of some of the Sufis in the tenth century, or in certain poems by Ḥallāj, the ineffable experience has been abstracted in words of unforgettable beauty.» — el juicio de Schimmel sobre las oraciones sufíes del siglo X y los poemas de Ḥallāj.

«A similar development is visible, in later times, in the non-Arab countries: the literary language of Iran owes much to writers who gave voice to mystical yearnings in Persian; Turkish was transformed by the mystical poet Yūnus Emre (d. circa 1321) into a delightful literary idiom.» — Schimmel adjudica a la expresión mística la formación de las lenguas literarias persa y turca, con Yūnus Emre como caso.

«Likewise the Indo-Muslim languages (Sindhi, Panjabi, and to a great extent Urdu and Pashto) are in large part the result of the speech and song of mystical leaders who could not address their simple disciples in high-flown theological Arabic or poetical Persian; in order to express the mysteries of divine love and devotion, they were obliged to use the vernaculars, making them vehicles of the most lofty thought.» — la tesis de Schimmel sobre las lenguas indomusulmanas: nacen de la necesidad del guía místico de hablarle a un discípulo simple.

«The expansion of the Islamic Empire during the late Omayyad and early Abbasid periods had brought the Muslims into contact with large groups of non-Muslims representing different cultural levels and varied traditions.» — el marco de contactos con que Schimmel prepara la cuestión de las influencias.

«The presence of Zoroastrian influences must certainly be accepted from the beginning of the Abbasid period, when the capital was shifted from Damascus to Baghdad.» — la influencia zoroástrica que Schimmel sí da por aceptada, y que data con el traslado de la capital a Bagdad.

«But India in general was considered the country of the sage, and the home of magical practices performed by blackish, ugly people.» — la imagen de la India que Schimmel consigna en las fuentes musulmanas de la época, con la formulación tal como ella la traduce.

«Manichaeism, so widespread in the Near and Middle East, and in Central Asia, attracted the interest of the theologians, and more than one mystic was accused of Manichaean inclinations.» — Schimmel consigna la acusación de maniqueísmo como recurso corriente contra los místicos.

«Jesus, the last prophet before Muhammad according to Koranic revelation, appears to the Sufis as the ideal ascetic and also as the pure lover of God.» — la figura de Jesús en el imaginario sufí según Schimmel: asceta ideal y amante puro de Dios.

«just as the seed does not grow but from dust, so the seed of wisdom does not grow but from a heart like dust.» — la sentencia que Schimmel atribuye al Jesús de los dichos sufíes.

«It is even possible that the first Sufis adopted from the Christian ascetics the woolen garment from which their name derives.» — la hipótesis, en grado de posibilidad, que Schimmel deja abierta sobre el origen del sayal de lana.

«Thus says one of them: “Sometimes Truth knocks at my heart for forty days, but I do not permit it to enter my heart unless it brings two witnesses, the Koran and the Prophetic tradition” (L 104).» — la sentencia del Kitāb al-lumaʿ que Schimmel trae para mostrar hasta qué punto esos sufíes se ataban al Corán y a la tradición.

«A saying ascribed to one of the ninth-century Khurasanian ascetics serves well as an introduction to the mentality typical of this remarkable group: “Who wants to attain to the highest honor should prefer seven to seven: poverty to wealth, hunger to satiety, the low to the elevated, humiliation to honor, modesty to pride, sadness to joy, death to life” (N 45).» — las siete preferencias del asceta jorasaní, en la versión de las Nafaḥāt al-uns que Schimmel traduce.

«As late as the thirteenth century Jalāluddīn Rūmī alludes in one of his verses to the ascetics of Herat and Merw-i Taliqan, declaring that even they would be intoxicated if the scent of the wine of love were to reach them from the Maghreb, the far west (D 1966).» — el verso del Dīwān de Rūmī que Schimmel trae sobre los ascetas de Herat y Merw.

«One of the most famous conversion stories in early Sufism is that of Fuḍayl ibn ʿIyāḍ.» — Schimmel presenta el relato de conversión del bandolero Fuḍayl ibn ʿIyāḍ, muerto en La Meca en 803.

«Fuḍayl is a typical representative of early orthodox asceticism, “and when he died, sadness was taken away from the world” (Q 9).» — la sentencia de la Risāla de Qushayrī con que Schimmel cierra el retrato de Fuḍayl.

«He disliked the company of people, and in words reminiscent of his contemporary Rābiʿa, the woman saint, he said: “When night comes I am happy that I am alone, without separation, with God, and when morning comes I get distressed because I detest the view of those people who enter and disturb my solitude» — el dicho de Fuḍayl en la Tadhkirat al-auliyāʾ (T 1:31) que Schimmel traduce y compara con Rābiʿa.

«Although Fuḍayl was married, he considered family life one of the greatest obstacles on the way to God;» — Schimmel consigna la posición de Fuḍayl sobre la familia, y anota que solo se le vio sonreír una vez en treinta años, cuando murió su hijo.

«This event was, for him, a sign of divine grace: “When God loves His servant, He afflicts him, and when He loves him very much He takes hold of» — la sentencia que Schimmel cita del Iḥyāʾ de Ghazzālī (G 4:282); el tramo corta en el fin de plana y sigue *him and leaves for him neither family nor wealth*.

«On the other hand, many of the great Sufis and founders of mystical fraternities were married and had large families— Aḥmad-i Jām had forty-two children (N 357), and ʿAbduʾl-Qādir Gīlānī had forty-nine sons.» — el contrapeso que Schimmel pone sin armonizar: los fundadores de cofradías tuvieron familias numerosas.

«Yet so rare is it to find any approval of happy family life in Sufi sayings that one is quite unprepared for the exception one meets in Mīr Dard, the saint of Delhi in the eighteenth century, who exclaimed in one of his books: “I love my wife and my children dearly.”» — la excepción de Mīr Dard que Schimmel destaca por rara.

«But, as Dārānī says, “the sweetness of adoration and undisturbed surrender of the heart which the single man can feel the married man can never experience” (G 2:22).» — la sentencia de Dārānī a favor del celibato que Schimmel cita por el Iḥyāʾ.

«Fuḍayl’s elder contemporary, Ibrāhīm ibn Adham (d. circa 790), whom he met at Mecca, expressed such a notion in a striking sentence often quoted in Sufi poetry and prose: “When a man marries he embarks on a ship, and when a child is born he suffers shipwreck” (L 199).» — la imagen del naufragio con que Ibrāhīm ibn Adham juzga el matrimonio, en la traducción de Schimmel.

«Ibrāhīm ibn Adham—”the key of mystical sciences,” as Junayd called him (H 103)—has become, in Islamic tradition, one of the proverbial examples of true poverty, abstinence, and trust in God.» — el epíteto que Junayd dio a Ibrāhīm ibn Adham, citado por Hujwīrī; el troceo imprime la comilla de apertura como cierre.

«According to the legend, he renounced the princely life in Balkh, the old Buddhist capital where he was born (a story embellished with echoes of the Buddha legend).» — Schimmel consigna la leyenda de la renuncia de Ibrāhīm ibn Adham y señala en ella ecos de la leyenda de Buda, sin resolver la dependencia.

«Although his residence was Balkh, Balkh became corrected, namely talkh» — el verso de ʿAṭṭār en el Muṣībatnāme (U 264) que Schimmel traduce, y cuyo juego consiste en cambiar los puntos diacríticos de Balkh para leer *talkh*, amargo.

«Ibrāhīm is credited with making the first classification of the stages of zuhd, “asceticism.” Because of its tripartition, which was common after the ninth century, it looks like a word from some later source, for it discerns: (a) renunciation of the world, (b) renunciation of the happy feeling of having achieved renunciation, and (c) the stage in which the ascetic regards the world as so unimportant that he no longer looks at it.» — los tres grados del zuhd; Schimmel adjudica la clasificación a Ibrāhīm y a la vez duda de la atribución por la forma tripartita, propia de fuentes posteriores.

«The stories of the degree of asceticism achieved by these early Sufis sound somewhat incredible to a modern mind; yet they counted it happiness to live completely free of worldly things, even though they might use only a brick for a pillow (N 49) and a worn-out mat of straw for a bed (if they did not prefer to sleep in a seated position or refrain from sleep at all» — Schimmel consigna la extrañeza del lector moderno y aun así toma en serio la dicha que esos ascetas declaraban.

«They cared neither for their outward appearance nor for their attire, and although they strictly observed the ritual purity required for prayer, Ibn Adham was proud of the huge number of lice living in his coat,» — el contraste que Schimmel señala entre pureza ritual estricta y desaseo cultivado.

«as late as 900, a maidservant of a Sufi from Baghdad exclaimed: “O God, how dirty are Thy friends—not a single one among them is clean!” (N 621).» — la exclamación que Schimmel cita de las Nafaḥāt al-uns sobre la suciedad de los amigos de Dios.

«One of Fuḍayl’s disciples was Bishr, called al-Ḥāṭī, “the barefooted one,” who considered even shoes to be a “veil” on the path to God.» — Bishr el Descalzo, muerto en Bagdad en 841, y su razón para no calzarse, según Schimmel.

«Bishr is said to have dwelt upon the concept of ikhlāṣ, “absolute sincerity,” in every thought and action, an attitude that was elaborated to perfection by his younger contemporary in Baghdad, al-Ḥārith al-Muḥāsibī.» — Schimmel traza la línea del ikhlāṣ de Bishr a Muḥāsibī, con el *is said to have* que conserva el grado.

«Rābiʿa was “that one set apart in the seclusion of holiness, that woman veiled with the veil of sincerity, that one enflamed by love and longing . . ., lost in union with God, that one accepted by men as a second spotless Mary» — el retrato de Rābiʿa en la Tadhkirat al-auliyāʾ de ʿAṭṭār (T 159) que Schimmel traduce; la elisión es de la propia cita.

«Jāmī has beautifully explained the difference between these ascetics and the genuine Sufis: “The ascetics regard the Beauty of the Otherworld with the light of faith and certitude and despise the world, but are still veiled by a sensual pleasure, namely the thought of Paradise, whereas the true Sufi is veiled from both worlds by the vision of the Primordial Beauty and Essential Love” (N 10).» — Jāmī, en las Nafaḥāt al-uns que Schimmel traduce, separa asceta y sufí por lo que a cada uno lo vela: el pensamiento del Paraíso o la visión de la Belleza Primordial.

«Rābiʿa was a slave girl, set free by her master.» — el dato biográfico con que Schimmel abre el retrato de Rābiʿa al-ʿAdawiyya, muerta en 801.

«I want to throw fire into Paradise and pour water into Hell so that these two veils disappear, and it becomes clear who worships God out of love, not out of fear of Hell or hope for Paradise.» — la respuesta de Rābiʿa con la antorcha y el cántaro en las calles de Basora, en la versión que Schimmel traduce.

«This love for love’s sake has become the central topic of Sufism; almost every mystical poet in Islam has expressed the idea that “the lover must be in the way of love so that he does not remember Hell or Paradise” (N 597).» — Schimmel hace del amor por el amor el tema central del sufismo, y lo apoya en las Nafaḥāt al-uns.

«It would certainly be better if God took away Paradise or cast the ascetic who feared hellfire into that very fire, for both Paradise and Hell are created, and thus distinct from God (T 1:73).» — el argumento que Schimmel recoge de la Tadhkirat al-auliyāʾ: Paraíso e Infierno son creados y por eso distintos de Dios.

«Rābiʿa’s love of God was absolute; there was no room left for any other thought or love.» — Schimmel consigna que Rābiʿa no se casó ni dio lugar especial al Profeta en su piedad.

«Every true mystic should know that “the gardens and the fruits are inside, in the heart,” as Rūmī says in his version of Rābiʿa’s story (M 4: 1357; see also U 198).» — la versión de Rūmī en el Mathnawī del episodio en que Rābiʿa cierra la ventana a la primavera.

«Rābiʿa seems to have been the first Sufi to speak about the jealous God— a concept not unknown to prophetic piety; but whereas the jealous God of the orthodox does not allow anybody to worship anything besides Him, Rābiʿa’s God “will suffer none to share with Him that love which is due to Him alone.”» — Schimmel atribuye a Rābiʿa, en grado de conjetura, la primera formulación sufí del Dios celoso, y marca la diferencia con la versión ortodoxa.

«O Beloved of hearts, I have none like unto Thee, therefore have pity this day on the sinner who comes to Thee. O my Hope and my Rest and my Delight, the heart can love none other but Thee.» — una de las efusiones poéticas de Rābiʿa en la traducción que Schimmel reproduce.

«Rābiʿa had meditated upon the Koranic statement that God’s love precedes man’s love: “He loves them and they love Him” (Sūra 5:59):» — la precedencia del amor de Dios sobre el del hombre, que Schimmel ve meditada por Rābiʿa.

«Love has come from Eternity and passes into Eternity and none has been found in seventy thousand worlds who drinks one drop of it until at last he is absorbed in God, and from that comes the saying: He loves them and they love Him» — la sentencia de Rābiʿa en la Tadhkirat al-auliyāʾ (T 1:67) que Schimmel traduce.

«It was this Koranic passage that provided the Sufis of the following generations with proof for their theories of the mutual love between the Creator and the creature.» — Schimmel señala la sura 5:59 como base escrituraria de la teoría sufí del amor mutuo.

«There is nothing left to distract the lover from God—the spiritual eye sees nothing but Him when the eye of the body is closed.» — la fórmula con que Schimmel resume el estado que Rābiʿa describe.

«O my Lord, whatever share of this world Thou dost bestow on me, bestow it on Thine enemies, and whatever share of the next world Thou doest give me, give it to Thy friends—Thou art enough for me» — la oración de Rābiʿa en la Tadhkirat al-auliyāʾ (T 1:73); el troceo imprime *Thou doest give*.

«O God, hand this world and the Otherworld over to me so that I may make a morsel from this world and throw it into a dog’s mouth, and make a morsel of the Otherworld and put it into a Jew’s mouth, for both are veils before the true goal» — la versión que Schimmel llama la más chocante de esa oración, atribuida a Shiblī, muerto en 945, y citada de la Tadhkirat al-auliyāʾ (T 2:165).

«For Rābiʿa the only thing that mattered was the hope of God and the word of His praise, which was sweeter than any other word.» — lo único que, según Schimmel, contaba para Rābiʿa.

«O God, the night has passed and the day has dawned. How I long to know if Thou hast accepted my prayers or if Thou hast rejected them. Therefore console me for it is Thine to console this state of mine. Thou hast given me life and cared for me, and Thine is the glory. If Thou want to drive me from Thy door, yet would I not forsake it, for the love that I bear in my heart towards Thee.» — la oración nocturna de Rābiʿa en la traducción que Schimmel reproduce, ejemplo de la vigilia convertida en conversación amorosa.

«It was a daring prayer, often repeated by the early Sufis, that the true lover would not leave the door of the beloved even if driven away.» — el juicio de Schimmel sobre el atrevimiento de esa oración y su repetición entre los primeros sufíes.

«Because of her intense feelings Rābiʿa was accepted as the model of selfless love even by those who otherwise despised women—but since in the unity of God the lovers no longer have a separate existence, no distinction can be made between man and woman» — el argumento con que, según Schimmel, se salva la distinción de sexos en la unidad de Dios (T 1:59).

«He has emphazised that Jaʿfar aṣ-Ṣādiq, the sixth imām of the Shia (d. 765), was certainly one of the greatest teachers of early Sufism.» — la tesis de Paul Nwyia que Schimmel recoge sobre Jaʿfar aṣ-Ṣādiq; el troceo imprime *emphazised*.

«Jaʿfar discerned the four different aspects of the Koran: expression, for the common people; allusion, for the privileged or elite; touches of grace (laṭāʾif), for the saints; and finally the “realities,” for the prophets» — los cuatro aspectos del Corán según Jaʿfar, con su reparto por grados de lector.

«Imām Jaʿfar alluded to a structure of mystical experience that leads in twelve stages from source to source, which looks like a preparation for the stations through which the Sufi initiate has to pass on the Path.» — Schimmel ve en los doce grados de Jaʿfar un antecedente de las estaciones del Camino.

«Jaʿfar’s model case for such an experience is the conversation between Moses and God on Mount Sinai (Sūra 20:11–21).» — el caso modelo de las shaṭḥiyāt según Jaʿfar, que Schimmel consigna.

«Moses was the prophet who heard God—heard His voice speaking in him and through him; but Muhammad was blessed with the vision of God during his ascension—he entered the intimate proximity of the beloved, and here, as Jaʿfars modern interpreter states, “the language of experience becomes the language of love” (W 187).» — la oposición oír-ver entre Moisés y Mahoma, con la fórmula de Nwyia dentro; el troceo imprime *Jaʿfars* sin apóstrofo.

«The definition of divine love as given by Jaʿfar, and often repeated by later mystics, is this: “a divine fire that devours man completely” (W 187).» — la definición del amor divino que Schimmel adjudica a Jaʿfar.

«The discoveries about the earliest Sufis show that some of the definitions attributed to mystics of the ninth century can probably be dated much earlier.» — la consecuencia cronológica que Schimmel saca de la investigación de Nwyia, con el *probably* conservado.

«They also show how Shia and Sufi ideas were, at that early stage, interdependent.» — la interdependencia entre ideas chiíes y sufíes en el periodo temprano, según Schimmel.

«He was accused of being a philosopher and an alchemist, and the genuineness of his mystical state was sometimes doubted;» — las acusaciones contra Dhūʾn-Nūn el Egipcio, muerto en 859, que Schimmel consigna sin arbitrarlas; el Fihrist de Ibn an-Nadīm cuenta dos obras suyas entre las alquímicas.

«It is said that “he traveled the road of blame.”» — la fórmula que Schimmel recoge sobre Dhūʾn-Nūn, con el *it is said* que marca el grado.

«But when he died, legend asserts, “it was written on his forehead: ‘This is the friend of God, he died in love of God, slain by God’” (H 100).» — la leyenda de la inscripción en la frente de Dhūʾn-Nūn, citada por Hujwīrī y declarada leyenda por Schimmel.

«According to the tradition, Dhūʾn-Nūn formulated for the first time a theory of maʿrifa, intuitive knowledge of God, or gnosis, as opposed to ʿilm, discursive learning and knowledge;» — la atribución de la primera teoría de la maʿrifa, que Schimmel presenta como dato de la tradición.

«However, we would scarcely agree with Edward G. Browne, who considers him “the first to give to the earlier asceticism the definitely pantheistic bent and quasi-erotic expression which we recognize as the chief characteristics of Sufism.”» — Schimmel objeta a Edward G. Browne su lectura panteísta y cuasierótica de Dhūʾn-Nūn.

«Since this mystic lived in Egypt, where Neoplatonic and hermetic traditions were in the air, and was regarded by some of his contemporaries as a “philosopher,” he may well have been acquainted» — Schimmel deja abierta, en condicional, la familiaridad de Dhūʾn-Nūn con las tradiciones neoplatónica y hermética de Egipto.

«The gnostic becomes more humble every hour, for every hour is drawing him nearer to God.» — una de las sentencias de Dhūʾn-Nūn que Schimmel traduce.

«Dhūʾn-Nūn’s alleged “philosophical-gnostic” character is not reflected in another of his sayings either: “I knew God by God, and I knew what is besides God by the Messenger of God” (L 104).» — Schimmel niega el carácter filosófico-gnóstico que se le adjudica, apoyándose en sus propios dichos.

«The gnostics see without knowledge, without sight, without information received, and without observation, without description, without veiling and without veil. They are not themselves, but in so far as they exist at all they exist in God.» — el pasaje de Dhūʾn-Nūn sobre el ʿārif que Schimmel traduce, y del que dice que no tiene nada de filosófico.

«So God Most High has said: “When I love a servant, I, the Lord, am his ear so that he hears by Me, I am his eye, so that he sees by Me, and I am his tongue so that he speaks by Me, and I am his hand, so that he takes by Me.”» — el ḥadīth qudsī de la proximidad por obras supererogatorias, citado dentro del pasaje de Dhūʾn-Nūn.

«This last-quoted ḥadīth qudsī,22 an extra-Koranic word attributed to God, forms one of the cornerstones of mystical teaching in Sufism: man is, through acts of supererogatory piety, slowly lifted above his own base qualities and instead distinguished by the good qualities seen in God, until he completely lives in Him and through Him.» — Schimmel declara ese ḥadīth qudsí piedra angular de la enseñanza mística sufí; la llamada de nota *22* va pegada dentro del verbatim.

«The sign of the lover of God is to follow the Friend of God, i.e., the Prophet, in his morals, and his deeds and his orders and his customs” (T 1:125).» — la señal del amante de Dios según Dhūʾn-Nūn en la Tadhkirat al-auliyāʾ.

«One said to Dhūʾn-Nūn: ‘Show me the Greatest Name of God.’ He said: ‘Show me the smallest one!’—and scolded him» — la anécdota con que Schimmel muestra que Dhūʾn-Nūn no se apoyaba en práctica mágica.

«Dhūʾn-Nūn emphasized God’s incredible majesty and power and, inspired by two of the Koranic names of God, al-muḥyī, “He who bestows life,” and al-mumīt, “He who kills,” he appropriately described the state of the mystic: “Nothing sees God and dies, even as nothing sees God and lives, because His life is everlasting, and who ever sees Him, remains in Him and is made everlasting» — Schimmel hace salir del Corán, y no de fuera, las teorías del fanā y el baqā.

«That is why he believed affliction to be indispensable to man’s spiritual development; it is the “salt of the faithful, and when the salt lacks, the faithful becomes rotten”» — la sal de los fieles: la aflicción como indispensable, según Dhūʾn-Nūn.

«More than a thousand years after Dhūʾn-Nūn, the German theologian Rudolf Otto has built up a theological system based upon the contrast between the mysterium tremendum and the mysterium fascinans, which constitute the two main qualities of the Numen; he has, thus, expressed in scientific language a truth that had been known to every Sufi in the world of Islam for centuries.» — Schimmel pone el sistema de Rudolf Otto como formulación tardía de lo que el sufismo ya sabía sobre majestad y belleza divinas.

«He composed small, charming poems—a new development in Sufism, although Rābiʿa is credited with a few poetical exclamations.» — Schimmel data en Dhūʾn-Nūn la poesía sufí propiamente dicha, con la salvedad de Rābiʿa.

«He met a woman at the sea shore and asked her: ‘What is the end of love?’ And she answered: ‘O simpleton, love has no end.’ And he asked: ‘Why?’ She said: ‘Because the Beloved has no end» — el relato de Dhūʾn-Nūn en la Tadhkirat al-auliyāʾ (T 1:123) que Schimmel traduce.

«The answer of the unknown woman (in other cases it may be a slave girl, a negro, or an old anchorite) points immediately to the heart of the matter: since love is the essence of the divine, it is, like God Himself, without beginning and without end.» — la lectura que Schimmel hace del recurso narrativo: el desconocido que resuelve de un golpe lo que el intelecto no resuelve.

«The romantic and poetic aspect of Dhūʾn-Nūn can be understood best from his prayers.» — Schimmel remite a las oraciones de Dhūʾn-Nūn para medir su lado poético.

«The created world gains, thus, a religious meaning—a meaning that the early ascetics had lost sight of because they considered it to be a detestable veil that distracted them from God.» — el giro que Schimmel marca: el mundo creado recobra sentido religioso frente al desprecio ascético.

«That is how Dhūʾn-Nūn felt: O God, I never hearken to the voices of the beasts or the rustle of the trees, the splashing of the waters or the song of the birds, the whistling of the wind or the rumble of the thunder, but I sense in them a testimony to Thy Unity, and a proof of Thy incomparability, that Thou art the All-Prevailing, the All-Knowing, the All-True.» — la oración de Dhūʾn-Nūn (A 9:342) en que toda voz de la naturaleza testimonia la Unidad.

«Whoever recollects God in reality, forgets all else besides Him, because all the creatures recollect Him, as is witnessed by those who experience a revelation» — Shaʿrānī, último gran místico de Egipto en el siglo XVI según Schimmel, sobre el dhikr de todas las criaturas.

«I found all the flowers busy recollecting the Lord—how could I interrupt this constant prayer of theirs? I looked, and lo, one flower had finished its recollection. That one I brought.» — la respuesta de Merkez Efendi al sheij Sünbül Efendi, en un relato que Schimmel declara haber recibido de amigos turcos y no de un texto.

«The poetic aspect of Dhūʾn-Nūn has been highlighted because that is most conspicuous in his sayings.» — Schimmel justifica el peso que da al lado poético y señala que otros lados quedan sin estudiar.

«A detailed study of his life and work would, in all probability, reveal many previously unknown aspects of his teachings and show whether he was, indeed, the first “theosophist” among the Sufis or rather the hymnodist who rediscovered the divine glory as praised by the creatures.» — la cuestión que Schimmel deja abierta sobre Dhūʾn-Nūn: teósofo o himnodista.

«Another early saint has been almost completely transformed into a kind of Sufi symbol—Abū Yazīd (Bāyezīd) Bisṭāmī (d. 874).» — Schimmel presenta a Bāyezīd Bisṭāmī como figura vuelta símbolo.

«His theopathic locutions and paradoxes attracted another, though very different, mystic, Junayd (d. 910), the leader of the Baghdad school» — el interés de Junayd por las locuciones teopáticas de Bāyezīd, según Schimmel.

«who, however, held that Bāyezīd had not reached the final goal of the seeker.» — la objeción de Junayd a Bāyezīd, que Schimmel consigna sin arbitrarla.

«R. C. Zaehner has stressed the possibility of Indian influences upon Bāyezīd.» — la tesis de Zaehner sobre influencias indias en Bāyezīd, tal como Schimmel la enuncia antes de discutirla.

«It is, of course, tempting to imagine such an acquaintance with Vedantic speculations on the part of Bāyezīd, and some of the equations brought forth by Zaehner seem very plausible; yet it seems more likely that the mystic of Bistam should have reached his goal by means of the Islamic experience of fanā, annihilation, as he formulated it for the first time, rather than by an experience that, in the Vedantic sense, would have led him to an extension of the atman» — Schimmel objeta la vía vedántica y prefiere la islámica, conservando el grado en *it seems more likely*.

«Bāyezīd hoped for a complete extinction of the traces of self, not for an extension of anything created (cf. MM 56).» — la distinción con que Schimmel separa el fanā de la extensión del ātman.

«but he was also the first to describe the mystical experience in terms of the image of the miʿrāj, the heavenly journey of the Prophet.» — Schimmel adjudica a Bāyezīd la primera descripción de la experiencia mística como miʿrāj.

«Renunciation (zuhd) has no value. I was three days in renunciation, on the fourth day I had finished it.» — la respuesta de Bāyezīd a su sobrino sobre la renuncia, en la traducción de Schimmel.

«second day I renounced the Otherworld, the third day I renounced everything save God; when the fourth day came, nothing was left to me but God. I reached a desperate longing.» — la continuación del dicho de Bāyezīd sobre los cuatro días de renuncia (T 1:167), que empieza en la plana anterior.

«Then I heard a voice addressing me: “O Bāyezīd, you are not strong enough to endure with Me alone.” I said: “That is exactly what I want.” Then the voice said: “You have found, you have found!” (T 1:167)» — el cierre del mismo relato de Bāyezīd, en la traducción de Schimmel.

«God is so overwhelming that man becomes nothing even when thinking of His name or pronouncing the word Allāh with proper awe: “Bāyezīd once uttered the call to prayer and fainted. When he came to his senses he said: ‘It is amazing that a man does not die when uttering the call» — la anécdota con que Schimmel ilustra el desbordamiento del nombre divino; el tramo corta antes de *to prayer*.

«His sentences are paradoxes, wrapped in wonderful imagery: for twelve years he was the blacksmith of his self until he made of himself a pure mirror (T 1:139);» — la imagen del herrero del propio yo que Schimmel trae de la Tadhkirat al-auliyāʾ.

«Bāyezīd might acknowledge at one moment that he eventually found that God had remembered him before he remembered God, knew him before he had known Him, and that God’s love of man precedes man’s love of God (A 10:34);» — Schimmel consigna la oscilación de Bāyezīd entre la precedencia divina y el desengaño, sin armonizarla.

«As soon as I attained to His Unity I became a bird with a body of Oneness and wings of Everlastingness, and I continued flying in the air of Quality for ten years, until I reached an atmosphere a million times as large, and I flew on, until I found myself in the field of Eternity and I saw there the Tree of Oneness.» — el vuelo de Bāyezīd hasta el Árbol de la Unidad, en la traducción de Schimmel; el pasaje termina con la declaración de que todo aquello era un engaño.

«He got up once and put me before Himself and addressed me: “O Bāyezīd, my creatures desire to behold thee.” So I said: “Adorn me with Thy Unity and dress me with Thy I-ness and raise me to Thy Oneness so that, when Thy creatures see me, they may say: We have seen Thee, and it is Thou and I am no longer there.”» — la otra cara del mismo Bāyezīd que Schimmel cita del Kitāb al-lumaʿ (L 382).

«It must have been in such a state of rapture that Bāyezīd said: ”Subḥānī—Praise be to Me, how great is My Majesty!”» — la shaṭḥ más célebre de Bāyezīd; el troceo imprime la comilla de apertura como cierre.

«Sarrāj, to give one example of moderate Sufi interpretation, understands Bāyezīd to be talking “as if he were reciting the Koranic word: ‘I am God, there is no God besides Me’” (Sūra 20:14) (L 390)— which is certainly a mild explanation.» — la lectura moderada de Sarrāj que Schimmel recoge, y que ella misma califica de suave.

«Bāyezīd came to attain this state by an austere via negationis and constant mortification, by emptying himself of himself, until he had reached, at least for a moment, the world of absolute unity where, as he said, lover, beloved, and love are one (T 1:160), and where he himself is the wine, the wine-drinker, and the cupbearer (T 1:159)—a formulation used» — la vía negativa de Bāyezīd según Schimmel, con las dos fórmulas de identidad que se le atribuyen.

«His paradoxes constantly yield new meaning, yet they continue to be elusive—unless the reader were to share the mystic’s experience.» — el límite de lectura que Schimmel declara ante las paradojas de Bāyezīd.

«His name occurs, in poetry, more frequently than that of any other mystic, with the exception of “Manṣūr” Ḥallāj, with whom he was sometimes associated, although Ḥallāj believed that “poor Abū Yazīd” had arrived only at the threshold of the divine (P 250).» — Schimmel consigna el juicio de Ḥallāj sobre Bāyezīd, que se suma al de Junayd y tampoco arbitra.

«Who ever agreed with the Yazīd “base soul,” how could he know the state of Bāyezīd?» — el verso de Sanāʾī (S 632) con el juego entre el nombre de Bāyezīd y el del califa omeya Yazīd, responsable de la tragedia de Kerbela.

«In his Mathnawī, Rūmī tells the legend that Bāyezīd’s disciples rebelled against him when he exclaimed: “Under my garment there is nothing but God!”» — la leyenda del Mathnawī sobre los discípulos que intentan matar a Bāyezīd.

«for the perfect saint is a pure mirror who reflects the attributes of others to them.» — la doctrina del santo espejo que Schimmel extrae de esa leyenda: los cuchillos hieren a quien los empuña.

«In another passage he relates the story of a Zoroastrian who refused to accept Islam because he felt too weak to embrace a religion that had produced spiritual heroes like Bāyezīd» — el relato del zoroastriano que Rūmī recoge y que, según Schimmel, Muhammad Iqbal retoma en su Jāwīdnāme de 1932.

«There are still sacred places dedicated to the memory of the lonely mystic of Bistam in the remotest corners of the Islamic world: in Zousfana in the Maghreb and in Chittagong in Bangla Desh, where huge, whitish turtles inhabit a tank to which people come to obtain blessings for themselves and for their children.» — Schimmel consigna, como testigo de su tiempo, los santuarios de Bāyezīd desde el Magreb hasta Chittagong.

«Sufi hagiography often mentions a letter sent to Bāyezīd by Yaḥyā ibn Muʿādh, who wrote: “‘I am intoxicated from having drunk so deeply of the cup of His love.’—Abū Yazīd wrote to him in reply: ‘Someone else has drunk up the seas of Heaven and earth, but his thirst is not yet slaked: his tongue is hanging out and he is crying “Is there any more?”’» — el intercambio epistolar entre Yaḥyā ibn Muʿādh y Bāyezīd (A 10:40) en la traducción de Schimmel.

«and he spoke constantly about hope” (Q 16).» — la fórmula de la Risāla de Qushayrī con que Schimmel caracteriza a Yaḥyā ibn Muʿādh ar-Rāzī, muerto en Nishapur en 871.

«According to Hujwīrī, he was the author of many books—which seem to be lost—and his sayings “are delicately moulded and pleasant to the ear and subtle in substance and profitable in devotion” (H 122).» — el juicio de Hujwīrī sobre Yaḥyā que Schimmel reproduce, con la pérdida de los libros consignada.

«He was mainly a preacher who called people to God, and, although a number of Sufis are related to have preached in public, he is the only one to be distinguished by the title al-wāʿiẓ, “the preacher.”» — Schimmel señala que el título de predicador se le reserva a Yaḥyā entre todos los sufíes.

«Real love does not diminish by the cruelty of the beloved, nor does it grow by His grace, but is always the same» — la sentencia sobre el amor constante que se atribuye a Yaḥyā (A 10:58), y que según Schimmel los poetas persas llevarían a sus últimas consecuencias.

«Yaḥyā held that “one mustard seed of love is better than seventy years of worship without love”» — la sentencia de Yaḥyā en la Tadhkirat al-auliyāʾ (T 1:306).

«Yaḥyā spoke the oft-repeated word: “Death is beautiful, for it joins the friend with the Friend!” (T 1:308).» — la sentencia de Yaḥyā sobre la muerte que Schimmel recoge.

«O God, Thou hast sent Moses and Aaron to Pharaoh the rebel and said,» — el arranque de la oración de Yaḥyā (T 1:309–10) que Schimmel traduce, construida sobre el contraste entre el pecador y el Señor todopoderoso; el tramo corta en el fin de plana.

«O God, though I can not refrain from sin, Thou canst forgive sins» — la fórmula de Yaḥyā sobre el perdón (T 1:310) en la traducción de Schimmel.

«O God, I have done nothing for Paradise, and I have no strength to endure Hell—everything is left to Thy mercy!» — la segunda oración de Yaḥyā que Schimmel reproduce.

«The preacher from Rayy stands amazed and overwhelmed before the mystery of divine love—is it not the greatest miracle of grace that God, the ever rich who needs nothing, should love men?» — la pregunta con que Schimmel resume la piedad de Yaḥyā.

«He sums up his whole feeling in one short prayer: “Forgive me, for I belong to Thee” (T 1:310).» — la oración más breve de Yaḥyā, en la que Schimmel condensa su piedad.

«Rābiʿa ushered in a new and productive period in the development of the mystical life in Iraq.» — Schimmel marca con Rābiʿa el arranque de un periodo nuevo del misticismo en Irak.

«He was among the first to speak about divine love, and his teaching that one cannot learn love, for it is a divine gift and not an acquisition (T 1:272), has had a great impact on mystical thought.» — Maʿrūf al-Karkhī, muerto en 815, con la enseñanza de que el amor no se aprende porque es don y no adquisición (T 1:272).

«Qushayrī attributes to Maʿrūf special strength in riḍā, perfect contentment with God’s decrees (Q 9).» — la cualidad que Qushayrī adjudica a Maʿrūf en su Risāla.

«The biographers claim that Sarī was the first to discuss the various mystical states (aḥwāl), a central topic of mystical writers.» — Sarī as-Saqaṭī, muerto hacia 867, como primero en tratar los estados místicos, según los biógrafos que Schimmel cita y no confirma.

«In his meetings he used to discuss topics of mystical love, which he was apparently the first to define as “real mutual love between man and God”—a scandal to the orthodox, who accepted “love of God” only in the sense of obedience.» — el escándalo que, según Schimmel, supuso definir el amor místico como recíproco entre hombre y Dios.

«Also attributed to Sarī are sayings about the problem of tauḥīd, “to declare that God is one,” which was later elaborated by his disciple and nephew Junayd.» — la línea del tauḥīd que Schimmel traza de Sarī a Junayd, con el *also attributed* que conserva el grado.

«During his illness people used to visit him and would ask him for his blessings and prayers, and he, eventually exhausted, taught them to pray: ‘O God, teach us how to behave when visiting the sick» — la anécdota de las Nafaḥāt al-uns (N 54) que Schimmel trae para mostrar al maestro agotado por las visitas.

«Muḥāsibī—whose surname is derived from muḥāsaba, the constant analysis of even the most secret motions of the soul and the heart—taught the relentless fight against man’s lower nature, not just the outward struggle of the ascetic against the “flesh,” but a subtle psychological analysis of every thought as well as uninterrupted spiritual training.» — Schimmel explica el sobrenombre de al-Ḥārith al-Muḥāsibī, muerto en 857, por la muḥāsaba o análisis constante de los movimientos del alma.

«Muḥāsibī claimed to have a nerve in his finger that would warn him whenever food was not perfectly clean legally (N 572).» — el escrúpulo de Muḥāsibī llevado al cuerpo, según las Nafaḥāt al-uns.

«God has appointed self-mortification for the seeker, for the training of his soul.» — el arranque del pasaje de Muḥāsibī sobre el estado del buscador que Schimmel reproduce.

«Men are ignorant of the high station of that one who is preoccupied with his Lord, who is seen to be thinking little of this world, who is humble, fearful, sorrowful, weeping, showing a meek spirit, keeping far from the children of this world, suffering oppression and not seeking revenge, despoiled, yet not desiring requital.» — la descripción que Muḥāsibī hace del buscador desconocido para el mundo.

«he would desire to be in that one’s place, and would realise that it is he, the seeker after God, who is truly rich, and fair to look upon, who tastes delight, who is joyous and happy, for he has attained his desire and has secured that which he sought from his Lord.» — el remate de Muḥāsibī: quien viera el corazón del buscador querría estar en su lugar.

«Muḥāsibī’s subtle analysis of riyā, “hypocrisy,” and his whole methodological approach became fundamental and indispensable to the early Sufis; Ghazzālī, the master of moderate medieval mysticism, depends largely upon him.» — Schimmel adjudica a Muḥāsibī el análisis de la hipocresía y hace depender de él a Ghazzālī.

«Tradition credits him with having been the first to discuss the theory of fanā, “annihilation,” and baqā, “permanent life in God.» — la atribución del par fanā-baqā a Abū Bakr al-Kharrāz, muerto en 899, presentada como dato de la tradición.

«Only God has the right to say ’I,’ for whoever says ‘I’ will not reach the level of gnosis.» — la sentencia de Kharrāz que Schimmel traduce; el troceo imprime la comilla de apertura como cierre.

«Kharrāz goes even further by showing that this divine “I” is ontologically connected with the divine name al-Ḥaqq, “the Reality”—this seems to be the nucleus of Ḥallāj’s famous phrase anāʾl-Ḥaqq (W 249).» — Schimmel sitúa en Kharrāz el núcleo del anāʾl-Ḥaqq de Ḥallāj, con el grado en *this seems to be*.

«Abū Saʿīd [sic] Kharrāz would have needed a trifle lameness, for nobody could walk along with him» — el dicho de ʿAbdullāh-i Anṣārī sobre Kharrāz (N 74); el *sic* del nombre es de la propia Schimmel.

«This coincidence indicates that during the last two or three decades of the ninth century the necessity for a systematization of mystical thought was being felt, and that the problem of sanctity and saintship was one of the central ones at the time.» — Schimmel lee en la coincidencia de Kharrāz, Sahl at-Tustarī y Tirmidhī la necesidad de sistematizar el pensamiento místico a fines del siglo IX.

«It is, however, difficult to find heterodox trends in the teachings of this apparently introverted ascetic, who was praised by Junayd as “the proof of the Sufis» — Schimmel objeta la sospecha de heterodoxia sobre Sahl at-Tustarī, muerto en 896, y recuerda el elogio de Junayd.

«His most frequently cited theory is that of the obligatory character of repentance, which should be a permanent state in the faithful.» — la tesis de Sahl sobre el arrepentimiento como estado permanente.

«for, as he thought, it would be an offense to the Prophetic tradition to avoid or condemn work as a means of gaining one’s livelihood, but an offense against the faith to neglect “trust in God.”» — la conciliación que Sahl propone entre tawakkul y trabajo.

«According to Sahl, only the saints are predestined to attain the mystery of lordliness, sirr arrubūbīya—here lies, probably, one source of Ḥallāj’s similar theories, for Ḥallāj had lived with Sahl for a while.» — la doctrina de Sahl sobre el sirr ar-rubūbīya, con el *probably* que Schimmel conserva al conectarla con Ḥallāj; el troceo une *ar-rubūbīya* sin el guion de fin de renglón, cuya lectura propuesta es *sirr ar-rubūbīya*.

«he spoke of a pillar of light formed from the souls of those who are predestined to become saints—it was the time in both Sufi and Shia circles that theories about the preexistent light of Muhammad were being developed, and other mystics had put forth the theory that the souls of the true lovers belong to a divine light.» — el pilar de luz hecho de las almas predestinadas a la santidad, y su paralelo con las teorías sobre la luz preexistente de Mahoma.

«Tirmidhī is surnamed al-Ḥakīm, “the philosopher,” which points to the fact that through him Hellenistic philosophical ideas were penetrating Sufism.» — Schimmel adjudica a Tirmidhī la entrada de ideas filosóficas helenísticas en el sufismo.

«He thus gave the words a more profound meaning, and it is significant that the founder of the Naqshbandī order in the fourteenth century attributed to him a particular power when the disciple undergoes the process of directing his concentration toward the spirit of one of the great masters (N 119).» — la potencia que el fundador de la orden naqshbandī atribuye a Tirmidhī en la concentración del discípulo.

«Tirmidhī’s main contribution to the theory of Sufism is probably his “Seal of the Saints,” in which he developed the terminology of sainthood that has been used since that time.» — el Khatm al-auliyāʾ como aportación principal de Tirmidhī, con el *probably* de Schimmel.

«The leader of the Sufi hierarchy is the quṭb, “pole” or “pivot,” or ghauth, “help.”» — los nombres del vértice de la jerarquía sufí según Tirmidhī.

«The saints govern the universe, certain groups of three, seven, forty, or three hundred saints being entrusted with various duties in maintaining the world order (see Chapter 4).» — el gobierno del universo repartido entre grupos de santos, según Tirmidhī.

«The degrees of sainthood as sketched by Tirmidhī are related to the degree of illumination and gnosis reached by the person in question—it is not a “hierarchy of love.”» — Schimmel precisa que la jerarquía de Tirmidhī va por iluminación y gnosis, no por amor.

«But while Sahl and Tirmidhī wrote about saintship and gnosis, ʿAmr al-Makkī (d. 909) was probably the first to compose a systematic treatise on the degrees of love, intimacy, and proximity.» — ʿAmr al-Makkī, muerto en 909, como primer tratadista sistemático de los grados del amor, con el *probably* conservado.

«The undisputed master of the Sufis of Baghdad was Abūʾl-Qāsim al-Junayd, who is considered the pivot in the history of early Sufism.» — Junayd como eje de la historia del sufismo temprano, según Schimmel.

«The representatives of divergent mystical schools and modes of thought could refer to him as their master, so that the initiation chains of later Sufi orders almost invariably go back to him.» — Schimmel explica por qué las cadenas de iniciación de las órdenes remontan casi siempre a Junayd.

«One of his fellow Sufis, al-Ḥaddād, is reported to have said: “If intellect (ʿaql) were a man, it would have the form of Junayd” (N 80), a saying that alludes to the seriousness, sobriety, and penetrating mind of the master.» — el dicho de al-Ḥaddād sobre Junayd y el intelecto, citado de las Nafaḥāt al-uns.

«Junayd—faithful to the Muḥāsibī tradition—sees in Sufism a way of constant purification and mental struggle: “We did not take Sufism from talk and words, but from hunger and renunciation of the world and cutting off the things to which we were accustomed and which we found agreeable” (Q 19).» — Junayd sobre el origen del sufismo: hambre y renuncia, no palabras.

«mystical life meant, for him, the permanent striving to return to one’s origin, that origin that was in God and from which everything proceeds, so that eventually the mystic should reach the state “in which he was before he was.”» — el fin del camino según Junayd: volver al estado en que se estaba antes de ser.

«Unification means, for Junayd, “the separation of the Eternal from that which has been originated in time by the Covenant” (H 281)» — la definición de tauḥīd que Junayd da en el pasaje que Hujwīrī recoge.

«and it also means “to go out of the narrowness of temporal signs into the wide fields of eternities” (L 29).» — la segunda fórmula del tauḥīd de Junayd en el Kitāb al-lumaʿ.

«he praised poverty, faqr, which is “an ocean of affliction, yet its affliction is completely glory” (L 174).» — la pobreza como océano de aflicción cuya aflicción es gloria, según Junayd.

«Mystical love means, to him, “that the qualities of the Beloved replace the qualities of the lover” (L 59); it is a transformation of the lover on the level of attributes.» — la definición del amor místico en Junayd: sustitución de las cualidades del amante por las del Amado.

«A major aspect of Junayd’s teaching is his emphasis on the state of sobriety (ṣaḥw) as contrasted to intoxication (sukr).» — la oposición sobriedad-embriaguez que Schimmel pone en el centro de la enseñanza de Junayd.

«Bāyezīd Bisṭāmī preferred mystical intoxication because it obliterates the human attributes and annihilates man completely in the object of adoration, taking him out of himself.» — la posición contraria de Bāyezīd, que Schimmel consigna sin arbitrar.

«Junayd and his followers, however, considered the “second sobriety” the highest and preferable state: after the ecstatic intoxication man becomes once more aware of himself in the “life in God,’’ when all his attributes, transformed and spiritualized, are restored to him.» — la segunda sobriedad de Junayd: después del éxtasis, los atributos se restituyen transformados.

«Fanā, “annihilation,” is not the ultimate goal, but baqā, “remaining,” a new life in God.» — la precisión de Schimmel sobre el orden de fanā y baqā en Junayd.

«Junayd’s claim, like that of Bāyezīd, is absolute; he concentrated every thought, every love, every inclination, every admiration, every fear, and every hope on God and asked Him to annihilate everything that might exist outside this perfect concentration (A 10:282).» — la concentración total que Junayd pide, según la Ḥilyat ul-auliyāʾ.

«Junayd knew very well that mystical experience and thought cannot be rationalized and that it is dangerous to speak openly about the deepest mysteries of faith in the presence of the uninitiated (particularly since orthodox circles viewed the activities of the Sufis with growing suspicion).» — la razón que Schimmel da para la reserva de Junayd ante los no iniciados.

«Junayd, therefore, refined the art of speaking in ishārāt, subtle allusion to the truth—a trend, attributed first to Kharrāz, that became characteristic of later Sufi writings.» — la alusión velada como técnica que Junayd refina y que se atribuye primero a Kharrāz.

«This language of exquisite beauty rather veils than unveils the true meaning.» — el juicio de Schimmel sobre la prosa de Junayd.

«Anṣārī admitted 150 years later that he “would prefer one hair of Ruwaym to a hundred of Junayd” (N 95).» — la preferencia de ʿAbdullāh-i Anṣārī por Ruwaym, que Schimmel consigna como división real entre los sufíes de Bagdad.

«He disguised himself in the attitude of a rich man” (N 95).» — la fórmula de las Nafaḥāt al-uns sobre Ruwaym, muerto en 915, que no practicaba las austeridades de sus contemporáneos.

«Ibn Khafīf, the Shirazi Sufi leader, relates how Ruwaym’s little daughter, prettily dressed in red, ran into her father’s arms, and he caressed her and explained to his surprised visitor that he liked to care for his family and would not leave everything to tawakkul (X 85).» — la escena doméstica de Ruwaym que Ibn Khafīf refiere en la Sīra que la propia Schimmel editó.

«For him, tawakkul meant trust in God’s eternal promise to look after His creatures (L 52), but it did not mean to turn completely away from worldly concerns.» — el tawakkul acotado de Ruwaym, que no exige apartarse del mundo.

«He is the greatest representative of that pure love that had been introduced by Rābiʿa, a disinterested love for which God has not asked and for which He will not recompense the lover.» — Abūʾl-Ḥusayn an-Nūrī, muerto en 907, como heredero del amor desinteresado de Rābiʿa.

«That his love—a love that rejoices in suffering—was not only theoretical was proved when Ghulām Khalīl» — el episodio de 885 en que Nūrī ofreció su vida por sus compañeros acusados de herejía; el tramo corta antes del nombre completo del acusador.

«Nūrī was considered a heretic (zindīq) by the orthodox because he spoke of being a lover (ʿāshiq) of God, a strong term that was misinterpreted by the theologians (see B 389).» — la acusación de herejía contra Nūrī por llamarse amante de Dios.

«He was, however, not only the representative of a love that overflows all borders and tempts man to seemingly blameworthy acts; he also composed a number of theoretical works that have only recently come to light.» — Schimmel enmienda la imagen de Nūrī como puro entusiasta y señala sus obras teóricas.

«Like Shaqīq, he speaks of the light of God, which is the first thing to appear when God wants to guide a person on the mystical path (W 348).» — la luz de Dios como primera señal de la guía, en Nūrī y en Shaqīq.

«one should read Nūrī’s elaborate comparison of the heart to a house in which a king, Certitude, resides, assisted by two viziers, Fear and Hope, and surrounded by ten chiefs, which are the main duties of a pious Muslim.» — la alegoría del corazón como casa con el rey Certidumbre y los visires Temor y Esperanza.

«Nūrī’s description of the seven citadels, surrounded by seven ramparts and a wall, as God has built them in the heart, is somewhat reminiscent of St. Theresa’s Interior Castle, though the Baghdad Sufi does not reach the psychological depth of the great Carmelite nun.» — Schimmel compara las siete ciudadelas de Nūrī con el Castillo interior de Teresa y marca la diferencia de hondura psicológica.

«Nūrī’s definition of the heart as a garden prefigures later Persian garden poems: the garden of the heart is either blessed or destroyed by rain—rain being, in the East, a symbol of divine» — el corazón como jardín en Nūrī, anticipo de la poesía persa; el tramo corta en el fin de plana y sigue *activity*.

«Nūrī speaks of the twofold rain, one of grace and mercy and one of divine wrath and revenge; the first one is revealed by thunders of majesty in the hearts of those who repent, by the lightning of desire in the hearts of the ascetics, by the showers of generosity in the hearts of the lovers, and by the breeze of appeasement in the hearts of the gnostics.» — la lluvia doble de Nūrī, con sus cuatro efectos sobre penitentes, ascetas, amantes y gnósticos; el troceo parte *two-fold* con guion de fin de renglón y la extracción devuelve la forma unida, cuya lectura propuesta es *two-fold*.

«But the thunderstorm of revenge sends the thunder of rupture into the hearts of the idolaters, the lightning of hatred into the hearts of the hypocrites, the rains of enmity into the hearts of the oppressors, and the wind of the veiling screen into the hearts of those who transgress the law.» — la otra mitad de la imagen de Nūrī, la tormenta de la venganza.

«Nūrī seems not to have been a conforming member of the Baghdad Sufi circles. There are stories that recount Junayd’s criticizing him for exuberant words and startling miracles.» — Schimmel consigna las críticas de Junayd a Nūrī.

«Indeed, his way of educating his lower soul was quite peculiar: he was afraid of lions and therefore stayed in the lion-infested forests along the Tigris to conquer his fear.» — el método de Nūrī contra el miedo, que Schimmel refiere.

«Nūrī’s death, too, occurred in a strange way: enraptured by the recitation of a verse, he ran into a nearby reedbed where the reeds had just been cut; the razor-sharp edges of the stumps hurt his feet without his being aware of the pain; soon afterward he died from the wounds.» — la muerte de Nūrī en el cañaveral, según Schimmel.

«He, without fear, and completely love, he without reason and completely heart, that moth of the candle of Beauty, that man confused by the dawn of union» — la presentación de Sumnūn el Amante por ʿAṭṭār en la Tadhkirat al-auliyāʾ (T 2:82), en prosa rimada.

«Before ʿAṭṭār, Hujwīrī had said that Sumnūn “held a special madhhab in love and considered love the root and the foundation of the way towards God” (H 398).» — el juicio de Hujwīrī sobre Sumnūn, que hacía del amor raíz y fundamento del camino.

«Sumnūn considered love superior to gnosis (P 39)—a problem much discussed at that time among the Sufis.» — la posición de Sumnūn en la disputa entre amor y gnosis.

«The solution finally depends upon the personal attitude of each traveler on the mystical path.» — la abstención de Schimmel ante esa disputa: la resuelve cada viajero.

«When he was asked why, he replied: “In order that not every ordinary person may claim love, for he will run away when he sees affliction” (T 2:85).» — la razón que Sumnūn da para el lazo entre amor y aflicción.

«I have separated my heart from this world— My heart and Thou are not separate. And when slumber closes my eyes, I find Thee between the eye and the lid.» — los versos de Sumnūn (A 10:310) en la traducción de Schimmel, que ella describe como castos y casi inmateriales.

«When Ḥallāj was in prison, he was asked: “What is love?” He answered: “You will see it today and tomorrow and the day after tomorrow.”» — la respuesta de Ḥallāj en la cárcel, que ʿAṭṭār refiere (T 2:142) y que Schimmel pone como pórtico del capítulo.

«reason that he had rejected Ḥallāj, who was to become the model for all who are punished because they speak openly about the mysteries of love and unity.» — Schimmel explica así el rechazo de Junayd a Ḥallāj: por hablar abiertamente de los misterios del amor y de la unidad; la frase empieza en la plana anterior.

«With the intuition of a great psychologist, ʿAṭṭār has condensed into these words the tragedy of a man who deeply influenced the development of Islamic mysticism and whose name became, in the course of time, a symbol for both suffering love and unitive experience, but also for a lover’s greatest sin: to divulge the secret of his love.» — la lectura que Schimmel hace del relato de ʿAṭṭār: el nombre de Ḥallāj queda como símbolo del amor doliente, de la experiencia unitiva y del pecado de divulgar el secreto.

«Tholuck regarded Ḥallāj as a pantheist; that became the opinion of the nineteenth-century scholars, and it was, and to some degree still is, accepted by a number of theologians.» — Schimmel data en Tholuck la lectura panteísta de Ḥallāj y su fortuna en el siglo XIX.

«The quotation that Tholuck then gives is both wrongly spelled and wrongly interpreted so that Ḥallāj’s image was seriously distorted in subsequent times.» — Schimmel señala el error de transcripción y de interpretación en el que se apoyó esa lectura.

«Some have accused Ḥallāj of blasphemy, while others considered him a secret Christian.» — las dos acusaciones opuestas que Schimmel consigna sin arbitrar.

«Other orientalists, in the light of the sources at hand, tended to regard him as a neuropath or as a pure monist.» — las otras lecturas europeas de Ḥallāj que Schimmel enumera.

«Alfred von Kremer tried to locate the source of Ḥallāj’s famous word anāʾl-Ḥaqq, “I am the Absolute Truth,” in Indian sources, and Max Horten drew the comparison between this mystical statement and the aham brahmasmi of the Upanishads, in which a number of oriental scholars have also concurred.» — la tesis india sobre el anāʾl-Ḥaqq, con el paralelo del aham brahmasmi que traza Max Horten.

«Max Schreiner and Duncan Black Macdonald regarded Ḥallāj as a full-fledged pantheist; contrary to them, Reynold A. Nicholson stressed the strict monotheism and the very personal relation between man and God in Ḥallāj’s thought.» — Schimmel enfrenta la lectura panteísta de Schreiner y Macdonald con el monoteísmo estricto que Nicholson le reconoce, y no arbitra.

«Now, thanks to the lifelong work of Louis Massignon, the environment and influences on Ḥallāj have been explored so that his life and teachings have become better known and better understood in the West.» — el cambio que Schimmel adjudica a la obra de Massignon sobre Ḥallāj.

«Massignon has edited the difficult rhyming prose of the Kitāb aṭ-ṭawāsīn and has collected Ḥallāj’s scattered poems, which, in marvelous density, give utterance to the transcendence of God and His immanence in the human heart.» — lo que Massignon editó y reunió de Ḥallāj, según Schimmel.

«The mystery of loving union is celebrated in verses free of any trace of the symbolism of profane love.» — el rasgo que Schimmel destaca de los versos de Ḥallāj: la unión sin símbolos de amor profano.

«as Hans Heinrich Schaeder says in his review of Massignon’s book, the martyr of Islam par excellence because he exemplified the deepest possibilities of personal piety to be found in Islam; he demonstrated the consequences of perfect love and the meaning of submission to the unity of the divine beloved— not with the aim of gaining any sort of private sanctity but in order to preach this mystery, to live in it and to die for it.» — el juicio de Hans Heinrich Schaeder sobre Ḥallāj como mártir del islam por excelencia.

«Who was this man who has been the object of both hatred and love, the model of suffering, the arch-heretic of orthodox writings, the ideal of enraptured Sufis?» — la pregunta con que Schimmel abre la biografía de Ḥallāj, nombrando de entrada las lecturas contrarias.

«Al-Ḥusayn ibn Manṣūr al-Ḥallāj was a crafty man and a conjurer who ventured into the Sufi school of thought, affecting their ways of speech. He laid claim to every science, but nevertheless [his claims] were futile. He even knew something about the science of alchemy. He was ignorant, bold, obsequious, but courageous in the presence of sultans, attempting great things and ardently desiring a change of government. Among his adherents he claimed divinity, speaking of divine union» — el retrato hostil de Ibn an-Nadīm en el siglo X, que Schimmel reproduce como lectura convencional y no como hecho.

«This—together with the paragraphs that follow in Ibn an-Nadīm’s book—articulates the conventional reading of Ḥallāj’s personality.» — Schimmel califica ese retrato de lectura convencional y anuncia otra versión de los hechos.

«Ḥusayn ibn Manṣūr al-Ḥallāj, born in the province of Fars in 858, grew up in Wasit and Tustar, where cotton was cultivated and where cotton carders (that is the meaning of ḥallāj) like his father could pursue their occupation.» — los datos de nacimiento y oficio familiar, con la etimología de *ḥallāj*, cardador de algodón.

«The young man attached himself to Sahl at-Tustarī and accompanied him to Basra. Later he became a disciple of ʿAmr al-Makkī in Baghdad and also of Junayd.» — la cadena de maestros de Ḥallāj según Schimmel.

«After a short while, Ḥallāj’s father-in-law began to regard him as a “cunning sorcerer and miserable infidel.» — el juicio del suegro sobre Ḥallāj, que Schimmel consigna.

«When he knocked at Junayd’s door, the master asked: “Who is there?” and he answered: “anāʾl-Ḥaqq, I am the Absolute [or Creative] Truth [or the True Reality].» — la anécdota del anāʾl-Ḥaqq en la puerta de Junayd; los corchetes con las variantes de traducción son de Schimmel.

«In fact, it appears in a chapter of Ḥallāj’s Kitāb aṭ-ṭawāsīn and was probably taken from this source very early.» — Schimmel sitúa la frase en el Kitāb aṭ-ṭawāsīn antes que en la anécdota.

«Pharaoh having asserted, according to the Koran, “I am your highest Lord” (Sūra 79:24) and Satan, “I am better than Adam” (Sūra 7:12).» — las dos pretensiones coránicas —la del Faraón y la de Satán— junto a las que Ḥallāj pone la suya.

«Ḥallāj, then, asserts his own claim, “I am the Absolute Truth.» — la fórmula de Ḥallāj en su propio capítulo.

«the solution is given in the divine revelation that “Pharaoh saw only himself and lost Me, and Ḥusayn saw only Me and lost himself» — la solución que la tradición da a los dos yoes (N 444): el del Faraón es infidelidad y el de Ḥallāj, gracia.

«Whatever the reason for the statement anāʾl-Ḥaqq may have been, Junayd uttered his verdict against his former disciple, accusing him of propagating an unsound religious claim.» — Schimmel se abstiene sobre el motivo de la frase y consigna el veredicto de Junayd.

«For five years he traveled, ultimately reaching Khurasan, where he discussed religious problems with the people; it was there, his son thinks, that he was surnamed ḥallāj al-asrār, “the cotton carder of the innermost hearts,” since he knew all things hidden in the human heart and soul.» — el sobrenombre ḥallāj al-asrār que, según su hijo, le pusieron en Jorasán.

«His enemies ascribed this journey to his desire to learn magic, specifically, the rope trick.» — la versión hostil del viaje a la India, consignada como acusación.

«From Gujerat he wandered through Sind, the lower Indus valley, which had been a part of the Muslim Empire since 711.» — el itinerario indio de Ḥallāj; Schimmel añade que de ahí salió después la poesía mística de la provincia.

«Some sources say that his words were written down on precious paper decorated in the style of the Manichaean manuscripts from Central Asia.» — el dato sobre el papel decorado al modo maniqueo, dado con el *some sources say*.

«An even greater cause for suspicion was his supposed relations with the Carmathians, who ruled not only Bahrain but also northern Sind and Multan—places that the mystic had just visited.» — la sospecha de vínculos con los cármatas, consignada como sospecha.

«He is described preaching and calling people to God, in intense love and excessive asceticism.» — el retrato de Ḥallāj en los Akhbār al-Ḥallāj.

«In his ascetic mood he would prefer to feed the black dog at his side, the image of his lower nature, instead of taking food himself.» — el perro negro como imagen de la naturaleza inferior, en el relato que Schimmel recoge.

«At the same time he claimed miraculous powers; in Mecca he produced sweetmeat from Yemen, and he sent down heavenly food in the middle of the desert.» — los poderes que Ḥallāj se atribuía, consignados sin juicio.

«Then he bought a house in Baghdad, but soon Muḥammad ibn Dāʾūd, the son of the founder of the Zahirite school of law, denounced him, inciting other scholars to join in attacking the man who claimed to have reached real union with his divine beloved, an idea that the representatives of platonic love could not accept.» — la denuncia de Muḥammad ibn Dāʾūd contra quien decía haber alcanzado unión real.

«Aside from the subtle problems of mystical love, political and social problems were at stake.» — Schimmel introduce la dimensión política y social del proceso.

«All of them were afraid that the effect on the people of spiritual revival might have repercussions on the social organization and even on the political structure.» — el temor común de chiíes y sunníes ante el efecto social del despertar espiritual, según Schimmel.

«The idea of converting the hearts of all Muslims and teaching them the secret of personal sanctification and not just of blind acceptance would certainly have been dangerous for a society whose religious and political leaders lived in a state of stagnation with neither the strength nor the intention to revitalize the Muslim community.» — el diagnóstico de Schimmel sobre por qué la santificación personal resultaba peligrosa.

«At the end of 912 Ḥallāj was apprehended while traveling near Sus; for three days he was set in a pillory, then imprisoned.» — la detención de Ḥallāj a fines de 912.

«Both the caliph’s mother and the chamberlain Naṣr—who called him “a righteous man”—tried to make his imprisonment as comfortable as possible» — los protectores de Ḥallāj en la cárcel, según Schimmel.

«But years passed before the vizier could force the highest judge of Iraq to sign Ḥallāj’s death sentence. On 26 March 922 he was put to death.» — la fecha de ejecución de Ḥallāj.

«The story goes that Ḥallāj went dancing in his fetters to the place of execution, reciting a quatrain about mystical intoxication; then he asked his friend Shiblī to lend him his prayer mat and performed a prayer during which he once more touched the mystery of the ineffable unity and separation of man and God.» — el relato de la ejecución, presentado con *the story goes*.

«When people began to throw stones at him, Shiblī—so the legend has it—threw a rose, and Ḥallāj sighed. Asked the reason for his sigh, he answered: “They do not know what they do, but he should have known it.» — la rosa de Shiblī y la respuesta de Ḥallāj, en la versión legendaria que Schimmel marca como tal.

«And the saying that “the rose, thrown by the friend, hurts more than any stone” has become a Turkish proverb.» — el proverbio turco que Schimmel hace derivar de esa escena.

«But he told his family that his aim was to call the heathen to God.» — la versión que el propio Ḥallāj daba de su viaje a la India, puesta al lado de la acusación de sus enemigos sin arbitrar.

«should make the One single”—i.e., that his existence should be cleared away from the path of love (H 311). That is genuine tauḥīd, fully interiorized, and paid for with the lover’s blood.» — las últimas palabras de Ḥallāj según Hujwīrī (H 311) y la lectura que Schimmel les da: tauḥīd interiorizado y pagado con sangre.

«Ḥallāj’s hands and feet were cut off, and he was put on the» — el suplicio de Ḥallāj tal como Schimmel lo consigna, con el *more probably* sobre la horca frente a la cruz.

«He had often urged the people of Baghdad to kill him so that he might be united with God and they might be recompensed for defending their simple and sincere faith.» — la petición de Ḥallāj a los bagdadíes, según Schimmel.

«Uqtulūnī yā thiqātī—inna fī qatlī ḥayātī. Kill me, o my trustworthy friends, for in my being killed is my life» — el himno de Ḥallāj en árabe y su traducción, que Schimmel dice repetido por los místicos de todas las épocas como base de meditación.

«Ḥallāj’s comprehensive work—of which the Fihrist gives a list —is preserved only in fragments.» — el estado de la obra de Ḥallāj según Schimmel.

«It contains eight chapters, each of them called ṭāsīn, after the mysterious letters at the beginning of Sūra 27, which are said to indicate divine majesty and power.» — la estructura del Kitāb aṭ-ṭawāsīn y el origen de su título en las letras misteriosas de la sura 27.

«It contains a discussion between God and Satan, in which the latter refuses to obey the divine order to prostrate himself before Adam and, true muwaḥḥid (confessor of divine unity) that he is, is caught in the dilemma between God’s eternal will that nobody should worship any being save Him and His explicit order to fall down before a created being.» — el dilema de Satán en el Kitāb aṭ-ṭawāsīn: confesor de la unidad divina atrapado entre dos órdenes.

«This situation has sometimes served to explain Ḥallāj’s own hopeless dilemma.» — la lectura que Schimmel consigna, en grado de *sometimes*, entre el dilema de Satán y el de Ḥallāj.

«Among the traditions that he personally affirmed, Ḥallāj included the saying that “God has not created anything he loves more than he loves Muhammad and his family”» — la tradición sobre el amor de Dios a Mahoma que Ḥallāj hacía suya, en el Sharḥ-i shaṭḥiyāt (B 639).

«All the lights of the Prophets proceeded from his light; he was before all, his name the first in the book of Fate; he was known before all things, all being, and will endure after the end of all. By his guidance have all eyes» — el himno al Profeta del Ṭāsīn as-sirāj, con la luz muhammadiana anterior a todo; el tramo corta en el fin de plana.

«All knowledge is merely a drop, all wisdom merely a handful from his stream, all time merely an hour from his life» — la continuación del mismo himno en la plana siguiente.

«In another chapter, Ḥallāj describes the fate of the moth that approaches the flame and eventually gets burned in it, thus realizing the Reality of Realities. He does not want the light or the heat but casts himself into the flame, never to return and never to give any information about the Reality, for he has reached perfection.» — la alegoría de la polilla y la llama en el Kitāb aṭ-ṭawāsīn.

«Whoever has read Persian poetry knows that the poets choose this story of the moth and the candle as one of their favorite allegories to express the fate of the true lover (SD 311; an almost word-for-word Persian poetical paraphrase is found in ʿAṭṭār’s Manṭiq aṭ-ṭayr, when the poet speaks of the seventh and last valley of the mystical journey [MT 258]).» — Schimmel sigue la alegoría de la polilla hasta el séptimo valle del Manṭiq aṭ-ṭayr de ʿAṭṭār.

«Goethe’s famous poem “Selige Sehnsucht,” in his West-Östlicher Divan, reflects this very mystery of dying in love and reaching a new, higher life in union.» — Schimmel hace de la Selige Sehnsucht del West-Östlicher Divan de Goethe un eco de ese mismo misterio.

«The Goethean Stirb und werde, “die and become,” translates very well the Prophetic tradition “die before ye die” (in order to gain new life), which formed one of the cornerstones of Sufism and, of course, of Ḥallāj’s theories.» — Schimmel empareja el *muere y hazte* de Goethe con la tradición profética *morid antes de morir*.

«Ḥallāj’s poetry is a very tender and intense expression of mystical yearning. Its language is chaste; the favorite symbols are the wine cup, the crescent, the goblet of intoxicating mystical joy, the virgin, the soul bird, and similar images.» — el inventario de símbolos de la poesía de Ḥallāj que da Schimmel.

«He sometimes uses cabalistic word plays and relies on the secret meaning of the letters of the alphabet; alchemistic expressions are also found at times.» — los juegos con el valor de las letras y las expresiones alquímicas que Schimmel señala en Ḥallāj.

«All of his verses are weighted with deep theological and mystical meaning and filled with enigmas, but so great is their beauty that they can be enjoyed even by those who do not care for deep religious interpretation but do enjoy Arabic poetry at its best» — el juicio de Schimmel sobre la poesía de Ḥallāj: legible incluso sin interpretación religiosa.

«One can understand from his poems what Ḥallāj meant when he declared that God is visible in every trace of His creation, and although the common folk, the blind and dumb, animal-like creatures, do not recognize Him, the mystic drinks not a single drop of water without discovering His vision in the cup.» — la tesis de Ḥallāj sobre la visibilidad de Dios en toda huella de su creación.

«A small part of Ḥallāj’s theology can be reconstructed from the scattered fragments of his commentary on the Koran preserved in the Tafsīr of Sulamī (d. 1021), one of the leading authorities on the mystical theology of his time.» — la vía por la que Schimmel dice que se recupera parte de la teología de Ḥallāj: el Tafsīr de Sulamī, muerto en 1021.

«They consist of traditions that are not very different from, and are often verbally congruent with, the generally accepted ḥadīth; yet they are introduced not by a chain of human transmitters, as is the rule in ḥadīth transmission, but by a chain going back to cosmic and supernatural powers, to stars and sun, to angels and spirits.» — el rasgo de las Riwāyāt recogidas por Rūzbihān Baqlī: cadena de transmisión cósmica y no humana.

«This personal acceptance and realization of the religious truth was, perhaps, one of his most original contributions to Muslim spiritual life; it even led him to the doctrine of the isqāṭ al-farāʾiḍ, i.e., that certain religious duties can be exchanged for other acts that are more useful at the moment.» — la doctrina del isqāṭ al-farāʾiḍ que Schimmel adjudica a Ḥallāj, con el *perhaps* conservado.

«Instead of performing the pilgrimage, he advised people to invite orphans and to feed and dress them and make them happy for the day of the Great Feast.» — el ejemplo concreto de esa doctrina: alimentar huérfanos en lugar de peregrinar.

«cross or, more probably, on the gallows, then decapitated; his body was burned and the ashes thrown in the Tigris.» — la continuación del relato del suplicio en la plana siguiente, con el *more probably* que Schimmel conserva sobre la horca frente a la cruz.

«Through the medium of Persian poetry the same symbol reached Europe.» — el itinerario del símbolo de la polilla hasta Europa según Schimmel.

«That is the way Ḥallāj authenticated these traditions for himself.» — la lectura de Schimmel sobre esa cadena de transmisión: autenticación personal de la verdad religiosa.

«Such ideas, of course, were not acceptable to the legalists.» — la reacción de los legalistas ante el isqāṭ al-farāʾiḍ, que Schimmel consigna.

«who flows between the pericardium and the heart, just as the tears flow» — la imagen de Ḥallāj sobre la inmanencia divina que Schimmel traduce; el tramo corta en el fin de plana y sigue *from the eyelids*.

«Since he was put to death by the government—or the establishment—his influence became even stronger after his execution than it had been during his lifetime.» — la tesis de Schimmel sobre el efecto de la ejecución de Ḥallāj.

«Even Hujwīrī, in a book written in the mid-eleventh century— unfortunately no longer extant—in spite of all his admiration for Ḥallāj, felt obliged to declare him “not firmly settled.”» — Schimmel consigna la reserva de Hujwīrī sobre Ḥallāj pese a su admiración.

«Another leading representative of the Ḥallāj ian tradition in Iran—though from a different point of view-is Farīduddīn ʿAṭṭār, the poet (d. 1220 in Nishapur).» — ʿAṭṭār como transmisor de la tradición ḥallājiana; el troceo imprime *Ḥallāj ian* partido.

«He had accepted Ḥallāj as his spiritual guide» — la filiación visionaria de ʿAṭṭār con Ḥallāj; el tramo corta en el fin de plana y sigue *epic poetry*.

«ʿAṭṭār’s description of Ḥallāj’s suffering, found in his hagiographical work Tadhkirat al-auliyāʾ, has deeply influenced almost all later mystics who wrote about the martyr-mystic in the Persian-speaking lands» — el peso de la Tadhkirat al-auliyāʾ de ʿAṭṭār en todo el relato posterior del martirio.

«The details of his account of Ḥallāj’s execution are repeated in nearly every subsequent book; they have been poetically elaborated in many languages—Persian, Turkish, Urdu, Sindhi, Panjabi, and Pashto—but in substance they remained unchanged.» — Schimmel mide la estabilidad del relato a través de seis lenguas.

«The work of the greatest of the mystical poets to write in Persian, Jalāluddīn Rūmī, contains numerous allusions to the fate of Manṣūr, “the victorious,” as Ḥallāj is often called after his father; some of his utterances and verses have been embellished by Rūmī in an entirely ingenious way.» — las alusiones de Rūmī a Manṣūr, con la explicación del nombre por el padre de Ḥallāj.

«In the Bektashi order, his name is connected with the central place of initiation, which is called dār-e Manṣūr, “the gallows of Manṣūr”;» — el dār-e Manṣūr como lugar central de la iniciación bektashí.

«And one ought not fail to mention Nesīmī, the Ḥurūfī poet (executed in 1417) who considered himself “a new Manṣūr” and reenacted in his own life the passion and death of Ḥallāj.» — Nesīmī el ḥurūfī, ejecutado en 1417, que se tenía por un nuevo Manṣūr.

«Most recently Turkish literature has borne witness to the abiding inspiration of Ḥallāj with the appearance of a play called Manṣūr-e Ḥallāj; its author tries to establish his hero as an heir to Zoroastrian ideas.» — la obra teatral turca Manṣūr-e Ḥallāj y la tesis zoroástrica de su autor, que Schimmel consigna sin suscribir.

«The date of the play is especially significant: it was written in 1940, at a time when Islamic religious instruction was banned from Turkish schools and laicism had reached its apex.» — la lectura que Schimmel hace de la fecha de esa obra, 1940.

«In Iran, the name of the martyr-mystic has become a commonplace in the verses of almost all poets; they allude to the gallows and the sad fate of the lover, sometimes even likening the tresses of their beloved to the rope of Manṣūr’s gallows.» — la fortuna poética de Manṣūr en Irán; el troceo une *common-place* partido por el salto de renglón, cuya lectura propuesta es *commonplace*.

«They see the red rose on its bough as a symbol of Ḥallāj on the gallows tree, and they find the word anāʾl-Ḥaqq manifest in the heart of every atom and every drop of water.» — las dos imágenes iranias de Ḥallāj: la rosa en la rama y el anāʾl-Ḥaqq en cada átomo.

«Even among the taʿziyas, the plays written in commemoration of Ḥusayn ibn ʿAlī’s martyrdom at Kerbela on the tenth of Muharram 680, Enrico Cerulli has» — el hallazgo de Enrico Cerulli: una taʿziya dedicada a Ḥallāj.

«The poets in Iran and Afghanistan were outdone in their devotion to the Ḥallāj ian tradition by the Indian poets writing in Persian who made use of the figure of Ḥallāj from the eleventh century on.» — Schimmel mide la devoción india por Ḥallāj por encima de la irania y afgana.

«An even stronger predilection for Manṣūr is to be found in the mystical folk songs composed in the vernaculars of Muslim India and adjacent areas.» — la presencia de Manṣūr en la canción popular mística de la India musulmana.

«The Pathans knew the name of the martyr of love (who is even mentioned in their proverbs), as did the Panjabis.» — la difusión del nombre entre pathanes y panyabíes.

«His name occurs in most of the mystical Panjabi songs as the representative of love, contrasted with the dry asceticism of the theologians and the bookishness of the mollahs.» — la función de Ḥallāj en la canción panyabí: el amor frente al ascetismo seco y la librería de los mulás.

«He is the great lover; he plays “the drum of unity” (a modern Turkish poet, Asaf Halet Çelebi, has also written a fine poem on the “drum of Manṣūr”);» — el tambor de la unidad, con el poema moderno de Asaf Halet Çelebi.

«he is one of those who must suffer because of their overflowing passion and because God loves them too much.» — la razón que la poesía da al sufrimiento de Ḥallāj.

«but he is also in constant danger because it is not permitted to proclaim the word of love openly—» — el límite que Schimmel señala: no se permite proclamar el amor abiertamente.

«The secret that is hidden in the breast is not a sermon; you cannot utter it in the pulpit, but on the gallows.» — el verso de Ghālib, muerto en 1869, que Schimmel traduce y que remonta a Sanāʾī.

«Or is the poet, perhaps, declaring that death is the only legitimate way to express the secret of loving union? And does he aver that the ultimate experience is communicable through the silent language of martyrdom, for in the martyr (shahīd) God has His true witness (shāhid)?» — la pregunta que Schimmel deja abierta sobre el martirio como lenguaje del secreto, con el juego entre shahīd y shāhid.

«When you want to know the way of love, ask those who are like Manṣūr.» — la copla sindhi que Schimmel dice haber oído en el valle del Indo.

«In our day, there is renewed interest throughout the Islamic world in the figure of Ḥallāj, thanks, in large part, to Massignon’s comprehensive work.» — Schimmel adjudica a la obra de Massignon el interés contemporáneo por Ḥallāj.

«Muhammad Iqbal (d. 1938), who in his youth described the great mystic as a pantheist—as he had seen him through hundreds of Persian, Urdu, and Panjabi poems— later recognized Ḥallāj’s strong personal religious commitment and saw in him one of the few who had attained to an experience of the divine higher than that of ordinary people.» — el cambio de lectura de Iqbal sobre Ḥallāj, del panteísmo al compromiso religioso personal.

«He recognized that Ḥallāj had called the slumbering Muslims to a personal realization of the truth, thus coming into conflict with the religious authorities who were afraid of any ardent witness for the living God.» — lo que Iqbal reconoce en Ḥallāj, según Schimmel.

«In the scene in Jupiter-Heaven in the Jāwīdnāme that depicts his spiritual journey through the spheres, Iqbal has even treated Ḥallāj as a sort of medieval forerunner of himself and has emphasized his dynamic concept of love and faith as an ideal for every free Muslim.» — el uso que Iqbal hace de Ḥallāj en el Jāwīdnāme, como precursor medieval de sí mismo.

«the philosopher ʿAbduʾr-Raḥmān Badawī has likened Manṣūr’s experience to that of Kierkegaard, seeing in him a true existentialist.» — la lectura existencialista de Badawī, que Schimmel consigna.

«Poets like Adonis in Lebanon and ʿAbduʾl Wahhāb al-Bayātī in Iraq have written sensitively of the secret of his personality;» — los poetas árabes contemporáneos que escriben sobre Ḥallāj.

«and a young socialist writer from Egypt, Ṣalāḥ ʿAbduʾṣ-Ṣabūr, has composed a Tragedy of Ḥallāj.» — la Tragedia de Ḥallāj de Ṣalāḥ ʿAbduʾṣ-Ṣabūr, con influencia declarada de la técnica dramática de Eliot.

«The interesting aspect of the work is the intensity with which the author highlights the social side of Ḥallāj’s message.» — lo que Schimmel destaca de esa tragedia.

«Ḥallāj’s name has found its way into the remotest corners of the Islamic world.» — la difusión geográfica del nombre de Ḥallāj.

«It can be discovered in the folklore of East Bengal and the Malayan archipelago; it has been used by some Sufi fraternities in their celebrations, and a Tunisian order has an entire litany in honor of the martyr-mystic.» — los lugares y usos rituales del nombre, hasta una letanía de una orden tunecina.

«Manṣūr’s suffering through “gallows and rope” has become a symbol for the modern progressive writers in India and Pakistan who underwent» — el uso político moderno del símbolo entre escritores progresistas de India y Pakistán; el tramo corta en el fin de plana.

«And we will go, to scatter in the plough furrows of the peasants what we have stored up from his words . . . . —And we will preserve them among the merchants’ goods. —And we will give them to the wind that wanders o’er the waves. —And we will hide them in the mouths of singing cameldrivers who traverse the desert. —And we will note them down on papers, to be kept in the folds of the frock. —And we will make them into verses and poems. All of them: Tell me—what would become of his words, if he were not martyred?» — el coro de la tragedia de ʿAbduʾṣ-Ṣabūr, en la traducción que Schimmel reproduce.

«Ḥallāj represents the culminating point of early Sufism; but the mystical impetus of the early Baghdad school continued in a number of Sufis who lived shortly after him and represented, again, different aspects of Sufism.» — la posición que Schimmel asigna a Ḥallāj en la historia del sufismo temprano.

«Ḥallāj’s most faithful friend, Ibn ʿAṭāʾ—with whom he had exchanged some beautiful poetical letters—was killed in connection with Ḥallāj’s execution and, thus, paid for his friendship with his life.» — la suerte de Ibn ʿAṭāʾ, amigo de Ḥallāj.

«Shiblī had been a high governmental official before his conversion to the mystical life.» — el origen de Shiblī, muerto en 945.

«His strange behavior resulted from time to time in his confinement in an asylum; thus he was spared, according to his own statement, the fate of Ḥallāj, for he tried to express some of Ḥallāj’s lofty ideas in more comprehensible language.» — lo que, según su propia declaración, salvó a Shiblī de la suerte de Ḥallāj.

«Now praised be God, that like a frog am I Whose sustenance the watery deeps supply. It opens its mouth, and straightway it is filled. It holds its peace, and must in sorrow die.» — el poema de la rana de Shiblī en la traducción que Schimmel reproduce.

«Junayd called him “the crown of these people” (N 180), whereas others, acknowledging his strong mystical “state,” yet held that he was not a proper interpreter of tauḥīd (N 145).» — el elogio de Junayd y la objeción de otros sobre Shiblī, consignados sin arbitrar.

«To love Him for His acts of grace means to be a polytheist” (A 10:369), for, in the tradition of Rābiʿa, God has to be the only goal for the lover who not only loves Him with his heart but all of whose limbs “are hearts pointing to Thee” (L 91).» — la exigencia de Shiblī en la línea de Rābiʿa: amar a Dios por sus gracias es politeísmo.

«Similarly, “the best recollection is to forget recollection in vision” (L 220).» — la fórmula de Shiblī sobre el dhikr y la visión.

«God, the ever living and everlasting, should be the only object of love: “Shiblī saw somebody weeping because his beloved had died and blamed him: ‘O fool, why do you love someone who can die?» — la anécdota de Shiblī ante el que lloraba a su amada muerta.

«God’s face, i.e., His essence, is the proof for the lover on the day “when proofs are required” (L 209).» — la prueba del amante según Shiblī.

«Like Nūrī, Shiblī sometimes used the kind of imagery that became commonplace in later Persian poetry. Thus he describes the “gnostics,” those who know God by intuitive knowledge and are, therefore, the nearest perfect of men:» — Schimmel emparenta la imaginería de Shiblī con la de Nūrī y con la poesía persa posterior.

«They are comparable to springtime: thunder clashes and the clouds pour rain, the lightning flashes and the wind blows, the buds open and the birds sing—such is the state of the gnostic: his eye weeps, his mouth smiles, his heart burns, he gives away his head, he mentions the name of the Beloved and walks around His door. (T 2:177)» — la descripción del gnóstico por Shiblī, con la primavera como imagen.

«When mentioning Muhammad’s name in the call to prayer, Shiblī is reported to have said: “If Thou hadst not ordered it, I would not mention another name besides Thee” (Q 17).» — el dicho de Shiblī sobre no nombrar a nadie más que a Dios en la llamada a la oración.

«He therefore regarded as infidel and polytheist anyone who might think of the angels Michael and Gabriel—for, according to the Prophetic tradition, in the moment of closest proximity there is no room even for Gabriel, who is pure spirit; lover and beloved» — el rigor de Shiblī sobre la proximidad en que no cabe ni Gabriel; el tramo corta en el fin de plana y sigue *are alone, without separation*.

«Rūzbihān Baqlī preserved many of Shiblī’s paradoxes, which foreshadow trends that became explicit in later mysticism.» — el papel de Rūzbihān Baqlī como transmisor de las paradojas de Shiblī.

«When he told his disciples to go away and to know that wherever they were they were under his protection and he would be with them, he points to the power of himma, that “high spiritual ambition,” or “power,” that is strong enough to keep safe those who believe in the master.» — la himma del maestro como poder que protege al discípulo a distancia.

«Being united in perfect tauḥīd with God, he can protect his disciples wherever they may wander about (B 322), since he himself works and walks through God.» — el fundamento que Schimmel da a esa protección.

«The claim of the sheikh to possess this strong himma is reflected in many legends about saints of later times.» — la proyección de esa pretensión en la hagiografía posterior.

«Another story told about Shiblī is typical of the so-called munāqara, “quarrel,” of saints: He threw one of his fellow mystics into the Tigris, saying, “If he is sincere, he will be saved, like Moses; if not, he will be drowned, like Pharaoh.”» — la munāqara o pleito de santos, con el episodio del Tigris.

«A few days later he was challenged by that very person to take live charcoals from an oven without being hurt (B 494).» — la respuesta del desafiado, en el mismo relato.

«It seems that this kind of contest was not uncommon among the early Sufis; later sheikhs used to settle questions of priority in a similar way.» — la lectura que Schimmel da a esos duelos, con el *it seems* que conserva.

«Baqlī explains Shiblī’s exclamation that “fire of Hell will not touch me, and I can easily extinguish it,” when he says, faithfully interpreting the genuine mystical experience, that “in the world those who have been drawn close to God are burnt by the fire of pre-eternal love so that it is for them that God ordered the fire to be ‘cool and pleasant’ [Sūra 21:69], as He did for Abraham” (B 460).» — la interpretación de Baqlī sobre el fuego que no quema al que arde ya de amor preeterno.

«Baqlī sees here a manifestation of what he calls iltibās, the envelopment of the human being in the light of preeternity: the divine uncreated light is incomparably stronger than the created fire of Hell.» — el iltibās según Baqlī: la envoltura del hombre en la luz preeterna.

«For, according to a ḥadīth of which the Sufis were particularly fond, Hell addresses the true believer with the words: “Thy light has extinguished my flames” (B 452).» — el ḥadīth en que el Infierno se dirige al creyente.

«The mystic who has been surrounded by the primordial and everlasting divine light is no longer subject to the change of mystical states, to death, Paradise, and Hell.» — la consecuencia que Schimmel extrae: el místico deja de estar sujeto al cambio de estados.

«Such a person may leave the early station of renunciation and abstinence and become a perfect lover; by love he becomes “like a lion in the forest of affliction” (B 154).» — el paso del asceta al amante perfecto, con la imagen del león.

«Shiblī’s daring paradoxes find a counterpart in the less often» — Abū Bakr al-Wāsiṭī como contrapunto menos citado de Shiblī.

«He would have needed a trifle of mercy” (N 74), says Anṣārī, who praises him as the “leader of tauḥīd’ and “the master of the East in the science of subtle allusions” (N 175).» — el juicio doble de Anṣārī sobre al-Wāsiṭī, reserva y elogio a la vez.

«According to him, the utterance of the formula Allāhu Akbar, “God is greater” (than everything), during the act of ritual prayer is “as if one said ‘Thou art too mighty to be joined by prayer, or to be separated from by omitting to pray’: for separation and union are not personal notions, they follow a course preordained in eternity” (K 144).» — la lectura de al-Wāsiṭī sobre el Allāhu Akbar: unión y separación no son nociones personales.

«The overwhelming greatness of God, who teaches man how to pray and who addresses him before man dares to address Him, is visible through every word written by Niffarī.» — Niffarī, muerto en 965, y el Dios que enseña a orar antes de ser invocado.

«This Iraqian mystic, who died in 965, left writings, called Mawāqif and Mukhāṭabāt, that seem to have been studied carefully by later Sufis.» — las obras de Niffarī, Mawāqif y Mukhāṭabāt.

«Even Ibn ʿArabī may have been inspired by the daring ideas of this mystical thinker.» — la posible deuda de Ibn ʿArabī con Niffarī, en condicional.

«Niffarī spoke of the state of waqfa, “standing,” during which he was addressed by God, who inspired him to write down His words either during or after this experience.» — el estado de waqfa en que Niffarī dice ser interpelado por Dios.

«Niffarī’s whole work, thus, is presented as a replica of Muhammad’s experience, a dialogue in which man becomes the confidant of God (W 358)» — la lectura de Nwyia que Schimmel recoge: la obra de Niffarī como réplica de la experiencia del Profeta.

«Such a dialogue between God and the mystic is not alien to later Sufis, who not infrequently claimed that God spoke to them, and a comparison between Niffarī’s experiences as set forth in his books with those of the eighteenth-century Indo-Muslim mystic Mīr Dard (contained in his ʿIlm ul-kitāb) would yield significant similarities.» — Schimmel propone el cotejo entre Niffarī y Mīr Dard, y lo deja pendiente.

«Niffarī’s sayings are full of paradoxes. They show the perfect passing away of the mystic, who has passed beyond all the veils between the human and the divine; at the same time they make clear the impossiblity of expressing mystical experience at all.» — el doble efecto de los dichos de Niffarī según Schimmel.

«Thoughts are contained in letters, and fancies in thoughts; the sincere recollection of Me is beyond letter and thoughts, and My name is beyond recollection.» — la sentencia de Niffarī sobre el dhikr más allá de la letra.

«God wants His servant to rest in His recollection, but: “Do not speak, for he that reaches unto Me does not speak.» — la contradicción que Niffarī deja en pie entre recordar y callar.

«My recollection is the electest thing I have manifested, and My recollection is a veil.» — la paradoja de Niffarī: el recuerdo de Dios es a la vez lo más escogido y un velo.

«For this recollection is contained in letters, and Niffarī “unmasked the idolatry of the letter” (W 370) at a time when Muslim orthodoxy was going more and more by the letter and becoming increasingly intellectualized.» — la lectura de Schimmel sobre el momento en que Niffarī desenmascara la idolatría de la letra.

«It was he who spoke of the ḥijāb al-maʿrifa, “the veil of gnosis” (W 380), which, tender and subtle as it may be, can constitute the greatest barrier between man and God.» — el velo de la gnosis como la mayor barrera, según Niffarī.

«Niffarī clearly formulated the theory—probably known to mystics before him—that prayer is a divine gift: “To Me belongs the giving: if I had not answered thy prayer I should not have made thee seeking it.» — la oración como don divino en Niffarī, con el *probably* con que Schimmel data la idea.

«It is an idea well known in Christian tradition, where it found its most famous expression in the words of Pascal: “You would not seek Me if you had not found Me.» — el paralelo con Pascal que Schimmel traza.

«In certain aspects the late tenth century was the period of organization and consolidation for Sufism.» — la periodización que Schimmel propone para el sufismo de fines del siglo X.

«It is a well-known fact that many of the Sufis—and many of the pious Sunnites in general—felt a kind of sentimental allegiance to the family of the Prophet without believing in Shia doctrines.» — la distinción que Schimmel mantiene entre devoción a la familia del Profeta y doctrina chií.

«The veneration of ʿAlī was widespread among the Muslims, and he was often regarded as an important link in the spiritual chain leading the Sufi masters back to the Prophet.» — el lugar de ʿAlī en las cadenas espirituales sufíes.

«Even in our day some of the sayyid families in countries like Muslim India or Pakistan consider themselves exalted above the common Muslim, surrounded by a sanctity or transmitting a baraka (spiritual power, blessing) that gives them a peculiar status.» — el testimonio contemporáneo de Schimmel sobre las familias sayyid.

«The relationship between Shia thought as it crystallized in the ninth and tenth centuries and the theories of Sufism that emerged at about the same time has not yet been completely elucidated;» — la abstención que Schimmel declara sobre la relación entre chiismo y sufismo.

«but some of the Sufi teachings about the primordial light of Muhammad and the theories of saintship seem to correspond very closely in their hierarchical structure to Shiite theories about the imāmate and the gradual initiation of adepts into the deeper realms of faith, into new levels of spiritual interpretation.» — el paralelo estructural que sí propone, con el *seem to* conservado.

«In later times, the connections between these two forms of Muslim spirituality became visible once more in the development of the Sufi fraternity located in Ardebil in Northwestern Iran—from a regular Sufi order it turned into the cell of Shia propaganda in Iran.» — el caso de la cofradía de Ardebil, de orden sufí a célula de propaganda chií.

«It seems symptomatic that both in Arabic and in early European sources the Safawid ruler is often called “Sufi” or the “Grand Sophi.”» — el apelativo con que las fuentes llaman al soberano safaví.

«Yet from that time onward Sufism and the Shia creed» — la separación posterior entre sufismo y chiismo que Schimmel consigna.

«During the Abbasid period the need was felt to formulate some of the main lines, a Leitbild, of moderate Sufism.» — la necesidad de un Leitbild del sufismo moderado, según Schimmel.

«The case of Ḥallāj had confronted the Sufis with the danger of persecution, and even without his tragic death one might well have felt that the Path had to be made accessible to people who could never reach the abysses of mystical experience Ḥallāj had reached, or who could not be compared in sobriety to Junayd, in burning love to Nūrī, or in paradoxical speech to Shiblī.» — lo que, según Schimmel, obligó a hacer accesible el Camino.

«It would, however, be wrong to speak of a real “reconciliation” between Sufism and orthodoxy.» — Schimmel objeta que se hable de reconciliación entre sufismo y ortodoxia.

«They did not reject the religious law but rather added to it—additions that made more exacting demands on their personal lives.» — la relación de los sufíes con la ley según Schimmel.

«The surnames of some of them point to these professions: saqaṭī, “huckster”; ḥallāj, “cotton carder”; nassāj, “weaver”; warrāq, “bookseller” or “copyist”; qawārīrī, “glassmaker”; ḥaddād, “blacksmith” were among them.» — la lista de oficios legible en los sobrenombres sufíes.

«Some would work regularly and use a trifle of their gain for themselves, distributing the main part to the Sufis, so that it could be said, for example, that a person “veiled his saintliness under the modest shape of a cupper” (N 572).» — el reparto de la ganancia y la santidad velada bajo un oficio modesto.

«Many Sufis followed normal professions to earn their livelihoods.» — el dato social que Schimmel consigna: muchos sufíes vivían de un oficio corriente.

«Still, it was considered important to prove to the world the perfect orthodoxy of Sufi tenets, and therefore a number of books» — el motivo que Schimmel da para la tanda de manuales sufíes de fines del siglo X.

«The oldest authority is Abū Naṣr as-Sarrāj, from Tus in eastern Iran (d. 988), whose Kitāb al-lumaʿ fīʾt-taṣawwuf is an excellent exposition of the doctrines of the Sufis, with numerous quotations from the sources.» — el Kitāb al-lumaʿ de Sarrāj, muerto en 988, como autoridad más antigua.

«His definitions of the different states and stations, his long quotations from Sufi prayers and letters, his words about the behavior of the Sufis at home and on their journeys, and his explanations of difficult expressions are of great value to the student of Sufism, though his book apparently has not been as widely read as other handbooks.» — el valor y la escasa fortuna del libro de Sarrāj, según Schimmel.

«Sarrāj himself had reached a high rank in practical Sufism; according to one story, he was discussing some mystical problems with his friends on a cold winter day, “and the sheikh got into a ‘state’ and put his face on the fireplace and prostrated himself before God in the midst of the fire without being hurt” (N 283).» — la anécdota del fuego atribuida a Sarrāj en las Nafaḥāt al-uns.

«A near contemporary of Sarrāj, al-Kalābādhī, who died in Bukhara about 990, wrote his Kitāb at-taʿarruf in an effort to find a middle ground between orthodoxy and Sufism.» — el Kitāb at-taʿarruf de Kalābādhī como intento de terreno medio.

«His book is, on the whole, the somewhat dry exposition of a Hanafi jurist and not as enjoyable as Sarrāj’s study.» — el juicio de Schimmel sobre la prosa de Kalābādhī.

«Yet the work contains valuable material for the study of early Sufism; it was widely read, along with a commentary, in medieval Muslim India.» — la fortuna del libro de Kalābādhī en la India musulmana medieval.

«The study of Muhammad’s sayings was regarded as essential by the Sufis, who tried to follow their beloved Prophet’s example as closely as possible.» — la función del ḥadīth entre los sufíes según Schimmel.

«Though Makkī (d. 996 in Baghdad) was considered a follower of the Sālimiyya school, his book had a pronounced influence on later Sufi writings.» — el Qūt al-qulūb de Abū Ṭālib al-Makkī y su influencia posterior.

«Ghazzālī relied heavily upon this work, and quotations in later sources—in Rūmī’s Mathnawī and in medieval Indian books—show how widely it was used.» — la dependencia de Ghazzālī respecto del Qūt al-qulūb, medida por las citas posteriores.

«Shortly after the composition of these three theoretical books on the tenets and doctrines of Sufism, two attempts were made to» — el paso del tratado a la hagiografía por clases.

«Abū Nuʿaym brought together every available bit of information about the pious and their deeds; his book is a storehouse of information, which, however, must be used with caution.» — el juicio de Schimmel sobre la Ḥilyat al-auliyāʾ: almacén de datos que pide cautela.

«Yet even in its present edition, which is not free from mistakes, the book is indispensable for the study of the biographies of early Sufis.» — el valor que Schimmel le reconoce pese a las erratas.

«Half a century after his death, the book was expanded and translated into Persian by ʿAbdullāh-i Anṣārī, the patron saint of Herat; his translation, in turn, was revised and brought up to date in the late fifteenth century by Jāmī, also in Herat, in his Nafaḥāt al-uns.» — la cadena de refundiciones del Ṭabaqāt de Sulamī, de Anṣārī a Jāmī.

«He distinguishes between the orthodox people, the ahl al-maʿrifa, “gnostics,” i.e., the true Sufis, and the malāmatiyya, “those who draw blame (malāma) upon themselves.» — la tripartición de Sulamī entre ortodoxos, gnósticos y malāmatíes.

«The ideal of the Malāmatiyya developed out of a stress on ikhlāṣ, “perfect sincerity”; Anṣārī sometimes praises a person for his “perfect malāma and sincerity” (N 340).» — el origen del ideal malāmatī en la sinceridad perfecta.

«Muḥāsibī had taught that even the slightest tendency to show one’s piety or one’s religious behavior was ostentation.» — el principio de Muḥāsibī del que, según Schimmel, arranca el malāmatī.

«Thus the Malāmatīs deliberately tried to draw the contempt of the world upon themselves by committing unseemly, even unlawful, actions, but they preserved perfect purity of heart and loved God without second thought.» — la práctica malāmatī y su reserva interior.

«Typical is the story told by Jāmī: “One of them was hailed by a large crowd when he entered a town; they tried to accompany the great saint; but on the road he publicly started urinating in an unlawful way so that all of them left him and no longer believed in his high spiritual rank” (N 264).» — la anécdota malāmatī que Jāmī refiere.

«But the attitude itself is not novel—Marijan Molé (MM 72–74) has shown that, particularly among the early Syrian Christians, there was a similar trend to hide one’s virtuous actions; stories about some of these Christian saints, who would rather live as actors or ropedancers than show their deep religious concern, at once call to mind anecdotes about the Malāmatiyya.» — el paralelo con los cristianos sirios que Molé señala y Schimmel recoge.

«Al-malāma tark as-salāma, “blame is to give up well-being,” says Ḥamdūn al-Qaṣṣār, one of the first among the Khurasanian Sufis to adopt this way of life (H 67).» — la definición de Ḥamdūn al-Qaṣṣār que Schimmel traduce.

«Sulamī sees them as veiled from the vulgar by God’s jealousy: He has granted them all kinds of spiritual graces, but does not expose them to the view of the common people; their outward behavior is that of people who live in separation from God, but inwardly they dwell in the sweetness of divine union.» — la lectura de Sulamī sobre el velo de los malāmatíes.

«They thus prefigure the lover in Persian poetry, who was to describe himself in terms of a detestable creature, calling the hatred of the “others” upon himself, but never revealing the secret of his intense love.» — el enlace que Schimmel traza entre malāmatí y amante de la poesía persa.

«Hujwīrī, half a century after Sulamī, is more critical of the malāmatī attitude, for even in the actions of those who want to attract blame upon themselves he sees a trace of subtle hypocrisy» — la objeción de Hujwīrī al malāmatí.

«The ostentatious men purposely act in such a way as to win popularity, while the malāmatī purposely acts in such a way that people reject him. Both have their thought fixed on mankind and do not pass beyond that sphere” (H 6).» — el argumento de Hujwīrī: los dos tienen el pensamiento puesto en los hombres.

«That may sound hard, but from the viewpoint of a perfect mystic every interest in people’s reaction—be it positive or negative—is a sign of selfishness, and therefore of imperfection.» — Schimmel explica el rigor de esa objeción sin suscribirla ni rechazarla.

«Jāmī regarded the malāmatī as sincere, mukhliṣ, whereas the true Sufi is mukhlaṣ, made sincere by God (N 10), not by an act that can be attributed to himself.» — la distinción de Jāmī entre mukhliṣ y mukhlaṣ.

«The problem had arisen when people affiliated themselves with the Malāmatiyya or claimed to be one of them without accepting the difficult burden of genuine malāmatī practices» — el problema que Jāmī ve en la afiliación sin práctica.

«Jāmī accepted Anṣārī’s assessment and went on to contrast the malāmatī, who adheres to the duties and performs many supererogatory acts of piety in secret, and the qalandar, the wandering dervish who performs only the absolute minimum in religious duties.» — la distinción de Jāmī entre malāmatí y qalandar.

«The qalandar is chiefly known in the West as a kind of free thinker— even a charlatan—without deeper religious concern; but this, Jāmī asserts, is not true of the genuine qalandar (N 15).» — Jāmī niega la imagen occidental del qalandar como charlatán.

«Sulamī influenced successive generations mainly as teacher and biographer.» — el modo de la influencia de Sulamī según Schimmel.

«Through his disciple, Naṣrābādī, the mystical chain reaches Abū Saʿīd ibn Abīʾl-Khair, to whom the first Persian mystical quatrains are, erroneously, ascribed and who was the first to draw up a simple monastic rule for his Sufi community (see Chapter 5).» — Abū Saʿīd ibn Abīʾl-Khair y la atribución errónea de las primeras cuartetas persas, que Schimmel declara tal.

«Qushayrī’s Risāla— written in 1046—is probably the most widely read summary of early Sufism; it was analyzed in the West prior to most other books on Sufism.» — la fortuna de la Risāla de Qushayrī, con el *probably* conservado.

«His Risāla describes Sufi teachings and practices from the viewpoint of a full-fledged Ashʿarite theologian; this school— to which Ibn Khafīf had belonged as well—flourished in Iran and elsewhere under the Seljukids.» — el punto de vista asharí desde el que Qushayrī escribe.

«Hujwīrī’s important innovation is that he wrote his Kashf al-maḥjūb, “Unveiling of the Hidden,” in Persian and thus ushered in a new period in mystical literature.» — la novedad del Kashf al-maḥjūb: escrito en persa.

«Although the author’s inclination toward systematization sometimes goes too far, it is singularly valuable in its approach and its balanced discussion.» — el juicio de Schimmel sobre el Kashf, con su reserva dentro.

«It proves the breadth of spirit of Sufism that two masters so totally different in their outlook as Qushayrī and Anṣārī could live at close proximity during the same politically restless period.» — la lectura que Schimmel hace de la convivencia de Qushayrī y Anṣārī.

«While Qushayrī followed the Ashʿarite creed of the ruling Seljukids, Anṣārī belonged to the stern Hanbalite school of law.» — la diferencia de escuela entre Qushayrī y Anṣārī.

«The traditional idea that Hanbalite rigorism and mystical emotion are mutually exclusive can no longer be maintained—not only was Anṣārī an energetic representative of this school, but ʿAbduʾl-Qādir Gīlānī, the founder of the most widespread mystical fraternity, also belonged to this madhhab.» — Schimmel objeta la idea de que rigorismo hanbalí y emoción mística se excluyan.

«Perhaps it was precisely the strict adherence to the outward letter of the God-given law and the deep respect for the divine word that enabled Anṣārī and his fellow Hanbalites to reach a deeper understanding of the secrets of the revelation.» — la hipótesis que Schimmel propone en condicional sobre los hanbalíes místicos.

«Although young Anṣārī did not reach Mecca, his life was changed by his meeting with the distinguished mystic Kharaqānī in 1034, shortly before the master died at the age of eighty.» — el encuentro de Anṣārī con Kharaqānī en 1034.

«relied upon the Koranic words, “and they do not fear the blame of» — la base coránica que Schimmel asigna a los malāmatíes, con la sura 5:59; el tramo corta antes de *a blaming person*.

«brought forth licentiousness and treating lightly of the Divine law and heresy and lack of etiquette and respectlessness—but malāmat was not, that somebody would act by showing no respect to the law: it was, that they did not care for the people in their service of God.» — la queja de Anṣārī (N 61) contra quienes confunden malāma con desprecio de la ley.

«This illiterate peasant, who could not pronounce Arabic correctly (N 336, 353), was a typical uwaysī, initiated not by a living master but by the powerful spirit of Bāyezīd Bisṭāmi.» — Kharaqānī como uwaysī iniciado por el espíritu de Bāyezīd y no por maestro vivo; el troceo imprime *Bisṭāmi* sin macrón final.

«Legends dwell on the spiritual relation between these two men: it is said that the scent of Kharaqānī reached Bāyezīd long before his spiritual disciple was born (M 4:1802–50) and that Kharaqānī used to pray every evening in Kharaqān, then mysteriously be transported to Bistam —a typical miracle of “rolling up space”—pray there, and then perform the morning prayer back in his own village (T 2:201).» — las leyendas del vínculo entre Kharaqānī y Bāyezīd, con el milagro de plegar el espacio, presentadas como leyenda.

«Kharaqānī’s prayers burn with intense love and yearning, as when he swore that he would not give his soul to the angel of death, for he had received it from God, and only to Him would he return it (T 2:212).» — el juramento de Kharaqānī de no entregar su alma al ángel de la muerte.

«Longing for God made him melt away, but the Lord told him, in one of his rare dreams after long periods of sleeplessness, that the longing he had endured for sixty years was nothing, “for We have loved thee already in the pre-eternity of eternities” (T 2:253).» — el sueño de Kharaqānī sobre los sesenta años de anhelo.

«And he was sure that he would be resurrected among the martyrs, “for I have been killed by the sword of longing for Thee” (T 2:229)» — la certeza de Kharaqānī sobre su resurrección entre los mártires.

«This enthusiastic and demanding master caused a spiritual change in ʿAbdullāh-i Anṣārī, with the result that Anṣārī began to write his commentary on the Koran, which was, unhappily, never finished.» — el efecto de Kharaqānī sobre Anṣārī y el comentario coránico que quedó inconcluso.

«The advent of the Seljuks in eastern Iran in 1041 brought affliction on Anṣārī; he was persecuted, spent years in destitution, and endured much suffering at the hands of the authorities in their defense of Ashʿarite theology.» — la persecución de Anṣārī por las autoridades asharíes.

«The grand vizier Niẓāmulmulk even exiled him from Herat in 1066, but he was soon called back.» — el destierro de Anṣārī de Herat en 1066 y su vuelta.

«Eventually Anṣārī lost his sight and spent the last eight years of his life in darkness and under the threat of another expulsion. He died in Herat on 8 March 1089.» — los últimos años y la muerte de Anṣārī.

«Anṣārī’s productivity is amazing in light of the difficulties he had to face during his career.» — el juicio de Schimmel sobre la productividad de Anṣārī.

«Among the great number of books written in both Arabic and Persian, the Manāzil as-sāʾirīn, “The Stations on the Way,” has had several commentators.» — el Manāzil as-sāʾirīn de Anṣārī y sus comentaristas.

«But in spite of his many works in theoretical Sufism, his smallest book has won him the greatest admiration: the Munājāt, “Orisons,” a prayer book in rhyming Persian prose, interspersed with some verses, in which he pours out his love, his longing, and his advice.» — el Munājāt como obra menor que, según Schimmel, le ganó la mayor admiración.

«Its simple and melodious Persian prose makes this small book a true vade mecum for anyone who needs a devotional aid for meditation in lonely hours.» — el uso devocional que Schimmel atribuye al Munājāt.

«Nothing shows better the change in emphasis and style, in Sufi outlook and expression, than a comparison of Anṣārī’s Munājāt with another small book written in the same mixture of poetry and prose in the same city of Herat 400 years later, by the author who reworked Anṣārī’s hagiographical book and relied heavily upon him, namely the Lawāʾiḥ, by Maulānā Jāmī. This book has become one of the most widely used manuals of later Sufi teachings—but how far is its intellectual and rational approach to the divine truth, its highflown technical expression about absolute existence and relative being, from the intense earnestness and simplicity of Anṣārī’s orisons!» — el contraste que Schimmel traza entre el Munājāt de Anṣārī y los Lawāʾiḥ de Jāmī, cuatrocientos años después y en la misma ciudad.

«At the same time that Anṣārī was being persecuted by the Seljuk government, another mystic was cooperating with that regime and lending it support through his writings. That was Abū Ḥāmid al-Ghazzālī, Ashʿarite theologian and, later, mystic, who has often been called the greatest Muslim after Muhammad.» — Schimmel consigna el epíteto con que se ha llamado a Ghazzālī, y a la vez su apoyo al régimen selyúcida.

«An anecdote told by Jāmī illustrates how highly esteemed he was in most moderate Sufi circles: “The North African Sufi leader Abūʾl-Ḥasan ash-Shādhilī (d. 1258) saw in a dream vision that the Prophet of Islam was extolling himself with Ghazzālī before Moses and Jesus. . . and he had ordered the punishment of some who had denied him, and the marks of the whip remained visible on their bodies until they died” (N 373).» — la visión de Shādhilī sobre Ghazzālī que Jāmī refiere.

«Ghazzālī was born in Tus, near present-day Meshed, in 1058, three years after the Seljuks had taken over the rule in Baghdad.» — el nacimiento de Ghazzālī en Tus en 1058.

«Niẓāmulmulk, the vizier, appointed Ghazzālī professor at the Niẓāmiyya madrasa in Baghdad. With the zeal of an ardent adherent of Ashʿarite theology, the vizier had founded colleges (madrasa) all over the Seljuk territories. They served as training institutions for theologians and proved to be models for later colleges in the Muslim world.» — el nombramiento de Ghazzālī en la Niẓāmiyya y la función de las madrasas selyúcidas.

«It therefore caused great amazement when the successful professor Ghazzālī, after a breakdown in 1095, left his teaching position to enter the spiritual life.» — la ruptura de Ghazzālī en 1095, con el término *breakdown* que Schimmel usa.

«After long journeys that led him to Syria, Jerusalem, and perhaps Egypt, Abū Ḥāmid returned to his home and family and once more taught in his hometown of Tus. There he died in December 1111.» — el itinerario final de Ghazzālī, con el *perhaps* sobre Egipto.

«Ghazzālī’s literary activity was as great as that of any of his colleagues; his books cover different branches of learning, but mainly theology and its confrontation with philosophy.» — el alcance de la obra escrita de Ghazzālī.

«We are fortunate enough to possess his spiritual autobiography, written after his “conversion.”» — el Munqidh min aḍ-ḍalāl como autobiografía espiritual, con las comillas que Schimmel pone a la conversión.

«Ghazzālī’s works refuting the philosophical doctrines were in turn refuted by Averroes (d. 1198), the greatest Arabic commentator on Aristotle;» — la refutación de Averroes a Ghazzālī que Schimmel consigna.

«The main source of danger for the Seljuks was, in Niẓāmulmulk’s and in Ghazzālī’s view, the Ismaili movement, a branch of Shia thought that had gained a firm footing in various parts of the Middle East.» — el ismailismo como peligro principal a ojos de Niẓāmulmulk y de Ghazzālī.

«Those who are so learned about rare forms of divorce can tell you nothing about the simpler things of the spiritual life, such as the meaning of sincerity towards God or trust in Him.» — la objeción de Ghazzālī a los juristas especializados.

«Knowledge was easier for me than activity. I began by reading their books . . . and obtained a thorough intellectual understanding of their principles.» — la declaración de método de Ghazzālī sobre el saber y el obrar.

«We may understand this change to “gnosis because of agnosticism” and agree with W. H. Temple Gairdner’s fine remark: “What saved God for him from his obliterating agnosticism was the experience of the mystic leap, his own personal miʿrāj.» — el juicio de W. H. Temple Gairdner sobre el salto místico de Ghazzālī, que Schimmel hace suyo.

«It seems to me typical of Ghazzālī’s way of thought that the center of the book, the twentieth chapter, is devoted to the central figure in Islam, the Prophet Muhammad.» — la lectura de Schimmel sobre el centro del Iḥyāʾ, dicha en primera persona.

«All that Ghazzālī teaches in the preceding thirty-nine chapters is only to help man to live a life in accordance with the sacred law, not by clinging exclusively to its letter but by an understanding of its deeper meaning, by a sanctification of the whole life, so that he is ready for the meeting with his Lord at any moment.» — el fin que Schimmel asigna a la enseñanza de Ghazzālī.

«This teaching—a marriage between mysticism and law—has made Ghazzālī the most influential theologian of medieval Islam.» — la fórmula con que Schimmel explica el peso de Ghazzālī.

«Since Ghazzālī was apprehensive of the dangers of esoteric and gnostic currents inside Islam (as he had shown in his struggle against Ismaili theories) and at the same time scorned the rigidity and pedantry of the scholars and jurists, he undertook in his book to “live through the verities of faith and test those verities through the Sufi experimental method.» — el programa que Ghazzālī se fija según Schimmel: probar las verdades de la fe por el método sufí.

«On the other hand, Ghazzālī’s struggle against Hellenistic influences and a more or less Neoplatonic philosophy was probably instrumental in repudiating these currents for a while.» — el efecto de Ghazzālī sobre las corrientes helenísticas, con el *probably* conservado.

«During that time, however, they crystallized anew and came back as Sufi theosophy, a new development destined to take shape in the century after Ghazzālī’s death.» — la vuelta de esas corrientes como teosofía sufí, según Schimmel.

«One of the most puzzling questions among the many unsolved problems for the scholar is where to place Ghazzālī’s Mishkāt al-anwār, “The Niche for Lights,” in the whole body of his writings.» — la cuestión abierta que Schimmel declara sobre el Mishkāt al-anwār.

«It is the life of the heart that matters, and Ghazzālī’s method of combining the life of the heart in strict accord with the law and with a theologically sound attitude made even orthodox theologians take the Sufi movement seriously.» — la razón que Schimmel da para que la ortodoxia tomara en serio al sufismo.

«The moderate Sufi outlook began to color the life of most average Muslims.» — el alcance social que Schimmel atribuye al sufismo moderado.

«It may be regarded as an expression of that set of opinions that» — el estatuto que Schimmel propone para el Mishkāt al-anwār, en condicional.

«In this book he reaches heights of mystical speculation that are almost “gnostic” when he interprets the Light verse of the Koran (Sura 24:35) and the tradition about the seventy thousand veils of light and darkness that separate man from God: in his fourfold classification he does not hesitate to put most of the pious orthodox behind the “veils mixed of darkness and light,” whereas even certain philosophers are “veiled by pure light.» — la clasificación cuádruple del Mishkāt, con los piadosos ortodoxos detrás de los velos mezclados.

«The Mishkāt al-anwār shows a highly developed light metaphysics—God is the Light—and many later mystics have relied upon this book rather than upon his Iḥyāʾ ʿulūm ad-dīn.» — la metafísica de la luz del Mishkāt y su fortuna entre los místicos posteriores.

«No thinker of medieval Islam has attracted the interest of Western scholars more than Ghazzālī. Numerous translations of his works are available in Western languages.» — la fortuna occidental de Ghazzālī según Schimmel.

«Discussions about Ghazzālī’s true character have been going on for decades. Was he a subjectivist, or a faithful member of the Muslim community who accepted the given religious fact? How can the divergent viewpoints on the several issues of philosophy and theology be explained? To what extent was he sincere in his conversion? Many aspects of his thought have been studied in recent years, but much remains to be done.» — las preguntas abiertas sobre Ghazzālī que Schimmel enumera sin responder.

«Will the admiration reflected in Shādhilī’s dream continue? Many a Western scholar, though in milder words, would subscribe to it. Or will Père Anawati’s criticism prove right: “Though so brilliant, his contribution did not succeed in preventing the anchylosis that two or three centuries later was to congeal Muslim religious thought”?75 Or was his greatness itself the reason for the congealing of moderate Islam?» — Schimmel deja abierta la valoración de Ghazzālī entre la admiración y la objeción de Anawati, que cita, y añade su propia pregunta.

«the perfected mystic “believes in secret between himself and Allah, and never mentions except to an inner circle of his students.» — la continuación en la plana siguiente del pasaje sobre el Mishkāt: doctrina reservada al círculo íntimo.

«Early ascetic Sufism has beeen treated by Paul Klappstein, Vier turkestanische Heilige, ein Beitrag zum Verständnis der islamischen Mystik (Berlin, 1919), and Jakob Hallauer, Die Vita des Ibrahim ibn Edhem in der Tedhkiret al-Ewlija des Ferid ed-Din Attar (Leipzig, 1925)—both rather superficial.» — el juicio de Schimmel en nota sobre dos estudios del ascetismo temprano; el troceo imprime *beeen*.

«Margaret Smith, Rābiʿa the Mystic and Her Fellow-Saints in Islam (Cambridge, 1928), is a fundamental study that also deals with the role of women in Sufism in general.» — el reconocimiento de Schimmel al libro de Margaret Smith sobre Rābiʿa.

«His post-humously published book I Myrtenträdgården (Uppsala, 1947), translated into English by Birgitta Sharpe as In the Garden of Myrtles (Albany, N.Y., 1988), is an excellent introduction to the pre-Ḥallājian development of Sufism.» — el juicio de Schimmel sobre el libro póstumo de Tor Andrae; el troceo imprime *post-humously* partido.

«N 600 mentions that the famous poet Saʿdī (d. 1292) lived close to Ibn Khafīf’s tomb (which is now in a rather dark quarter of Shiraz, close to the charcoal sellers).» — el dato topográfico que Schimmel añade en nota sobre la tumba de Ibn Khafīf en Shiraz, con su observación de primera mano.

«Süleyman Ateş, Sülemi ve tasavvufi tefsiri (Istanbul, 1969), is a Turkish study of the famous commentary on the Koran by Sulamī, a work that still awaits a critical edition.» — la deuda editorial que Schimmel declara: el comentario coránico de Sulamī sigue sin edición crítica.

«Serge de Laugier de Beaureceuil, Khwadja Abdullah Ansari, mystique hanbalite (Beirut, 1965), is a fine study of Anṣārī and his work.» — el juicio de Schimmel sobre el estudio de Beaureceuil.

«Singh’s translation lacks the rhyming patterns, which are essential, and the poetic flavor.» — la objeción de Schimmel a la traducción inglesa del Munājāt.

«The literature about Ghazzāll is almost inexhaustible; some major works and translations are:» — la fórmula con que Schimmel abre en nota la bibliografía sobre Ghazzālī; el troceo imprime *Ghazzāll*.

«Philosophical investigations of problems of Ghazzālī’s thought and faith were introduced by Julius Obermann, Der religiöse und philosophische Subjektivismus Gazzālīs (Leipzig, 1921), a book the main thesis of which can no longer be accepted.» — la objeción de Schimmel a la tesis de Obermann sobre el subjetivismo de Ghazzālī.

«The first independent study on Ghazzālī appeared in Berlin in 1858: Reinhard Gosche, Über» — el primer estudio independiente sobre Ghazzālī, fechado en 1858.

«The Dutch scholar Arend Theodor van Leeuwen sees Ghazzālī, correctly, as apologist: Ghazālī as apologeet van den Islam (Leiden, 1947).» — Schimmel suscribe la lectura de van Leeuwen de Ghazzālī como apologista.

«Mystics in every religious tradition have tended to describe the different steps on the way that leads toward God by the image of the Path.» — la imagen del Camino como recurso común a las tradiciones, según Schimmel.

«The Christian tripartite division of the via purgativa, the via contemplativa, and the via illuminativa is, to some extent, the same as the Islamic definition of sharīʿa, ṭarīqa, and ḥaqīqa.» — la equivalencia que Schimmel propone entre las dos triparticiones, con el *to some extent* que la acota.

«The ṭarīqa, the “path” on which the mystics walk, has been defined as “the path which comes out of the sharīʿa, for the main road is called sharʿ, the path, ṭarīq.» — la derivación de ṭarīqa a partir de sharʿ que Schimmel consigna.

«No path can exist without a main road from which it branches out; no mystical experience can be realized if the binding injunctions of the sharīʿa are not followed faithfully first.» — la condición que Schimmel pone: sin ley cumplida no hay experiencia mística.

«The path, ṭarīqa, however, is narrower and more difficult to walk and leads the adept—called sālik, “wayfarer”—in his sulūk, “wandering,” through different stations (maqām) until he perhaps reaches, more or less slowly, his goal, the perfect tauḥīd, the existential confession that God is One.» — la definición del recorrido del sālik por las estaciones hasta el tauḥīd, con el *perhaps* conservado.

«tripartite way to God is explained by a tradition attributed to the Prophet: “The sharīʿa are my words [aqwālī], the ṭarīqa are my actions [aʿmālī,] and the ḥaqīqa is my interior states [aḥwālī].» — la tradición profética que reparte palabras, actos y estados entre los tres niveles.

«Sharīʿa, ṭarīqa, and ḥaqīqa are mutually interdependent: The law without truth is ostentation, and the truth without the law is hypocrisy.» — la interdependencia de los tres niveles según el pasaje de Hujwīrī que Schimmel traduce.

«Their mutual relation may be compared to that of body and» — la imagen de cuerpo y espíritu con que Hujwīrī explica esa relación.

«Any one who denies the Truth is an infidel, and any one who rejects the Law is a heretic.» — el cierre del pasaje de Hujwīrī (H 383).

«To kiss the threshold of the sharīʿa”2 was the first duty of anyone who wanted to enter the mystical path.» — el primer deber de quien entra al camino según Schimmel.

«Thus it is said in Turkey: Sharīʿa: yours is yours, mine is mine. Ṭarīqa: yours is yours, mine is yours too. Maʿrifa: there is neither mine nor thine.» — el dicho turco de los tres niveles que Schimmel reproduce.

«The meaning is this: in the ṭarīqa, the mystic should practice īthār, i.e., preferring others to himself, but in the unitive stage the difference between mine and thine has been subsumed in the divine unity.» — la explicación que Schimmel da del dicho.

«They distinguished between maqām, “station,” and ḥāl, “state”: “State is something that descends from God into a man’s heart, without his being able to repel it when it comes, or to attract it when it goes, by his own effort” (H 181).» — la distinción entre estación y estado según Hujwīrī.

«The ḥāl is like the unveiling of the beauteous bride, while the maqām is the [king’s] being alone with the bride.» — el verso de Rūmī en el Mathnawī (M 1:1435) que Schimmel traduce para la misma distinción.

«The maqām is a lasting stage, which man reaches, to a certain extent, by his own striving. It belongs to the category of acts, whereas the states are gifts of grace.» — la definición de maqām en Schimmel: acto del hombre frente a don de gracia.

«He is expected to fulfill completely the obligations pertaining to the respective stations, e.g., he must not act in the station of respect as if he were still in the station of repentance; he also must not leave the station in which he dwells before having completed all its requirements.» — la disciplina de las estaciones que Schimmel describe.

«The mystical theoreticians were not certain whether a state could be appropriated and kept for a while or whether it was a passing experience; they also differ in their classification of the stations and in their description of certain experiences that are seen sometimes as stations, sometimes as states.» — la incertidumbre que Schimmel consigna entre los teóricos místicos, sin resolverla.

«Even the sequence of the stations is not always clear; it varies according to the capacity of the adept, and God’s activity can change stations or grant the wayfarer a state without apparent reason.» — la variabilidad de la secuencia según Schimmel.

«Dhīʾn–Nūn speaks of faith, fear, reverence, obedience, hope, love, suffering, and intimacy; he classifies the last three stations as confusion, poverty, and union (A 9:374).» — la primera de las tres clasificaciones tempranas, la de Dhūʾn-Nūn; el troceo imprime *Dhīʾn–Nūn*.

«His younger contemporary in Iran, Yahyā ibn Muʿādh, gives a spiritual chain closer to the generally accepted form—repentance, asceticism, peace in God’s will, fear, longing, love, and gnosis (A 10:64).» — la segunda clasificación, la de Yaḥyā ibn Muʿādh; el troceo imprime *Yahyā* sin macrón.

«And the Iraqian Sahl at-Tustarī, again a few years younger, defines the sequence as follows: response to God’s call, turning toward Him, repentance, forgiveness of sins, loneliness, steadfastness, meditation, gnosis, discourse, election, and friendship (G 4:43).» — la tercera clasificación, la de Sahl at-Tustarī, con once términos.

«The manuals of Sufism enumerate still other stations; but the main steps are always repentance, trust in God, and poverty, which may lead to contentment, to the different degrees of love, or to gnosis, according to the mental predilection of the wayfarer.» — los pasos principales que Schimmel da por constantes.

«In order to enter the spiritual path, the adept—called murīd, “he who has made up his will” (to enter the Path)—is in need of a guide to lead him through the different stations and to point the way toward the goal.» — la necesidad del guía según Schimmel, con la etimología de murīd.

«Ad-dīn naṣīḥa, “religion consists of giving good advice,” was a Prophetic tradition dear to the mystics, who saw in the constant supervision of the disciple’s way by the mystical guide a conditiosine qua non for true progress, though the image of the sheikh at-tarbīya, who acutely supervised every breath of the murīd, has developed only in the course of time.» — la tradición profética del consejo, y la advertencia de que la figura del sheikh at-tarbīya se formó con el tiempo.

«All the prophets have come in order to open people’s eyes to see their own faults and God’s perfection, their own weakness and God’s power, their own injustice and God’s justice . . . . And the shaikh is also there for the purpose of opening the eyes of his disciples” (N 441).» — el paralelo entre profeta y sheij en el pasaje de las Nafaḥāt al-uns.

«The master who had to teach the method and the exercises had first to test the adept to determine whether he was willing and able to undergo the hardships that awaited him on the Path.» — la prueba previa del adepto, según Schimmel.

«Usually three years of service were required before the adept could be formally accepted in a master’s group—one year in the service of the people, one in the service of God, and one year in watching over his own heart.» — los tres años de servicio y su reparto.

«The methods of humiliating future Sufis were numerous.» — la disciplina de humillación que Schimmel consigna.

«ordered to beg so that they would be rebuked by the people, the intent was not the material profit» — el fin de la mendicidad impuesta: disciplina y no lucro.

«Shiblī, once a high government official, eventually reached the point of saying: “I deem myself the meanest of God’s creatures” (H 359), and only then was he accepted by Junayd.» — el precio que Shiblī pagó para ser aceptado por Junayd.

«When he entered the service of a sheikh, he was made to serve “at the place of ablution,” i.e., to clean the latrines.» — el caso de Majduddīn Baghdādī en el siglo XII.

«His mother, a well-to-do lady physician, asked the master to exempt the tender boy from this work, and sent him twelve Turkish slaves to do the cleaning.» — la intervención de la madre médica y los doce esclavos que envió.

«But he replied: “You are a physician—if your son had an inflammation of the gall bladder, should I give the medicine to a Turkish slave instead of giving it to him?» — la respuesta del maestro a la madre.

«The disciple would probably not have undergone these trials had he not had absolute trust in his master.» — la condición que Schimmel señala para esas pruebas.

«It was, and still is, a rule that a preformed affinity has to exist between master and disciple.» — la afinidad previa entre maestro y discípulo, dicha en presente.

«Many Sufis wandered for years throughout the Islamic world in search of a pīr to whom they could surrender completely; and a number of sheikhs would not accept a new disciple unless they had seen his name written on the Well-preserved Tablet among their followers (N 536, 538).» — la búsqueda del pīr y la Tabla Bien Guardada donde el sheij leía el nombre del discípulo.

«After the adept had performed the three years of service he might be considered worthy of receiving the khirqa, the patched frock, “the badge of the aspirants of Sufism” (H 45).» — la entrega de la khirqa tras los tres años.

«The relation of the novice to the master is threefold: by the khirqa, by being instructed in the formula of dhikr (recollection), and by company (ṣuḥbat), service, and education (N 560).» — los tres vínculos entre novicio y maestro.

«In investing the murīd with the patched frock, Sufism has preserved the old symbolism of garments: by donning a garment that has been worn, or even touched, by the blessed hands of a master, the disciple acquires some of the baraka, the mystico-magical power of the sheikh.» — el simbolismo del vestido y la baraka que se transmite con él.

«Later Sufism knows two kinds of khirqa : the khirqa-yi irāda, which the aspirant gets from the master to whom he has sworn allegiance, and the khirqa-yi tabarruk, the “frock of blessing,” which he may obtain from different masters with whom he has lived or whom he has visited during his journeys—if a master considered him worthy of receiving some of his baraka.» — las dos khirqas del sufismo tardío.

«The khirqa was usually dark blue. It was practical for travel, since dirt was not easily visible on it, and at the same time it was the color of mourning and distress; its intention was to show that the Sufi had separated himself from the world and what is in it.» — el color de la khirqa y sus dos razones, práctica y de duelo.

«In Persian poetry the violet has often been compared to a Sufi who sits, his head on his knees, in the attitude of meditation, modestly wrapped in his dark blue frock among the radiant flowers of the garden.» — la violeta como figura del sufí en la poesía persa.

«In later times in certain circles mystics would choose for their frocks a color that corresponded to their mystical station (CL 166), and sabzpūsh, “he who wears green,” has always been an epithet for those who live on the highest possible spiritual level—be they angels, the Prophet, or Ḳhiḍr, the guide of the mystics (cf. V 52).» — el color de la estación y el verde de los más altos, con remisión al libro de Corbin sobre el hombre de luz.

«The patched frock was, of course, often interpreted in a spiritual sense; warnings against attributing too much importance to this woolen dress were not infrequent: “Purity (ṣafā) is a gift from God, whereas wool (ṣūf) is the clothing of animals” (H 48).» — la advertencia de Hujwīrī contra el culto al hábito.

«Some of the Sufis invented complicated rules for the sewing and stitching of their patched frocks, disputing whether to use thin or coarse thread in putting the patches together, and for some of them these externals were so important that others might accuse» — el escrúpulo sobre el cosido del hábito y la acusación de idolatría.

«Its collar is annihilation of intercourse [with men], its two sleeves are observance and continence, its two gussets are poverty and purity, its belt is persistence in contemplation, its hem is tranquillity in [God’s] presence, and its fringe is settlement in the abode of union. (H 56)» — la lectura espiritual del hábito derviche que Hujwīrī da prenda por prenda.

«The novice who has entered the master’s group becomes “like the son of the sheikh”; he is considered part of him according to the tradition, “the son is part of the father.» — la filiación del novicio con el sheij según la tradición.

«to give birth to a true “heart” and nourishes him with spiritual milk like a mother, as it is often repeated.» — la imagen del sheij que amamanta al discípulo como una madre.

«The Sufis have always been well aware of the dangers of the spiritual path and therefore attributed to the sheikh almost unlimited authority: “When someone has no sheikh, Satan becomes his sheikh,” says a tradition» — la razón de la autoridad casi ilimitada del sheij según Schimmel.

«whoever travels without a guide needs two hundred years for a two days journey.» — el verso de Rūmī en el Mathnawī (M 3:588) sobre viajar sin guía.

«One might read all the books of instruction for a thousand years, but without a guide nothing would be achieved (Y 514).» — el dicho de Yūnus Emre sobre la inutilidad de los libros sin guía.

«The master watches every moment of the disciple’s spiritual growth; he watches him particularly during the forty-day period of meditation (arbaʿīn, chilla) that became, very early, a regular institution in the Sufi path (derived, as Hujwīrī says, from the forty-day fast of Moses, when he hoped for a vision from God, as related in Sura 7:138).» — la vigilancia del maestro durante el arbaʿīn, cuyo origen Hujwīrī hace venir del ayuno de Moisés.

«The sheikh interprets the murīd’s dreams and visions, reads his thoughts, and thus follows every movement of his conscious and subconscious life.» — las funciones del sheij sobre la vida consciente e inconsciente del discípulo.

«In the first centuries of the Sufi movement the idea was already being expressed that in the hands of the master the murīd should be as passive as a corpse in the hands of an undertaker.» — la imagen del cadáver en manos del enterrador, que Schimmel data en los primeros siglos.

«gains from the error of his sheikh, if he should err, is greater than the advantage he gains from his own rightness, if he should be right.”3 This attitude in later times lent itself to dangerous consequences; indeed, it is one of the reasons for modernist Muslims’ aversion to Sufism.» — la doctrina de Ghazzālī sobre la obediencia aun al sheij equivocado, y la consecuencia que Schimmel le señala.

«But the original intent was genuine: the master should act like a physician, diagnosing and healing the illnesses and defects of the human soul.» — la intención original que Schimmel restituye a esa doctrina.

«The image of the master (who is often identified with the true mystical beloved) as the physician who cures the lover’s heart occurs frequently in Persian poetry throughout the centuries.» — el maestro como médico del corazón en la poesía persa.

«Visiting his master is a religious duty of the disciple (N 115), for he will find from him what he will not find elsewhere.» — el deber de visitar al maestro.

«Under the guidance of such a trusted master, the murīd could hope to proceed in the stations on the Path. The sheikh would teach him how to behave in each mental state and prescribe periods of seclusion, if he deemed it necessary.» — lo que el sheij enseña y prescribe al murīd.

«It was well known that the methods could not be alike for everybody, and the genuine mystical leader had to have a great deal of psychological understanding in order to recognize the different talents and characters of his murīds and train them accordingly.» — la exigencia de comprensión psicológica que Schimmel atribuye al guía verdadero.

«He might exempt a disciple for a time from the forty-day seclusion, for instance, because he was spiritually too weak, or because his spiritual ecstasy might overwhelm him.» — las dos razones de exención del retiro de cuarenta días.

«The isolation of the murīd for a period of forty days necessitates a deep change in consciousness, and some of the Sufi theoreticians were aware—as every good sheikh in fact was—that the seclusion might constitute, for weaker adepts, a source of danger rather than of elevation.» — el riesgo del retiro para los adeptos débiles.

«Generally, the disciple should consider the dark room in which he observes his seclusion as a tomb, and his frock as a shroud (N 418).» — la lectura funeraria del retiro.

«Mystics would often retire into seclusion for periods of» — la cuenta de chillas completadas como mérito.

«Sometimes they would construct a special chillakhāna, a room for seclusion, which might even be subterranean (N 325), close to the center of the fraternity or in a blessed place nearby.» — la chillakhāna como construcción propia, a veces subterránea.

«The mystical path has sometimes been described as a ladder, a staircase that leads to heaven, on which the sālik slowly and patiently climbs toward higher levels of experience.» — la escalera como imagen del camino.

«But the Muslim mystics knew that there is another way of reaching higher experiences: it is the jadhba, “attraction,” by which a person can be exalted, in one single spiritual experience, into a state of ecstasy and of perfect union.» — el jadhba como vía alterna a la escalera.

«However, it seems typical that the name of majdhūb, “the attracted one,” was usually given to people who were mentally deranged and who were, in a sense, thrown out of the way of normal behavior by the overwhelming shock of an “unveiling.”» — la observación de Schimmel sobre el uso corriente de majdhūb.

«The sources often described such “attracted” people, who are completely lost and submerged in the divine unity, their eyes “like two cups filled with blood” (N 479), inspiring awe, and at times shocking people by their behavior.» — el retrato de los arrebatados en las fuentes, con los ojos como copas llenas de sangre.

«One should not forget, too, that certain Sufis claimed to be traveling the Path without formal initiation.» — los uwaysíes que dicen recorrer el camino sin iniciación formal.

«But even in his case, some legally inclined mystics would hold that he was “spiritually” initiated by the Prophet despite the distance, for initiation by a nonvisible master or by a saint who had died long ago was considered possible in Sufi circles.» — la objeción legalista y la salida de la iniciación por un maestro no visible.

«Thus, Kharaqānī was introduced into the Path through the spirit of Bāyezīd Bisṭāmī, while ʿAṭṭār was inspired by Ḥallāj’s spirit.» — los dos casos de iniciación por el espíritu de un muerto.

«The spirit of the saint is thought to be alive, able to participate actively in the affairs of this world, often appearing in dreams and guiding the wayfarer on his Path, for “the friends of God do not die.» — la doctrina sobre el espíritu del santo que Schimmel consigna.

«Later Sufis—particularly the Naqshbandiyya—practiced a concentration upon the “spiritual reality” of the great masters in order to be strengthened in their mystical pursuits.» — la práctica naqshbandí de concentrarse en la realidad espiritual de los maestros.

«A final possibility of initiation from a source other than a human master was through Khiḍr. Khiḍr, identified with the mysterious companion of Moses mentioned in Sūra 18, is the patron saint of travelers, the immortal who drank from the water of life.» — Khiḍr como tercera vía de iniciación.

«Sometimes the mystics would meet him on their journeys;» — la investidura de la khirqa por Khiḍr, aceptada como válida.

«Ibn ʿArabī, the theosophist (d. 1240), is one of those who claimed to have received the khirqa from Khiḍr.» — el caso de Ibn ʿArabī, que decía haber recibido la khirqa de Khiḍr.

«The correct initial orientation of the adept is decisive for the success of the journey: who begins in God will also end in Him (L 241).» — el principio del Kitāb al-lumaʿ sobre el comienzo y el fin del viaje.

«Under the spell of some poetical utterances of later Persian poets, or impressed by dervishes, who were anything but observant of Muslim law, westerners have often regarded the Sufis as representatives of a movement that has freed itself from the legal prescriptions of Islam, no longer caring for religion and infidelity. Sufi became almost an equivalent for “free thinker” with many Europeans.» — la imagen europea del sufí como librepensador, que Schimmel expone antes de negarla.

«One should not forget that the sharīʿa, as proclaimed in the Koran and exemplified by the Prophet (L 27), together with a firm belief in the Day of Judgment, was the soil out of which their piety grew.» — el suelo del que Schimmel hace crecer la piedad sufí.

«They did not abolish the rites but rather interiorized them, as it was said: “The people who know God best are those who struggle most for His commands and follow closest the tradition of His Prophet” (N 117).» — la interiorización de los ritos, con la sentencia de las Nafaḥāt al-uns.

«The performance of ritual prayer, fasting, and pilgrimage to Mecca constituted, for the majority of the early Sufis, the minimal religious obligation without which all possible mystical training would be useless and meaningless.» — el mínimo religioso que Schimmel atribuye a la mayoría de los primeros sufíes.

«Many of them performed the pilgrimage to Mecca frequently—up to seventy times, if we can believe the hagiographers.» — la cifra de peregrinaciones, consignada con la reserva sobre los hagiógrafos.

«They knew that the true seat of the divine spirit was not the Kaaba made of stone but the Kaaba of the faithful worshiper’s heart (U 43), in which God might reveal Himself to those who completed the Path.» — la Kaaba del corazón frente a la de piedra.

«When you seek God, seek Him in your heart– He is not in Jerusalem, nor in Mecca nor in the ḥajj, says Yūnus Emre (Y 520), voicing the conviction of many of his contemporaries and followers.» — el verso de Yūnus Emre (Y 520) sobre buscar a Dios en el corazón.

«Yet the pilgrimage remained a central point in the Sufi life, and Mecca was not only a place where the Sufis would meet and join in discussion, but where many of them were blessed with revelations and illuminations.» — el contrapeso que Schimmel pone: la peregrinación siguió siendo central.

«The recitation of the Koran was another important duty of the mystic: “A disciple who does not know the Koran by heart is like a lemon without scent” (N 131).» — el deber de recitar el Corán, con la sentencia del limón sin aroma.

«The divine word is the infallible source of spiritual uplifting; it inspires joy and awe and leads to secret conversations with God, for “God reveals Himself to His servants in the Koran,” as ʿAlī reportedly said (B 584).» — la función del Corán según Schimmel, con el dicho atribuido a ʿAlī.

«Even though Paradise and Hell did not matter to the devotees of mystical love, they were well aware that their deeds would bear fruit, and one of the favorite sayings attributed to the Prophet was constantly repeated by the moderate mystics: “This world is the seedbed for the Otherworld.» — la tradición profética del semillero, repetida por los místicos moderados.

«Every act bears fruit by helping or hindering the adept in his progress toward his goal, and “if you plant colocynth, no sugarcane will grow out of it” (D 1337).» — la ley de los frutos, con el verso del Dīwān de Rūmī.

«Rūmī, following Sanāʾī’s example, held that every thought that becomes embedded in the heart will turn into a form visible to everybody at the Day of Judgment, just as the thought of the architect becomes visible in the plan of the house, or as the plant grows out of the seed hidden in the soil (M 5:1791–1803), and death will meet man like a mirror, which shows either a beautiful or an ugly face according to his good or evil deeds.» — la doctrina de Rūmī sobre el pensamiento que toma forma visible en el Juicio.

«The Zoroastrian idea of the witness in Heaven who meets the deceased soul has clearly inspired these ideas.» — la filiación zoroástrica que Schimmel adjudica a esas ideas.

«Sanāʾī went even further—he thought that evil thoughts might completely transform man at the end of time so that some people might even appear as animals because they followed bestial instincts and animal lusts in their lifetime (SD 618).» — la versión extrema de Sanāʾī: los hombres transformados en animales.

«One has to work day and night, to plough and to clean the field of the soul. (U 264)» — el verso del Muṣībatnāme de ʿAṭṭār sobre arar el campo del alma.

«And what has been sown during the winter—in the darkness of this material world—will be apparent in the springtime of eternity (M 5:1801).» — el verso de Rūmī sobre la siembra de invierno.

«the greatest danger is that the adept may neglect, for a moment, his spiritual duties (ghaflat), that he may become entranced by the “sleep of heedlessness,” as later poets liked to call this state.» — el ghaflat o sueño de la negligencia como mayor peligro.

«The story of Sassuī, the loving wife who found that her husband had» — la historia sindhi de Sassuī como figura del sueño de la negligencia.

«And while the ordinary believer repents his sins, the elite repents heedlessness (L 44).» — la distinción del Kitāb al-lumaʿ entre los dos arrepentimientos.

«without ikhlāṣ is of no avail; a religious thought that is not born out of this sincerity is meaningless, even dangerous.» — la función que Schimmel da al ikhlāṣ: sin él nada vale; la frase empieza en la plana anterior con *A prayer*.

«Praise and blame of the crowd do not mean anything to one who has turned wholly and without any qualification to the Lord; and though he will constantly be acting virtuously, he will forget his good and pious actions in his attempt to act solely for God. He forgets, of necessity, the thought of recompense for his works in this world and the world to come.» — el efecto del ikhlāṣ sobre el olvido de la propia virtud.

«It is told that Warrāq, one of the early Sufis, was seen wearing a long coat on which he had written the letter kh on one side, the letter m on the other side, so that he could always remember the kh of ikhlāṣ and the m of muruwwa, “virtue.” (N 125)» — la anécdota de Warrāq y las dos letras cosidas en su abrigo.

«An act of perfect sincerity, done for God’s sake, might result in spiritual progress even though it might appear outwardly foolish.» — la tesis de Schimmel sobre la sinceridad que parece necedad.

«Typical is the story of a not very bright murīd whom some mischievous people teased, telling him that he would gain spiritual enlightenment by hanging himself by his feet from the roof and repeating some meaningless words they taught him. He followed their advice in sincerity and found himself illuminated the next morning. (N 320)» — el relato del murīd colgado de los pies, que Schimmel trae como ejemplo.

«An overstressing of the ideal of ikhlāṣ has led to the attitude of the malāmatiyya, “those who are blamed,” those who conceal their virtuous deeds in order to perform their religious duties without ostentation (see chapter 2).» — el origen del malāmatismo en un ikhlāṣ llevado al extremo.

«For the greatest sin is riyā, “hypocrisy” or “ostentation,” and the master of psychological analysis in early Sufism, Muḥāsibī, dealt extensively with this danger.» — la hipocresía como pecado mayor y Muḥāsibī como su analista.

«A man ostentatiously prayed the whole night through in a mosque he had entered at dusk and where he had heard a sound that seemed to indicate the presence of a human being.» — la anécdota del orante hipócrita; el tramo corta en el fin de plana.

«prayer was heard, he discovered that his companion in the mosque was a dog, thus rendering all his prayers invalid and himself impure.» — el desenlace de esa anécdota en la plana siguiente.

«The first station on the Path, or rather its very beginning, is tauba, “repentance”; tauba means to turn away from sins, to abjure every worldly concern.» — la tauba como primera estación del camino.

«Repentance is a strange mount– it jumps towards heaven in a single moment from the lowest place.» — el verso de Rūmī (M 6:464) sobre la montura del arrepentimiento.

«Tauba can be awakened in the soul by any outward event, be it a profane word, which is suddenly understood in a religious sense, a piece of paper on which a relevant sentence is written, the recitation of the Koran, a dream, or a meeting with a saintly person.» — los desencadenantes posibles de la tauba según Schimmel.

«One night, he heard a strange sound on the roof of his palace in Balkh. The servants found a man who claimed, in Ibrāhīm’s presence, to be looking for his lost camel on the palace roof. Blamed by the prince for having undertaken such an impossible task, the man answered that his, Ibrāhīm’s, attempt at attaining heavenly peace and true religious life in the midst of luxury was as absurd as the search for a camel on top of a roof. Ibrāhīm repented and repudiated all his possessions. (Cf. M 6:829ff.)» — el relato del camello en el tejado que provoca la conversión de Ibrāhīm ibn Adham.

«The “world” was considered a dangerous snare on the way to God, and particularly in the time of the old ascetics harsh, crude words were uttered to describe the character of this miserable place, which was compared to a latrine—a place to be visited only in case of need7—to a rotting carcass, or to a dunghill» — las imágenes con que los viejos ascetas describían el mundo.

«The world is a dunghill and a gathering place of dogs; and meaner than a dog is that person who does not stay away from it. For the dog takes his own need from it and goes away, but he who loves it is in no way separated from it” (N 65).» — la sentencia del muladar y los perros en las Nafaḥāt al-uns.

«Most of the Sufis, however, would speak of the transitoriness of the world rather than of its perfect evil; for it was created by God, but it is perishable since nothing but God is everlasting.» — la corrección que Schimmel introduce: transitoriedad y no maldad del mundo.

«Why should the ascetic bother about it at all, since compared to the glory of God, the world is nothing more than a gnat’s wing (A 10:84)?» — el argumento del ala de mosquito.

«When the disciple leaves this world in his act of repentance, the problem arises as to whether or not he should remember his former sins.» — la cuestión que Schimmel plantea sobre la memoria del pecado.

«Sahl at-Tustarī demands that even after repentance sins should never be forgotten (L 43), for remembrance constitutes a remedy against possible spiritual pride.» — la posición de Sahl at-Tustarī sobre no olvidar el pecado.

«However Junayd, his contemporary, defined true repentance as “the forgetting of one’s sins” (L 43), and Junayd’s colleague Ruwaym defined tauba as “repenting from repentance,” i.e., complete obliteration of the thought of sin and penitence.» — las posiciones contrarias de Junayd y de Ruwaym, que Schimmel consigna sin arbitrar.

«Junayd’s idea is taken up by Hujwīrī: “The penitent is a lover of God, and the lover of God is in contemplation of God: in contemplation it is wrong to remember sin, for recollection of sin is a veil between God and the contemplator” (H 296).» — la formulación de Hujwīrī: recordar el pecado es un velo.

«In keeping with his inclination to systematization, Hujwīrī speaks of tauba as return from great sins to obedience; ināba is the return from minor sins to love, and auba the return from one’s self to God (H 295).» — la tripartición de Hujwīrī entre tauba, ināba y auba.

«The Sufis knew how often “repentance was broken”—an expression connected, in later Persian poetry, with the breaking of the wine bottle, which induced people to sin again and required renewed repentance.» — la ruptura del arrepentimiento y su imagen del frasco de vino en la poesía persa.

«But the mystical leaders were sure that the door of repentance remains open; it is a door from the West until the day when the sun rises in the West (M 4:2504) i.e., until Doomsday, says Rūmī, on whose mausoleum in Konya the famous lines are written» — la puerta abierta del arrepentimiento y el verso de Rūmī sobre el mausoleo de Konya.

«Come back, come back, even if you have broken your repentance a thousand times.» — el verso escrito en el mausoleo de Rūmī en Konya, en la traducción de Schimmel.

«In the primary stages of the Path, the adept has to increase in abstinence (waraʿ), caused by fear of the Lord, and in renunciation (zuhd).» — el waraʿ y el zuhd como estaciones primeras.

«The latter word means, again in the traditional tripartite arrangement of concepts, to give up whatever is ritually and religiously allowed, to give up this world, and eventually to give up everything that distracts the heart from God, even to renounce the thought of renunciation.» — la tripartición del zuhd que Schimmel expone.

«That includes, of course, giving up the hope for heavenly reward or the fear of Hell.» — lo que la renuncia incluye según Schimmel.

«Pious women would not spin in the light of a neighbor’s candle; a mystic whose only sheep had grazed on someone else’s lawn by mistake would no longer drink its milk, declaring it to be illicit for him after such a transgression.» — los dos ejemplos de escrúpulo extremo que Schimmel trae.

«Food or anything belonging to or coming from the ruling classes was regarded as suspect.» — la sospecha sobre lo que viene del poder.

«It is well known that in the old days the most pious scholars refused to accept government offices; even in later periods relations between the Sufis and the rulers were often cold, if not strained, since the mystics were not interested in any contact that might pollute their pure intentions.» — la relación fría entre místicos y gobernantes, según Schimmel.

«That is why in anecdotes and in poetry, and so often in ʿAṭṭār’s epics, the dervish is made the mouthpiece of social criticism: he puts his finger on the wound of society and points to the corrupt state of affairs.» — el derviche como voz de la crítica social, sobre todo en las epopeyas de ʿAṭṭār.

«In later Sufi texts stress is laid not so much on zuhd as on its negative counterpart, ḥirṣ, “greed,” a quality opposed to both renunciation and true poverty.» — el desplazamiento del zuhd al ḥirṣ en los textos tardíos.

«The Persian poets have never ceased warning their readers of greed, which is “a dragon and not any small thing” (M 5:120).» — el dragón de la avaricia en el Mathnawī.

«This quality was found, as history shows, not only in the worldly leaders but also in many of those who claimed to have attained the highest spiritual rank and who used outward zuhd to cover their inner greed.» — la avaricia bajo el ascetismo aparente, que Schimmel consigna.

«The forward movement on the Path, as initiated by repentance and renunciation, consists of a constant struggle against the nafs, the “soul”—the lower self, the base instincts, what we might render in the biblical sense as “the flesh.”» — la definición del nafs que Schimmel da, con la equivalencia bíblica propuesta.

«The faithful had been admonished in the Koran (Sūra 79:40) to “fear the place of his Lord and hinder the nafs from lust.» — la base coránica de la lucha contra el nafs.

«For the nafs is the cause of blameworthy actions, sins, and base qualities; and the struggle with it has been called by the Sufis “the greater Holy War,” for “the worst enemy you have is [the nafs ] between your sides,” as the ḥadīth says (L 12).» — el nafs como enemigo peor y la guerra santa mayor.

«The Koranic expression an-nafs al-ammāra biʾs-sūʾ, “the soul commanding to evil” (Sūra 12:53) forms the starting point for the Sufi way of purification.» — el alma que ordena el mal como punto de partida de la purificación.

«The holy book contains also the expression an-nafs al-lawwāma, “the blaming soul” (Sūra 75:2), which corresponds approximately to the conscience that watches over man’s actions and controls him.» — el alma que reprende, equiparada por Schimmel a la conciencia.

«Eventually, once purification is achieved, the nafs may become muṭmaʾinna (Sūra 89:27), “at peace”; in this state, according to the Koran, it is called home to its Lord.» — el alma en paz como término de la purificación.

«The main duty of the adept is to act exactly contrary to the nafs’s appetites and wishes. There is nothing more dangerous for the disciple than to treat the nafs lightly by allowing indulgences and accepting (facilitating) interpretations, says Ibn Khafīf.» — el deber de contrariar al nafs y la advertencia de Ibn Khafīf contra las interpretaciones facilitadoras.

«It is incumbent upon every traveler on the Path to purge the nafs of its evil attributes in order to replace these by the opposite, praiseworthy qualities.» — la sustitución de atributos como tarea del camino.

«The nafs is something very real, and many stories tell of its having been seen outside the body.» — el estatuto que Schimmel da al nafs en los relatos: algo real y visible fuera del cuerpo.

«Sometimes it took the form of a black dog that wanted food but had to be trained and sent away; other mystics saw their nafs coming out of their throats in the form of a young fox or a mouse (H 206).» — las formas en que el nafs se aparece según Hujwīrī.

«The nafs can also be compared to a disobedient woman who tries to seduce and cheat the poor wayfarer (the noun nafs is feminine in Arabic!)» — la imagen femenina del nafs, con la razón gramatical que Schimmel apunta.

«A recurrent image is that of the restive horse or mule that has to be kept hungry and has to undergo constant mortification and» — el caballo indócil como imagen del nafs.

«This tripartition is not found elsewhere.» — la advertencia de Schimmel sobre la tripartición de Hujwīrī: no aparece en otra parte.

«It was easy for the ascetic to renounce things declared doubtful» — el contraste que Schimmel establece entre renunciar a lo dudoso y renunciar a lo lícito; el tramo corta en el fin de plana y sigue *by Muslim law*.

«One day, when Aḥmad ibn Harb was sitting with the chiefs and nobles of Nishapur who had come to offer their respects to him, his son entered the room, drunk, playing a guitar, and singing, and passed insolently without heeding them. Aḥmad, perceiving that they were put out of countenance, said “What is the matter?” They replied: “We are ashamed that this lad should pass by you in such a state.” Aḥmad said: “He is excusable. One night my wife and I partook of some food that was brought to us from a neighbour’s house. That same night this son was begotten and we fell asleep and let our devotions go. Next morning we inquired of our neighbour as to the source of the food that he had sent to us, and we found that it came from a wedding-feast in the house of a government official. (H 365)» — la anécdota de Aḥmad ibn Harb que Hujwīrī refiere: el bocado venido de casa de un funcionario, la devoción omitida y el hijo así engendrado. Es una cita en bloque de 793 caracteres, releída entera en el crudo, y por eso se extrajo con la guarda anticosido desactivada.

«Rūmī compares the struggle of the intellect with the nafs to the attempts of Majnūn to turn his camel in the right direction, toward the tent of his beloved» — la comparación de Rūmī entre el intelecto frente al nafs y Majnūn con su camello.

«it is only natural that poets all over the desert areas, like Shāh ʿAbduʾl-Laṭīf in Sind, are particularly fond of this comparison.» — la fortuna de esa imagen entre los poetas del desierto, con Shāh ʿAbduʾl-Laṭīf en Sind.

«Even the comparison of the nafs to a pig is not rare. It is found mainly in ʿAṭṭār’s poetry; like Sanāʾī before him, he felt that those who obeyed their piglike nature would themselves be changed into pigs» — la imagen porcina del nafs en ʿAṭṭār y en Sanāʾī.

«Sometimes the nafs has been likened to Pharaoh, the selfcentered ruler (U 16; M 4:3621) who did not listen to the call to faith uttered by Moses but claimed a divine rank for himself and consequently was drowned in the Red Sea» — el nafs como Faraón, según los versos que Schimmel cita; el troceo parte *self-centered* con guion de fin de renglón y la extracción devuelve la forma unida, cuya lectura propuesta es *self-centered*.

«Old, popular beliefs were revived when the nafs was said to take the form of a snake; but this serpent can be turned into a useful rod, just as Moses transformed serpents into rods.» — el nafs como serpiente que puede volverse vara.

«More frequent, however, is the idea that the power of the spiritual master can blind the snake; according to folk belief, the snake is blinded by the sight of an emerald (the connection of the pir’s spiritual power with the green color of the emerald is significant). Thus, his influence renders the nafs-snake harmless (M 3:2548).» — la esmeralda que ciega a la serpiente y el verde del pīr.

«The image of training the horse or the dog conveys the most nearly accurate impression of the activity of the Sufi: the lower faculties are not to be killed, but trained so that even they may serve on the way to God.» — la tesis de Schimmel: las facultades inferiores se entrenan, no se matan.

«A story told about the Prophet Muhammad well expresses this faith in the training of the base soul; the expression used here for the “lower qualities, instincts,” is shayṭān, “Satan”: “When asked how his shayṭān behaved, he answered: ‘ Aslama shayṭānī; my shayṭān has become a Muslim and does whatever I order him,’” i.e., all his lower faculties and instincts had been turned into useful tools in the service of God.» — el ḥadīth del shayṭān que se hizo musulmán, leído como entrenamiento de los instintos.

«Provided that man obeys God in every respect, the lower soul will obey its master, as everything in the world will obey the one who has completely surrendered his will to the will of God.» — la condición que Schimmel pone a esa obediencia del nafs.

«The struggle against the nafs has always been a favorite topic» — las argucias del nafs bajo la hipocresía y la falsa piedad.

«The nafs has a rosary and a Koran in its right hand, and a scimitar and a dagger in the sleeve» — el verso de Rūmī (M 3:2554) sobre el nafs con rosario y puñal, que remonta a Dhūʾn-Nūn.

«Even to indulge in constant acts of worship or prayer can become a pleasure for the nafs; the mystic, therefore, has to break every kind of habit, for otherwise his nafs will overcome him in a subtler way (N 98).» — la advertencia de que el culto mismo puede ser placer del nafs.

«One of the great dangers for the wayfarer is laziness or leisure; as long as he has not yet reached his goal, it would be better for him to occupy himself with seemingly useless things, like digging one pit after the other (N 156, 90), than to spend a moment in leisure, for “leisure (farāgh) is an affliction” (N 90).» — el ocio como aflicción y el remedio de cavar pozos inútiles.

«The chief means for taming and training the nafs were, and still are, fasting and sleeplessness. The first ascetics have often been described as qāʾim al-lail wa ṣāʾim ad-dahr, “spending their nights upright in prayer and maintaining a perpetual fast by day.» — los dos medios principales: ayuno e insomnio.

«The old saying that the three elements of Sufi conduct are qillat aṭ-ṭaʿām, qillat al-manām wa qillat al-kalām, “little food, little sleep, little talk” (to which often “loneliness, keeping away from men,” was added) is still as valid as it was a thousand years ago.» — las tres poquedades de la conducta sufí, que Schimmel da por vigentes al escribir.

«Lack of sleep was considered one of the most effective means on the mystical Path—”the eye is weeping instead of sleeping”11 —and the caliph ʿUmar (634–44), who was certainly not a Sufi, reportedly said: “What have I to do with sleep? If I slept by day, I would lose the Muslims, and if I slept by night I would lose my soul” (G 1:318).» — el dicho del califa ʿUmar sobre el sueño, citado del Iḥyāʾ.

«Many of the mystics would avoid stretching out their legs or lying down when slumber overcame them, for all of them hoped for some revelation after the long nights of sleeplessness, which extended over years, if we can believe the sources.» — la vigilia prolongada, consignada con reserva sobre las fuentes.

«Shāh Kirmānī did not sleep for forty years, but eventually he was overwhelmed by sleep—and he saw God.» — el relato de Shāh Kirmānī y los cuarenta años sin dormir.

«O Lord, I was seeking Thee in nightly vigils, but I have found Thee in sleep.» — la exclamación de Shāh Kirmānī al ver a Dios en sueños.

«For practical purposes, however, the qillat aṭ-ṭaʿām, “to eat little,” is even more important than to avoid sleep.» — la primacía práctica del comer poco sobre el dormir poco.

«Many of them extended the fasting in Ramadan observed by every Muslim; but in order to make fasting more difficult, they invented the so-called ṣaum dāʾūdī» — el ṣaum dāʾūdī como endurecimiento voluntario del ayuno.

«The first mystic to speak of the “alchemy of hunger” was, as far as we can see» — la abstención con que Schimmel atribuye la alquimia del hambre.

«He claimed that forty days of constant hunger could transform the darkness of the heart into light (W 216), and many sayings of the early Sufis praise this hunger, which “is stored up in treasure-houses with Him, and He gives it to none but whom He particularly loves”» — los cuarenta días de hambre que transforman la oscuridad del corazón en luz.

«But “hunger is the food of the ascetics, recollection that of the gnostics” (N 157).» — la distinción entre alimento del asceta y del gnóstico.

«Man can receive the divine breath of inspiration only when he keeps himself hungry and empty.» — la razón que Schimmel da al hambre: hacerse hueco para el soplo divino.

«In cases of this kind, hunger is no longer a means for subduing the nafs but a divine grace: adoration is the food for the spiritual man (H 303), and the Sufi is nourished by the divine light (M 4:1640–44).» — el hambre vuelta gracia y no medio.

«Some mystics, like Ibn Khafīf, have confessed that their goal in permanent fasting and diminishing their food was to be like the angels, who also live on perpetual adoration (X 107).» — el fin angélico del ayuno según Ibn Khafīf, en la Sīra que Schimmel editó.

«Gabriel’s food was not from the kitchen, it was from the vision of the Creator of Existence.» — el verso sobre el alimento de Gabriel que Schimmel traduce.

«It is astonishing how many of them lived to be very old.» — la observación de Schimmel sobre la longevidad de esos ascetas del hambre.

«There are known cases of Sufis who starved to death (L 417).» — el dato extremo que Schimmel consigna del Kitāb al-lumaʿ.

«as early as the tenth century, the fondness of the Sufis for halvah, sweetmeat, is mentioned;» — el dato que Schimmel consigna sobre la afición sufí al halvah ya en el siglo X.

«Many later orders taught that the middle way, between excessive hunger and excessive eating, was safest for the disciple’s progress (N 395).» — la vía media entre hambre y hartura que Schimmel atribuye a las órdenes posteriores.

«According to the later Naqshbandiyya and other moderate orders, the people who truly fast are those who keep their minds free from the food of satanic suggestions and so do not allow any impure thoughts to enter their hearts» — la definición naqshbandí del ayuno verdadero.

«One of the most important stations on the Path is tawakkul, complete trust in God and self-surrender to Him.» — la tawakkul como estación mayor del camino.

«The problem was soon posed as to whether tawakkul was an attribute of the faithful or a consequence of perfect faith.» — la cuestión que Schimmel plantea sobre el estatuto de la tawakkul.

«Thus Muḥāsibī, representative of orthodox views, holds that the degree of tawakkul can vary in accordance with the degree of faith a person has.» — la posición de Muḥāsibī sobre los grados de la tawakkul.

«The same end is reached if the problem is approached from the angle of predestination. Rizq, “our daily bread,” has been guaranteed from preeternity. Why worry, then?» — el argumento desde la predestinación que Schimmel expone.

«Since everything is created by and belongs to God, man possesses absolutely nothing of his own; therefore it would be vain to strive to attract or refuse anything.» — la consecuencia que Schimmel extrae sobre la posesión.

«The Muslim creed expressly states that “what has been destined for man cannot possibly miss him,” be it food, happiness, or death.» — la fórmula del credo musulmán que Schimmel cita.

«The word ascribed to the Prophet, “if ye had trust in God as ye ought He would feed you even as He feeds the birds,” sounds almost evangelical.» — el dicho profético de los pájaros, que Schimmel llama casi evangélico.

«Sanāʾī said about 1120: If your daily bread is in China, the horse of acquisition is already saddled, and either brings you hurriedly to it, or brings it to you, while you are asleep.» — los versos de Sanāʾī sobre el pan cotidiano, en la traducción de Schimmel.

«And even today Muslim intellectuals may say: “Wherever your rizq is, there you will find it, and it will find you.» — el testimonio contemporáneo que Schimmel recoge de boca de intelectuales musulmanes.

«The Muslim mystics often use the expression ḥusn aẓ-ẓann, “to think well of God,” which may sound strange to modern ears, but which means once more the absolute, hopeful trust in God’s kindness.» — la fórmula ḥusn aẓ-ẓann y su sentido según Schimmel.

«This attitude has been a source of strength for millions of Muslims, but it is not to be confused with the stoic acceptance of a blind fate, as it is usually understood in terms of predestinarían ideas.» — Schimmel separa esa confianza del fatalismo estoico; el troceo imprime *predestinarían* con tilde por error de la capa de texto.

«The faith in the rizq that will reach man was certainly carried too far by an early mystic who forbade his disciple to stretch out his hand to grasp a dried-up melon skin.» — el caso extremo que Schimmel juzga llevado demasiado lejos.

«Tawakkul in its interiorized sense means to realize tauḥīd; for it» — la lectura interiorizada de la tawakkul como realización del tauḥīd.

«This aspect of tawakkul is one of the basic truths in Sufi psychology: as soon as every feeling and thought is directed in perfect sincerity toward God, without any secondary causes, neither humans nor animals can any longer harm the mystic.» — el efecto que Schimmel atribuye a la tawakkul plena.

«The numerous stories about Sufis who wandered “in tawakkul “ through the desert without fear of lions or highway robbers, without any provisions, reflect this attitude in a somewhat romantic fashion.» — los relatos de travesías en tawakkul, que Schimmel llama románticos.

«Ironically, one of the leading masters of tawakkul, Abū Turāb an-Nakhshabī, was devoured by lions in the desert (Q 17).» — el desenlace de Abū Turāb an-Nakhshabī, que Schimmel marca como irónico.

«But exaggerated tawakkul might induce man into perfect passivity. Then it might produce strange figures like the dervish who fell into the Tigris; asked whether he wanted to be saved, he said “no,” and asked whether he would rather die, he again said “no”—“for what have I to do with willing?” God had decreed at the time of creation whether he was to be drowned or saved.» — el derviche del Tigris como caso extremo de pasividad.

«Another story that deals with the unhealthy exaggeration of tawakkul is told about Ibrāhīm ibn al-Khawāṣṣ, an Iraqian Sufi who used to wander in the deserts without any provisions (ʿalāʾttawakkul).» — el caso de Ibrāhīm ibn al-Khawāṣṣ; el troceo une *ʿalāʾt-tawakkul* partido por el salto de renglón, cuya lectura propuesta es *ʿalāʾt-tawakkul*.

«But a colleague of his thought even this too lax, since “his Sufi dress begged for him”; he made him wear luxurious attire and then sent him to the desert to practice real trust in God (X 105).» — la objeción del colega: el hábito sufí mendigaba por él.

«This same wayfarer would refuse the company of Khiḍr, the patron of pious travelers, because his graceful company seemed to negate his perfect trust in God alone—had not Abraham, after all, refused help even from Gabriel when Nimrod cast him onto the blazing pyre?» — la negativa a la compañía de Khiḍr y el precedente de Abraham.

«And he was rewarded for this act of tawakkul by God’s changing the fire into a cool rose garden.» — el desenlace del precedente de Abraham.

«How, then, could the Sufi ascetic even think of danger if everything was in the hands of God? And why should he get involved in a profession to gain his livelihood if God would send him his food in any case, if there was food predestined for him?» — las dos preguntas con que Schimmel expone la lógica del asceta.

«The ascetic regarded everything worldly as contaminated; nothing was ritually clean enough for him to occupy himself with.» — el juicio del asceta sobre lo mundano.

«The importance of the problem of tawakkul for early Sufi thought and practice can be understood from the fact that the earliest standard work on mysticism, Abū Ṭālib al-Makkī’s Qūt al-qulūb, contains sixty pages (big folio with very small print) about this topic, more than about any other aspect of Sufism.» — la medida que Schimmel da del peso de la tawakkul: sesenta planas en el Qūt al-qulūb.

«However, neither strict Hanbalite orthodoxy nor the moderate Sufis accepted the notion of tawakkul in an over-stressed form; exaggerations like those just mentioned were criticized by many of the leading pious.» — la objeción de hanbalíes y sufíes moderados a la tawakkul exagerada.

«They considered this exaggerated attitude a violation of the Prophetic tradition—did not Muhammad himself advise a bedouin: “First tie your camel’s knee, and then trust in God”?» — el dicho profético de atar el camello antes de confiar.

«Sahl at-Tustarī is the perfect example of a mystic who tried to combine a life in the “world” with complete tawakkul, and his contemporary Junayd taught his disciples how to regard earning: “The proper method of earning ... is to engage in works which bring one nearer to God, and to occupy oneself with them in the same spirit as with works of supererogation commended to one, not with the idea that they are a means of sustenance or advantage” (K 73).» — el método de ganarse la vida que Junayd enseña, citado del Kitāb at-taʿarruf.

«In the course of time, tawakkul came to be regarded more as a spiritual attitude than as an external practice.» — el desplazamiento de la tawakkul hacia lo espiritual.

«If everybody had lived according to the ideals promoted by some of the early ascetics, the whole economic and social fabric of the Muslim Empire would have collapsed.» — el juicio de Schimmel sobre el alcance social de esos ideales.

«He needs God, nothing else. Later Sufis have stretched this concept of absolute poverty so far that even Jesus, the ideal of poverty for the early ascetics, was regarded as imperfect in his poverty; he used to carry a needle with him, which proved that his relation with the world was not yet completely severed, and that is why he was assigned a place only in the fourth heaven, not in the proximity of the Lord.» — la pobreza absoluta llevada hasta juzgar imperfecto a Jesús por llevar una aguja.

«Hujwīrī spoke, correctly, about the form and the essence of poverty: “Its form is destitution and indigence, but its essence is fortune and free choice” (H 19).» — la distinción de Hujwīrī entre forma y esencia de la pobreza, que Schimmel suscribe.

«The dervish, the Sufi, may be rich if he has the right attitude, which means that his outward wealth and power are of no interest to him and that he would be willing to give them up at any moment.» — la pobreza como disposición y no como carencia.

«The final consequence— after quitting this world and the next—is to “quit quitting” (tark at-tark), to completely surrender and forget poverty, surrender, and quitting.» — el tark at-tark como consecuencia última.

«About the year 900, there was discussion in Baghdad and elsewhere about the superiority of the poor or the rich.» — la disputa sobre la superioridad del pobre o del rico, datada hacia 900.

«Most of the Sufis agreed that faqr was superior and preferable to wealth, provided that it was combined with contentment (N 417)—and this is the general solution found in later medieval Sufism, as in Abū Najīb as-Suhrawardī’s Ādāb al-murīdīn.» — la solución que Schimmel da por general: faqr con contento.

«Many of the early sources are filled with praise for the true faqīr and sometimes equate him with the genuine Sufi.» — el elogio del faqīr en las fuentes tempranas.

«Yet Jāmī, following Abū Ḥafṣ ʿUmar as-Suhrawardī’s distinction among “ascetic,” “poor,” and “Sufi,” as explained in the ʿAwārif al-maʿārif, regarded the faqīr, in the technical sense, as inferior to the real Sufi, for whom faqr is nothing but a station on the Path.» — la objeción de Jāmī: el faqīr es inferior al sufí verdadero.

«If he makes poverty a goal in itself, the faqīr is veiled from God by his very “will to be poor”» — el límite que Schimmel señala: la voluntad de ser pobre vuelve a velar.

«Others have praised faqr as the central quality of the mystic, as Rūmī says in an interesting comparison» — la otra posición, que hace del faqr la cualidad central del místico.

«It is like the highest sheikh, and all the hearts are murīds, the hearts of the lovers turn around it.» — el verso de Rūmī (D 890) sobre el faqr como sheij supremo.

«Hujwīrī has described this kind of poverty very beautifully: Dervishhood in all its meanings is a metaphorical poverty, and amidst all its subordinate aspects there is a transcendent principle. The Divine mysteries come and go over the dervish, so that his affairs are acquired by himself, his actions attributed to himself, and his ideas attached to himself. But when his affairs are freed from the bonds of acquisition, his actions are no more attributed to himself. Then he is the Way, not the wayfarer, i.e., the dervish is a place over which something is passing, not a wayfarer following his own will.» — la descripción de Hujwīrī del derviche como lugar de paso y no como caminante.

«Faqr, here, is almost equated with fanā, “annihilation in God,” which is the goal of the mystic, as Rūmī said once in the Mathnawī (M 5:672).» — la equivalencia entre faqr y fanā que Schimmel señala.

«For ʿAṭṭār poverty and annihiliation constitute the seventh and last vale on the Path leading to God, after the traveler has traversed the valleys of search, love, gnosis, independence, tauḥīd, and bewilderment (MT).» — los siete valles del Manṭiq aṭ-ṭayr, con la pobreza y la aniquilación al final; el troceo imprime *annihiliation*.

«Along this line of interpretation a phrase was invented that belongs among the standard sayings of later Sufism: al-faqr idhā tamma huwa Allāh, “when faqr becomes perfect (complete), it is God.» — la sentencia sobre el faqr consumado.

«The heart, annihilated in absolute poverty, lives in the eternal richness of God, or, rather, absolute poverty becomes absolute richness. That may be what the author of this sentence felt.» — la lectura que Schimmel propone de esa sentencia, en condicional.

«Its origin is not known. Sometimes it is called a ḥadīth. It has been attributed to Uways al-Qaranī, but that is impossible; Jāmī (N 267) ascribes it to a disciple of Kharaqānī, which would be historically possible.» — la atribución de esa sentencia, que Schimmel niega para Uways y deja abierta para el discípulo de Kharaqānī.

«Whatever its source may be, the sentence was used frequently among the mystics after the eleventh century; Rūmī (D 1948) was fond of it, as was Jāmī; and the Sufi orders—Qādiriyya and Naqshbandiyya—made it known as far as Malaysia.» — la difusión de la sentencia por las órdenes qādirí y naqshbandí.

«The equation of faqr with annihilation, and the emphasis on the negative, nonexistent aspect of things is expressed, in Islamic art, by the large empty hall of the mosque, which inspires the visitor with numinous grandeur.» — la traducción artística de esa ecuación en la sala vacía de la mezquita.

«It is also reflected in the negative space in the arabesques or in calligraphy. Only by absolute faqr can the created world become a vessel for the manifestations of God, the eternally rich.» — el espacio negativo del arabesco y de la caligrafía como misma idea.

«There is another Prophetic tradition, however, in which Muhammad claims that “poverty is the ‘blackness of face’ [i.e., shame] in both worlds.» — la tradición contraria sobre la pobreza como negrura del rostro.

«Baqlī saw in it a condemnation of the claim to be a faqīr (B 605); but Sanāʾī had invented an ingenious interpretation nearly a century before him: just as the Negro—proverbially cheerful in classical Arabic literature—is happy and smiling in spite of his black face, so the true poor person is filled with spiritual happiness and permanent joy in his state of poverty (S 88).» — las dos lecturas de esa tradición, la de Baqlī y la de Sanāʾī, consignadas sin arbitrar.

«This sounds farfetched but is a typical example of the art of interpretation as practiced by the Sufis. It shows, at the same time, the central place attributed to the happiness of poverty among the Sufis, who are the nihil habentes omnia possedentes.» — el juicio de Schimmel sobre esa exégesis y la fórmula latina con que cierra.

«There is still another interpretation of the “blackness of face”: perfect poverty is the state of reaching the pure divine essence, which is the Black Light by which one sees and which itself remains invisible (CL 168, 176)—another interpretation that emphasizes the close relation between faqr and fanā.» — la tercera lectura, la de la Luz Negra, con remisión al libro de Corbin sobre el hombre de luz.

«Another station on the Path, which has often been described, is ṣabr, “patience,” taught by the Koran as the attitude of Job and of Jacob—”and God is with those who show patience” (Sūra 2:103).» — la paciencia como estación, con su base coránica en Job y Jacob.

«Ṣabr is to remain unmoved before the arrows of the divine decrees,” says Muḥāsibī (W 283).» — la definición de ṣabr en Muḥāsibī.

«Others would change the words “divine decrees” into “affliction,” but the meaning remains the same: perfect patience is to accept whatever comes from God, even the hardest blow of fate.» — la variante de la definición y su sentido común, según Schimmel.

«With their tendency to classify the stations and stages, the Sufis divided patient people into three classes: the mutaṣabbir, who attempts to be patient; the ṣābir, who is patient in afflictions; and the ṣabūr, who is perfectly patient under any condition.» — las tres clases de pacientes que Schimmel enumera.

«To be patient before God’s orders is more excellent than fasting and prayer” (N 164).» — la sentencia de las Nafaḥāt al-uns sobre la paciencia.

«Patience is required to cross the endless deserts that stretch before the traveler on the Path and to cross the mountains that stand, with stone-hearted breasts, between him and his divine beloved.» — la paciencia del viajero ante desiertos y montañas.

«patience is the key to happiness,” has been repeated thousands of times by mystics and poets, who never tired of inventing new parables to show the necessity of patience: only through patience does the fruit become sweet; only through patience can the seed survive the long winter and develop into grain, which, in turn, brings strength to the people, who patiently wait for it to be turned into flour and bread.» — el proverbio árabe de la paciencia y las parábolas que, según Schimmel, los místicos no se cansaron de inventar.

«Patience, O father, is an iron shield, on which God has written “victory has come.”» — el verso del Mathnawī (M 5:2479) con que Schimmel ilustra la paciencia: escudo de hierro donde Dios escribió la victoria.

«Yet patience, indispensable as it is, is only “a messenger from the divine beloved”— Patience always says: “I give glad tidings from union with Him.”» — Schimmel acota la paciencia en el momento de elogiarla: por indispensable que sea, solo es mensajera del amado divino, y el verso del Dīwān la hace hablar.

«Gratitude always says: “I am the possessor of a whole store from Him!” (D 2142)» — el segundo verso del mismo par: la gratitud, a diferencia de la paciencia, dice poseer ya la reserva entera.

«Patience is an important milestone on the Path, but a person who has reached the station of gratitude (shukr) is already blessed by divine grace.» — Schimmel jerarquiza las dos estaciones: la paciencia es hito del camino, pero la gratitud ya supone la gracia.

«There is no doubt that gratitude is superior to patience; the problem posed by the Sufis of the old school is only whether a patient, poor or a grateful, rich man is closer to God.» — Schimmel da por cerrada la jerarquía y deja abierta la única pregunta que, según ella, se planteó la vieja escuela sufí: si está más cerca de Dios el pobre paciente o el rico agradecido.

«One might say that patience is more praiseworthy than gratitude, for patience goes against one’s body, whereas gratitude conforms to the body, or that the dichotomy of the two states is resolved in the state of riḍā, “contentment,” which makes man whole.» — el argumento contrario que Schimmel también consigna, con la salida del riḍā o contentamiento que, dice, resuelve la dicotomía.

«Gratitude is divided into different ranks: gratitude for the gift, gratitude for not giving, and gratitude for the capacity to be grateful.» — los tres grados de gratitud que Schimmel enumera: por el don, por lo no dado y por la capacidad misma de agradecer.

«For though the common man deserves to be applauded when he expresses his gratitude at receiving a gift, the Sufi should give thanks even if his wish is not fulfilled or a hope is withheld.» — la exigencia que Schimmel adjudica al sufí: agradecer también cuando el deseo no se cumple.

«A famous story about patience and gratitude, repeated in almost every book about early Sufis, appears in Sanāʾī’s Ḥadīqa in the following form:» — Schimmel presenta la anécdota como lugar común de los libros sobre los primeros sufíes y la toma de la Ḥadīqa de Sanāʾī.

«An Iraqian Sufi visited a sheikh from Khurasan and asked him about real Sufism as taught in his country. He replied that, when God sent them something they would eat it and be grateful, if not, they would endure patience and take the wish out of the heart.» — la primera mitad de la anécdota de la Ḥadīqa: el jeque de Jurasán define el sufismo como comer con gratitud lo que Dios manda y, si no manda, arrancarse el deseo del corazón.

«Whereupon the Iraqian Sufi replied: “That kind of Sufism is what our dogs do in Iraq—when they find a bone they eat it, otherwise they are patient and leave it.”» — la réplica del sufí iraquí en la anécdota que Schimmel toma de Sanāʾī: eso mismo hacen los perros de Irak con un hueso.

«This story, which has been attributed to various people, clearly shows the higher rank of those who offer thanks even when deprived of everything.» — Schimmel señala que la anécdota circula con distintos protagonistas y lee en ella la primacía de quien agradece aun despojado de todo.

«It is reminiscent of the prayer of Job, the great model of patience in Christian and Islamic lore: “The Lord gave, and the Lord took away; blessed be the name of the Lord.”» — Schimmel emparenta el relato con la oración de Job, a quien llama el modelo de la paciencia en la tradición cristiana y en la islámica.

«On the highest level the Sufis understood that even the capacity for thanking is a divine gift, not a human act (cf. Q 80 ff.), and therefore “it behooves to be grateful for the gratitude”» — la vuelta de tuerca que Schimmel atribuye a los sufíes en su nivel más alto: si agradecer es don de Dios y no acto humano, hay que agradecer el agradecimiento.

«What is gratitude? To imagine the rose from the thorn, and to imagine the nonvisible part to be the whole.» — el verso con que ʿAṭṭār define la gratitud en su descripción poética de los estados místicos, que Schimmel cita por el Ushturnāma (U 41).

«Gratitude toward God teaches man to see with the heart’s eye the blessings veiled in affliction. Yet “gratitude is a wild bird the which to catch and to fetter is difficult.”18 Patience, however, is a mount that never fails on the difficult road.» — Schimmel cierra el par con dos imágenes contrapuestas: la gratitud es ave salvaje difícil de atrapar y la paciencia, montura que no falla.

«Shukr, gratitude, is related to riḍā, which is not a patient bearing and suffering of all the vicissitudes of life, but happiness in poverty and affliction.» — Schimmel distingue el riḍā de la mera resistencia: no es soportar con paciencia los vaivenes de la vida sino ser feliz en la pobreza y la aflicción.

«Riḍā is the joy of the heart in the bitterness of the divine decree” (L 53), says Dhūʾn-Nūn.» — la definición de riḍā que Schimmel atribuye a Dhūʾn-Nūn por las Lumaʿ de Sarrāj (L 53): alegría del corazón en la amargura del decreto divino.

«Hujwīrī is probably right in his statement that riḍā is a result of love, inasmuch as the lover is content with what is done by the beloved (H 180).» — Schimmel avala la tesis de Hujwīrī en el Kashf al-Maḥjūb: el riḍā nace del amor, porque el amante se contenta con lo que hace el amado.

«It is definitely the attitude of a loving heart, but the Sufis disagree about whether to define it as a station or a state.» — el desacuerdo que Schimmel consigna sin arbitrar: los sufíes no coinciden en si el riḍā es estación o estado.

«The mufarriḥ that the saints make is prepared in the hospital of contentment.» — el verso de Sanāʾī que Schimmel trae para el contentamiento, donde el mufarriḥ —el tónico que alegra el corazón y calma los nervios— se prepara en el hospital del riḍā.

«The story of Ḥuṣrī, an early tenth-century mystic, points to the essence of contentment: “Ḥuṣrī once said in prayer: ‘O God, art Thou content with me that I am content with Thee?’ And the answer came: ‘O liar—if you were content with Me, you would not ask whether I am content with you’” (T 2:290).» — la anécdota de Ḥuṣrī que Schimmel toma de la hagiografía de ʿAṭṭār: preguntar a Dios si está contento con uno delata que uno no está contento con Él.

«In perfect riḍā the mystic should not think about whether or not God has accepted his act of resignation and contentment; he should accept every divine decree, be it wrath or grace, with equanimity and joy.» — lo que Schimmel exige del riḍā perfecto: aceptar todo decreto, ira o gracia, sin preguntarse si Dios aceptó la resignación.

«This interior joy, this perfect agreement with God’s decrees, transforms the beggar into a king and opens the way toward a participation in the divine will, toward love and “higher predestinarianism.”» — el efecto que Schimmel adjudica a esa alegría interior: vuelve rey al mendigo y abre a la participación en la voluntad divina.

«The mystics differ in their opinions as to whether “fear” and “hope” (khauf and rajāʾ) are stations or states (Sarrāj feels that they are states).» — otro desacuerdo que Schimmel consigna: si el miedo y la esperanza son estaciones o estados, con Sarrāj del lado de los estados.

«Psychologically, one would prefer that they be classified among the stations, for they belong to the essential and longstanding aspects of mystical life in its primary stages, and even at later levels.» — la preferencia que Schimmel declara como suya, y la razón psicológica que le da: el miedo y la esperanza acompañan la vida mística desde sus etapas primeras.

«To feel fear is essential for every pious Muslim. Did not the Koran speak often of the fear of God, or fear of the Judgment, and does it not contain enough warnings to make the heart of even the most pious tremble with fear?» — Schimmel funda el miedo en el Corán, con dos preguntas retóricas en vez de una tesis.

«But hope is just as essential, for life would be impossible without hope, and “fear and hope are the two wings of action without which flying is impossible” (L 62).» — la fórmula de las Lumaʿ que Schimmel cita: miedo y esperanza son las dos alas de la acción, y sin las dos no se vuela.

«Or, as Sahl saw it: fear is a masculine element, hope a feminine one, and the two together engender the deepest realities of faith (K 89).» — la lectura de Sahl que Schimmel recoge por el Kitāb at-taʿarruf: el miedo es elemento masculino y la esperanza femenino, y de los dos nacen las realidades hondas de la fe.

«The early ascetics emphasized the aspect of fear more than that of hope. They even went so far as to attest that a man who lives in fear inspires his neighbors’ trust, for they know that they are secure from his machinations and need not suspect him of meanness (W 223).» — Schimmel data en los primeros ascetas el predominio del miedo y cita el argumento extremo: quien vive en el temor inspira confianza a sus vecinos.

«But even a representative of pure love mysticism, like Rūzbihān Baqlī, praises fear of God as the “whip of divine power [jabarūtī], which hits the soul that commands to evil with the lash of ‘decent behavior’ [adab]” (BA 223).» — Schimmel señala que hasta Rūzbihān Baqlī, a quien tiene por representante del puro misticismo del amor, elogia el temor de Dios como látigo del poder divino sobre el alma que ordena el mal.

«The chapter on “Fear and Hope” in Ghazzālī’s Iḥyāʾ ʿulūm ad-dīn reflects very well the different attitudes of the faithful in regard to these states and demonstrates the strength of the feeling that an equilibrium between both forces is absolutely necessary for a» — Schimmel remite al capítulo del Iḥyāʾ ʿulūm ad-dīn de Ghazzālī como el mejor registro de las actitudes ante esos dos estados; el tramo corta en el fin de la plana y sigue *sound religious life* en la siguiente.

«In the course of time, hope proved stronger than fear, though the advanced mystics knew fear as well and even rejoiced in it.» — Schimmel traza el desplazamiento histórico: con el tiempo la esperanza pesó más que el miedo, aunque los místicos avanzados siguieran conociéndolo y hasta gozándolo.

«But in their case it is no longer the fear of God’s judgment or the terrors of Hell that keeps them on the watch, but rather the fear of God’s makr, His “ruses.”» — el cambio de objeto del miedo que Schimmel describe: ya no el juicio ni el infierno, sino el makr de Dios, sus ardides.

«In the moment of perfect happiness the mystic can never be sure that God will not use this exalted state as a snare to capture him, to tempt him once more to worldly thought, pride, hypocrisy, to distract him from his highest goal.» — el contenido de ese temor al makr según Schimmel: que Dios use el estado sublime como trampa para devolver al místico al mundo, al orgullo o a la hipocresía.

«Miracles, for instance, could be interpreted as divine ruses, for they are still connected with the world; even the small joys of daily life might hide ruses of God that should be feared.» — el ejemplo con que Schimmel lo ilustra: hasta los milagros y las alegrías chicas del día pueden ser ardides divinos, porque siguen atados al mundo.

«And who can be sure that he will be saved or accepted by God? One can hope for it, but never without fear.» — la conclusión que Schimmel saca de ese temor: se puede esperar la salvación, nunca sin miedo.

«However, the notion of “thinking well” of God, i.e., of trusting in His promise to forgive the sinner, proved stronger in mystical life.» — Schimmel enuncia lo que a la larga se impuso: pensar bien de Dios, confiar en su promesa de perdonar al pecador.

«Did not the tradition attest that God’s grace precedes His wrath? Out of this faith grew the whole prayer life of the Sufis.» — la tradición de la que Schimmel hace nacer la vida entera de oración de los sufíes: la gracia de Dios precede a su ira.

«[Is there anyone] who has sown the corn of hope in this soil to whom the spring of His grace did not grant hundredfold [fruit]?» — el verso del Dīwān de Rūmī (D 1253) con que Schimmel ilustra el principio de esperanza: quien siembra el grano de la esperanza recibe ciento por uno.

«But neither fear nor hope is required any longer once the wayfarer has reached his goal:» — Schimmel pone el límite de las dos estaciones: alcanzada la meta, ni el miedo ni la esperanza hacen falta.

«The seaman is always on the planks of hope and fear– when the plank and the man become annihilated, there remains only submersion.» — el verso del Dīwān (D 395) con que Schimmel cierra el asunto: aniquilados la tabla y el hombre, solo queda la inmersión.

«The stations of fear and hope correspond, in the states, to what is called basṭ and qabḍ.» — Schimmel empareja las dos estaciones con los dos estados que tratará enseguida, el basṭ y el qabḍ.

«Basṭ, from the root “to get wider and enlarge,” means an extension of enthusiastic feeling, a perfect joy and ease that may develop, in some cases, into true “cosmic consciousness,” into the feeling of partaking of the life of everything created, into that rapture of which the intoxicated poets of Iran and Turkey have sung so often.» — la definición de basṭ que da Schimmel: ensanchamiento del sentir entusiasta que puede volverse conciencia cósmica, la del arrebato que cantaron los poetas ebrios de Irán y de Turquía.

«What is basṭ To leave off the two worlds in one rapture, to cast oneself on a hundred new worlds!» — el verso del Ushturnāma (U 42) que Schimmel cita para el basṭ; el troceo imprime *What is basṭ* sin el signo de interrogación que el verso pide.

«But whereas basṭ is the experience of extension and perhaps intensification of the self, qabḍ, “constraint,” means the compression of the soul—“to make one’s home in a needle’s eye” (U 42)—darkness, the oppressing desert of loneliness in which the mystic spends days and sometimes months of his life.» — el contraste que Schimmel traza: frente al ensanchamiento del basṭ, el qabḍ comprime el alma hasta caber en el ojo de una aguja y deja al místico en el desierto opresivo de la soledad.

«Nevertheless, qabḍ has been regarded as superior to basṭ by some leading mystics, for, as Junayd says, “when He presses me through fear he makes me disappear from myself, but when He expands me through hope He gives me back to myself” (G 33).» — la sentencia de Junayd que Schimmel recoge por el Iḥyāʾ de Ghazzālī, y que explica por qué algunos maestros prefieren el qabḍ: la constricción hace desaparecer al yo, la esperanza lo devuelve.

«In the state of qabḍ, the “dark night of “the soul,” man is left completely to God, without any trace of himself, without strength to want anything; and it is out of this darkness that the light of unitive experience, or of vision, may suddenly appear—like the “sun at midnight.”» — Schimmel llama al qabḍ noche oscura del alma y sitúa ahí el brote de la luz unitiva o de la visión, el sol a medianoche; el troceo duplica la comilla de apertura del sintagma *dark night of the soul* dentro del propio verbatim.

«It is clear, from the previous definitions, that the mystics were fond of the juxtaposition of corresponding states.» — Schimmel lee en esas definiciones un gusto de los místicos por yuxtaponer estados que se corresponden.

«The manuals enumerate long lists of such mystical states, the true implications of which are difficult for the uninitiated to understand.» — Schimmel advierte el límite de esos manuales: sus listas de estados no se dejan entender desde fuera de la iniciación.

«They speak of ḥuḍūr wa ghaiba, “presence and absence,” which can be defined as “presence near God and absence from oneself,” or vice versa.» — el primer par que Schimmel glosa: presencia y ausencia, que se define como presencia ante Dios y ausencia de uno mismo, o al revés.

«Jamʿ, “collectedness” and “perfect unification,” goes together with tafriqa, “separation after union.”» — el segundo par: el jamʿ de la unificación perfecta contra la tafriqa de la separación después de la unión.

«Sukr, “intoxication,” is combined with ṣaḥw, “sobriety.” Eventually the complementary stages of fanā, “annihilation,” and baqā, “duration, remaining in God,” are reached.» — los dos pares que Schimmel deja para el final: embriaguez y sobriedad, aniquilación y permanencia en Dios.

«The pair sukr and ṣaḥw is of special importance to mystical terminology and has been mentioned in connection with Junayd’s criticism of Bāyezīd.» — Schimmel remite el par embriaguez-sobriedad a la crítica de Junayd a Bāyezīd, ya tratada antes en el libro.

«True sobriety is defined by Hujwīrī as “reaching the goal” (H 230)» — la definición de sobriedad verdadera que Schimmel toma de Hujwīrī: llegar a la meta.

«Intoxication is the playground of children, but sobriety is the death-field of men”» — la sentencia que Hujwīrī atribuye a uno de sus maestros y que Schimmel cita del Kashf al-Maḥjūb: la embriaguez es juego de niños y la sobriedad, campo de muerte de los hombres.

«Before a discussion of the last stations and states on the Path and its goal, a definition that enables a better understanding of some Sufi formulations should be mentioned. It is the word waqt» — Schimmel introduce el waqt como término que hay que fijar antes de tratar las últimas estaciones del camino.

«literally, “time,” which came to designate the “present moment,” the moment in which a certain mystical state is granted to the Sufi.» — el sentido que Schimmel le fija: de tiempo a momento presente, aquel en que se concede un estado místico.

«Time is a cutting sword”; it cuts whatever is before and after it and leaves man in absolute nakedness in the presence of God.» — la fórmula que Schimmel cita sin firmante y su lectura: el momento corta lo anterior y lo posterior y deja al hombre desnudo ante Dios.

«The Sufi has therefore been called ibn al-waqt, “the son of the present moment,” i.e., he gives himself completely to the moment and receives what God sends down to him without reflecting about present, past, and future (cf. N 285).» — el nombre que de ahí sale, hijo del momento presente, y la conducta que nombra: entregarse al instante sin reflexionar sobre pasado ni futuro.

«But on the highest level of experience, when the Sufi turns into a ṣāfī, “pure,” it may be said:» — la reserva que Schimmel añade enseguida: en el nivel más alto el sufí se vuelve ṣāfī, puro, y el nombre cambia.

«The Ṣāfī is submerged in the Light of the Majestic, not the son of anything, and free from “times” and “states.”» — el verso del Mathnawī (M 3:1426, 1433-34) con que Schimmel enmienda el título: el ṣāfī no es hijo de nada y queda libre de tiempos y estados.

«The last stations on the mystical path are love and gnosis, maḥabba and maʿrifa. Sometimes they were considered complementary to each other, sometimes love was regarded as superior, and at other times gnosis was considered higher.» — Schimmel nombra las dos últimas estaciones del camino, maḥabba y maʿrifa, y consigna que la jerarquía entre ellas varió sin fijarse.

«Ghazzālī holds: “Love without gnosis is impossible—one can only love what one knows” (G 4:254).» — la sentencia de Ghazzālī que Schimmel cita por el Iḥyāʾ: no hay amor sin gnosis, porque solo se ama lo que se conoce.

«The Sufis have tried to define the different aspects of maʿrifa, knowledge that is not reached by discursive reason but is a higher understanding of the divine mystery.» — la maʿrifa según Schimmel: conocimiento al que no llega la razón discursiva, sino comprensión más alta del misterio divino.

«In later times the term ʿārif, “gnostic,” has often been used for the advanced mystic in general, for “the faithful sees through God’s light, the gnostic sees through God” (L 41).» — el desplazamiento del término ʿārif que Schimmel data en épocas tardías, con la fórmula de las Lumaʿ que distingue al fiel del gnóstico.

«Most of the mystics would agree with the mystical interpretation of Sūra 27:34, “Kings destroy a town when they enter it”; the “king” is interpreted as maʿrifa, for this divinely inspired knowledge empties the heart completely of everything so that nothing but God is contained in it (W 170).» — la lectura mística de la Sūra 27:34 que Schimmel adjudica a casi todos los místicos: el rey que destruye la ciudad es la maʿrifa, que vacía el corazón de todo lo que no es Dios.

«It consists in knowing that, whatever may be imagined in thy heart God is the opposite of it” (K 133).» — el cierre de la definición de Junayd que Schimmel cita por el Kitāb at-taʿarruf: lo que se imagine en el corazón, Dios es lo contrario.

«We shall dwell here mainly upon those mystical currents in which love was praised as the highest possible state, following St. Augustine’s dictum, res tantum cognoscitur quantum diligitur,“one can know something only insofar as one loves it.”» — Schimmel declara el sesgo del capítulo —las corrientes que tuvieron el amor por el estado más alto— y lo respalda con el dictum de san Agustín sobre conocer en la medida en que se ama.

«The prayer ascribed to the Prophet is a good starting point: ‘“O God, give me love of Thee, and love of those who love Thee, and love of what makes me approach Thy love, and make Thy love dearer to me than cool water” (G 4:253).» — la oración que Schimmel atribuye al Profeta por el Iḥyāʾ de Ghazzālī y que toma como punto de partida del asunto: pedir el amor de Dios y de quienes lo aman.

«In early Sufism the problem of love was the central point of divergence.» — Schimmel sitúa el amor como el punto en que el sufismo temprano se dividió.

«Orthodoxy accepted maḥabba only as “obedience,” and even some of the moderate mystics would say that “to love God means to love God’s obedience” (T 1:287) or, “true love is to act in the obedience of the beloved” (N 55).» — las dos fórmulas moderadas que Schimmel recoge de la hagiografía de ʿAṭṭār y de las Nafaḥāt: amar a Dios es amar su obediencia, y el amor verdadero es obrar en la obediencia del amado.

«Abū Ṭālib al-Makkī sums up the ideas of moderate Sufism: “The Prophet of God made love of God a condition of faith by saying that God and His messenger should be more beloved to the faithful than anything else.”» — la síntesis del sufismo moderado que Schimmel pone en boca de Abū Ṭālib al-Makkī: el Profeta hizo del amor de Dios condición de la fe.

«And the Sufis were certain that “nothing is dearer to God than that man loves Him” (T 1:321).» — la certeza que Schimmel atribuye a los sufíes, citada por la hagiografía de ʿAṭṭār.

«When Dhūʾn-Nūn expressed the thought that “fear of Hellfire, in comparison with fear of being parted from the beloved, is like a drop of water cast into the mightiest ocean,”22 he stated very well the main object of this early love mysticism.» — la sentencia de Dhūʾn-Nūn con que Schimmel fija el objeto del misticismo temprano del amor: el miedo al infierno es gota de agua frente al miedo a la separación.

«His younger contemporary, Sarī as-Saqaṭī in Baghdad, who had first formulated the idea of mutual love between man and God, uttered the same feeling in a prayer that has been preserved by Hujwīrī:» — Schimmel adjudica a Sarī as-Saqaṭī la primera formulación del amor mutuo entre el hombre y Dios, y lo cita por la oración que Hujwīrī conservó.

«It is the custom of God to let the hearts of those who love Him have vision of Him always, in order that the delight thereof may enable them to endure every tribulation; and they say in their orisons: We deem all torments more desirable than to be veiled from Thee. When Thy beauty is revealed to our heart, we take no thought of affliction.» — la oración de Sarī as-Saqaṭī que Schimmel reproduce del Kashf al-Maḥjūb: el deleite de la visión permite soportar toda tribulación, y estar velados de Dios es peor que cualquier tormento.

«It was apparently Sarī’s nephew Junayd who discovered the truth: “Love between two is not right until the one addresses the other, ‘O Thou I’” (T 2:29).» — el hallazgo que Schimmel adjudica a Junayd, sobrino de Sarī, con la cautela de *apparently*: no hay amor entre dos hasta que uno llama al otro *oh tú, yo*.

«The usual classification of the stages in love dates back to early times.» — Schimmel data en época temprana la clasificación corriente de las etapas del amor.

«Bāyezīd spoke of the fourfold nature of love: “It has four branches: one from Him, that is His grace, one from you, that is to obey Him, one for Him, and that is your recollecting Him, and one between both of you, and that is love” (A 10:242).» — las cuatro ramas del amor que Schimmel atribuye a Bāyezīd por el Ḥilyat al-auliyāʾ: la gracia que viene de Él, la obediencia que viene de ti, el recuerdo que es para Él y el amor que está entre los dos.

«Abū Ṭālib al-Makkī knew nine aspects of love, and Hujwīrī gives a classification of the lovers, which Ghazzālī adopted as well, in slightly elaborated form: “Those who regard the favor and beneficence of God toward them and are led by that regard to love the Benefactor, and those who are so enraptured by love that they reckon all favors as a veil and by regarding the Benefactor are led to [consciousness of] His favors” (H 308).» — la clasificación de los amantes que Schimmel toma de Hujwīrī y que dice adoptada por Ghazzālī: los que aman al Benefactor por mirar sus favores y los que, arrebatados, tienen los favores por velo.

«As in most of the mystical states, some reach love by more or less rational arguments, ascending from the created to the creator, whereas others are completely lost in the vision of the creator and are brought to contemplate created things only because they are witnesses of His greatness.» — la distinción con que Schimmel cierra la clasificación: unos suben de lo creado al creador por argumentos, otros se pierden en la visión del creador.

«Among the different stages of love, the Sufis have mentioned uns, “intimacy”; qurb, “proximity”; shauq, “longing”; and others. The sequence differs according to their personal experiences.» — las estaciones del amor que Schimmel enumera —intimidad, proximidad, anhelo— y su advertencia de que el orden cambia con la experiencia de cada quien.

«The hearts of the gnostics are the nests of love, and the hearts of the lovers are the nests of longing, and the hearts of the longing are the nests of intimacy”» — la sentencia que Schimmel cita del Ḥilyat al-auliyāʾ para los grados ascendentes: el corazón del gnóstico es nido del amor, el del amante nido del anhelo y el del anhelante nido de la intimidad.

«Complete submersion in intimacy is illustrated in the story of a Sufi whose master placed him in a lonely corner.» — la anécdota con que Schimmel ilustra la inmersión completa en la intimidad, que empieza con un maestro dejando al discípulo en un rincón solitario.

«The master then completely forgot him for a week, but when he came and asked his guest to forgive him, the Sufi answered: “Do not worry, God has taken away the fear of loneliness from His friend” (N 94)» — el desenlace de esa anécdota, que Schimmel cita por las Nafaḥāt al-uns: el sufí olvidado una semana responde que Dios le quitó el miedo a la soledad.

«The term waḥshat is usually meant as a complementary term to uns— it includes the feeling of loneliness in the wilderness, far away from the intimacy and tranquility of home, but also the estrangement from everything created that the Sufi feels in his intimacy with God (G 4:291).» — el término waḥshat según Schimmel: complemento del uns, que junta el miedo a la soledad del yermo con el extrañamiento de todo lo creado.

«Uns, on the other hand, is connected with the aspects of divine jamāl, the manifestation of God’s loving and consoling qualities, and, as such, it is contrasted with hayba, “reverence, awe,” which awakens» — el uns según Schimmel, ligado al jamāl divino y contrapuesto al hayba o temor reverencial; el tramo corta en el fin de la plana y sigue *in the Sufi’s heart at the* en la siguiente.

«It is this state that inspired them to invent long lines of anaphora circling around the» — el efecto literario que Schimmel adjudica al basṭ: las anáforas largas que rodean la belleza del amado divino; el tramo corta en el fin de la plana y sigue *beauty of the divine beloved* en la siguiente.

«beauty of the divine beloved—verses that tried to describe His ineffable, sparkling glory or convey to others the state of happiness in which the whole world is seen in a changed light, transparent and filled with opaline colors of exquisite beauty.» — la continuación de esa frase en la plana siguiente: versos que intentan describir la gloria inefable o transmitir el estado en que el mundo entero se ve transparente y de colores opalinos.

«In qabḍ, the “I” disappears, which is preferable to the extended selfconsciousness produced by basṭ.» — la razón que Schimmel da para preferir el qabḍ: ahí desaparece el yo, y eso vale más que la conciencia de sí ensanchada del basṭ. El troceo corta *self-consciousness* al fin de renglón y el extractor devuelve la forma unida.

«The scholars and theoreticians of Sufism, like Hujwīrī (H 267), have written many definitions of maʿrifa, but the most poignant formulation is that of Junayd: “Gnosis ... is the hovering of the heart» — Schimmel elige, entre las muchas definiciones de maʿrifa que registran los teóricos del sufismo, la de Junayd como la más aguda: oscilación del corazón; el tramo corta antes del fin de plana y la frase sigue *between declaring God too great to be comprehended*.

«The whole complex of love was so inexhaustible that the mystics invented different stages and used different terms to» — Schimmel explica la proliferación terminológica por lo inagotable del asunto; el tramo corta en el fin de la plana y sigue *classify it* en la siguiente.

«classify it; yet the definitions given for ḥubb, maḥabba, wudd, and mawadda are by no means clear.» — la continuación en la plana siguiente, con el desorden que Schimmel consigna: las definiciones de ḥubb, maḥabba, wudd y mawadda no quedaron claras.

«As to qurb, “proximity,” the Sufis have always been eager to define it other than spatially; it is an ethical proximity, brought forth by the fulfillment of God’s orders, the opposite of separation from God, caused by man’s disobedience (H 148).» — el qurb según Schimmel, que sigue a Hujwīrī: proximidad ética nacida de cumplir las órdenes de Dios, no cercanía espacial, y opuesta a la separación que causa la desobediencia.

«Later mystics invented a complicated system of different grades of qurb, like “proximity of the attributes” and “proximity of the names,” which refer to the degree to which one is invested with higher, loftier divine attributes.» — los grados de qurb que Schimmel adjudica a los místicos tardíos: proximidad de los atributos y proximidad de los nombres, según qué cualidades divinas revistan al hombre.

«The term qurb an-nawāfil, “proximity caused by supererogative works of worship,” goes back to a ḥadīth qudsī that must have been in circulation in very early times. God says:» — el origen que Schimmel da al qurb an-nawāfil: un ḥadīth qudsī que, dice, debió circular muy temprano.

«The Naqshbandiyya school in India, however, prefers the qurb al-farāʾiḍ, caused by the punctual performance of the prescribed ritual duties and as such the “state of the prophets,” to the qurb an-nawāfil, which is, for them, the station of the saints.» — la preferencia que Schimmel adjudica a la Naqshbandiyya de la India: el qurb al-farāʾiḍ de los deberes rituales, que llama estado de los profetas, por encima del qurb an-nawāfil de los santos.

«It should be added that some mystics would not accept the term qurb at all, since it presupposes a duality between lover and beloved, while true Sufism consists of realizing unity (N 222).» — la objeción que Schimmel consigna sin arbitrar: para algunos místicos el término qurb sobra, porque supone dualidad entre amante y amado donde el sufismo verdadero realiza unidad.

«This same feeling has led some mystics to deny the station of “longing,” for one longs for someone absent, and God is never absent (N 222).» — la misma objeción aplicada al anhelo: no cabe anhelar a quien nunca está ausente.

«Contrary to those who considered longing unnecessary, if not illicit, for a true lover lives constantly with Him who is “closer to you than your jugular vein” (Sūra 50:16)» — Schimmel opone a esa negativa a quienes se jactaban del anhelo, con el verso coránico de la vena yugular de por medio; el tramo corta antes de la continuación *others would boast of their longing*.

«others would boast of their longing, like Bāyezīd: “If the eight Paradises were opened in my hut, and the rule of both worlds were given in my hands, I would not give for them that single sigh which rises at morning-time from the depth of my soul in remembering my longing for Him ...” (T 1:159).» — la jactancia de Bāyezīd que Schimmel cita por la hagiografía de ʿAṭṭār: no cambiaría por los ocho paraísos ni por el gobierno de los dos mundos el suspiro que le sube del alma al amanecer.

«Others, again, would claim that genuine longing has no end, since the beloved has no end.» — la tercera postura que Schimmel recoge: el anhelo verdadero no acaba porque no acaba el amado.

«The more the mystic approaches the divine beloved, the more he apprehends the fathomless depth of His qualities, the abyss of His essence: therefore his longing to plumb deeper and more wonderful mysteries can never end.» — la razón que Schimmel da para ese anhelo sin término: cuanto más se acerca, más abismo de la esencia divina aprehende el místico.

«Ghazzālī has described this state perfectly in the relevant chapter in the Iḥyāʾ ʿulūm ad-dīn (G 4:277). It is this dynamic force of love and longing that has inspired so many Persian poets.» — Schimmel remite al capítulo del Iḥyāʾ ʿulūm ad-dīn donde Ghazzālī describe ese estado y adjudica a esa fuerza dinámica la inspiración de los poetas persas.

«Every moment this love is more endless, in every time people are more bewildered in it,» — el verso del Ushturnāma (U 9) que Schimmel atribuye a ʿAṭṭār: el amor es más sin fin a cada instante y la perplejidad crece con él.

«The adventure between me and my beloved has no end– That which has no beginning cannot have an end.» — el verso que Schimmel adjudica a Ḥāfiẓ como continuación del de ʿAṭṭār: lo que no tiene principio no puede tener fin.

«It is greater than a hundred resurrections, for the resurrection is a limit, whereas love is unlimited.» — el verso del Mathnawī con que Rūmī, según Schimmel, mide el amor: la resurrección es un límite y el amor no lo tiene.

«Love has got five hundred wings, each of them reaching from the Divine Throne to the lowest earth.» — el segundo verso del mismo lugar del Mathnawī (M 5:2189-90): quinientas alas que van del Trono divino a la tierra más baja.

«That is how Rūmī tries to explain the grandeur of love, and ʿUrfī, in the late sixteenth century, admonishes the lover not to be heedless, “for in that sacred station of love there are a hundred places, the first of which is resurrection!”» — el aviso que Schimmel atribuye a ʿUrfī a fines del siglo XVI: en la estación sagrada del amor hay cien lugares y el primero es la resurrección.

«The only means of drawing near to the divine beloved is by constant purification and, in exchange, qualification with God’s attributes.» — el único medio de acercamiento que Schimmel reconoce: purificación constante y, a cambio, cualificación con los atributos de Dios.

«Love is the annihilation of the lover in His attributes and the confirmation of the Beloved in His essence” (H 40).» — la definición de amor que Schimmel atribuye a Junayd por el Kashf al-Maḥjūb: aniquilación del amante en los atributos y confirmación del Amado en su esencia.

«It is that the qualities of the Beloved enter in the place of the qualities of the lover” (L 59).» — la segunda formulación de Junayd que Schimmel recoge de las Lumaʿ: las cualidades del Amado ocupan el lugar de las del amante.

«Many centuries later, Shāh Walīullāh of Delhi (d. 1762) invented an apt symbol for this spiritual purification, using the traditional image of the fire of love: man, like a piece of ice, will be put in a kettle on the flames; thus he will melt, become warm, boil, and eventually, evaporating as steam, be as close as possible to the quality of heat inherent in divine love.» — el símbolo que Schimmel adjudica a Shāh Walīullāh de Delhi, muerto en 1762, para la purificación: el hombre como hielo puesto al fuego, que se derrite, hierve y se evapora hasta parecerse al calor del amor divino.

«Ghazzālī has compared this purifying love to the “good tree whose root is firm and whose branches are in the sky,” as described in the Koran (Sūra 14:24); the fruits show themselves in the heart, on the tongue, and on the limbs (G 4:282).» — la comparación de Ghazzālī que Schimmel trae del Iḥyāʾ: el amor purificador como el árbol bueno de la Sūra 14:24, cuyos frutos se ven en el corazón, la lengua y los miembros.

«These fruits are obedience to the orders of God and constant recollection of the beloved, which fills the heart and runs on the tongue—the importance of recollection for the development of love has often been emphasized by the mystics» — los frutos que Schimmel enumera —obediencia y recuerdo constante del amado— y la importancia que los místicos dieron al recuerdo; el tramo corta antes de la remisión interna a las páginas impresas del propio libro.

«Obedience, as the Sufis understood it, is complete surrender– acceptance of the will of the beloved whether it manifests itself in kindness or in wrath.» — la obediencia según Schimmel: entrega completa que acepta la voluntad del amado lo mismo si se manifiesta en bondad que en ira.

«Love neither diminishes by cruelty nor increases by kindness (H 404); and the lover has to remain at the door of the beloved even if driven away—he has “to make his soul a broom at His door” (T 2:193).» — las dos sentencias que Schimmel encadena, de Hujwīrī y de la hagiografía de ʿAṭṭār: el amor no varía con el trato, y el amante ha de hacerse escoba en la puerta del amado.

«But even that degree of surrender was not enough for later generations, since it implies a shade of self-will:» — la objeción que Schimmel atribuye a las generaciones posteriores: hasta esa entrega guarda un resto de voluntad propia.

«I want union with him, and he wants separation; thus I leave what I want so that his wish comes true» — el verso que Schimmel cita del Iḥyāʾ (G 4:117) para esa entrega sin resto: dejar lo que uno quiere para que se cumpla lo que quiere el otro.

«If you would say “Die!” I would die in full obedience, and would say “Welcome to him who calls me to death.”» — el verso que Schimmel recoge de las Nafaḥāt y del Ḥilyat al-auliyāʾ: morir en plena obediencia y dar la bienvenida a quien llama a la muerte.

«For death means the annihilation of the individual qualities, the lifting of the veil that separates the primordial beloved from the lover created in time.» — el sentido que Schimmel da a esa muerte: aniquilación de las cualidades individuales y caída del velo entre el amado primordial y el amante creado en el tiempo.

«There is nothing good in love without death” (G 4:300); death may be understood as dying to one’s own qualities or even as corporeal death, since this leads the lover toward the beloved (A 10:9).» — la sentencia del Iḥyāʾ que Schimmel cita y su doble lectura: morir a las propias cualidades o morir de veras, porque las dos llevan al amado.

«The tradition “die before ye die” gave the Sufis the possibility of pondering the implications of the slaying of the lower qualities and the ensuing spiritual resurrection in this life» — la tradición de la que Schimmel hace salir la meditación sufí sobre matar las cualidades bajas y resucitar en esta vida; el tramo corta antes de la remisión al Ushturnāma.

«But “outward” death was also an aim in itself, as the case of Ḥallāj shows—to lift the disturbing “I” that stands between lover and beloved.» — el caso que Schimmel pone para la muerte exterior como fin en sí: Ḥallāj, que muere para levantar el yo que estorba entre amante y amado.

«Ghazzālī relates a touching story about Abraham, who was called by the angel of death and refused to follow him, since he could not believe that God would kill someone who had loved him so much.» — la anécdota de Abraham que Schimmel toma de Ghazzālī: el patriarca se niega a seguir al ángel de la muerte porque no cree que Dios mate a quien tanto lo amó.

«Have you ever seen a lover who refuses to go to his beloved?” Upon hearing this, he gladly submitted his soul to the angel (G 4:253).» — el desenlace de esa anécdota: la pregunta que desarma a Abraham y lo hace entregar el alma de buen grado.

«The lover who has learned to accept death as a bridge to the beloved should “give his soul with a smile like a rose” (M 5:1255); that is why Ḥallāj danced in fetters when he was led to execution.» — la consecuencia que Schimmel saca, con el verso del Mathnawī de por medio: entregar el alma sonriendo como una rosa, y de ahí que Ḥallāj bailara con grilletes camino del suplicio.

«The mystics would rely on the Koranic word: “Do not call them dead who have been slain for God’s sake-nay, they are alive” (Sūra 3:163; B 281).» — el verso coránico en que Schimmel dice que los místicos se apoyaban: no llaméis muertos a los que fueron muertos por Dios, están vivos.

«It is the sword of lā, the first half of the profession of faith, that slays the lover (M 3:4098), and then there remains nothing “but God” (M 5:589).» — la lectura que Schimmel recoge del Mathnawī: lo que mata al amante es la espada del lā, la primera mitad de la profesión de fe, y después no queda sino Dios.

«The Sufis know a wonderful ḥadīth qudsī, which was revealed to Shiblī when he asked God about the meaning of Ḥallāj’s martyrdom: “Whom My love kills, for him shall I be blood money.”» — el ḥadīth qudsī que, según Schimmel, se le reveló a Shiblī cuando preguntó por el sentido del martirio de Ḥallāj: de aquel a quien mata mi amor, yo mismo seré el precio de sangre.

«The martyr of love will be rewarded by God Himself, no longer separated from Him for whose love he has shed his blood.» — la lectura de Schimmel sobre esa recompensa: el mártir de amor deja de estar separado de Aquel por cuyo amor se desangró.

«Ideas such as these have led the mystics to accept willingly all kinds of tribulations, which were even regarded as signs of special kindness from God.» — el efecto que Schimmel adjudica a esas ideas: las tribulaciones se aceptan de buen grado y hasta se toman por señal de favor divino.

«He is not sincere in his love who does not enjoy the stroke of the friend” (L 50). But even that was not enough—the sincere person is the one who forgets the stroke when looking at the friend.» — la sentencia de las Lumaʿ y la vuelta de tuerca que Schimmel le añade: no basta gozar el golpe del amigo, el sincero es el que lo olvida al mirarlo.

«Out of these ideas about suffering, later Sufi poetry developed the motif of the physician who wounds the patient and heals him, the wound being healed only by the one who caused it (A 10:273).» — el motivo poético que Schimmel hace nacer de ahí: el médico que hiere al paciente y lo cura, y la herida que solo sana quien la hizo.

«Tribulations and afflictions are a sign that God is near, for, to quote Ḥallāj’s daring sentence again, “Suffering is He Himself.”» — Schimmel vuelve sobre la sentencia que llama osada de Ḥallāj —el sufrimiento es Él mismo— para leer la aflicción como señal de cercanía.

«The more He loves a person, the more He will test him, taking away from him every trace of earthly consolation so that the lover has only Him to rely upon (A 9:345).» — la ley que Schimmel enuncia: a más amor, más prueba, hasta que al amante no le quede más consuelo que Dios.

«It is small wonder that a ḥadīth about this suffering was very common among the Sufis: “The most afflicted people are the prophets, then the saints, and then so forth.”» — el ḥadīth que Schimmel dice muy corriente entre los sufíes: los más afligidos son los profetas, luego los santos y así sucesivamente.

«The prophets, being nearest to God, have to suffer most, as is attested to by many Koranic stories, which were embellished in the course of time; and the list of suffering lovers becomes longer from century to century.» — la consecuencia que Schimmel saca y el efecto que mide: los profetas sufren más por estar más cerca, y la lista de amantes que sufren se alarga siglo tras siglo.

«Affliction, balā?, is ingeniously combined with the word balā, “Yes,” that the souls spoke at the Day of the Covenant, thus accepting in advance every tribulation that might be showered upon them until Doomsday (SD 41; U 133).» — el juego de palabras que Schimmel describe entre balāʾ, aflicción, y balā, el sí que las almas dijeron el Día del Pacto aceptando de antemano toda tribulación; el troceo imprime *balā?* con signo de interrogación en lugar de la hamza.

«And when the ascetic seeks God’s loving-kindness and forgiveness (raḥma), the lover seeks his pain (zaḥma)— a meaningful pun of Persian poets.» — el juego de palabras persa que Schimmel consigna: el asceta busca la raḥma y el amante la zaḥma, la misericordia contra el dolor.

«This indulgence in suffering, the feeling that affliction is the fastest steed to bring man to perfection (as Meister Eckhart said just at the time that the greatest Sufis expressed these views)» — Schimmel data la sentencia de Meister Eckhart sobre la aflicción como el corcel más rápido hacia la perfección en los mismos años en que los grandes sufíes decían lo suyo; el tramo corta antes de la continuación de la frase.

«this attitude has contributed to the development of a certain imagery in later Sufi poetry that is difficult for uninitiated Western readers to appreciate and that has even caused misunderstanding among modern Islamic thinkers.» — el precio que Schimmel adjudica a esa actitud: una imaginería que el lector occidental no iniciado no aprecia y que hasta los pensadores islámicos modernos malentendieron.

«It is an imagery that compares, for example, the lover to the polo ball, rolling without head and feet wherever the friend’s polo stick drives him.» — la imagen que Schimmel pone por ejemplo: el amante como bola de polo que rueda sin cabeza ni pies adonde la empuja el mazo del amigo.

«Before the tenth century, however, discussions about mystical love and longing were conducted mainly on the theoretical level. The question was one of semantics.» — el corte cronológico que Schimmel traza: antes del siglo X la discusión sobre el amor místico fue teórica, y el asunto era de semántica.

«The word maḥabba had been objected to by the orthodox, but when the first attempts were made to introduce the word ʿishq, “passionate love,” into the relation between man and God, even most of the Sufis objected, for this root implies the concept of overflowing and passionate longing, a quality that God, the self-sufficient, could not possibly possess; nor was it permissible that man should approach the Lord with such feelings.» — la objeción que Schimmel consigna contra la palabra ʿishq: implica desbordamiento y anhelo apasionado, cualidad que Dios, autosuficiente, no podría tener y que al hombre no le tocaba llevar ante el Señor.

«Nūrī, who probably introduced the use of the word ʿishq, defended himself by declaring that “the ʿāshiq ‘lover’ is kept at a distance, whereas the muḥibb ‘lover’ enjoys his love” (B 289).» — la defensa que Schimmel atribuye a Nūrī, a quien adjudica con reserva la introducción del término: el ʿāshiq queda a distancia y el muḥibb goza su amor.

«It was left to Ḥallāj openly to express by this term the inner dynamics of the divine life—”le désir essentiel,” as Louis Massignon calls it» — lo que Schimmel adjudica a Ḥallāj: haber dicho con ese término la dinámica interna de la vida divina, que Massignon llamó deseo esencial; el tramo corta antes de la continuación.

«My servant ceases not to draw nigh unto Me by works of devotion, until I love him, and when I love him I am the eye by which he sees and the ear by which he hears. And when he approaches a span I approach a cubit, and when he comes walking I come running. (L 59)» — el ḥadīth qudsī que Schimmel cita por las Lumaʿ: Dios se vuelve el ojo con que el siervo ve y el oído con que oye, y responde a un palmo con un codo y al paso con la carrera. El troceo repite el arranque de esta tradición en el índice del volumen, bajo *Ḥadīth an-nawāfil*; se ancla en la primera aparición, la del cuerpo.

«This love is a flame that burns everything except the beloved (M 5:588), just as longing is God’s fire, which He kindles in the» — la primera de las dos imágenes con que Schimmel cierra el asunto: el amor como llama que quema todo salvo al amado; el tramo corta en el fin de la plana y sigue *hearts of His friends* en la siguiente.

«hearts of His friends to burn down everything that may occupy their hearts (L 64).» — la continuación en la plana siguiente: el anhelo como fuego que Dios enciende en el corazón de sus amigos para quemar cuanto lo ocupe.

«privileges, as the Koran attests, has, perhaps, helped in shaping the idea of the “martyr of love,” who enjoys a special position with God when he is killed by the sword of longing or has died on the thorny path that leads toward the beloved, where thousands of hearts and livers adorn the thornbushes like red flowers, as Ghālib depicts the way of love.» — la frase, que arranca en la plana anterior con *The idea that the martyr is granted special heavenly*, hace venir la figura del mártir de amor de los privilegios celestiales que el Corán concede al mártir, con la reserva —*perhaps*— que Schimmel conserva, y la imagen de Ghālib: corazones e hígados que adornan las zarzas del camino del amor como flores rojas.

«purified by the constant “tribulation” of fermenting until it becomes pure wine, and just as wheat is ground and kneaded and apparently mistreated until it becomes bread, thus the human soul can mature only through suffering.» — las dos parábolas de la maduración por el sufrimiento, cuya frase arranca en la plana anterior con *Just as grape juice is*: el mosto que fermenta hasta ser vino y el trigo molido y amasado hasta ser pan, imágenes del alma que solo madura sufriendo.

«no deity save Love,” a formulation that I often heard from Turkish Sufis.» — el cierre de la frase que Schimmel arranca en la plana anterior sobre Fakhruddīn ʿIrāqī, que cambió la profesión de fe por *lā ilāha illāʾl-ʿishq*: Schimmel declara en primera persona haberla oído a menudo de sufíes turcos.

«The discussions on mystical love became more complicated in the Baghdad circles about 900, with the introduction of the notion of ḥubb ʿudhrī, “platonic love.”» — Schimmel data hacia el 900, en los círculos de Bagdad, la complicación de la discusión sobre el amor místico con la entrada del ḥubb ʿudhrī.

«in the late seventh century, had sung of his chaste love for Buthayna in delicate verses that almost foreshadow the love lyrics of Spanish and French troubadours» — la frase arranca en la plana anterior con *Jamīl, a noted poet from the tribe of ʿUdhrā*, y aquí Schimmel traza la comparación: los versos de Jamīl a Buthayna casi anticipan la lírica amorosa de los trovadores españoles y franceses.

«and soon a ḥadīth was coined, according to which the Prophet had said: “Whoever loves and remains chaste, and dies, dies as a martyr.”» — el ḥadīth que, según Schimmel, se acuñó enseguida: quien ama y permanece casto y muere, muere mártir.

«It was Muḥammad ibn Dāʾūd, the son of the founder of the Zahirite law school who composed, in Ḥallāj’s day, a book on the ideal chaste love, containing one hundred chapters of poetry about ḥubb ʿudhrī and stressing the necessity of the “martyrdom of chastity.”» — la obra que Schimmel adjudica a Muḥammad ibn Dāʾūd, hijo del fundador de la escuela jurídica zahirí y contemporáneo de Ḥallāj: cien capítulos de poesía sobre el amor casto y el martirio de la castidad.

«He and his followers denied the possibility of mutual love between man and God and excluded every human object from mystical love.» — la doble negativa que Schimmel atribuye a esa escuela: ni amor mutuo entre el hombre y Dios ni objeto humano dentro del amor místico.

«Yet two centuries later the two currents merged in the verses of some of the greatest Persian mystical poets.» — el desenlace que Schimmel consigna: dos siglos después las dos corrientes se juntan en los versos de los grandes místicos persas.

«Another accusation brought against the love theories of the Sufis was that they represented Manichaean ideas.» — la segunda acusación que Schimmel registra contra las teorías sufíes del amor: que repetían ideas maniqueas.

«Worship of God by love is the sin of the Manichaeans, the heretics par excellence who imagine that their souls are particles of the eternal divine light, imprisoned in the body, and that a magnetic attraction from the origin of this love will attract them to become united with their origin again.» — el contenido de esa acusación tal como Schimmel lo enuncia: los maniqueos, herejes por antonomasia, tienen el alma por partícula de luz divina presa en el cuerpo y atraída magnéticamente a su origen.

«This interpretation is incorrect for the early stages of mystical love, but it points to a development that was inherent in Sufi love theories: love became, with many of the later Sufis, the “growing power” that causes the possibilities of perfection in everything to unfold.» — Schimmel niega que esa lectura valga para el amor místico temprano y a la vez señala hacia dónde derivó: el amor como potencia que hace desplegarse las posibilidades de perfección.

«The “essential desire” of Ḥallāj’s God often turns into a more or less magnetic force that has caused emanation and draws everything back to its source.» — la deriva que Schimmel describe: el deseo esencial del Dios de Ḥallāj se vuelve fuerza casi magnética que causa la emanación y lo atrae todo de vuelta.

«But love as experienced by the early Sufis is a strong personal and existential commitment.» — el contraste con que Schimmel corta esa deriva: en los primeros sufíes el amor es compromiso personal y existencial.

«Ḥallāj did not even hesitate to place it higher than faith (īmān): “It is a primordial divine grace without which you would not have learned what the Book is nor what Faith is” (P 610).» — la sentencia de Ḥallāj que Schimmel cita por la Passion de Massignon: el amor es gracia divina primordial sin la cual no se sabría qué es el Libro ni qué es la fe.

«The mystics felt that the love they experienced was not their own work but was called into existence by God’s activity.» — lo que Schimmel adjudica al sentir de los místicos: el amor que experimentan no es obra suya sino de la actividad de Dios.

«Did not the Koran attest: “He loves them, and they love Him” (Sūra 5:59)—a word that shows that God’s love precedes human love?» — el verso coránico con que Schimmel funda la anterioridad del amor divino, planteado como pregunta retórica.

«Love cannot be learned; it is the result of divine grace—”If a world would draw love into it, it could not do it, and if they would strive to reject it, they could not do it, for it is a gift, not an acquisition. It is divine” (H 398).» — la sentencia del Kashf al-Maḥjūb que Schimmel cita: el amor no se aprende ni se atrae ni se rechaza, porque es don y no adquisición.

«The Sufis, deepening the general Muslim knowledge that the divine greatness overpowers everything, have always felt that man is far too weak to seek God.» — lo que Schimmel adjudica a los sufíes como radicalización de un saber musulmán común: el hombre es demasiado débil para buscar a Dios.

«Not a single lover would seek union if the beloved were not seeking it,» — el verso del Mathnawī (M 3:4394) que Schimmel pone en boca de Rūmī trescientos años después: ningún amante buscaría la unión si el amado no la buscara.

«The idea that God was “a hidden treasure that longed to be known” has grown out of this feeling of God’s desire to love and to be loved.» — el origen que Schimmel adjudica al dicho del tesoro escondido que anhelaba ser conocido: el sentimiento del deseo divino de amar y ser amado.

«He is, as Muhammad Iqbal has said in our day, “like us, a prisoner of Desire.”» — la fórmula de Muhammad Iqbal que Schimmel cita como formulación contemporánea: Dios es, como nosotros, prisionero del Deseo.

«The Sufis have often tried to describe the state of the true lover in poetical images.» — Schimmel señala el recurso constante a la imagen poética para describir el estado del amante verdadero.

«I walked in the steppe, it had rained love, and the soil was moist– just as the foot of man walks in a rose garden, thus my feet walked in love” (T 1:155).» — la imagen primaveral que Schimmel atribuye a Bāyezīd por la hagiografía de ʿAṭṭār: había llovido amor sobre la estepa y sus pies caminaban en el amor como en un rosal.

«And Shiblī takes up this spring imagery, which was to become a central theme of Persian poetry: “The ‘time’ of the gnostic is like a spring day, the thunder roars and the cloud weeps and the lightning burns and the wind blows and the buds open and the birds sing—this is his state: he weeps with his eyes, smiles with his lips, burns with his heart, plays with his head, says the friend’s name and roams around his door” (T 2:177).» — la ampliación que Schimmel adjudica a Shiblī y que llama tema central de la poesía persa: el tiempo del gnóstico es día de primavera, con trueno, llanto, relámpago, viento, capullos y pájaros a la vez.

«In descriptions like this, technical treatises on Sufism suddenly turn into sheer poetry.» — el juicio de Schimmel sobre ese registro: ahí los tratados técnicos del sufismo se vuelven poesía sin más.

«Verily, I have servants among my servants who love Me, and I love them, and they long for Me, and I long for them and they look at Me, and I look at them» — el arranque del ḥadīth qudsī que Schimmel cita por el Iḥyāʾ de Ghazzālī: Dios declara tener siervos que lo aman, lo anhelan y lo miran, y a quienes ama, anhela y mira.

«And their signs are that they preserve the shade at daytime as compassionately as a herdsman preserves his sheep, and they long for sunset as the bird longs for his nest at dusk» — las señales de esos siervos según el mismo ḥadīth qudsī: guardan la sombra del día como el pastor a sus ovejas y anhelan el ocaso como el ave su nido.

«and when the night comes and the shadows become mixed and the beds are spread out and the bedsteads are put up and every lover is alone with his beloved, then they will stand on their feet and put their faces on the ground and will call Me with My word and will flatter Me with My graces, half crying and half weeping, half bewildered and half complaining» — la escena nocturna del ḥadīth qudsī: cuando cada amante queda a solas con su amado, ellos se ponen en pie, apoyan el rostro en el suelo y llaman a Dios con su propia palabra.

«These lovers will be granted a special place at Doomsday, beyond the communities of the various prophets, and those who love each other in God will be on a pillar of red garnet and will look down on the inhabitants of Paradise.» — el lugar que Schimmel dice reservado a esos amantes el Día del Juicio: por encima de las comunidades de los profetas, sobre un pilar de granate rojo desde el que miran el Paraíso.

«But a description of mystical love is altogether impossible—no one could put this truth better than Sumnūn, surnamed “the Lover”: “A thing can be explained only by something that is subtler than itself. There is nothing subtler than love—by what, then, shall love be explained?” (H 173).» — el argumento con que Sumnūn, a quien llamaron el Amante, declara indescriptible el amor y que Schimmel cita por el Kashf al-Maḥjūb: nada hay más sutil que el amor, y solo lo más sutil explica.

«Science would be of no avail on this Path—only the light of gnosis, the light of certainty gained through intuitive knowledge, could help in approaching the mystery of love.» — Schimmel niega valor a la ciencia en ese camino y deja solo la luz de la gnosis, la certeza ganada por conocimiento intuitivo.

«The sciences are like eyeglasses, which cannot see by themselves but stand between the eye and the objects, as a seventeenth-century mystic from Sind said, using a modern image but remaining, in substance, faithful to the traditional view.» — la imagen que Schimmel atribuye a un místico del Sind del siglo XVII: las ciencias son anteojos que no ven por sí mismos y se interponen entre el ojo y las cosas.

«He explains by this image an alleged ḥadīth that calls ʿilm, “knowledge,” the “greatest veil” separating man from God.» — el ḥadīth que, según Schimmel, ese místico explica con la imagen, y que ella marca como supuesto: el ʿilm, el saber, es el velo más grande entre el hombre y Dios.

«On the way of love, intellect is like the donkey that carries books (Sūra 62:5); it is a lame ass, whereas love is like the winged burāq that brought Muhammad into the presence of God (D 1997).» — el par de imágenes que Schimmel recoge del Dīwān: el intelecto es el asno que carga libros de la Sūra 62:5, y el amor el burāq alado que llevó a Mahoma ante Dios.

«The contrast between love and discursive reason provided an inexhaustible topic for later poets» — Schimmel señala el contraste entre amor y razón discursiva como tema inagotable de los poetas posteriores; el tramo corta antes del verso que lo ilustra.

«to hang intellect like a thief when love becomes the ruler of the country.» — el verso del Dīwān (D 420) con que Schimmel lo ilustra: colgar al intelecto como a un ladrón cuando el amor gobierna el país.

«Thus the figure of Majnūn, the demented lover, lost in his contemplation of Laila, might serve as a model for the mystical lover.» — el modelo que Schimmel adjudica a los poetas: Majnūn, el amante demente perdido en la contemplación de Laila.

«Love is the most genuine quality of the human race. God created Adam out of love; Adam bears in himself the divine image, and no other created being can follow him in the way of love.» — la tesis que Schimmel enuncia sobre el amor y la especie humana: Dios creó a Adán por amor, Adán lleva en sí la imagen divina y ningún otro ser creado puede seguirlo por esa vía.

«When the angel falls in love, he is the perfect human.» — el verso del Ushturnāma (U 96) con que Schimmel cierra: el ángel que se enamora es el humano perfecto.

«The expression “lower than a dog” occurs (M 5:2008), for even animals know at least one aspect of love.» — la razón que Schimmel da para ese insulto tomado del Mathnawī: hasta los animales conocen un aspecto del amor.

«The most charming story in this respect, probably told first by ʿAṭṭār (U 129) and retold by ʿIrāqī, deals with a preacher in Shiraz who spoke so poignantly about love that everybody dissolved in tears. A man had inquired of him before the sermon whether by chance he knew where his lost donkey had gone.» — la anécdota que Schimmel atribuye primero a ʿAṭṭār y luego a ʿIrāqī: un predicador de Shiraz hablaba del amor hasta hacer llorar a todos, y antes del sermón alguien le había preguntado por su asno perdido.

«A certain fool ill-favored as an ass in sheer stupidity sprang to his feet. “Art thou the man, the elder asked, whose heart was never bound by love?” Yea, he replied. Then said the sage: “Ho, thou that hadst an ass, lo, I have found thine ass.» — el desenlace en verso de esa anécdota: el único que declara no haber amado nunca resulta ser el asno buscado.

«The genuine lover is the most honored person in both worlds, for the Prophet said: “Man is with him whom he loves.” Thus the lover is constantly with God, whom he loves to the exclusion of everything else (T 2:85).» — la sentencia profética con que Schimmel corona al amante —el hombre está con quien ama— y su lectura: el amante está constantemente con Dios.

«Love is, for the Sufis, the only legitimate way to educate the base faculties. The rules of asceticism in themselves are purely negative; as indispensable as they are, they have to be performed out of love.» — la función que Schimmel adjudica al amor en la pedagogía sufí: las reglas del ascetismo son puramente negativas y, por indispensables que sean, han de cumplirse por amor.

«Only by this method can the shayṭān, the lower soul, be transformed—he becomes like Gabriel, and his demonic qualities die (M 6:3648).» — la transformación que Schimmel describe con el Mathnawī: solo así el shayṭān, el alma baja, se vuelve como Gabriel y le mueren las cualidades demoníacas.

«Having reached this stage, which may be called “loving tauḥīd,” man sees with the eye of intuitive knowledge and understands the ways of God.» — el nombre que Schimmel da a esa etapa, tauḥīd amoroso, y lo que trae: ver con el ojo del conocimiento intuitivo y entender los caminos de Dios.

«Loving acceptance of God’s will can resolve the enigma of free will and predestination in a higher unity.» — la salida que Schimmel adjudica a esa aceptación amorosa: el enigma del libre albedrío y la predestinación se resuelve en una unidad más alta.

«Whether the final station be seen as love or as gnosis, the disciple has to continue in his preparatory activities, like dhikr and concentration, which may eventually lead him to the goal, fanā and baqā.» — la indiferencia que Schimmel declara ante la disputa por la estación final: en los dos casos el discípulo sigue con el dhikr y la concentración que llevan al fanā y al baqā.

«He should concentrate on perfect collectedness in contemplation (murāqaba), and from this point he may attain vision (mushāhada).» — el itinerario que Schimmel fija: de la murāqaba o contemplación recogida a la mushāhada o visión.

«But it is a vision that can be described only approximately as presence or proximity, combined with ʿilm al-yaqīn,“knowledge of certitude” (L 69).» — la cautela con que Schimmel acota esa visión: solo se describe aproximadamente como presencia o proximidad, unida al ʿilm al-yaqīn.

«al-yaqīn leads further to ʿayn al-yaqīn, “vision of certitude” or “essence of certainty”—the station of the gnostics—until it is consummated in ḥaqq al-yaqīn, the “real certitude” or “reality of certainty,” which is the place of God’s friends.» — la escala de las tres certezas que Schimmel expone, cuya frase arranca en la plana anterior con *The station of sincere ʿilm*: del saber de certeza a la visión de certeza, estación de los gnósticos, y de ahí a la certeza real, lugar de los amigos de Dios.

«These terms are taken from Sūra 102 and Sūra 56:95, where they have, however, no mystical connotations at all.» — el hallazgo filológico que Schimmel consigna: los tres términos salen de la Sūra 102 y de la 56:95, donde no tienen connotación mística alguna.

«Ḥaqq al-yaqīn is attained in fanā; it has been symbolized, in Ḥallāj’s Kitāb aṭ-ṭawāsīn, as the way of the moth, which experiences ʿilm al-yaqīn when it sees the light of the candle, ʿayn al-yaqīn when it draws near and feels its heat, and ḥaqq al-yaqīn when it is, finally, burned and consumed by the flame.» — la parábola de la mariposa que Schimmel adjudica al Kitāb aṭ-ṭawāsīn de Ḥallāj para las tres certezas: ve la luz de la vela, siente su calor y acaba consumida por la llama.

«The true meaning of fanā has been one of the controversial topics in the study of Sufism.» — Schimmel declara el sentido del fanā uno de los puntos controvertidos del estudio del sufismo.

«The German term Entwerden, as used by the medieval mystics, is closer to its meaning than words like “annihilation,” “being naughted,” or “passing away,” since it is the opposite of “becoming,” werden.» — la propuesta terminológica de Schimmel: el Entwerden de los místicos medievales alemanes se acerca más al fanā que aniquilación o extinción, porque es lo contrario de devenir.

«Some scholars have tried to equate fanā with the Hindu or Buddhist concept of nirvana, but this is incorrect.» — la objeción de Schimmel a quienes equiparan el fanā con el nirvana hindú o budista.

«It is not the experience of being freed from a painful circle of existence, since Islam lacks the idea of karma and accepts the reality of the individual soul.» — la razón que Schimmel da para esa objeción: el islam no tiene idea de karma y acepta la realidad del alma individual.

«Fanā is, in the beginning, an ethical concept: man becomes annihilated and takes on God’s attributes—it is the place of the alleged ḥadīth takhallaqū bi-akhlāq Allāh, “qualify yourself with the qualities of God,” i.e., through constant mental struggle exchange your own base qualities for the praiseworthy qualities by which God has described Himself in the Koranic revelation.» — el primer sentido del fanā según Schimmel, que llama ético: cambiar por lucha mental las cualidades bajas propias por las que Dios se adjudica en el Corán, según el ḥadīth supuesto de cualificarse con las cualidades de Dios.

«The next stage is annihilation in vision, when the soul is surrounded by the primordial light of God.» — la segunda etapa del fanā según Schimmel: aniquilación en la visión, con el alma rodeada de la luz primordial de Dios.

«The third and final stage, then, is “annihilation from one’s vision of annihilation,” in which one is immersed in the wujūd, the “existence” of God or, rather, the “finding” of God.» — la tercera etapa: aniquilarse de la propia visión de la aniquilación, para quedar inmerso en el wujūd de Dios, que Schimmel prefiere traducir hallazgo antes que existencia.

«For the word wujūd, which is usually translated as “existence,” means, originally, the “being found”— and that is what the mystic experiences.» — la enmienda léxica que Schimmel propone: wujūd no es tanto existencia como ser hallado, y eso es lo que el místico experimenta.

«Only when God loves His servant can he love Him, and, on the other hand, he cannot refuse to love God,» — la consecuencia que Schimmel saca del verso coránico: el hombre no puede amar si Dios no ama primero, ni puede negarse a amar; el tramo corta en el fin de la plana y sigue *since the initiative comes from God* en la siguiente.

«names such as “cow,” “jackass,” “hard stone,” or “animal,” based on the Koranic sentence, “they are like beasts, nay, even more astray” (Sūra 7:178).» — la enumeración de esos nombres y el verso coránico en que Schimmel dice que se apoyaban: son como bestias, o aún más extraviados.

«When I said: What have I sinned? she answered: Your existence is a sin with which no sin can be compared.» — el verso que Schimmel cita de las Lumaʿ (L 59) para la existencia como creada en el tiempo: la existencia propia es el pecado con que ningún pecado se compara.

«This veil cannot be lifted completely during one’s lifetime. The mystic cannot completely and substantially be annihilated in God, but he may be lost for a while in the fathomless ocean of bewilderment» — el límite que Schimmel fija: el velo no se levanta del todo en vida, y el místico no puede aniquilarse sustancialmente en Dios, solo perderse un rato en el océano de la perplejidad.

«Fanā . . . may consist of being absent from his own attributes, so that he appears to be really mad and to have lost his reason . . . . For all that he is preserved to perform his duties to God .... On the other hand he may be a leader to be followed, governing those who attach themselves to him” (K 131).» — la definición de fanā que Schimmel toma de Kalābādhī: ausencia de los propios atributos hasta parecer loco, y aun así conservado para cumplir sus deberes con Dios o para guiar a otros.

«The problem is whether or not the mystic can return to his own qualities after this experience: “The great Sufis . . . do not hold that the mystic returns to his own attributes after a passing away. They argue that passing-away is a divine bounty and fit for the mystic, a special mark of favour, not an acquired condition: it is a thing which God vouchsafes to those whom He has chosen and elected for Himself” (K 127).» — el problema que Schimmel deja planteado y la respuesta de los grandes sufíes según Kalābādhī: el fanā es don divino y no condición adquirida, y de él no se vuelve a las propias cualidades.

«The best interpretation of fanā and the following stage, baqā, has been given by the Japanese scholar Toshihiko Izutsu,33 who explains fanā as “the total nullification of the ego-consciousness, when there remains only the absolute Unity of Reality in its purity as an absolute Awareness prior to its bifurcation into subject and object”» — la interpretación que Schimmel declara la mejor, la del estudioso japonés Toshihiko Izutsu: el fanā anula la conciencia del yo y deja solo la Unidad absoluta de lo Real antes de partirse en sujeto y objeto.

«the state the Sufis would call jamʿ, “unification, collectedness.” The Sufi experiences the return to the moment when God was, and there was nothing else.» — el nombre sufí que Schimmel pone a ese estado, jamʿ, y lo que dice que se experimenta: el retorno al momento en que Dios era y no había nada más.

«Fanā is “certainly a human experience . . . but man is not the subject of this experience. The subject is rather the metaphysical Reality itself”» — la paradoja que Schimmel recoge de Izutsu: el fanā es experiencia humana, pero el sujeto de la experiencia no es el hombre sino la Realidad metafísica.

«we may think of Rūmī’s attempt at clarifying the same state with an example taken from grammar:māta Zayd, “Zayd died,” a sentence in which Zayd is the subject, but not the acting subject (M 3:3683).» — el ejemplo gramatical que Schimmel trae de Rūmī para lo mismo: en *māta Zayd*, Zayd murió, Zayd es sujeto de la frase pero no sujeto agente.

«Then man may reach the state of baqā, “persistence” or “subsistence” in God, and experience the “second separation” or “gathering of the gathering,” jamʿ al-jamʿ : “Man is resuscitated out of the nothingness, completely transformed into an absolute Self. The multiplicity becomes visible again—but in a changed form, namely as determinations of the one Reality.”» — el baqā según la formulación de Izutsu que Schimmel adopta: el hombre resucita de la nada como Sí mismo absoluto y la multiplicidad reaparece, ya como determinaciones de la Realidad una.

«When you seek baqā, request it from the dervishes— the dervishes are the warp and woof of the garment (qabā) of baqā,» — el verso de Sanāʾī que Schimmel cita del Dīwān (SD 186) con su juego de palabras: los derviches son la trama y la urdimbre del manto, qabā, del baqā.

«says Sanā’ī, with a fine pun; but for most of the mystics baqā is connected particularly with the prophetic activity.» — la adjudicación que Schimmel hace para la mayoría de los místicos: el baqā se liga sobre todo a la actividad profética.

«God, who has promised the loving soul that he will “become his eye by which he sees,” has shown this aspect of religious life, which is turned toward the world in the acts of the prophets.» — la razón que Schimmel da para esa liga: la promesa de volverse el ojo con que el alma amante ve muestra la cara de la vida religiosa vuelta hacia el mundo en los actos de los profetas.

«For after the Battle of Badr (624), Muhammad was addressed: “ Mā ramayta idh ramayta, ‘you did not cast when you cast, but God did it’” (Sūra 8:17).» — el verso coránico que Schimmel data después de la batalla de Badr y que llama la fórmula del caso: no arrojaste tú cuando arrojaste, sino Dios.

«And although many Sufis claimed to have attained baqā, the distinction between the “saintly” and “prophetic” aspects of fanā and baqā gained new importance in later Sufi theories, mainly with the Naqshbandīs.» — la distinción que Schimmel dice ganada en importancia con los naqshbandíes: la cara santa y la cara profética del fanā y el baqā.

«Fanā is not to be confused with ittiḥād, “union,” a term that presupposes the existence of two independent beings and has, therefore, been regarded as heretic, as has ḥulūl, “indwelling,” which means the incarnation of the divine in man.» — la doble separación que Schimmel traza: el fanā no es ittiḥād, que supone dos seres independientes, ni ḥulūl, la encarnación de lo divino en el hombre, y las dos fueron tenidas por heréticas.

«Orthodox Muslims accused not only the Christians, but also Ḥallāj and the representatives of love mysticism, of accepting the concept of ḥulūl. Fanā, however, is the nullification of the mystic in the divine presence.» — la acusación de ḥulūl que Schimmel consigna contra los cristianos, contra Ḥallāj y contra los místicos del amor, y su enmienda: el fanā es anulación del místico en la presencia divina.

«Later mystics tried to explain the state of fanā and baqā in wonderful images. The metaphors of Islamic mysticism and philosophy are not merely poetic ornaments but are indicative of a peculiar way of thinking.» — la advertencia de método que Schimmel intercala: las metáforas del misticismo y la filosofía islámicos no son ornato poético sino señal de una manera de pensar.

«The Sufis have, for instance, spoken of the experience of the Black Light—the light of bewilderment: when the divine light fully appears in the mystic’s consciousness, all things disappear instead of remaining visible (medieval and Renaissance mystics in Germany would speak of the überhelle Nacht» — la Luz Negra que Schimmel describe como luz de la perplejidad: cuando la luz divina aparece del todo, las cosas desaparecen en vez de quedar visibles, y los místicos alemanes hablaban de la noche sobreclara.

«Such is the experience of fanā— a blackout of everything until the mystic perceives that this blackness is “in reality the very light of the Absolute-as-such,” for existence in its purity is invisible and appears as nothing.» — el sentido que Schimmel da a esa negrura: la existencia en su pureza es invisible y se aparece como nada, de modo que lo negro es la luz misma de lo Absoluto.

«To discover the clarity of this black light is to find the green water of life, which, according to the legends, is hidden in the deepest darkness—baqā, persistence in God, is concealed in the very center of fanā.» — la conclusión con que Schimmel cierra la imagen: hallar esa claridad negra es dar con el agua verde de la vida, escondida en la tiniebla más honda, y el baqā está en el centro mismo del fanā.

«Ḥallāj had used the allegory of the moth and the candle to» — Schimmel recuerda la alegoría de la mariposa y la vela con que Ḥallāj apuntaba al estado de extinción; el tramo corta en el fin de la plana.

«Rūmī, in order to explain Ḥallāj’s unitive expression anāʾl-Ḥaqq, compares the mystic in this state to a piece of iron that is thrown into the furnace and becomes so hot that it regards itself as fire (M 2:1445), though a substantial union cannot be achieved.» — la imagen con que, según Schimmel, Rūmī explica el anāʾl-Ḥaqq de Ḥallāj: el hierro echado al horno se pone tan al rojo que se tiene por fuego, aunque no haya unión sustancial.