Spiritual and Demonic Magic from Ficino to Campanella

«Ficino’s attention is devoted not so much to man’s soul or body as to his Spiritus.» — Walker fija el objeto del De Triplici Vita: a lo largo de los tres libros el interés de Ficino no recae en el alma ni en el cuerpo, sino en el spiritus que los une.

«Soldiers, says Ficino, care for their arms, musicians for their instruments, hunters for their hounds,» — arranque del símil con que, según Walker, Ficino reprocha a los estudiosos descuidar su propio instrumento; la traducción inglesa es de Walker.

«only the priests of the Muses, only the hunters-after the supreme good and truth are so negligent (alas) and so unfortunate that they seem utterly to neglect that instrument» — según Walker, Ficino cierra el símil: los sacerdotes de las Musas descuidan justamente el instrumento con el que pueden medir el mundo entero.

«An instrument of this sort is the spirit, which by the physicians is defined as a certain vapour of the blood, pure, subtle, hot and lucid.» — la definición médica del spiritus que Ficino toma prestada, según Walker: vapor de la sangre, no sustancia propia.

«Thus the blood serves the spirit, the spirit the senses, and finally the senses reason.» — según Walker, Ficino encadena la fisiología entera en una serie de servicios, de la sangre a la razón.

«This seems to be a deliberate limitation of the meaning of spiritus to a normal, medical sense: it is a corporeal vapour, centred in the brain and flowing through the nervous system; it is the first instrament of the incorporeal soul, an instrument for sense-perception, imagination and motor-activity—the link between body and soul.» — Walker lee esa definición como una restricción deliberada al sentido médico corriente, y describe el spiritus como el primer instrumento del alma incorpórea y el eslabón entre cuerpo y alma; el escaneo imprime *instrament* por *instrument*.

«In consequence such persons are always of a melancholy temperament*.» — según Walker, de ese consumo Ficino deriva el temperamento melancólico del estudioso.

«If, however, melancholy is properly tempered with a little phlegm and bile, and a lot of blood, then the spirits will glow, not burn*®, and make possible continuous study of the highest order.» — el límite que Ficino pone a su propio diagnóstico, según Walker: templada con flema, bilis y mucha sangre, la melancolía deja de quemar y sostiene el estudio continuo.

«To preserve the health of the spirit and to avoid the perils of melancholy Ficino gives detailed advice on diet and régime ®.» — Walker resume el remedio ficiniano: contra la melancolía, un régimen de dieta detallado, no un rito.

«After recommending the use of wine, incense, aromatic herbs and so forth, he writes:» — Walker sitúa la bisagra del capítulo: la música entra en la lista de remedios ficinianos justo después del vino, el incienso y las hierbas aromáticas.

«finally, if the vapours exhaled by merely vegetable life are greatly beneficial to your life, how beneficial do you think will be aerial songs to the spirit which is indeed entirely aerial, harmonic songs to the har- ‘monic spirit, warm and thus living to the living, endowed with sense to the sensitive, conceived by reason to the rational °?» — según Walker, Ficino argumenta la superioridad de la música por parentesco de sustancia: es aire como el espíritu, armónica como él, cálida y viva, y por eso lo alimenta mejor que cualquier vapor vegetal.

«These are sometimes made to correspond to the threefold division of the spirits into natural, vital and animal 4.» — Walker consigna la correspondencia entre los tres modos de nutrición y la división galénica del espíritu en natural, vital y animal.

«But Ficino does not work out these distinctions in detail, nor employ them consistently.» — la reserva de Walker sobre esa misma tripartición: Ficino no la desarrolla ni la usa de manera consistente.

«I know of no modern work on mediaeval and Renaissance pneumatology.» — Walker declara el hueco bibliográfico desde el que trabaja: no conoce ningún estudio moderno de la pneumatología medieval y renacentista.

«The spirit of the studious is especially likely to need care, because their constant use of it in thinking and imagining consumes it.» — según Walker, Ficino explica por qué el estudioso necesita cuidados particulares: pensar e imaginar consumen su espíritu (el crudo imprime *consu-* y *mes* partidos por el salto de línea).

«The spirits which derive from a melancholy humour (black bile) are exceptionally fine, hot, agile and combustible, like brandy *. They are, therefore, liable to ignite and produce a temporary state of mania or exaltation, followed by extreme depression and lethargy, caused by the black smoke left after the fire.» — según Walker, Ficino deriva de la bilis negra unos espíritus combustibles y de ahí el ciclo de exaltación y abatimiento del melancólico.

«Nor is this surprising; for, since song and sound arise from the cogitation of the mind, the impetus of the phantasy %, and the feeling of the heart, and, together with the air they have broken up and tempered, strike the aerial spirit of the hearer, which is the junction of the soul and body, they easily move the phantasy, affect the heart and penetrate ‘into the deep recesses of the mind» — según Walker, Ficino explica el efecto de la música por su origen y su vehículo: nacida de la cogitación, de la fantasía y del afecto del corazón, viaja en el aire y golpea el espíritu aéreo del oyente, que es el nudo del alma y el cuerpo.

«Ficino, Op. Omn., p. 651: “Neque mirum id quidem: nam quum cantus se €x cogitatione mentis, & impetu phantasiae, cordisque affectu proficiscatu una cum aere facto [read: fracto, as in Ficino, Epistolae, Venetiis, 1495, fo 24 v] & temperato, aereum audientis spiritum pulset, qui animae corporisque nodus est, facile phantasiam movet, afficitque cor & intima mentis penetralia penetrat”.» — el latín de Ficino que Walker traduce, con la enmienda del propio Walker entre corchetes —lee *fracto* donde la edición imprime *facto*— y las corrupciones del escaneo (*€x*, *proficiscatu*) tal cual.

«The point which Ficino always emphasizes is that music has a stronger effect than anything transmitted through the other senses, because its medium, air, is of the same kind as the spirit.» — Walker aísla el eje de la teoría: la música supera a los demás sentidos porque su medio, el aire, es de la misma clase que el espíritu.

«First, Ficino sometimes adopts a theory of sensation according to which the sense-organ is of the same substance as what is sensed.» — según Walker, una de las dos razones de esa primacía es una teoría de la sensación por la que el órgano es de la misma sustancia que lo sentido.

«In this case, it would be of the same nature as the medium of light.» — Walker señala la consecuencia incómoda de esa teoría aplicada a la vista: el espíritu resultaría de la misma naturaleza que el medio de la luz.

«It is easy enough to see why the three lower senses (taste, smell, touch) are inferior to hearing; they cannot transmit an intellectual content, which music can do, owing to its text.» — Walker jerarquiza los sentidos por lo que pueden transmitir: gusto, olfato y tacto no llevan contenido intelectual, y la música sí, por su texto.

«But even this does not quite satisfactorily account for the peculiar difference between sight and hearing.» — la insatisfacción que Walker declara ante su propia primera explicación: no da cuenta de la diferencia peculiar entre vista y oído.

«The second, more fundamental reason why sound affects the spirit more strongly than sight is because it transmits movement and is itself moving; whereas sight is conceived as transmitting only static images.» — la razón que Walker considera de fondo: el sonido transmite movimiento y se mueve, mientras la vista se concibe como transmisora de imágenes estáticas.

«He asks why Plato said the soul was similar to musical consonance 5, tather than to any harmoniously composed object perceived by other senses, and answers: Musical consonance occurs in the element which is the mean of all» — según Walker, Ficino se pregunta por qué Platón comparó el alma con la consonancia musical y no con otro objeto armónico, y responde por el elemento medio.

«i.e. air], and reaches the ears through motion, spherical motion: so that it is not surprising that it should be fitting to the soul, which is both the mean of things 1, and the origin of circular motion 2.» — según Walker, Ficino remata la respuesta: el sonido llega por movimiento esférico, y por eso conviene al alma, medio de las cosas y origen del movimiento circular.

«In addition, musical sound, more than anything else perceived by the senses, conveys, as if animated, the emotions and thoughts of the singer’s or player’s soul to the listeners’ souls; thus it preeminently corresponds with the soul.» — según Walker, Ficino añade que el sonido musical lleva animadas las emociones y los pensamientos del alma del ejecutante a las de los oyentes.

«Moreover, as regards sight, although visual impressions are in a way pure, yet they lack the effectiveness of motion, and are usually perceived only as an image, without reality; normally therefore, they move the soul only slightly.» — según Walker, Ficino niega eficacia a la vista: sus impresiones son puras pero sin movimiento, y se perciben como imagen sin realidad.

«Smell, taste and touch are entirely material, and rather titillate the sense-organs than penetrate the depths of the soul.» — según Walker, Ficino deja los tres sentidos bajos en lo material: cosquillean el órgano y no llegan al fondo del alma.

«But musical sound by the movement of the air moves the body: by purified air it excites the aerial spirit which is the bond of body and soul:» — según Walker, Ficino describe la cadena entera del sonido musical: mueve el cuerpo por el aire y excita, por aire purificado, el espíritu que ata cuerpo y alma.

«Hearing, then, both puts us in more direct contact with external reality, since sound consists of aerial movements which can actually occur in our spirit, whereas sight merely reproduces» — la conclusión de Walker sobre el par: el oído da contacto más directo con lo externo porque los movimientos aéreos del sonido pueden darse dentro de nuestro espíritu; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«Remember that song is the most powerful imitator of all things. For it imitates the intentions! and affections of the soul, and speech, and also reproduces bodily gestures, human movements and moral characters, and imitates and acts everything so powerfully that it immediately provokes both the singer and hearer to imitate and perform the same things *.» — según Walker, Ficino funda el poder del canto en la imitación: reproduce intenciones, afectos, habla, gestos y caracteres morales, y contagia al que canta y al que oye.

«The matter of song, he continues, is “warm air, even breathing, and in a measure living, made up of articulated limbs, like an animal, not only bearing movement and emotion, but even signification, like a mind, so that it can be said to be, as it were, a kind of aerial and rational animal.”» — según Walker, Ficino define la materia misma del canto como un animal aéreo y racional: aire cálido, respirando, con miembros articulados y con significación.

«Ibid.: “Cantus ... fermé nihil aliud est quam spiritus alter”,» — el latín de la nota en que Ficino llama al canto casi otro espíritu, tal como lo imprime la capa de texto.

«Musically moved air is alive, like a disembodied human spirit *, and therefore naturally has the most powerful effect possible on the hearet’s spirit.» — Walker saca la consecuencia: el aire movido musicalmente está vivo como un espíritu humano desencarnado y por eso obra sobre el espíritu del oyente con la máxima fuerza posible; el escaneo imprime *hearet’s*.

«The answer in both cases is that sound, alone of things sensed, has movements; movements and actions are of the same nature, and actions have a moral character (#90c) or are symptomatic of it *.» — Walker responde a la vez por qué el sonido tiene carácter moral: es el único objeto sensible que tiene movimientos, y los movimientos son de la misma naturaleza que las acciones.

«In spite of Ficino’s somewhat vacillating attitude toward astrology 1, it can be stated: first, that he believed earnestly in the reality and importance of astral influences; secondly, that as a Catholic he could not openly accept an astrological determinism which included the soul and mind*.» — Walker fija dos cosas pese a la vacilación de Ficino ante la astrología: creía de veras en la influencia astral, y como católico no podía aceptar abiertamente un determinismo que abarcara alma y mente.

«On this view, the highest part of man which could be directly influenced by the stars was the spirit.» — la salida que Walker atribuye a Ficino: lo más alto del hombre que los astros pueden tocar directamente es el espíritu, no el alma.

«This mean between the anima and corpus mundi, though analogous to our spirit, is not, says Ficino, made like ours out of the four» — según Walker, Ficino niega que el espíritu del mundo se componga como el nuestro; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«humours (and ultimately the four elements), but may properly be called the fifth element» — continuación en la plana siguiente: según Walker, Ficino llama con propiedad quinto elemento a ese medio entre alma y cuerpo del mundo.

«This cosmic spirit, says Ficino?: is a very subtle body; as it were not body and almost soul. Or again, as it were not soul and almost body. Its power contains very little earthy nature, but more watery, still more aerial and the maximum of fiery and starry nature . . . It vivifies everything everywhere and is the immediate cause of all generation and motion; of which he [Virgil] says: “Spiritus intus alit...”» — la descripción del *spiritus mundi* que Walker traduce de Ficino: cuerpo sutilísimo, casi no cuerpo y casi alma, causa inmediata de toda generación y movimiento, con el verso de Virgilio como respaldo.

«but it also contains the powers of the lower four elements» — según Walker, Ficino no separa el quinto elemento de los otros cuatro: contiene además sus potencias.

«Undoubtedly the world lives and breathes, and we may absorb its breath (spiritus)» — según Walker, de ese cuerpo cósmico Ficino deriva la posibilidad práctica: si el mundo vive y respira, se puede absorber su aliento.

«Ficino gives lists of these for the Sun and Jupiter*.» — Walker consigna hasta dónde llega el detalle operativo: Ficino da listas de animales, plantas y personas por planeta solo para el Sol y Júpiter.

«he is extremely worried and hesitant about these, but devotes a great deal of space» — la tensión que Walker mide en Ficino a propósito de los talismanes: muy preocupado y titubeante, y aun así les dedica mucho espacio; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«Finally, you must use music fitted to the planet. Here again, it is music which is recommended most strongly.» — el orden de preferencia que Walker lee en el De Vita: entre todos los medios de captar influencia planetaria, la música es el que Ficino recomienda con más fuerza.

«The effectiveness of music for capturing planetary or celestial spirit rests on two principles, which ultimately connect.» — Walker anuncia los dos principios en que descansa la eficacia de la música para captar espíritu celeste, y adelanta que acaban conectándose.

«The first is the ancient and persistent theory, deriving from Plato’s Timaeus ot the Pythagoreans before him, that both the universe and man, the macrocosm and microcosm, are constructed on the same harmonic proportions *; that there is a music of the spheres, musica mundana, of man’s body, spirit and soul, musica humana, of voices and instruments, musica instrumentalis*.» — el primero de esos principios según Walker: la doctrina pitagórico-timaica de que macrocosmos y microcosmos están construidos sobre las mismas proporciones armónicas, con sus tres músicas.

«Thus the use of anything having the same numerical proportions as a certain heavenly body or sphere will make your spirit similarly proportioned and provoke the required influx of celestial spirit, just as a vibrating string will make another, tuned to the same or a consonant note, vibrate in sympathy °.» — la consecuencia operativa que Walker deriva del principio: usar algo con las proporciones numéricas de un cuerpo celeste sintoniza el espíritu propio, como una cuerda hace vibrar a otra.

«You know that musical sound, by its numbers and proportions, has a marvellous power to sustain, move and affect the spirit, soul and body.» — según Walker, Ficino enuncia el segundo principio en el pasaje sobre las figuras grabadas en talismanes: los números y proporciones del sonido sostienen, mueven y afectan espíritu, alma y cuerpo.

«But these proportions, made up of numbers, are, as it were kinds of figures, which are made of points and lines, but in motion.» — según Walker, Ficino equipara las proporciones musicales a figuras hechas de puntos y líneas, con la diferencia de estar en movimiento.

«Thus, from tones chosen by the rule of the stars, and then combined in accordance with the stars’ mutual correspondences, a sort of common form can be made, and in this a certain celestial virtue will arise.» — según Walker, Ficino traslada al canto lo que dice de hierbas y vapores: de tonos escogidos por regla astral y combinados según las correspondencias nace una forma común dotada de virtud celeste.

«It is indeed very difficult to judge what kind of tones will best fit what kind of stars, and what combinations of tones agree best with what stars and their aspects. But, partly by our own diligence, partly by divine destiny, ... we have been able to accomplish this.» — la dificultad que el propio Ficino declara, según Walker, y la salida que se adjudica: parte por diligencia propia y parte por destino divino.

«The way Ficino does accomplish it is by having recourse to the second of the two principles mentioned on the previous page.» — Walker explica cómo sale Ficino del atasco: recurriendo al segundo de los dos principios, el mimético.

«This is one we have already discussed, namely, that music imitates emotions and moral attitudes (7%ex) and thus influences those of the singer and listener.» — el segundo principio en la formulación de Walker: la música imita emociones y actitudes morales y por eso influye en las del que canta y las del que escucha.

«Since the planets have the moral character of the gods whose names they bear, this character can be imitated in music;» — el paso que, según Walker, permite la música planetaria: los planetas tienen el carácter moral de los dioses cuyo nombre llevan, y ese carácter se puede imitar.

«by performing such music we can make ourselves, especially our spirit, more Jovial, Solarian, Venereal, etc.» — la consecuencia práctica según Walker: ejecutando esa música uno vuelve jovial, solar o venéreo su propio espíritu.

«This mimetic theory of music connects with the world-harmony one outlined above, because such mimetic music és a living spirit and the heavens also are musical spirit:» — Walker anuda los dos principios: la música mimética ES espíritu vivo y los cielos también son espíritu musical.

«This kind of musical spirit [ie. morally and planetarily effective song] actually touches and acts on the spirit, which is the mean between body and soul, and wholly disposes both in accordance with its own disposition.» — según Walker, Ficino sostiene que ese espíritu musical toca y obra sobre el espíritu medio entre cuerpo y alma, y dispone a los dos conforme a su propia disposición.

«You will indeed allow that there is marvellous power in lively, singing spirit, if you concede to the Pythagoreans and Platonists that the heavens are spirit, ordering everything with their movements and tones 1.» — la condición que Ficino pone a esa fuerza, según Walker: hay que conceder a pitagóricos y platónicos que el cielo es espíritu.

«of worshipping stars, but rather of imitating them, and by imitation capturing their natural emanations;» — la salvedad con que Ficino encabeza sus reglas, según Walker: no se trata de adorar a los astros, sino de imitarlos y captar por imitación sus emanaciones naturales.

«Rules for fitting songs to the heavenly bodies: 1. Find out what powers and effects any particular star has in itself, what positions and aspects, and what these remove and produce. And insert these into the meaning of the text, detesting what they remove, approving what they produce.» — la primera de las tres reglas ficinianas de composición astrológica según Walker: averiguar potencias, posiciones y efectos de la estrella e insertarlos en el sentido del texto.

«2. Consider which star chiefly rules which place and man. Then observe what modes (fons) and songs these regions and persons generally use, so that you may apply similar ones, together with the meaning just mentioned, to the words which you wish to offer to these same stars.» — la segunda regla: observar qué modos y cantos usan las regiones y las personas regidas por esa estrella, para aplicarlos a las palabras que se le ofrecen.

«A little further on we are given descriptions of the music appropriate to each planet. The Sun, Jupiter, Venus and Mercury, the benign planets, each have their particular kind of music; but Saturn, Mars and the Moon have only “‘voices”—no music’.» — Walker consigna el reparto desigual: solo los cuatro planetas benignos tienen música propia, mientras Saturno, Marte y la Luna tienen apenas voces.

«Jupiter: music which is grave, earnest, sweet, and joyful with stability. Venus: music which is voluptuous with wantonness and softness. Apollo (the Sun): music which is venerable, simple and earnest, united with grace and smoothness. Mercury: music which is somewhat less serious (than the Apolline) because of its gaiety, yet vigorous and various.» — los cuatro caracteres modales que Walker traduce de Ficino, de la gravedad alegre de Júpiter a la variedad vigorosa de Mercurio.

«Since all music pertains primarily to Apollo, as can be seen from the list on page 15, music of any kind tends to capture the sun’s influence and render the musicians solarian; which is eminently desirable 1.» — según Walker, como toda música pertenece ante todo a Apolo, cualquier música tiende a captar la influencia solar y a solarizar al músico.

«In his commentary on Plotinus he tells us that people once worshipped the planets because of the benefits obtainable by exposing one’s soul and spirit to their influence; but, he says, most of the Platonic philosophers worshipped only the sun *:» — según Walker, Ficino explica el culto antiguo a los planetas por el beneficio de exponerles alma y espíritu, y adjudica a la mayoría de los platónicos el culto exclusivo al Sol.

«Julian and Jamblichus composed orations to the Sun. Plato called the sun the visible off-spring and image of the supreme God; Socrates, while greeting the rising sun, often fell into an ecstasy. The Pythagoreans sang to the lyre hymns to the rising sun. Concerning the cult of the sun, let them look to that; but undoubtedly “God has placed his tabernacle in the sun”’.» — la serie de precedentes que Ficino alinea a favor del Sol, según Walker, cerrada con el versículo bíblico y con una abstención expresa sobre la licitud del culto.

«One may take it then as highly probable that Ficino’s astrological music was most often addressed to the sun.» — la conclusión que Walker declara solo probable: la música astrológica de Ficino se dirigía casi siempre al Sol.

«There is little doubt that Ficino himself performed the astro- -logical music described in the De Vita coelitns comparanda.» — Walker sostiene que Ficino no solo describió esa música sino que la ejecutó; el escaneo imprime *coelitns*.

«One reason for calling it Orphic was that the instrument was adorned with a picture showing Orpheus charming the animals and rocks with his lyre?.» — el motivo material del nombre órfico según Walker: el instrumento llevaba pintado a Orfeo amansando animales y rocas.

«If this conjecture is correct, one might suppose that Ficino’s music was like that of the “improvvisatori sulla lira’,» — la conjetura que Walker propone sobre cómo sonaba esa música, emparentándola con la improvisación sobre la lira; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«But, when Ficino comes to working out on this theory practical precepts for planetarily effective music, he finds himself in dif» — Walker señala dónde se atasca la doctrina: al pasar de la teoría de la armonía universal a preceptos prácticos de música planetaria; el tramo se corta antes de *dificultades*, que el escaneo parte con guiones espurios.

«3. The daily positions and aspects of the stars are to be noticed; then investigate to what speech, songs, movements, dances, moral behaviour and actions, most men are usually incited under these aspects, so that you may make every effort to imitate these in your songs, which will agree with the similar disposition of the heavens and enable you to teceive a similar influx from them.» — la tercera regla: mirar las posiciones diarias e imitar en el canto los discursos, movimientos, danzas y conductas que esos aspectos suelen incitar; el escaneo imprime *teceive* por *receive*.

«If any one of these “‘harmoniae” is sung frequently and attentively, the singer’s spirit will take on this character, having, by natural sympathy, attracted the appropriate planetary spirit.» — el efecto que Walker atribuye a la repetición atenta de esas *harmoniae*: el espíritu del cantante toma ese carácter por haber atraído por simpatía natural el espíritu planetario.

«The expression “recitare”, which is often used of these improvisers, suggests a very simple kind of chant, half-way between song and speech, something like the performance of a young boy of whom Poliziano wrote to Pico della Mirandola?:» — el indicio verbal con que Walker reconstruye cómo sonaba aquello: *recitare* apunta a un canto simple, a medio camino entre canto y habla.

«His voice was neither like someone reading nor like someone singing, but such that you heard both, yet neither separately; it was varied, however, as the words demanded, either even ot modulated, now punctuated, now flowing, now exalted, now subdued, now relaxed, now tense, now slow, now hastening, always pure, always clear, always sweet...» — la descripción que Poliziano hace a Pico de la voz de un muchacho, traída por Walker como el testimonio más cercano a esa práctica.

«Apart from such vague conjectures %, all that one can say about the purely musical side of Ficino’s singing is that it was monodic and that he was aiming at the same ideal of expressive, effect-producing music as the later musical humanists.» — la abstención que Walker declara sobre el lado propiamente musical del canto de Ficino: solo puede decir que era monódico y que perseguía el mismo ideal expresivo que los humanistas musicales posteriores.

«The nearest we get to a practical example of Ficino’s planetary music is when he briefly describes how in Apulia those bitten by the tarantula are cured by special music which makes them dance; he comments:» — el único caso práctico que Walker encuentra en el propio Ficino: la cura por música de los mordidos por la tarántula en Apulia.

«precise; and for him, as, again, for later musical humanists 1, the text was much more important than the music.» — la jerarquía que Walker atribuye a Ficino y a los humanistas musicales: el texto importa mucho más que la música.

«A song works on body, mind, and on whatever intermediate faculties may be ‘between; but it is the text alone which can carry an intellectual content and thus influence the mind.» — según Walker, Ficino reserva al texto la única vía de contenido intelectual, y con ella la única influencia sobre la mente.

«The music, abstracted from its text, can reach no higher than the spitit, ie. sense and feeling, or at most, through the spirit, the lower parts of the soul, phantasy and imagination.» — el techo que Walker fija a la música sin texto: no pasa del espíritu y, a lo sumo, de la fantasía y la imaginación; el escaneo imprime *spitit*.

«But music has here the important position of being the mean of all seven grades precisely because it is not separated from text; it does therefore affect the whole man, mind as well as spirit and body.» — la contrapartida: por no separarse del texto, dice Walker, la música ocupa el medio de los siete grados y afecta al hombre entero.

«They are the first and lowest kind of furor, but they have the privileged position of accompanying the other three (those of religious rites, prophecy, love): no man possessed by /wror is content with ordinary speech.» — según Walker, Ficino coloca el furor poético como el más bajo de los cuatro y a la vez como el que acompaña a los otros tres.

«Wherefore any furor, either that of prophecy, or of mysteries, or of love, since it leads to singing and poetry, can rightly be said to find its completion in the poetic furor >.» — según Walker, Ficino cierra la jerarquía al revés: todo furor, por desembocar en canto y poesía, se completa en el poético.

«The answer, I think, is to be found in his Orphic singing, in his revival of the “antiquus ad Orphicam lyram cantus”, which he lists among the triumphs of the Florence of his time, together with the resurrection of Plato by the Academy at Careggi?.» — la respuesta que Walker propone como suya, con el verbo de cautela incluido: el canto órfico de Ficino, que él mismo cuenta entre los triunfos de su Florencia.

«Ficino’s /yra was Orphic not only because it bore a picture of Orpheus, but also because it accompanied his singing of the Orphic Hymns, and probably other Orphic fragments *.» — las dos razones por las que Walker llama órfico al instrumento: la imagen de Orfeo y los Himnos que acompañaba; el escaneo imprime */yra* por *lyra*.

«Although he does not mention it in the De Vita coelitus comparanda, 1 am convinced that his Orphic singing is the same as the astrological music there described.» — la identificación que Walker declara como convicción propia y no como dato de la fuente: el canto órfico y la música astrológica del De Vita son lo mismo.

«In natural magic nothing is more efficacious than the Hymns of Orpheus, if there be applied to them the suitable music, and disposition of soul, and the other circumstances known to the wise.» — según Walker, Ficino declara a los Himnos órficos lo más eficaz de la magia natural, con la condición de aplicarles la música y la disposición de ánimo debidas.

«Our spirit is consonant with the heavenly rays which, occult or manifest, penetrate everything.» — según Walker, Ficino parte de una consonancia ya dada entre nuestro espíritu y los rayos celestes.

«We can make it still more consonant, if we vehemently direct our affections towards the star from which we wish to receive a certain benefit .» — el papel que Ficino da al afecto dirigido, según Walker: querer con vehemencia hacia una estrella aumenta esa consonancia.

«For when our spirit is made more consonant to a planetary deity by means of our emotions, the song, the odour and the light, it breathes in more copiously the influx which comes from this deity.» — la fórmula operativa completa que Walker traduce: emoción, canto, olor y luz vuelven el espíritu más consonante con una deidad planetaria, y así respira más de su influjo.

«Bearing in mind that throughout the De Triplici Vita the chief means of nourishing the spirit are odours and music, wine and light *, we can have little doubt that this Orphic singing is identical with Ficino’s astrological music.» — el argumento con que Walker sostiene la identificación: en todo el De Triplici Vita los alimentos del espíritu son olores, música, vino y luz.

«The Orphic Hymns would have seemed to him particularly suitable for a good kind of magic singing, because Orpheus was a priscus theologus*.» — la razón que Walker adjudica a Ficino para preferir esos himnos: Orfeo cuenta entre los *prisci theologi*.

«He is also, of course, the symbol of the powerful, effect-producing singer; and he was a magician ‘.» — la segunda razón, según Walker: Orfeo es el símbolo del cantor eficaz, y además era mago.

«Ficino’s theory of the peculiar connection between music and spirit seems to be original, in the sense that, though most or all of the elements of this theory have a long history, his combination of them does produce something new and valuable!» — el juicio de originalidad que Walker adjudica a Ficino, y con qué límite: los elementos son todos viejos, la combinación es nueva.

«In this case, Ficino adds something in that he is not content to point out possible analogies between macrocosm and microcosm, between musical and celestial harmonies, but gives practical directions for making music which may usefully exploit these analogies.» — lo que Walker cuenta como aporte propio de Ficino: no se conforma con señalar analogías macro-microcósmicas, sino que da instrucciones prácticas para explotarlas.

«On the whole, the facts confirm the assumption, but do not fulfill the expectation.» — el balance que Walker declara sobre la difusión de la teoría: los hechos confirman su hipótesis pero no colman lo que ella hacía esperar.

«but their example shows that the music-spirit theory does not normally occur in 15th century musical humanism.» — lo que Walker concluye de los humanistas musicales del siglo XV: la teoría música-espíritu no aparece normalmente entre ellos.

«Gafori writes that through “musical concord the spiritual nature is joined to the body and the rational is bound to the irrational by concord” *; but “spiritual” is certainly used here in the Christian (modern) sense.» — Walker cita a Gafori y a la vez le retira el sentido ficiniano: ahí *espiritual* está usado en su acepción cristiana moderna.

«But all we find are somewhat uncertain and certainly casual references to it.» — la abstención que Walker declara sobre la presencia de la teoría en el siglo XVI: solo referencias inciertas y ocasionales.

«Zarlino refers several times, in the /stitutioni Harmoniche, to a connexion between the human spirit and the effects of music;» — la presencia que Walker sí encuentra en Zarlino: varias remisiones al vínculo entre espíritu humano y efectos de la música; el escaneo imprime */stitutioni*.

«but Ficino’s theory cannct be said to play a great part in his work, and, moreover, he is evidently confused about the meaning of the term “spirit”.» — el límite que Walker pone a esa presencia: en Zarlino la teoría no pesa mucho y el término espíritu queda confundido; el escaneo imprime *cannct*.

«A little further in the same chapter‘ the spirit has faded away altogether, becoming, as in ordinary Christian or modern usage, a synonym of “soul’”—“natura spirituale” is plainly contrasted with “natura corporale”, and both are said to be linked by “concordia harmonica”.» — el deslizamiento que Walker documenta en el mismo capítulo de Zarlino: el espíritu se desvanece en sinónimo de alma.

«Later still, Zarlino uses the term in its ordinary medical sense, as the instrument of the soul for sensation and movement 5.» — el tercer uso que Walker registra en Zarlino: el sentido médico corriente, instrumento del alma para sensación y movimiento.

«I have not found any version of the music-spirit theory in the musical humanists following him, such as Mei, Galilei, Bardi or Bottrigari, nor even in La Boderie, who, as we shall see, revived a form of Ficino’s Orphic singing 1.» — la búsqueda negativa que Walker declara: no halló la teoría en Mei, Galilei, Bardi ni Bottrigari, y tampoco en La Boderie, que sin embargo reanimó el canto órfico.

«The reasons for its comparatively slight success were probably: first, its association with dangerous magic, which was evidently much more apparent to 16th century readers than to us; secondly, the confusions and contradictions involved in the concept of spirit, of which Zarlino has just given us an example.» — las dos razones que Walker propone, marcadas como probables, para el escaso éxito de la teoría: su parentesco con magia peligrosa y las contradicciones del concepto de espíritu.

«The De Triplici Vita is presented as a medical treatise, and the practices recommended in it might be taken merely as somewhat odd medical remedies and régimes—odd only because of the large place given to talismans and music;» — cómo se presenta el tratado, según Walker, y por dónde se sale del molde: por el lugar que da a talismanes y música.

«for there is, of course, nothing odd in a Renaissance medical treatise dealing with spirits and astrology.» — la objeción que Walker se plantea a sí mismo: en un tratado médico del Renacimiento no tiene nada de raro que haya espíritus y astrología.

«If, however, we try to picture Ficino nourishing his spirit and making it more celestial, we shall, I think, be convinced that this simple interpretation is inadequate; he is indeed giving medical advice, but he is suggesting something else as well.» — la respuesta de Walker a su propia objeción, dicha como convicción y no como prueba: el consejo es médico y además está sugiriendo otra cosa.

«He is, in fact, performing a religious or magical rite— “a sacrament profane in mystery of wine”.» — la adjudicación de Walker sobre lo que Ficino hace al cantar entre luces y perfumes: un rito religioso o mágico.

«This conjectural interpretation of Ficino’s treatise is strengthened by the 16th century reactions to it and Campanella’s use of it, as we shall see, and is strikingly confirmed by Ficino’s disciple, Francesco Cattani da Diacceto*.» — Walker declara conjetural su lectura y nombra los tres apoyos con que la sostiene: las reacciones del siglo XVI, el uso de Campanella y el testimonio de Diacceto.

«Agrippa, as we shall see, gives a very full exposition of the theory, often quoting Ficino verbatim and without acknowledgment *; in Gregor Reisch’s encyclopaedia, Margarita Philosophica, it appears as an open borrowing *—he names Ficino and quotes from his commentary on the 7imaeus*.» — el contraste que Walker establece entre dos formas de tomar prestado: Agrippa expone la teoría copiando a Ficino sin acreditarlo, y Reisch la toma abiertamente nombrándolo; el escaneo imprime *7imaeus*.

«Musique, accent des cieux, plaisante symfonie Par contraires aspects formant son harmonie: Don de Nature amie a soulager 4 maints Voire a tous, nos labeurs, et nos travaux humains.» — los versos del *Microcosme* de Scève que Walker cita como recepción de la teoría, en su francés y con la ortografía de la capa de texto.

«He introduces it into his Microcosme * briefly and with unficinian demons:» — la reserva con que Walker presenta esa recepción: Scève mete la teoría de pasada y con demonios que no son ficinianos.

«magic given by Diacceto is a particularly valuable piece of evidence because he proclaimed himself a follower of Ficino, had known him personally *, and, according to one of his biographers, Frosino Lapini, he not only “drank in avidly” Ficino’s Platonic teaching, but also “expressed it all most exactly in his habits and life” 2» — por qué Walker toma a Diacceto como testigo privilegiado de la magia de Ficino: se declaró seguidor suyo, lo trató en persona y su biógrafo Frosino Lapini dice que llevó la enseñanza a sus hábitos.

«He was, however, by no means a mere copier of his master.» — la salvedad inmediata de Walker sobre ese testimonio: Diacceto no es un mero copista.

«Diacceto makes no attempt to christianize Plato or Plotinus, and does not usually even bother to note where they are compatible or not with Christian doctrine 4.» — la diferencia que Walker considera decisiva: Diacceto no cristianiza a Platón ni a Plotino, y ni siquiera se molesta en marcar dónde son o no compatibles con la doctrina.

«One would, therefore, expect him to be much less discreet, and hence more informative, than Ficino on the subject of Neoplatonic magic and astrology; this expectation is in fact borne out.» — la inferencia que Walker declara y da por cumplida: siendo menos discreto, Diacceto resulta más informativo sobre magia y astrología neoplatónicas.

«He seems less interested in the subject than Ficino, and I should doubt if he practised astrological magic himself; but he gives us a much fuller and less disguised picture of the rite.» — la duda que Walker deja abierta —si Diacceto practicaba él mismo la magia astrológica— junto a lo que sí le concede: un cuadro del rito más completo y menos disfrazado.

«Diacceto manages to be even more obscure than his model; but, fortunately, being concerned only with his references -to magic and what they may tell us about Ficino, we need look only at one chapter of this work.» — el juicio de Walker sobre la escritura de Diacceto y el recorte que se impone: un solo capítulo basta para lo que busca.

«The title of this chapter is °: The twofold soul, first and second, and its cognition likewise twofold, from which derives the appetite for beauty, and natural Magic: the nature of which he shows and which he differentiates from superstitious magic.» — el título del capítulo, que según Walker ya anuncia la distinción decisiva entre magia natural y supersticiosa.

«The “diligent capturer of planetary light” * must observe what plants, animals, odours, figures, harmonies, hymns and ceremonies, correspond to each planet.» — lo que, según Walker, exige Diacceto del operador antes de nada: el inventario de plantas, animales, olores, figuras, armonías, himnos y ceremonias por planeta.

«If for example he wishes to acquire solarian gifts, first he sees that the sun is ascending in Leo or Aries, on the day and in the hour of the sun. Then, robed in a solarian mantle of a solarian colour, such as gold, and crowned with a mitre of laurel, on the altar, itself made of solarian material, he burns myrth and frankincense, the sun’s own fumigations, having strewn the ground with heliotrope and suchlike flowers.» — el rito solar tal como Walker lo traduce de Diacceto: hora y ascendente del Sol, manto y mitra solares, altar de materia solar, mirra e incienso y el suelo cubierto de heliotropo; el escaneo imprime *myrth*.

«Also he has an image of the sun in gold or chrysolite or carbuncle, that is, of the kind they think corresponds to each of the sun’s gifts. If, for example, he wishes to cure diseases, he has an image of the sun enthroned, crowned, and wearing a saffron cloak, likewise a raven and the figure of the sun, which are to be engraved on gold when the sun is ascending in the first face of Leo.» — la parte talismánica del mismo rito, con la imagen del Sol entronizado grabada en oro bajo la primera faz de Leo cuando se quiere curar enfermedades.

«For here is the force, and as it were the life, of the conciliation of the planet’s favour. He sings, I say, first to the divine Henad of the Sun, then he sings to the Mind, and lastly he sings to the Soul; since One, ‘Mind, Soul, are the three principles of all things.» — el peso que Diacceto pone en el canto, según Walker, y su orden triple: primero a la Hénada del Sol, luego a la Mente, por último al Alma.

«Also he uses a threefold harmony, of voice, of cithara, and of the whole body, of the kind he has discovered belongs to the sun:» — la armonía triple del rito según Walker: de la voz, de la cítara y del cuerpo entero.

«To all these he adds what he believes to be the most important: a strongly emotional disposition of the imagination, by which, as with pregnant women, the spirit is stamped with this kind of imprint, and flying out through the channels of the body, especially through the eyes, ferments and solidifies, like rennet, the kindred power of the heavens 1.» — lo que Diacceto tiene por lo más importante del rito, según Walker: una disposición imaginativa fuertemente emocional que estampa el espíritu, lo hace salir por los ojos y cuaja como el cuajo la potencia del cielo.

«This planetary rite plainly derives from Ficino and includes all the important features of our conjectural reconstruction of Ficino’s magic (except for the wine)?; but it also adds several details which make the operation more obviously a religious ceremony.» — el balance de Walker sobre el rito: confirma su reconstrucción de la magia ficiniana salvo por el vino, y le añade rasgos que lo vuelven más claramente una ceremonia religiosa.

«The altar, the solarian priestly dress (“‘pallium” and “‘mitra’’), and the Neoplatonic triad are not in the De Vita coelitas comparanda; Diacceto does not himself try to connect this triad» — los tres añadidos que Walker enumera y que no están en el De Vita: el altar, la vestidura sacerdotal solar y la tríada neoplatónica, que Diacceto no empareja con la Trinidad; el escaneo imprime *coelitas*.

«This description also confirms for us two points that are not explicitly in Ficino: that the astrological music was used together with the talismans, and that the words of the former were Orphic.» — los dos puntos que, según Walker, el texto de Diacceto confirma y que en Ficino no están explícitos: que la música astrológica iba junto con los talismanes y que su letra era órfica.

«There are, however, some ways in which Diacceto does not complete and confirm our reconstruction of Ficino’s magic» — Walker abre la lista de divergencias en que Diacceto no confirma su reconstrucción; el tramo se corta antes de la frase siguiente.

«One example is his elaboration of the “spiritual” mechanism by which planetary influences are captured: the operator’s spirit, suitably stamped by his imaginative participation in the rite, flows out through his eyes to meet and precipitate the planetary spirit. This elaboration, an unnecessary addition to Ficino’s theory, derives evidently from the usual explanation of fascination as caused by an emission of noxious spirit from the operator’s eyes*.» — la primera divergencia según Walker: el mecanismo del espíritu que sale por los ojos, añadido innecesario que él deriva de la explicación corriente de la fascinación.

«A more important divergence is the function accorded by Diacceto to planetary demons; these can impart, not merely the corporeal benefits that come from the planets, but those “which come from free-will and choice”, i.e. knowledge, intellectual gifts, and a wise man will consider it “not only pious, but necessary, to perform hymns and ceremonies” to attract them*.» — la divergencia que Walker considera mayor: los demonios planetarios de Diacceto dan bienes de libre albedrío —conocimiento, dones intelectuales— y atraerlos le parece no solo piadoso sino necesario.

«The magic in the De V.C.C. does not appear to involve planetary demons, but only cosmic spirit, nor to aim at an effect on the rational soul, but only on the spirit;» — el contraste que Walker traza con Ficino: en el De Vita no aparecen demonios planetarios sino espíritu cósmico, y el efecto buscado no es sobre el alma racional.

«how far Ficino really diverged from Diacceto on this point will be discussed later.» — Walker deja la cuestión abierta y la aplaza expresamente en vez de resolverla ahí.

«Diacceto identified these celestial demons, and the planetary intelligences, with angels,» — la identificación que Diacceto hace, según Walker, entre demonios celestes, inteligencias planetarias y ángeles.

«he asserts firmly, on the authority of Dionysius the Areopagite, one of the very few Christian writers he ever quotes, that this is so+.» — la autoridad con que Diacceto respalda esa identificación, según Walker: Dionisio Areopagita, uno de los poquísimos autores cristianos que cita.

«Diacceto concludes: “Ego verd ab adorandis stellis cessandum penitus contendo, omnino enim viri philosophi non esse: vel saltem si qui id contenderint, periculosum plané duco.» — el latín con que Diacceto cierra: sostiene que hay que cesar del todo de adorar a las estrellas, y llama peligroso a quien defienda lo contrario.

«He then presents a Neoplatonic theory of astrological and magical effects: the world as one animal, whose soul, by means of the stars, imprints forms on the sub-lunar world; these are conveyed by cosmic spirit®, and, if the form has been imperfectly received owing to the inadequacy of the receiving matter, this imperfection can be corrected by attracting more spirit from the appropriate planet. Diacceto’s theory also introduces demons attached to each planet, who help in conveying planetary influences and can also be attracted.» — el esquema que Walker resume de Diacceto: el mundo como un solo animal cuya alma imprime formas por medio de los astros, y la corrección del defecto de la materia atrayendo más espíritu del planeta.

«not one which by too much complexity produces wantonness, or which constantly displays gravity, but one which is the mean between these two, which both is joyful by its simplicity and at times does not avoid a mood of gravity.» — la cualidad media que Diacceto exige a esa armonía solar, ni lasciva por compleja ni siempre grave.

«Then, anointed with unguents made, under the same celestial aspect, from saffron, balsam, yellow honey and anything else of that kind, and not forgetting the cock and the goat, he» — el ungüento con que sigue el rito, según la traducción de Walker: azafrán, bálsamo y miel bajo el mismo aspecto celeste, más el gallo y el macho cabrío; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«sings the sun’s own hymn, such as Orpheus thought should be sung.» — el canto con que remata el rito, ya en la plana siguiente: el himno propio del Sol tal como Orfeo mandó cantarlo.

«Perhaps the most important, though Ficino does not avow it, and may not even have been conscious of it, is the mass, with its music, words of consecration, incense, lights, wine and supreme magical effect— transubstantiation.» — la fuente que Walker propone como la más importante y a la vez como no declarada por Ficino: la misa, con su música, sus palabras de consagración, su incienso, sus luces y su vino.

«This, I would suggest, is a fundamental influence on all mediaeval and Renaissance magic, and a fundamental reason for the Church’s condemnation of all magical practices.» — la hipótesis que Walker marca como propuesta: la misa influye sobre toda la magia medieval y renacentista, y es a la vez la razón de fondo de que la Iglesia condene la magia.

«‘The Church has her own magic; there is no room for any other.» — la formulación con que Walker resume esa lógica de exclusión.

«The effort to make a sharp distinction between Christian rites and any kind of secular magic is, as we shall see, apparent in many 16th century discussions of such subjects!» — lo que Walker anuncia que se verá en el resto del libro: el esfuerzo por separar tajantemente el rito cristiano de cualquier magia secular.

«As one would expect, it is rare for anyone overtly to accept the connexion between magic and the eucharist.» — Walker consigna que casi nadie admite abiertamente la conexión entre magia y eucaristía.

«This is however done by Peter of Abano in his Conciliator?, a work which Ficino cites several times in the De V.C.C.*; and Ficino himself gives, “si fas est”, the formula of consecration as an example of the magical power of words 4.» — las dos excepciones que Walker sí encuentra: Pedro de Abano en el *Conciliator* y el propio Ficino, que da la fórmula de consagración como ejemplo del poder mágico de las palabras, con un *si fas est* de por medio.

«Peter of Abano and other mediaeval writers on magic, such as Roger Bacon, Alkindi*®, Avicenna °, and “Picatrix” 7, are probably important sources for Ficino’s talismans, and would suggest invocations to planets.» — las fuentes medievales que Walker propone, marcadas como probables, para los talismanes de Ficino, y lo que a su juicio sugerían: invocaciones a los planetas.

«There are several obvious connections between these Neoplatonists and Ficino’s magic.» — Walker abre el cotejo con los neoplatónicos griegos; el guion partido queda como lo imprime la capa de texto.

«Proclus’ De Sacr. e¢ Mag. gives a concise exposition of sympathetic astrological magic, and his examples are mainly solarian®.» — lo que Walker encuentra en Proclo: una exposición concisa de magia astrológica simpática con ejemplos sobre todo solares.

«Ficino would have learnt that Proclus had zealously sung and studied Orphic hymns‘ and had used “methods of purification, both Orphic and Chaldaean” in his theurgy.» — lo que, según Walker, Ficino pudo aprender de la vida de Proclo: cantaba y estudiaba himnos órficos y usaba purificaciones órficas y caldeas en su teurgia.

«Pythagoras is there presented as being very like Orpheus, and as having in fact derived his religious ideas and practices from Orpheus’ disciples *.» — la filiación que Walker recoge de la fuente: Pitágoras habría tomado sus ideas y prácticas religiosas de los discípulos de Orfeo.

«It was used to cure diseases of both soul and body, but chiefly to expel evil and troublesome passions and bring the soul into a state of virtuous harmony.» — el uso pitagórico de la música según Walker: curar cuerpo y alma, y sobre todo expulsar pasiones y llevar el alma a una armonía virtuosa.

«The disciples were sent to sleep and awoken with - special songs.» — el detalle de régimen que Walker consigna: los discípulos se dormían y se despertaban con cantos propios.

«There was also, I think, another less evident, but more fundamental type of influence exerted by the Neoplatonists on Ficino’s magic.» — Walker anuncia, con verbo de cautela, una influencia neoplatónica menos visible y para él más de fondo.

«The immense importance which Ficino attributes to astral influence on man’s spirit and his acceptance of a cosmic or celestial spirit both suggest that, at least in the De Vita coelitas comparanda, his conception of the former is not merely the orthodox medical one.» — el indicio en que Walker se apoya: el peso que Ficino da a la influencia astral sobre el espíritu y su aceptación de un espíritu cósmico apuntan a una noción que no es la médica ortodoxa; el escaneo imprime *coelitas*.

«On this earth the vehicle, which began by being fine, shining and star-like, becomes heavy, dark and damp, and, unless purified and rendered more aetheric, it will at death drag down the soul to hell or to some lower incarnation.» — el destino que la doctrina asigna a ese vehículo, según Walker: se vuelve pesado y oscuro y, sin purificación, arrastra al alma al infierno o a una encarnación más baja.

«The astral body was for the Neoplatonists primarily a religious conception—an explanation, I think, or justification of theurgic practices, i.e. methods of approaching God and salvation which -are non-intellectual, such as fasting, lustrations, the use of incense, incantations, etc.» — la función que Walker atribuye a la doctrina: antes que física, religiosa, como justificación de las prácticas teúrgicas no intelectuales.

«To all these practices the astral body corresponds exactly; being corporeal, it can be acted on by similar physical things (vapours, scents, sounds); being the seat of imagination, of the irrational soul, it can be affected by prayers and images; since it survives after death, its condition is of the utmost importance.» — el ajuste que Walker señala entre doctrina y práctica: por corpóreo lo tocan vapores, olores y sonidos; por asiento de la imaginación lo tocan plegarias e imágenes; por sobrevivir a la muerte su estado importa sobre todo.

«The supposition that Ficino’s human spirit is in some measure this aetheric vehicle is strengthened by the fact that, just before he wrote the De Vita coelitus comparanda, he translated Synesius’ De Insomniis, a classic exposition of Neoplatonic pneumatology 1, and that into his version of Iamblichus De Mysteriis, which is also concerned with the purification of the vehicle ?, he inserted his own music-spirit theory*.» — los dos apoyos con que Walker refuerza su suposición: la traducción del *De Insomniis* de Sinesio justo antes del De Vita, y la inserción de su propia teoría música-espíritu dentro de su versión de Jámblico.

«On this supposition, one can explain Ficino’s not using the term vebiculum, nor referring to its astral origin, by the obvious unorthodoxy of a doctrine which assumes pre-existence of the soul and metempsychosis *.» — la explicación que Walker da al silencio de Ficino sobre el *vehiculum*: la heterodoxia palmaria de una doctrina que supone preexistencia del alma y metempsicosis.

«Ficino would also have found the circular motion of the vehicle in Plotinus, Eyn., HU, U, 2 (“lows 8& xal map’ fulv rd mvedux td rept thy Yuxiv todto novel’, i.e. moves circularly, like the soul and the heavenly bodies).» — el pasaje de Plotino en que, según Walker, Ficino pudo hallar el movimiento circular del vehículo, con el griego corrompido por el escaneo.

«Discussions of the astral body by Renaissance Platonists are rare and usually very cautions.» — lo que Walker mide en la recepción renacentista de la doctrina: discusiones raras y por lo común muy cautas; el escaneo imprime *cautions* por *cautious*.

«he does expound the doctrine of the astral body, in the Theologia Platonica, he is careful to preface his exposition with a denial of the astral descent» — la precaución que Walker registra en el propio Ficino: expone el cuerpo astral en la *Theologia Platonica* precedido de una negación del descenso astral.

«Of the sources for his magic to which Ficino himself refers the most important are the Asc/epius and, of course, Plotinus.» — las dos fuentes que Walker señala como las más importantes entre las que Ficino sí reconoce.

«The Asclepius, like the Orphica, had great authority for Ficino because it was a work of Hermes Trismegistus, a priscus theologus even more ancient than Orpheus, indeed contemporary with Moses ?;» — la razón de esa autoridad según Walker: Ficino lo tiene por obra de Hermes Trismegisto, *priscus theologus* más antiguo que Orfeo y contemporáneo de Moisés.

«What has already been said about man, although marvellous, is less so than this: that man has been able to discover the divine nature and produce it, is admirable beyond all other marvels.» — el pasaje del *Asclepius* que Walker anuncia como decisivo para todo el libro: que el hombre haya podido descubrir la naturaleza divina y producirla.

«Having done so, they added a virtue appropriate to it, taken from the world’s nature, and mixed these; since they could not make souls, they evoked the souls of demons or angels, and put them into images with holy and divine rites, so that through these souls the idols might have the power» — el procedimiento que el *Asclepius* describe según la traducción de Walker: evocar almas de demonios o de ángeles y meterlas en las imágenes con ritos sagrados; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«It consists, O Asclepius, of herbs, stones and aromas, which have in them a natural divine power.» — de qué está hecha esa virtud según el mismo pasaje: hierbas, piedras y aromas con potencia divina natural.

«I think that he has at the back of his mind the Neoplatonic astral body, that is, the aetheric vehicle» — lo que Walker sostiene que Ficino tiene en mente sin nombrarlo: el cuerpo astral neoplatónico; el tramo se corta antes del griego, que el escaneo corrompe.

«which the soul acquires from the various stars and spheres it passes through during its descent into the earthly body ?.» — el resto de la definición del vehículo etéreo, que el alma recoge de los astros y esferas que atraviesa al descender al cuerpo terrestre.

«Our first ancestors, then, when * they were in grave error concerning the gods, being incredulous and paying no attention to worship and religion, invented the art of making gods.» — la continuación del mismo pasaje del *Asclepius*: los primeros antepasados, errados sobre los dioses, inventaron el arte de fabricarlos.

«This is undoubtedly a capital source for Ficino’s general theory of magically influencing the spirit so that it may become receptive to celectial influxes.» — el peso que Walker da a ese capítulo dentro de la teoría ficiniana; el escaneo imprime *celectial*.

«He cannot, however, quite pass over the fact that Hermes is talking about pagan idolatry and demons, and therefore goes on to a worried and muddled defence of his own magic.» — el aprieto que Walker le adjudica a Ficino ante el *Asclepius*: no puede pasar por alto que ahí se habla de idolatría pagana y de demonios, y sale con una defensa que Walker califica de preocupada y confusa.

«He admits that the Egyptians’ magic was “‘illicit”, because the demons in the statues were worshipped as gods; but implies that demons are all right if used as means and not worshipped as ends1.» — la distinción con que Ficino se defiende, según Walker: la magia egipcia era ilícita porque los demonios de las estatuas eran adorados como dioses, y no lo sería si sirvieran de medio.

«With regard to music, he wishes to assert that his astrological songs are not “cantiones”, i.e. incantations used to summon» — la segunda defensa según Walker: Ficino quiere que sus cantos astrológicos no cuenten como *cantiones*; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«But I myself prefer to dismiss incantations.» — la abstención con que Ficino se aparta de las incantaciones, en la plana siguiente.

«When he is trying to defend his own magic, Ficino frequently cites Thomas Aquinas.» — la autoridad a la que Ficino recurre con frecuencia para defenderse, según Walker.

«Now Thomas’ position with regard to magic is, in the genuine works *, quite clear.» — Walker acota la autoridad antes de exponerla: en las obras auténticas la posición de Tomás es clara, con lo que deja fuera las apócrifas.

«Natural substances, such as herbs and gems, may have certain powers connected with their astrological affinities, and it is legitimate to use these in medicine;» — la mitad lícita de la doctrina tomista según Walker: las virtudes astrológicas de hierbas y gemas pueden usarse en medicina.

«but, if letters or characters are engraved on the stones, ot invocations and incantations used with the herbs, any resultant effect is the work of bad demons, and the operator has entered into an express or tacit pact with the Devil*.» — la mitad ilícita: grabar letras o caracteres, o usar invocaciones, hace del efecto obra de demonios malos y del operador un pactante con el Diablo.

«Thomas associates the <Asclepius with magic, and quotes Augustine’s emphatic condemnation of the passage on idols*.» — el dato que agrava el problema de Ficino según Walker: Tomás liga el *Asclepius* a la magia y cita la condena agustiniana del pasaje de los ídolos.

«He had, nevertheless, a possible line of defence.» — Walker no da la partida por perdida y anuncia la línea de defensa que le queda a Ficino.

«As Cardinal Caietano later pointed out*, Thomas condemns astrological magic only because he believes it to involve commerce with demons; and the ground for this belief is that characters on talismans, or invocations and prayers, cannot directly produce a natural physical effect, and must therefore be addressed to intelligent beings who do produce the magical» — el argumento que Walker toma de Cayetano: Tomás condena la magia astrológica solo porque la cree comercio con demonios, y lo cree porque caracteres y plegarias no pueden producir por sí un efecto físico natural; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«Ficino could claim that the characters and invocations were directed to the operator’s intelligence and imagination, not to an infelligentia separata, i.e. an angel or demon;» — lo que Ficino podría alegar según Walker: que caracteres e invocaciones se dirigen a la inteligencia y a la imaginación del operador, no a una inteligencia separada.

«that when he sang a hymn to the sun, he did not hope to make the sun do anything out of the ordinary, but to make his own spirit more solarian, to make it more receptive to the natural influxes from the sun.» — la formulación más clara de esa defensa según Walker: cantar al Sol no busca mover al Sol, sino volver más solar y más receptivo el espíritu propio.

«Adversaries of Ficinian magic would argue that there was always the danger that a deceiving demon might hear the hymn and produce some magical effect or delusion; and this, as we shall see, is what many later critics of Ficino thought.» — la objeción que Walker adelanta en boca de los adversarios: siempre queda el riesgo de que un demonio engañoso oiga el himno y produzca el efecto o la ilusión.

«This chapter of Plotinus, as Ficino interprets it, states that one can attract into, and retain in, a material object “something vital from the soul of the world and the souls of the spheres and stars”, that is, celestial spirit, if the object is of a material and form which» — lo que Walker lee en la interpretación ficiniana de Plotino: se puede atraer y retener en un objeto material algo vital del alma del mundo y de las almas de esferas y estrellas; el tramo se corta en el límite de chunk.

«teflects the celestial source of spirit in question.» — la condición que completa la frase al abrir el chunk siguiente: que el objeto refleje la fuente celeste de ese espíritu; el escaneo imprime *teflects*.

«On the former, for example, he writes in the Ad Lectorem of the De Vita coelitus comparanda®*: If you do not approve of talismans, which were however invented to benefit men’s health, but which I myself do not so much approve of as merely describe, then dismiss them, with my permission, even, if you wish, on my advice.» — el permiso que Ficino da a su lector en el *Ad Lectorem* del De Vita para descartar los talismanes, con la reserva de que él no los aprueba sino que los describe.

«Since the main emphasis in the De V.C.C. is on the conditioning of the operator’s body, spirit and imagil nation, so that they are in a state peculiarly receptive to celestia» — la salida que Walker construye para Ficino: el De Vita insiste en acondicionar el cuerpo, el espíritu y la imaginación del propio operador; el tramo se corta antes del guion de corte con que el escaneo parte *celestial influxes*, y el escaneo imprime *imagil nation*.

«influxes, Thomas’ argument does not apply.» — el remate de esa salida: siendo así, el argumento tomista no le alcanza.

«planetary, though there are also supercelestial and elemental ones.» — el reparto de los demonios que Walker resume de Ficino: los que importan aquí son planetarios, aunque hay también supercelestes y elementales.

«They have souls and aetheric or aérial bodies, according to their status +; these bodies are of a like nature to the human spirit ®.» — la constitución que Ficino les atribuye según Walker: alma y cuerpo etéreo o aéreo, de naturaleza afín al espíritu humano.

«‘Planetary demons, then, are like men without earthly bodies who live in the heavenly spheres; they perform the function of transmitting celestial influences; they can, being both soul and spirit, act both on man’s spirit and his soul.» — la definición que Walker destila: hombres sin cuerpo terrestre que habitan las esferas, transmiten influencias celestes y, por ser alma y espíritu a la vez, obran sobre el espíritu y sobre el alma.

«A guardian angel is the same as a familiar planetary demon‘.» — la identificación que Walker consigna sin matizarla: el ángel de la guarda y el demonio planetario familiar son lo mismo.

«There are bad demons, of a low status and with aérial bodies, who trouble men’s spirits and imagination.» — el otro lado del cuadro: demonios malos de rango bajo y cuerpo aéreo que perturban el espíritu y la imaginación.

«Considered as mediums of planetary influence, demons are exactly parallel to the Soul and Spirit of the World; the only, but crucial, difference is that the former are individual, personal, whereas the latter is general, impersonal.» — el paralelo exacto que Walker traza entre demonios y Alma y Espíritu del Mundo, con la diferencia que él llama crucial: unos son individuales y personales, el otro general e impersonal.

«But it would be difficult to believe simultaneously in both kinds of planetary influence; the celestial spirits cannot be both personal and impersonal.» — la incompatibilidad que Walker señala: los espíritus celestes no pueden ser a la vez personales e impersonales.

«Or might it be possible to reconcile the two by supposing that the impersonal spirit comes from the heavenly bodies and works on man’s body and spirit, but no higher, whereas the personal spirits, - the demons, who have souls, work primarily on man’s soul and mind?» — la conciliación que Walker propone en forma de pregunta: el espíritu impersonal obraría sobre cuerpo y espíritu, y los demonios, que tienen alma, sobre alma y mente.

«I think this may have been what Ficino did suppose; the reconciliation is unsatisfactory logically, but people do not usually think logically about magic, especially if they believe in it.» — lo que Walker adjudica a Ficino, marcándolo como conjetura y declarando a la vez que la conciliación no cierra lógicamente.

«It is unsatisfactory because the demons have spiritual bodies closely akin to human spirits on which they can and do act; this Ficino tells us explicitly.» — la razón por la que no cierra: los demonios tienen cuerpos espirituales afines al espíritu humano y obran sobre él, cosa que Ficino dice explícitamente.

«The following passage from his Commentary on the Law's shows clearly that demonic planetary influence completely overlaps influence from the planets’ bodies and includes in addition the influence of a soul on a soul 5:» — lo que Walker declara que muestra el pasaje del comentario ficiniano a las *Leyes*: la influencia demónica se traslapa por completo con la de los cuerpos planetarios y añade la de un alma sobre otra.

«That the powers of the higher spirits, however it may be done, influence our spirits we cannot deny, since we clearly see that our bodies are moved by the higher bodies . .» — según Walker, Ficino da por indudable la influencia de los espíritus superiores sobre los nuestros, con el argumento de que ya vemos movidos nuestros cuerpos por los cuerpos superiores.

«But if these spirits act on our spirits, they also act on our bodies.» — el paso siguiente del mismo pasaje: si obran sobre nuestros espíritus, obran también sobre nuestros cuerpos.

«Any planetary effect, then, even if confined to the human body, might be caused by a demon.» — la consecuencia que Walker saca contra la defensa de Ficino: aun el efecto planetario limitado al cuerpo podría venir de un demonio.

«The only grounds for hoping that it was not would be that the means by which the effect was produced were not such as require a demon, that is, not prayers, figures, words, that could only be effective» — el único terreno que Walker le deja a esa esperanza: que los medios empleados no sean plegarias, figuras ni palabras; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«It would be just possible to argue that the practices of the De .C.C. are of this kind, though the talismans and planetary music» — la concesión mínima que Walker admite para el De Vita, ya con la objeción encima; el escaneo imprime *De .C.C.*.

«But if my conjecture about the Orphic singing is correct, then these arguments must appear weak and disingenuous.» — el juicio de Walker sobre esos argumentos, condicionado a su propia conjetura sobre el canto órfico: débiles y poco sinceros.

«These hymns are clearly prayers a a to numina of some kind;» — la razón de ese juicio: los himnos son plegarias dirigidas a *numina* de alguna clase; la capa de texto repite una *a* suelta.

«But undoubtedly the high-priests of that religion, who were the same as the Magi, when they dedicated temples to celestial [gods] and heaven-dwelling demons, also placed there, arranged in certain series, statues of men whom they considered to be born, more than others, under a special influx of such spirits (vumina) and endowed with their gifts.» — el pasaje de Ficino sobre los magos que Walker traduce: dedicaban templos a dioses celestes y demonios, y colocaban en series estatuas de hombres nacidos bajo un influjo especial.

«They called a man Saturn or Jupiter, who was subject to the heavenly or aérial Saturn or Jupiter.» — la lógica de nombres que Ficino atribuye a esos sacerdotes: se llama Saturno o Júpiter al hombre sujeto al Saturno o Júpiter celeste.

«Moreover, they were willing, I think, to yield too much to the common people, who are desirous of lower goods and given to such superstitions; by this indulgence they subjected the blind and wretched people to the worship of the basest objects.» — la explicación que Ficino da del deslizamiento hacia la idolatría, según Walker: los sacerdotes cedieron demasiado al vulgo.

«Hermes Trismegistus is a witness that the fathers of Egyptian religion were wont to place in their temples statues fashioned by magic art and to attract into them demons and the souls of the dead.» — el testimonio que Ficino invoca: Hermes atestigua que los padres de la religión egipcia atraían demonios y almas de muertos a estatuas hechas por arte mágica.

«Indeed, Orpheus, the great founder of that religion, devoted many of his hymns not only to celestial [gods], but also to demons and demonic men, and added particular fumigations for each.» — el segundo testimonio del mismo pasaje: Orfeo dedicó himnos también a demonios y a hombres demónicos, con fumigación propia para cada uno.

«Varro rightly, where he speaks of three theologies, philosophical, civil and poétic, considers the latter two by far inferior to the first.» — la jerarquía de las tres teologías que Ficino toma de Varrón, con la civil y la poética muy por debajo de la filosófica.

«This certainly implies that the De V.C.C. is really about planetary demons, as described in the Commentaries on Plato and Plotinus, and about methods of obtaining benefits from them;» — la lectura que Walker declara implicada por ese pasaje: el De Vita trata en realidad de demonios planetarios y de cómo obtener beneficios de ellos.

«Then again he admits that these practices led astray the ignorant into idolatry and superstition.» — la concesión que Walker registra en Ficino: esas prácticas extraviaron a los ignorantes hacia la idolatría y la superstición.

«But finally even these superstitions are defended by introducing, from Augustine, Varro’s three theologies *: natural (which Ficino calls philosophical), civil or political, and fabulous ot poetic; according to Ficino, the really bad superstitions derived only from the latter two, not from the “philosophical” religion he has just described.» — el recurso con que, según Walker, Ficino salva incluso esas supersticiones: las tres teologías de Varrón vía Agustín, cargando lo malo a la civil y a la poética.

«His conclusion seems to be that ‘its dangers might be avoided if it remained within a learnéd, philosophical circle, and were kept secret from the ignorant valgus, who would distort it into idolatry and superstition.» — la conclusión que Walker atribuye a Ficino en forma cautelosa: el peligro se evita manteniendo la práctica en un círculo docto y en secreto ante el vulgo.

«This perhaps confirms my suggestion that Ficino supposed the spiritus mundi to act on the body and spirit, and demons primarily on the soul, and that the practices in the De Vita coelitus comparanda were meant to appear to be confined to the former kind of influence.» — el indicio con que Walker refuerza, marcándolo como quizá, su propia hipótesis: el *spiritus mundi* obraría sobre cuerpo y espíritu, y los demonios sobre el alma.

«The Apologia for the De Triplici Vita contains a formal denial that his magic is demonic?.» — el documento en que Ficino niega formalmente que su magia sea demónica, según Walker.

«But one can see from this document, dated 19th September 1489, that Ficino is expecting trouble, possibly that he has already been accused of dangerous magic.» — lo que Walker lee entre líneas en esa apología fechada el 19 de septiembre de 1489: Ficino espera problemas y quizá ya fue acusado.

«From various letters written between May and August 1490 one gathers that he is worried about the effect of his book at Rome, is trying to gain the Pope’s support, and has in some way been calumniated*.» — lo que Walker reúne de las cartas de mayo a agosto de 1490: preocupación por el efecto del libro en Roma, gestiones ante el papa y una calumnia de por medio.

«On August 1st Ermolao Barbaro, to whom he had first addressed himself, wrote to say that all was well, and that Innocent VHI was speaking most favourably of him.» — el desenlace que Walker data: el 1 de agosto Ermolao Barbaro le escribe que todo va bien y que Inocencio VIII habla muy favorablemente de él; el escaneo imprime *VHI*.

«Lately you snatched your lamb Ficino from the voracious jaws of the wolves and to Saturn, who was dangerously attacking, you like Jupiter. were in opposition.» — la carta de agradecimiento de Ficino a Rinaldo Orsini que Walker traduce, con la imagen del cordero arrancado a los lobos y el arzobispo puesto como Júpiter frente a Saturno.

«This letter shows that Ficino was not in the least worried about his ordinary astrological practices!; it was the talismans and planetary music that were dangerous.» — lo que Walker concluye de la correspondencia: lo peligroso no era la astrología ordinaria de Ficino sino los talismanes y la música planetaria.

«But in the De Iita coelitus Comparanda, which is the only work where he recommends magic that he evidently practised himself, he put forward, with some lapses, a programme for a non-demonic magic, utilizing the spiritus mundi and reaching no higher than the human spirit.» — el programa que Walker atribuye al De Vita, con la reserva expresa de sus lapsos: una magia no demónica que usa el *spiritus mundi* y no pasa del espíritu humano; el escaneo imprime *De Iita*.

«His vacillations and hesitations when discussing demonic magic are due, I think, not only to prudence, but also to real doubts in his own mind; he was both attracted by it and afraid of it.» — la explicación que Walker propone para las vacilaciones de Ficino: no solo prudencia, sino duda real, atracción y miedo a la vez.

«he was just collecting every remedy that might help, but not asserting that they all would—he was perhaps a little too free, and so forth.» — la defensa que Ficino esgrime en esa carta, según Walker: reunía remedios sin afirmar que todos funcionaran.

«Nor does Pico’s statement, in his Adversus Astrologiam, that Ficino encouraged him to write against astrology *, carry any greater weight.» — lo que Walker le niega valor probatorio: la declaración de Pico de que Ficino lo animó a escribir contra la astrología.

«good magic was “natural”—though one could of course argue endlessly about the proper application of these criteria and a few people thought that all magic was demonic.» — el criterio corriente que Walker enuncia y acota a la vez: la magia buena era la natural, aunque el criterio se podía discutir sin fin y algunos tenían por demónica toda magia.

«One might be tempted to say that bad astrology limited or destroyed man’s and God’s freedom of will; but then, at least after the reformation, there were plenty of Christians who denied man’s free-will1, and at all times there have been Christians who have rejected a voluntaristic conception of God (i.e. a God whose decision makes something good, as opposed to a God who decides on what is already good).» — el criterio que Walker considera y descarta: la astrología mala como la que destruye el libre albedrío no sirve, porque hubo cristianos que negaron el libre albedrío y otros que rechazaron un Dios voluntarista.

«They operate by means of a heat which is not elemental ,but which contains “in perfection and virtue” all the elemental qualities.» — el calor no elemental por el que, según la exposición de Walker, operan los cielos, conteniendo en perfección y virtud todas las cualidades elementales.

«This heat is borne by a “celestial spirit”, which penetrates everywhere, nourishing, tempering, forming, vivifying.» — el vehículo de ese calor: un espíritu celeste que penetra en todo y nutre, tempera, forma y vivifica.

«It is analogous to the spirit which, in men and animals, unites body and soul, “a very fine, invisible body, most closely akin to the light and heat of the stars” %.» — la analogía que cierra el esquema: ese espíritu es como el que en hombres y animales une cuerpo y alma, cuerpo finísimo e invisible emparentado con la luz y el calor de los astros.

«He had evidently been in some sort of danger, since he wrote to Rinaldo» — lo que Walker infiere del episodio antes de citar la carta: Ficino había estado en algún peligro real.

«Pico insists that celestial influences are only a universal cause of sublunar phenomena; all specific differences of quality or motion are due to differences inherent in the receiving matter or soul.» — según Walker, Pico limita la influencia celeste a causa universal: toda diferencia específica de cualidad o de movimiento viene de la materia o del alma que recibe.

«One could not, therefore, on his view, say that any particular herb, sound or food was more solarian or venereal than any other, nor use it to transform one’s own spirit, as Ficino proposed;» — la consecuencia que Walker deriva contra Ficino: en la doctrina de Pico ninguna hierba, sonido o alimento es más solar o venéreo que otro.

«but he would have considered that the means Ficino suggests for so doing were mistaken.» — el alcance exacto del desacuerdo según Walker: Pico habría tenido por erróneos los medios, no el propósito.

«Pico insists elsewhere on this close and beneficial connection of celestial to animal spirits ?» — el otro costado de Pico que Walker consigna sin armonizarlo: en otros lugares insiste en la conexión estrecha y benéfica entre espíritus celestes y animales.

«It is clear that he could not possibly have disapproved of Ficino’s general intention, in the De Vita coelitns comparanda, of making man’s spirit more celestial;» — lo que Walker da por claro: Pico no podía desaprobar la intención general del De Vita; el escaneo imprime *coelitns*.

«I am inclined to think that a few years earlier, even when the De Vita coelitis comparanda was published (1489), he may have wholly approved of it.» — la conjetura que Walker declara como inclinación propia: unos años antes, al publicarse el De Vita en 1489, Pico pudo aprobarlo por entero; el escaneo imprime *coelitis*.

«First, the chapters in the Adversus Astrologiam on celestial and human spirit are so close to Ficino’s thought that it seems highly probable they derive from him.» — el primer indicio de esa conjetura: los capítulos del *Adversus Astrologiam* sobre espíritu celeste y humano están tan cerca de Ficino que Walker los cree derivados de él.

«Opponents of their works, we are told, claim that they have proved nothing against sober and prudent astrologers, who are strictly orthodox, do not pretend to foretell particular events, _ and are careful to subject all their predictions to the inscrutable will of God.» — la posición de los astrólogos prudentes tal como Walker la expone: no pretenden predecir sucesos particulares y someten toda predicción a la voluntad inescrutable de Dios.

«Good astrologers, like Ptolemy himself *, take care to safeguard free-will and providence.» — el criterio de buena astrología según la exposición de Walker: la que se cuida de salvar el libre albedrío y la providencia.

«It was against the bad astrologers, who subject man’s will entirely to the heavens and who derive religions from planetary conjunctions, that Pico and Savonarola were writing.» — el blanco que Walker adjudica a Pico y a Savonarola: los astrólogos que someten del todo la voluntad al cielo y derivan las religiones de conjunciones planetarias.

«they were merely over-zealous, and perhaps inevitably so, since in correcting an abuse one is almost bound to fall into the opposite error, as one has to bend a curved stick too far the other way in order to straighten it, or as Augustine, when attacking the Manicheans, verged towards Pelagianism.» — la explicación que Walker recoge del exceso de esos dos: corrigiendo un abuso se cae en el contrario, como el palo torcido que hay que doblar de más, o como Agustín rozando el pelagianismo contra los maniqueos.

«The authorities he uses in this are mainly Thomas Aquinas and his pro-astrological commentator, Cardinal Caietano%; but he even goes so far as to quote Pico’s adversary Bellantius in order to defend horoscopes 4.» — las autoridades con que se defiende la astrología prudente, según Walker, incluida la paradoja de citar a Bellantius, adversario de Pico, para defender los horóscopos.

«Although Pletho does not in his surviving works quote any Orphica, his religious ideas and interpretation of Plato were largely founded on the prisca theologia, particularly the Oracula Chaldaica*, and he wrote out a copy of fourteen of the Orphic Hymns ?.» — lo que Walker consigna de Pletón, con la ausencia declarada: no cita *Orphica* en sus obras conservadas, pero copió de su mano catorce Himnos órficos.

«It seems likely that these have some connexion with the hymns that figure so prominently in the surviving fragments of his Nomoi, with the elaborate directions for singing them, for musical modes, postures, days and times of day 3.» — la conexión que Walker propone como probable entre esa copia y los himnos de los *Nomoi*, con sus instrucciones de modos, posturas, días y horas.

«the higher classes of gods are, as Pletho explicitly says *, metaphysical or natural principles; the lowet ones are planetary and stellar deities.» — el reparto de dioses en Pletón según Walker: los superiores son principios metafísicos o naturales y los inferiores, deidades planetarias y estelares.

«May we carry out these rites in your honour in the most fitting manner, knowing that you have no need of anything whatever from us.» — la plegaria de Pletón que Walker traduce, con la cláusula que le quita al rito todo carácter de dádiva: los dioses no necesitan nada de nosotros.

«‘Pletho’s hymns and rites, like Ficino’s ®, do not aim at any objective effect on the deity addressed, but only at a subjective transformation of the worshipper, particularly his imagination.» — el paralelo que Walker traza entre Pletón y Ficino: ni unos ni otros buscan efecto objetivo sobre la deidad, sino transformación subjetiva del que adora.

«Moreover, these defenders of good astrology have the authority of Thomas Aquinas on their side, who “in innumerable places” teaches that even man’s mind and will are indirectly influenced by the stars, through their effect on his body.» — la autoridad que esos defensores invocan según Walker: Tomás de Aquino, que en innumerables lugares enseña una influencia astral indirecta sobre mente y voluntad por vía del cuerpo.

«He begins this preface by asserting that Cosimo de’ Medici conceived the project of resuscitating Plato after listening with enthusiasm to Pletho talking on Platonism during the Council of Florence.» — el relato de origen que Walker resume del prefacio ficiniano a Plotino: Cosme de Médicis concibió resucitar a Platón oyendo a Pletón en el Concilio de Florencia.

«Just as it was coming out of the press, Pico, who had been born in the year that Ficino began his Platonic studies (1463), arrived in Florence, and, inspired by the departed soul of Cosimo, incited Ficino to translate and comment on Plotinus.» — la continuación del mismo relato: Pico llega a Florencia, nacido el año en que Ficino empezó sus estudios platónicos, e inspirado por el alma de Cosme lo incita a traducir a Plotino.

«We are here concerned not so much with the historical truth of these statements as with what they tell us about the state of mind of their writer.» — el criterio de lectura que Walker declara: no le interesa la verdad histórica de esas afirmaciones sino lo que dicen del estado de ánimo de quien las escribe.

«Ficino finished his De Vita colitis comparanda in 1489; but his interest in the Orphic Hymns began as eatly as 1462, when he translated them?» — las dos fechas con que Walker arma la cronología: el De Vita en 1489 y el interés por los himnos órficos ya en 1462; el escaneo imprime *colitis*.

«If we add to this network of facts the supposition that Ficino knew about Pletho’s hymn-singing—perhaps far more than we know now, it seems likely that when writing this preface he was thinking, amongst other things, of his astrological music and connecting it with Pico’s magic, with his first interest in the Orphic Hymns and Hlermetica in 1462, and with Pletho’s hymns.» — la conjetura que Walker declara probable a partir de esa red de datos: al escribir el prefacio, Ficino estaría pensando en su música astrológica y enlazándola con la magia de Pico, con los Himnos órficos y con los himnos de Pletón.

«Against the supposition of this connexion between Ficino and Pletho we must weigh the following fact.» — Walker introduce él mismo la objeción a su propia hipótesis, en vez de dejarla fuera.

«Pletho was, at least in what we now have of the Vomo, an overtly anti-christian writer ?, and philosophically he was a rigid determinist .» — el peso de esa objeción: Pletón es abiertamente anticristiano en lo que se conserva de los *Nomoi* y, filosóficamente, un determinista rígido; el escaneo imprime *Vomo*.

«But this objection is by no means conclusive; for I am suggesting not that Ficino was deeply or generally influenced by Pletho, but only that Pletho’s kind of hymn-singing and his theory of prayer were one starting-point for Ficino’s Orphic singing.» — la respuesta de Walker, que reduce su propia tesis a lo mínimo defendible: no propone influencia general de Pletón sobre Ficino, sino un punto de partida para el canto órfico.

«Lazarelli, in the dedication of a manuscript containing Ficino’s translation of the Pimander, the Asclepius, and his own translation of the Definitiones Asclepii*, mentions with strong approval Ficino’s eulogistic preface to the Pimander*» — el vínculo documental entre Lazzarelli y Ficino que Walker consigna: la dedicatoria de un manuscrito con el *Pimander* y el *Asclepius* traducidos.

«Even if the latter statement is wrong and even if Lazarelli’s Crater Hermetis owes nothing to the De Vita coelitts comparanda, it nevertheless provides interesting comparative material; for we have here two nearly contemporary works both advocating magical or theurgic practices which are based largely on the same Hermetic source.» — la reserva con que Walker sostiene el cotejo: aunque el *Crater Hermetis* no deba nada al De Vita, sigue habiendo dos obras casi contemporáneas que fundan prácticas mágicas o teúrgicas en la misma fuente hermética; el escaneo imprime *coelitts*.

«The speakers in the dialogue are Lazarelli and King Ferdinand of Aragon, who is represented as very old and retired from the world, and to whom the work is dedicated ;» — los interlocutores del *Crater Hermetis* según Walker: Lazzarelli y el rey Fernando de Aragón, ya viejo y retirado.

«Lazarelli tells him: “Christianus ego sum o Rex: et Hermeticum - simul esse non pudet”’?.» — la declaración de doble pertenencia con que Lazzarelli se presenta ante el rey, en el latín que imprime la fuente.

«Apply here all the strength of your soul. Beseech, admire, praise, contemplate the divinity.» — la instrucción con que, según Walker, Lazzarelli prepara a su interlocutor antes de revelar el misterio.

«For thus you will be properly disposed for the great secret god-making mystery which, if God help me, I am going to reveal; and in these things (as Hermes says) heaven and all heavenly beings delight ...» — el anuncio del misterio hacedor de dioses que Lazzarelli promete revelar, con la cita de Hermes de por medio.

«your hymn seemed of a kind that must derive not from the inspiration of the Muses but from the Word of God; what wonder then» — el juicio que el rey emite sobre el himno de Lazzarelli en el diálogo: no viene de la inspiración de las Musas sino del Verbo de Dios; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«There is no need, Lazarelli, for you to strain my patience with such talking round and about.» — la impaciencia con que el rey corta el preámbulo, en la traducción de Walker.

«For, like a jar full of new wine without an air-hole, I am nearly bursting with expectation.» — la imagen con que el rey describe su expectativa: una jarra de vino nuevo sin respiradero.

«But for us this preamble is important.» — el corte de Walker contra el personaje: lo que al rey le sobra, a él le importa.

«By this he ‘does not mean the creations of the arts and sciences; these are like equivocal progeny, i.e. the products of spontaneous generation, whereas Lazarelli means a creation analogous to univocal generation, in which the progeny is of the same species as the procreator.» — la precisión que Walker exige al leer a Lazzarelli: no habla de las creaciones de artes y ciencias, sino de una generación unívoca, en que lo engendrado es de la misma especie que el que engendra.

«This mystery, then, will tell us how man’s mind by means of words can procreate another being of the same kind.» — el contenido del misterio según Walker: cómo la mente del hombre puede engendrar, por medio de palabras, otro ser de su misma especie.

«This mystery, which Hermes revealed to Asclepius, will show us “the kingdom of Israel (which poets call the Golden Age), for which Jesus Christ taught his disciples to pray’; it will give us» — lo que Lazzarelli promete con ese misterio, empalmando el reino de Israel con la edad de oro de los poetas y con la oración que Cristo enseñó; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«As God created the celestial angels who contain the exemplary forms of all things, “‘so the true man makes divine souls which he calls Atlantiad! gods of the earth.» — el paralelo con que Lazzarelli formula su misterio, según la traducción de Walker: como Dios creó los ángeles celestes, el hombre verdadero hace almas divinas a las que llama dioses de la tierra.

«Evidently, this is closely modelled on the god-making passage in the Asclepius*; indeed we are more or less told so.» — la filiación que Walker declara evidente: el pasaje está calcado del pasaje del *Asclepius* sobre la fabricación de dioses.

«and Lazarelli says that this is only to be expected since this mystery has hardly ever before been even hinted at; Hermes referred obscurely to it in all his dialogues, but “recounted it much more openly” in the Aselepius*» — la justificación que Lazzarelli da del secreto, según Walker: Hermes aludió al misterio oscuramente en todos sus diálogos y lo contó más abiertamente en el *Asclepius*; el escaneo imprime *Aselepius*.

«With regard to Christ we are given nothing more than the hint in the hymn about apostles *.» — la abstención que Walker consigna sobre el lugar de Cristo en el misterio: no hay más que una alusión del himno a los apóstoles.

«It confirms what ‘was already apparent from the preamble to the hymn—that Lazarelli holds a magical theory of language, that he believes that words have a real, not conventional connexion with things and can exert power over them”.» — la teoría del lenguaje que Walker atribuye a Lazzarelli: las palabras tienen conexión real y no convencional con las cosas y ejercen poder sobre ellas.

«When the king asks in what manner this work (opus, the proper word for a magical or alchemical operation) is done, Lazarelli replies that there is not time enough, for the sun is already setting and this work requires the observance of many conditions—it had better be put off to another time and performed in a more hidden and solitary place ¢.» — el aplazamiento con que Lazzarelli esquiva la pregunta operativa del rey, con el término *opus* que Walker glosa como el propio de una operación mágica o alquímica.

«This suggestion is strengthened by Lazarelli’s statement that he had experienced the mystery himself.» — el apoyo que Walker encuentra para la lectura de Kristeller: Lazzarelli declara haber pasado él mismo por el misterio.

«He appeared in Rome in 1484 wearing a crown of thorns bearing an inscription “Hic est puer meus Pimander quem ego elegi”, preaching and distributing leaflets;» — el retrato que Walker traza del maestro de Lazzarelli, Giovanni da Correggio, con la corona de espinas y su inscripción.

«at Lyons, in 1501, wearing the same garb, he performed miracles by natural magic, and promised Louis XII a son and twenty years’ extra life.» — la continuación del mismo retrato: en Lyon obra milagros por magia natural y promete a Luis XII un hijo y veinte años más de vida.

«He was a wonder-working magus, Who had himself, as Lazarelli tells us, been regenerated by Hermes Trismegistus.» — la adjudicación que Walker recoge de Lazzarelli: ese mago había sido regenerado por Hermes Trismegisto.

«I would suggest tentatively the following extension of Kristeller‘s interpretation of the mystery; it will, I think cover more completely the evidence we have.» — Walker propone su propia ampliación de la lectura de Kristeller marcándola como tentativa y midiéndola por cuánta evidencia cubre.

«Just before the Hymn Lazarelli, who had himself undergone this operation, says that he is inspired “not by a Socratic demon, but by the spirit of Jesus Christ which dwells in his worshippers” 3.» — la atribución que Lazzarelli hace de su propia inspiración: no un demonio socrático sino el espíritu de Jesucristo.

«The operation is of the same kind as God’s creation; for this too was accomplished by words, made up of Hebrew letters.» — el modelo de la operación según Walker: la creación divina, cumplida también por palabras hechas de letras hebreas.

«The mystery will be accomplished by the power of words and, I think, music; the old king is going to be initiated, and throughout the dialogue he is gradually being prepared by increasingly powerful hymns, producing more and more shattering effects, for the final ceremony,» — la reconstrucción que Walker propone del dispositivo del diálogo: himnos cada vez más potentes preparan al viejo rey para la ceremonia final; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«I am not sure whether, as I have suggested, Lazarelli’s magic derives in some measure from Ficino’s music-spirit theory, and from the magic in the De Vita coelitus comparanda; it seems probable, but there is certainly no conclusive evidence.» — la incertidumbre que Walker declara sobre su propia hipótesis de filiación entre Lazzarelli y Ficino: le parece probable y sin evidencia concluyente.

«The main differences between them are: first, that Lazarelli’s magic is not astrological—though of this I would not be certain, for when God’s creation is used as an analogy to the mystery it is the creation of the heavenly bodies and their souls that is mentioned.» — la primera diferencia que Walker enumera, con su propia reserva encima: la magia de Lazzarelli no es astrológica, aunque de eso él no se declara seguro.

«Finally, Lazarelli’s magic is much more dangerous. It is overtly proclaimed as being of great religious importance and is plainly in competition with orthodox theurgic practices; whereas Ficino’ magic could at least be presented and defended as a kind of astrological psycho-therapy.» — la diferencia que Walker considera decisiva: la magia de Lazzarelli se proclama de gran importancia religiosa y compite con la teurgia ortodoxa, mientras la de Ficino podía presentarse como psicoterapia astrológica.

«I am not talking here merely about a vagueness or breadth in the use of the term—wagia naturalis was indeed sometimes the exact equivalent of philosophia naturalis, as, for example in most of Porta’s magic 1—but about a real overlapping of the fields of all these activities, an overlapping which made the position of the concept of natural magic very insecure and resulted in its eventual disappearance.» — la precisión con que Walker define su tesis sobre la magia natural: no es vaguedad del término sino traslape real de campos, y de ahí la inseguridad del concepto y su desaparición final; el escaneo imprime *wagia*.

«I shall try to explain the way in which magic overlaps with these other activities by means of this diagram, which is meant to indicate the relationship between the main themes of the theory of natural magic.» — el instrumento que Walker introduce para ordenar la materia: un diagrama de las relaciones entre los temas principales de la teoría de la magia natural.

«The planetary influence may act directly on the imagination of the operator, or indirectly through any or all of the forces.» — las dos vías de la influencia planetaria en el esquema de Walker: directa sobre la imaginación del operador, o indirecta por cualquiera de las fuerzas.

«but the vis imaginativa is nearly always present, for it is the fundamental, central force, and the others are usually used only as aids to heightening it or ways of communicating it.» — la fuerza que Walker pone en el centro del esquema: la *vis imaginativa*, a la que las demás sirven de auxilio o de vehículo.

«The most usual medium of transmission in the whole process is the spirit, cosmic and human» — el medio habitual de todo el proceso según Walker: el espíritu, cósmico y humano.

«the planets and the operator are not supposed to act directly on anything higher than the spirit, which is the vehicle of the imagination!.» — el techo que el esquema de la magia natural impone: ni los planetas ni el operador obran directamente sobre algo más alto que el espíritu.

«The effects produced on inanimate things or directly on bodies (unless by the vis rerum) are more difficult to explain without assuming a supernatural agent (angelic, demonic or divine) than the purely psychological ones; the same is true of the more odd or abnormal psychosomatic ones, for example, stigmatization» — la dificultad que Walker señala: los efectos sobre lo inanimado, o sobre el cuerpo, cuestan más de explicar sin agente sobrenatural que los puramente psicológicos.

«There is therefore a strong tendency for the effects of natural magic to be confined to the purely psychological, and the more ordinary psychosomatic ones.» — la consecuencia que Walker deriva: los efectos de la magia natural tienden a quedarse en lo psicológico y en lo psicosomático corriente.

«The more miraculous effects could be explained as natural, but only by assuming a power in the human spirit which was not generally admitted.» — el precio de explicar como naturales los efectos más milagrosos según Walker: suponer en el espíritu humano una potencia que no se admitía en general.

«The A and B divisions of the vires imaginum, verborum, musices, rerum, do not all represent the same distinction, but they have this in common: the A forces of all these things are the ordinary, universally accepted ones, and, though they can be used for magical purposes, they can also and normally do produce effects which no one considered magical; whereas the B forces, though not all necessarily magical, are not universally admitted as real ot legitimate, and their use is at least suspect of being magical.» — el criterio con que Walker separa las divisiones A y B de cada fuerza: las A son las corrientes y admitidas por todos, las B no son universalmente admitidas y quedan bajo sospecha de magia.

«Any transitive effect produced by the vis imaginativa alone (e.g. telepathy) is obviously magical.» — el caso que Walker declara mágico sin discusión: el efecto transitivo producido solo por la *vis imaginativa*.

«Uses of these A forces are liable to be considered magical only if planetary influences are combined with them,» — la condición bajo la cual, según Walker, se tiene por mágico el uso de las fuerzas A: que se les combine influencia planetaria.

«The simple use of them, without the imagination of operator or patient being involved, is not necessarily magical,» — el límite que Walker pone: usarlas sin que entre la imaginación del operador ni la del paciente no es necesariamente mágico.

«Plainly magical uses of the B kind of vis rerum occur when it is directed, usually in combination with other forces, at the operator’s or patient’s imagination,» — cuándo pasa a ser claramente mágica esa misma fuerza, según Walker: cuando se dirige a la imaginación del operador o del paciente.

«The A force of an image is in proportion to its successful, beautiful representation ot expression of its subject,» — la definición que Walker da de la fuerza A de una imagen: proporcional al acierto y la belleza con que representa su asunto.

«The force of a B image lies solely in its astrological affinites; its shapes are often not representative at all» — el contraste: la fuerza de una imagen B está solo en sus afinidades astrológicas y sus figuras suelen no representar nada.

«Since talismans usually bore words, letters or characters, as well as figures, they connect with the vis verborum and shate with it the liability to accusations of demonic magic.» — el riesgo que Walker adjudica a los talismanes por llevar palabras y caracteres: quedan emparentados con la *vis verborum* y expuestos a la acusación de magia demónica.

«One way out of this accusation is to confine the effects to the operator or to human patients who also see the talisman,» — la primera salida que Walker registra frente a esa acusación: limitar los efectos a quien ve el talismán.

«The other way out is by means of the B division of the vis verborum.» — la segunda salida, por la división B de la *vis verborum*.

«Even -the magnet may be considered, as it was by Gilbert ®, to act like a soul,» — el ejemplo con que Walker muestra lo movedizo del criterio: hasta el imán podía tenerse, como en Gilbert, por algo que obra a la manera de un alma.

«The B division of the vis rerum produces effects through the occult qualities of things, that is, their forces or virtues other than elemental ones;» — cómo opera la división B de la *vis rerum* según Walker: por cualidades ocultas, es decir por virtudes que no son las elementales.

«The B division of the vis musices remained, as far as I know, purely theoretical.» — la abstención con que Walker acota su propio esquema: la división B de la *vis musices* quedó, hasta donde él sabe, en pura teoría.

«That this correspondence could be physically operative was explained by the analogy of the sympathetic vibration of strings.» — la analogía con que se explicaba que esa correspondencia obrara físicamente: la vibración simpática de las cuerdas.

«One reason why this theory did not lead to practical music is that the musical representation of any given state of the heavens would provide only one chord and would suggest no particular melody or mode.» — la razón que Walker da de que la teoría no diera música práctica: la representación musical de un estado del cielo da un solo acorde y no sugiere melodía ni modo.

«Magical practices involving music, such as Ficino’s, had therefore recourse to the A vis musices, which, through the text of the song or hymn, was combined with the A and B vis verborum.» — la salida que Walker sitúa en Ficino: recurrir a la *vis musices* A, que por el texto del canto se combina con las dos divisiones de la *vis verborum*.

«Ficinian magic, in terms of this scheme, uses the vis imaginativa combined with the vires imaginum B, verborum A & B, musices A, and rerum B.» — la posición exacta de la magia ficiniana dentro del esquema de Walker.

«Subjective magic, therefore, is much less likely than transitive to arouse fear and persecution.» — la consecuencia práctica que Walker deriva de su distinción: la magia subjetiva provoca menos miedo y menos persecución que la transitiva.

«The production of effects by applied psychology or magic differs from many religious practices only in that no divine cause is assumed *.» — la única diferencia que Walker deja entre magia y muchas prácticas religiosas: que en la primera no se supone causa divina.

«Natural, non-demonic magic is therefore an obvious threat to religion, since it claims to produce the same effects without any supernatural agent; its logical consequence is atheism or deism.» — el peligro que Walker atribuye justamente a la magia natural, y no a la demónica: pretende los mismos efectos sin agente sobrenatural, y su consecuencia lógica es el ateísmo o el deísmo.

«Demonic or angelic magic avoids this danger, but is more evidently unacceptable to a Christian because it is a rival religion; the Christian revelation is unique and exclusive, and there is no room for any other religion.» — el peligro simétrico de la magia demónica o angélica según Walker: evita el ateísmo pero se vuelve religión rival, y la revelación cristiana es única y excluyente.

«Prudent and wary Christians, therefore, prefer to consider all magic as demonic and to condemn it absolutely.» — la salida que Walker atribuye a los cristianos cautos: tener por demónica toda magia y condenarla en bloque.

«But their natural, subjective, purely psychological magic could explain all the effects of a subjective, psychological religion without assuming God.» — el reverso de esa salida: la magia psicológica subjetiva podría explicar todos los efectos de una religión psicológica sin suponer a Dios.

«Some evangelical Catholics and some Protestants attempted to remove or explain away such practices, and to condemn any but purely psychological religious effects as demonic magic.» — lo que Walker adjudica a católicos evangélicos y a algunos protestantes: quitar o explicar esas prácticas y condenar como magia demónica cualquier efecto religioso que no fuera psicológico.

«But since they had to accept the miracles in the New Testament, their position was not logically tenable, and, without the miracles, they were in danger of reducing _ their religion to a godless psychological technique, identical with natural psychological magic.» — el aprieto que Walker les señala: teniendo que aceptar los milagros del Nuevo Testamento, su posición no se sostiene lógicamente, y sin milagros su religión se vuelve técnica psicológica sin dios.

«The overlap of magic and religion produced then this dilemma: either a miraculous but plainly magical religion, or a purely psychological religion without a god.» — el dilema que Walker formula como resultado del traslape: religión milagrosa y por tanto mágica, o religión psicológica sin dios.

«This dilemma was not of course explicitly stated, but it is clear that several anti-magical writers were aware of it and unable to find a way out.» — la cautela con que Walker atribuye ese dilema a la época: nadie lo enunció así, pero varios autores antimágicos lo advirtieron sin hallarle salida.

«The historical importance of these connexions between magic and religion is, I think, that they led people to ask questions about religious practices and experiences which would not otherwise have occurred to them; and, by approaching religious problems through magic, which was at least partially identical with, or exactly analogous to religion, but which could be treated without reverence or devotion, they were able sometimes to suggest answers which, whether true or not, were new and fruitful.» — la importancia histórica que Walker declara para el traslape: llevó a preguntar por prácticas y experiencias religiosas que de otro modo no se habrían cuestionado, y a proponer respuestas nuevas, sean o no verdaderas.

«It cannot be proved with absolute certainty that Trithemius was in the habit of performing magical operations with the help of planetary angels, but it is highly probable.» — la fórmula con que Walker gradúa su afirmación sobre Trithemius: no se prueba con certeza absoluta que practicara operaciones con ángeles planetarios, pero le parece muy probable.

«The main evidence for supposing so is in his Steganographia, which was not printed until 16061, but was quite widely known in manuscript; Bovillus, Agrippa, Wier? and Gohory® had all read it.» — la evidencia en que se apoya y su circulación: la *Steganographia*, impresa apenas en 1606 pero muy leída en manuscrito por Bovillus, Agrippa, Wier y Gohory.

«Here again, though this use of words obviously lends itself to magic, it is not necessarily magical; and, though it is distinct from ordinary operative uses of language, such as affective oratory or poetry, it may be combined with them in a magical operation—a poem, for example, might be both an expressive work of art and also an incantation, as, say, a hymn» — el matiz que Walker introduce sobre las palabras como esencias: se presta a la magia sin ser por fuerza mágico, y un poema puede ser a la vez obra de arte e incantación; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«Trithemius himself, in his preface to the work, in his letters and in an Apologia for it directed against Bovillus 4, carefully and emphatically denied that his book dealt with demonic - magic, or with anything incompatible with Christian piety, and claimed that the invocations were only a disguise assumed to preserve its important secrets from the vulgat.» — la defensa que Trithemius hace de sí mismo, según Walker: niega que el libro trate de magia demónica y presenta las invocaciones como disfraz para guardar sus secretos del vulgo.

«But the Third Book, which is unfinished, does not, like the other two, contain any examples of enciphered messages; one is told to say the message over the picture of a planetary angel at a moment determined by complicated astrological calculations.» — la excepción que Walker aísla: el tercer libro, inacabado, no trae ningún mensaje cifrado, sino la instrucción de decir el mensaje sobre la imagen de un ángel planetario en un momento astrológico calculado.

«It seems most unlikely that these could be disguised directions for encipherment or any kind of secret writing.» — el juicio de Walker sobre ese tercer libro, formulado como improbabilidad y no como certeza.

«The image of the angel is exactly described * and we are told that it need not be beautifully drawn as long as it is recognizable as a human figure.» — el detalle operativo que Walker consigna: la imagen del ángel se describe con exactitud y basta con que se reconozca como figura humana.

«There is a short invocation, ending “In nomine patris & filii & spiritus sancti. Amen.”» — la fórmula cristiana con que cierra la invocación del procedimiento.

«The image is to be wrapped up together with an image of the recipient and buried under a threshhold.» — el resto del procedimiento: la imagen se envuelve junto con la del destinatario y se entierra bajo un umbral; el escaneo imprime *threshhold*.

«The message will be conveyed to the desired recipient within 24 hours, without the use of words, writing or messenger.» — el efecto prometido: el mensaje llega en veinticuatro horas sin palabras, escritura ni mensajero.

«Two later defenders of Trithemius’ innocence of all magical practices, Gaspar Schott and Heidel, are nevertheless unable to suggest a cryptographic interpretation of the 3rd Book of the Steganographia*, and do believe, I think rightly, that it describes a method of conveying messages mentioned by Agrippa, who had spent some time with Trithemius in his monastery discussing occult sciences and whose De Occulta Philosophia had been so warmly praised by him’.» — el argumento que Walker toma de dos defensores del propio Trithemius: ni Schott ni Heidel dan lectura criptográfica del tercer libro y lo remiten a un método que Agrippa menciona.

«It was a common belief that telepathic communication could be achieved by means of the human spirit conveyed in the air 1; here the spirit, imprinted with the sender’s thoughts, is precisely ‘directed to one recipient by means of some astrological operation.» — la creencia corriente en que Walker inscribe el procedimiento: la comunicación telepática por el espíritu humano llevado en el aire, aquí dirigida a un solo destinatario.

«Agrippa, it is true, denies that “‘any other spirit”’ is involved as a medium; this, however, may well mean that the message is not actually conveyed by a planetary spirit, but that it receives only its directive impression from the heavens, and the operation by which this impression is given might nevertheless require the help of a planetary angel.» — la objeción que Walker se plantea y cómo la resuelve sin cerrarla: Agrippa niega que intervenga otro espíritu, lo que puede significar solo que el mensaje no lo lleva un espíritu planetario aunque la operación pida su ayuda.

«Agrippa is the only writer I know of earlier than Paolini and | Campanella to give a full exposition of the theory of Ficino’s / astrological magic» — el lugar que Walker adjudica a Agrippa: el único anterior a Paolini y a Campanella que expone entera la teoría de la magia astrológica ficiniana.

«Agrippa has no cautious timidity about angels or demons, let alone talismans and incantations.» — el contraste de temple que Walker señala frente a Ficino: Agrippa no tiene reparo cauteloso ante ángeles, demonios, talismanes ni incantaciones.

«“TI am merely recounting these things, not approving of them”» — la cláusula de descargo con que Agrippa acompaña su exposición; el escaneo imprime *TI* por *I*.

«He also says that he has made considerable additions to it.» — el dato que Walker consigna sobre la reelaboración del *De Occulta Philosophia*.

«the De Vanitate is 2 Declamatio Invectiva, that is, a rhetorical set-piece, and that therefore, though much of it is seriously evangelical, by no means all of its destructive scepticism is meant to be taken in earnest» — la advertencia de género con que Walker acota la retractación de Agrippa: el *De Vanitate* es una pieza retórica y no todo su escepticismo destructivo va en serio; el escaneo imprime *2* por *a*.

«this is limited to magic involving bad demons °, and that the other» — el alcance que Walker da a esa retractación: se limita a la magia con demonios malos; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«There is little doubt that the first two Books of the Szeganographia do treat of cryptography, and that the angels and spirits in them can be satisfactorily explained as descriptions of the methods of encipherment.» — lo que Walker concede sin reservas: los dos primeros libros de la *Steganographia* sí tratan de criptografía, y sus ángeles y espíritus se explican como métodos de cifrado; el escaneo imprime el título partido y corrompido.

«And hence it is possible, naturally, without any kind of superstition, and through the mediation of no other spirit, for a man to convey his thoughts to someone else in a very short time, however far apart they may be from each other; and, though the time in which this is done cannot be exactly measured,» — el pasaje de Agrippa que Walker traduce: la transmisión del pensamiento a distancia como cosa natural, sin superstición y sin mediación de otro espíritu; el tramo se corta antes de *twenty-four*, que el escaneo parte por el salto de línea.

«These directions are given without a word of caution, and moreover are said» — lo que Walker subraya del proceder de Agrippa: da esas instrucciones sin una palabra de cautela; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«but in Agrippa’s hands it has become a means of enchanting, compelling, directing planetary angels.» — el desplazamiento que Walker mide entre Ficino y Agrippa: lo que en uno era atracción de influjo se vuelve en el otro medio de encantar, forzar y dirigir ángeles planetarios.

«he makes no effort to force them into a Christian framework, or to warn the reader against the unorthodox religious ideas they contain.» — la ausencia que Walker consigna en Agrippa: ni encaje cristiano ni advertencia al lector sobre las ideas heterodoxas.

«he frequently, especially in the 3rd Book, discusses Christian prayers and ceremonies in relation to magic and pagan religions, and plainly regards them all as examples of the same basic activity.» — el procedimiento que Walker considera decisivo en el tercer libro: tratar plegarias y ceremonias cristianas junto a magia y religiones paganas como ejemplos de una misma actividad.

«Magic and religion, Christian or pagan, are for him of the same nature;» — la formulación con que Walker resume esa equiparación.

«the prisca theologia is also a prisca magia and is accepted in a quite exceptionally “liberal” way.» — el giro que Walker señala en Agrippa: la *prisca theologia* es también *prisca magia*, aceptada de un modo que él llama excepcionalmente liberal.

«It was, of course, generally held that most of the prisci theologi were also magi; astrology and magic, for those who approved of them, were part of the ancient, extra-Christian revelation.» — el lugar común de época que Walker recuerda: los *prisci theologi* eran también magos, y astrología y magia contaban como revelación antigua extracristiana.

«The invention of these arts is regularly ascribed to Zoroaster1;» — a quién se adjudicaba la invención de esas artes, según Walker.

«Here we are told that all creatures, in their own several ways, worship their creator;» — el arranque del pasaje de Agrippa que Walker traduce sobre la diversidad de los cultos.

«But the rites and ceremonies of religion vary with different times and places; and each religion has something good, which is directed towards» — la continuación: los ritos varían con los tiempos y los lugares y cada religión tiene algo bueno; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«God Himself the Creator; and although God approves of only the Christian religion, nevertheless He does not wholly reject other cults, practised for His sake; and does not leave them unrewarded, if not eternally, at least temporally ...7.» — el remate del mismo pasaje: Dios aprueba solo la religión cristiana pero no rechaza del todo los demás cultos ni los deja sin recompensa, al menos temporal.

«God’s anger is directed towards the irreligious, not towards those who worship Him in a mistaken way.» — la distinción con que Agrippa modera la condena, según Walker: la ira divina va contra los irreligiosos, no contra los que adoran erradamente.

«For no religion, as Lactantius tells us, is so mistaken that it does not contain some wisdom;» — la autoridad que Agrippa invoca para esa tolerancia: ninguna religión yerra tanto que no guarde algo de sabiduría.

«Moreover, even superstition is not wholly to be rejected.» — hasta dónde llega esa tolerancia según el texto de Agrippa.

«It is tolerated by the Church in many cases, and can, if believed in with sufficient force, produce by this credulity miraculous effects, just as true religion does by faith.» — el argumento con que Agrippa la sostiene: la Iglesia la tolera en muchos casos y la credulidad suficiente produce efectos milagrosos como la fe verdadera.

«But, Agrippa goes on, we must remember that the prisci magi were idolaters, and not let their errors infect our Catholic religion.» — la única cautela que Walker encuentra en el pasaje: recordar que los *prisci magi* fueron idólatras.

«The caution about the prisci magi is quite exceptional, and I strongly suspect it is one of the later additions he mentions in his preface.» — la sospecha que Walker declara sobre esa cautela: la tiene por añadido tardío de los que el propio Agrippa menciona en su prefacio.

«Elsewhere Agrippa makes no attempt to distinguish between true religion and superstition or magic.» — la búsqueda negativa con que Walker respalda esa sospecha: en el resto de la obra no hay intento de distinguir religión verdadera de superstición o magia.

«of Ficino’s spiritual magic certainly gave it a wide diffusion, it may also have frightened people away from it.» — el efecto doble que Walker atribuye a la exposición de Agrippa: difundió la magia espiritual de Ficino y a la vez pudo espantar de ella a la gente.

«He exposes what Ficino, rather feebly, had tried to conceal: that his magic was really demonic.» — lo que Walker adjudica a Agrippa respecto de Ficino: sacar a la luz lo que el otro había intentado ocultar débilmente.

«He also mixes it up with magic that aims at transitive, thaumaturgic effects, whereas Ficino’s effects were subjective and psychological.» — el segundo efecto: Agrippa la mezcla con magia de efectos transitivos y taumatúrgicos, mientras la de Ficino era subjetiva y psicológica.

«Finally, and most importantly, by treating magic, pagan religion and Christianity as activities and beliefs of exactly the same kind, he demonstrates strikingly how dangerous Neoplatonic magic was from a Christian point of view.» — lo que Walker declara más importante de todo: al poner magia, religión pagana y cristianismo en el mismo plano, Agrippa deja ver cuán peligrosa era la magia neoplatónica desde un punto de vista cristiano.

«It is also relevant to this point that the spurious 4th Book of the De Occ. Phil., where the magic 1s evidently black, was sometimes later believed to be by Agrippa, in spite of Wier’s well-founded denials *, which also did not prevent belief in the sinister stories about Agrippa’s black dog’.» — el dato de recepción que Walker añade: el cuarto libro espurio, de magia declaradamente negra, se atribuyó a veces a Agrippa pese a las negaciones de Wier.

«In dealing with Paracelsus’ relation to Ficino’s magic, I shall say as little as possible about Paracelsus’s theories, and shall concentrate on one of his early commentators, Jacques Gohory, a Parisian who wrote under the name of Leo Suavius.» — el recorte metodológico que Walker declara para Paracelso: hablar lo menos posible de sus teorías y concentrarse en su comentarista Jacques Gohory, que firmaba Leo Suavius.

«I doubt whether Paracelsus’ philosophical writings are in fact intelligible, that is, whether they contain any coherent patterns of thought.» — la duda que Walker declara sobre los escritos filosóficos de Paracelso: si son en realidad inteligibles, es decir, si contienen algún patrón coherente de pensamiento.

«To many 16th century readers it seemed evident that they did not, and even his early commentators either, like Gerard Dorn *, add nothing to the text or, like Gohory, admit that they are not at all sure what it is about, let alone what it says.» — el apoyo de época que Walker aporta: a muchos lectores del siglo XVI les parecía evidente que no, y hasta sus primeros comentaristas admitían no estar seguros de qué trataba.

«It is however possible to note some kinds of magic he mentions and apparently approves of, and even sometimes to guess that some battered fragment of an idea origi» — lo que Walker sí se propone hacer con ese material; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«In the chapter on prayer, for example, we are told, first, that if we are praying to God for, say, the destruction of our enemies, we should recall in our prayer the Flood, Sodom and Gomorrah, etc., and use those names of God that are expressive of anger and vengeance;» — el ejemplo con que Walker lo muestra: en el capítulo sobre la oración se manda recordar el Diluvio y Sodoma y usar los nombres divinos de ira y venganza cuando se pide la destrucción del enemigo.

«Gohory, on the other hand, has for us the advantage of frequently talking about Ficino and comparing him with Paracelsus.» — la razón por la que Walker elige a Gohory como puerta de entrada a Paracelso: habla a menudo de Ficino y lo compara con él.

«Also, _ though he is by no means a lucid or hard-thinking writer, he does attempt to relate Paracelsus’ utterances to other magical and philosophical theories.» — el mérito que Walker le concede junto con su límite: no es escritor lúcido ni riguroso, pero intenta relacionar lo que dice Paracelso con otras teorías.

«Gohory, moreover, had a wide circle of friends which included many of the most important scientific and literary figures of his time and country.» — la tercera razón: el círculo amplio de Gohory, con buena parte de las figuras científicas y literarias de su tiempo.

«His criticism of Ficinian magic and his championship of the magical tradition of Trithemius, Agrippa and Paracelsus may therefore have had considerable diffusion and influence by means of personal discussion.» — la vía de difusión que Walker propone para las ideas de Gohory: la conversación personal más que la letra impresa.

«Gohory was an advocate at the Parlement of Paris, and travelled abroad on several diplomatic missions—he was in Rome, with the French Ambassador Odet de Selve, from 1554 to 1556, where he knew Joachim Du Bellay and Olivier de Magny !; but most of his life was spent in Paris studying and writing.» — la semblanza que Walker traza de Gohory: abogado en el Parlamento de París, con misiones diplomáticas en Roma, y el resto de su vida estudiando y escribiendo.

«His publications show a vety wide range of interests, which are however centred on the occult sciences, especially alchemy.» — el centro de gravedad de esa obra según Walker: las ciencias ocultas y sobre todo la alquimia; el escaneo imprime *vety*.

«This part of his literary works represents perhaps his contribution to the “illustration de la langue frangaise”.» — la lectura que Walker propone de sus traducciones: su contribución propia a la ilustración de la lengua francesa; el escaneo imprime *frangaise*.

«He was a close friend of the great music-publisher and lutenist Adrian Le Roy, for whose treatise on lute-playing he wrote a preface *.» — el vínculo musical de Gohory que Walker consigna: amigo cercano del editor y laudista Adrian Le Roy, con prefacio suyo a su tratado de laúd.

«He also wrote prefatory pieces for several of Orlando di Lasso’s works *.» — el segundo vínculo musical: piezas prefaciales para varias obras de Orlando di Lasso.

«In one of these, addressed to Charles IX in 1571 *, he speaks of his own “incredible delight” in music, gives a compressed /aus musicae, and congratulates the king on his use of music and poetry for recreation—the only poets he mentions are Ronsard and Jodelle.» — el contenido de uno de esos prefacios según Walker, con el detalle que le interesa: solo nombra a Ronsard y a Jodelle.

«Now this is very odd; Baif’s Académie de Poésie et de Musique had been founded only the year before, with the strong support of Charles and his family’, and one would certainly expect that in such a preface Gohory would at least mention it.» — la anomalía que Walker señala en ese silencio: la Academia de Baïf se había fundado el año anterior con el apoyo del rey.

«We know also that he was on good terms with Baif at that time ; in 1571 a sonnet by Baif, addressed to Gohory, appeared in front of the latter’s translation» — lo que hace más extraño el silencio: Gohory estaba entonces en buenos términos con Baïf, que le dedicó un soneto; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«I can only suppose that Gohory’s failure to mention Baif’s Academy had something to do with enemies he had at court; in a work of 1572 he complains bitterly of the “abominable ingratitude” of certain literary courtiers who prevent his access to the royal» — la explicación que Walker declara como mera suposición: enemigos en la corte, de cuya ingratitud Gohory se queja en 1572; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«Gohory’s own institution he called the “Lycium philosophal San Marcellin” ®.» — el nombre de la institución propia de Gohory.

«Thus there were two Academies going on at the same time and place, and both grew out of the same Neoplatonic tradition, but in divergent directions: Baif’s, encyclopaedic in aim, but predominantly musical and poetic—Gohory’s, also encyclopaedic, but mainly alchemical and magical, though including music among its activities.» — el paralelo que Walker traza entre las dos academias parisinas: ambas nacidas de la misma tradición neoplatónica y divergentes, la de Baïf musical y poética, la de Gohory alquímica y mágica.

«Gohory’s “Lycium”, which was evidently, unlike Baif’s carefully organized Academy, a quite private, informal affair, presumably ceased at his death in 1576°.» — el carácter y el fin del Lycium según Walker: cosa privada e informal, extinguida presumiblemente con la muerte de su fundador.

«It is possibly more than a coincidence that in that year Nicolas Houel began to work for the foundation of his Maison de Charité, which included an apothecary’s garden, a medical laboratory, and a music school,» — la coincidencia que Walker señala sin afirmarla: ese mismo año Nicolas Houel empieza a gestionar su Maison de Charité, con jardín de boticario, laboratorio médico y escuela de música.

«Gohory’s “‘Lycium” may have been quite an important centre for the spreading of Paracelsan medicine in Paris.» — el papel que Walker le atribuye en potencial: centro de difusión de la medicina paracelsiana en París.

«He tells us that he often had long discussions with Fernel on Paracelsism, and on one occasion had a kind of debate on the subject with Paré, Chapelain and Chastellan at Botal’s house®.» — el testimonio del propio Gohory sobre sus discusiones de paracelsismo con Fernel y sobre el debate en casa de Botal.

«The discussions with Fernel must have occurred before the “Lycium” began *» — la datación que Walker deduce para esas discusiones.

«Gohory was as much aware of the confusion, inconsistency and general obscurity of Paracelsus’ writings as was the latter’s chief adversary, Erastus, and freely admits there is much he does not understand in them, even that he cannot be sure whether in some cases they are about alchemy or the soul or astrology or medicine or something else *.» — lo que Walker acredita a Gohory: reconocía la confusión y la oscuridad de Paracelso tanto como su adversario Erastus, y admitía no saber a veces si un texto trataba de alquimia, de alma, de astrología o de medicina.

«He had, I think, two reasons for persisting nevertheless in trying to understand them, and these reasons may well have been common to many of his contemporaries who showed a keen interest in what seemed to Erastus, as it must to any casual reader, the incoherent radofage of a boastful drunkard °.» — la explicación que Walker propone, marcándola como propia, de por qué Gohory insistía pese a todo, y de por qué muchos contemporáneos se interesaban en lo que a Erastus le parecía el desvarío de un borracho fanfarrón.

«Denisot, Fauchet, Pasquier; and, in defending his translation of the Amadis, he proudly mentions their approval *.» — el detalle con que Walker documenta el círculo de Gohory: al defender su traducción del *Amadís* se enorgullece de la aprobación de esos nombres.

«secondly, that Gohory, like many others, was anyway passionately interested in all occult subjects, and was therefore used to treating respectfully texts of a baffling obscurity—Paracelsus, after all, is no more obscure and confused than, say, the Oracula Chaldaica, the book of Revelations, or for that matter, St. Paul.» — la segunda razón que Walker propone para la paciencia de Gohory con Paracelso: estaba hecho a tratar con respeto textos de oscuridad desconcertante, y Paracelso no lo es más que los *Oráculos caldeos* o san Pablo.

«He would have expected in any work dealing at all profoundly with magic, religion, alchemy or astrology, to find a heavy “veiling” of the truth °.» — el supuesto de lectura que Walker atribuye a Gohory y a su época: en toda obra que trate a fondo de magia, religión, alquimia o astrología se espera un velamiento de la verdad.

«He prefaces his commentary on Paracelsus with a long justification of this practice *, and announces, unfortunately for us, that he too is going to comment “more platonico”, that is, enigmatically *.» — la consecuencia que Walker lamenta expresamente: Gohory anuncia que él también va a comentar *more platonico*, es decir, enigmáticamente.

«This assumption was probably cotrect; it is suggested by the title °, and Paracelsus is known to have admired Ficino as a physician®.» — el apoyo que Walker da a la suposición de Gohory sobre la dependencia de Paracelso respecto de Ficino, con el grado de probable; el escaneo imprime *cotrect*.

«Although Gohory earlier asserts that the latter two are identical, he here distinguishes all three so that they are roughly equivalent, in Ficinian terms, to: earthly body, spirit, soul or mind.» — la inconsistencia que Walker registra en Gohory sobre los tres cuerpos, y la equivalencia ficiniana que él propone para leerla.

«But Paracelsus goes one step further than Agrippa in positively excluding planetary influence by cosmic spirit on the human spirit, and thereby removes even the possibility of a natural, spiritual magic.» — el paso que Walker adjudica a Paracelso más allá de Agrippa: excluir la influencia planetaria del espíritu cósmico sobre el humano, con lo que suprime la posibilidad misma de una magia natural espiritual.

«Gohory seems not to notice this difference between the De Vita Longa and the spiritual magic of the De V.C.C., though elsewhere he interprets Paracelsus’ magic as being primarily directed to the spirit, explicitly connecting this with Ficino *.» — lo que Gohory no advierte, según Walker, y lo que sin embargo hace en otro lugar: leer la magia de Paracelso como dirigida al espíritu y ligarla expresamente a Ficino.

«Here, then, we again find Ficino’s magic, as with Agrippa, in a dangerous form: overtly and exclusively demonic, and influencing the intellect instead of the human spirit.» — el diagnóstico de Walker sobre esta segunda recepción: como en Agrippa, la magia ficiniana reaparece en forma peligrosa, abiertamente demónica y actuando sobre el intelecto.

«Gohory, moreover insists on the derivation of Paracelsan from Ficinian magic}, and even gives» — la filiación que Gohory sostiene entre magia paracelsiana y magia ficiniana; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«This, in fact, turns out to be a rather sharp criticism of Ficino as being a timid and superficial version of Paracelsus.» — lo que Walker encuentra debajo de ese elogio de filiación: una crítica bastante afilada a Ficino como versión tímida y superficial de Paracelso.

«Gohory recalls with annoyance that Ficino “pretends he is only recounting, not approving of, the magic which he is teaching and establishing” *.» — el reproche de Gohory a Ficino, en la traducción de Walker: finge que solo relata la magia que en realidad enseña y establece.

«He is, however, to be praised as a forerunner of Paracelsus in that he “placed beyond doubt” the superiority of astrological medicines over ordinary ones *.» — el reconocimiento que Gohory le concede pese a todo: haber puesto fuera de duda la superioridad de las medicinas astrológicas.

«Say then that Marsilio Ficino believed in images and seals, but from religious fears pretended not to (as one can easily gather from his various utterances);» — la adjudicación de Gohory sobre lo que Ficino creía de verdad: creía en imágenes y sellos y fingía lo contrario por temores religiosos.

«His magic is eminently private, individual and subjective, an hence is nearer to being a religion than a bogus science.» — la caracterización que Walker da de la magia ficiniana frente a la paracelsiana: privada, individual y subjetiva, y por eso más cerca de una religión que de una ciencia falsa.

«As one would expect, Gohory is a firm believer in the magical power of words, characters, figures and incantations.» — lo que Walker da por esperable en Gohory: creencia firme en el poder mágico de palabras, caracteres, figuras e incantaciones.

«It is also clear that he thinks that Trithemius in the Steganographia wrote on _ akind of telepathy achieved by the use of invocations to planetary angels and talismans, and mentioned by Agrippa?» — la lectura que Gohory hace de la *Steganographia*, coincidente con la de Walker: una telepatía obtenida con invocaciones a ángeles planetarios y talismanes.

«In defending the efficacy and innocence of such practices against Wier’s attacks on Trithemius ?, he asks with astonishment how Wier can dare to contradict so many great ancient philosophers, of whom he gives a list, including Julian the Apostate, Artephius, Roger Bacon, Peter of Abano, Albertus Magnus, Picatrix and Arnaldus of Villanova *.» — el argumento de autoridad con que Gohory replica a Wier, según Walker, con su lista de filósofos antiguos incluidos Juliano el Apóstata, el *Picatrix* y Arnaldo de Vilanova.

«I suspect that you (Wier), a man who in my opinion is erudite and neither unskilled not silly, undertook this extremely rash attack on the whole of antiquity out of fear of calumny.» — el motivo que Gohory imputa a Wier, en la traducción de Walker: haber atacado a toda la antigüedad por miedo a la calumnia.

«For, in spite of their quite different philosophical outlook, they show, when explaining magical effects, the same wish to exclude demons or angels, and the same firm belief in the importance of planetary influences and of the state of the operator’s spirit.» — el punto en que Walker hace coincidir a Pomponazzi con Ficino pese a filosofías opuestas: el deseo de excluir demonios y ángeles y la creencia en la influencia planetaria y en el estado del espíritu del operador.

«Nevertheless, he does not discuss the magic of the De V.C.C., though he does use Ficino as an authority in defending talismans against Thomas Aquinas *.» — la ausencia que Walker consigna: Pomponazzi no discute la magia del De Vita, aunque usa a Ficino como autoridad para defender los talismanes contra Tomás.

«The imaginations of the operator and of the patient are so violently affected by the words or images that their spirits are suddenly and greatly altered.» — el mecanismo que Pomponazzi propone, según Walker: palabras e imágenes afectan violentamente las imaginaciones y con ello alteran de golpe los espíritus.

«To achieve these results the imagination must be of a suitable nature or disposition, namely, in a state of receptivity due to credulity;» — la condición que Pomponazzi exige a ese mecanismo: una imaginación receptiva por credulidad.

«There are, according to Pomponazzi, two possible aims in prayer: first, to obtain some external benefit; second, to make oneself more pious. The first of these aims is often frustrated, the second never. Therefore, although God’s will has been immutably fixed from eternity and is being carried out through the inflexible revolutions of the heavens, a philosopher should continue to pray because the second aim of his prayers will always be achieved}.» — la teoría subjetivista de la oración que Walker atribuye a Pomponazzi: de los dos fines de orar, el externo se frustra a menudo y el de hacerse más piadoso nunca, de modo que el filósofo debe seguir orando aunque la voluntad divina esté fijada desde la eternidad.

«He remarks that prayers, if they are to be effective, must come from the depths of the heart and be fervent; for thus are the spirits more strongly affected and more powerful in their effect on matter» — la exigencia de fervor que Pomponazzi pone a la oración eficaz, y la razón que da: así se afectan más los espíritus; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«not in order that they may prevail upon the intelligences (for these are entirely immutable), but in order that they [sc. the spirits] may be more moved;» — la aclaración decisiva del mismo pasaje: las plegarias no buscan doblegar a las inteligencias, del todo inmutables, sino mover los espíritus.

«I think that “intelligences” must mean the minds that move the celestial spheres, as in ordinary Aristotelian terminology, and that Pomponazzi is perhaps thinking of Ficino’s planetary rites.» — la lectura que Walker propone para ese término, y la conjetura que añade: Pomponazzi estaría pensando en los ritos planetarios de Ficino.

«In any case, we have here the core of Ficino’s theory of spiritual magic: the operators, by their invocations, change themselves, rather than the object to which the prayers are directed.» — lo que Walker declara común a los dos: el operador se cambia a sí mismo, no al objeto al que dirige las plegarias.

«It is possible that the reason why Pomponazzi did not discuss Ficino’s magic was because he positively disapproved of it, not, as was usual, because it might be demonic, but because it was unscientific and could only work with silly and credulous people.» — la explicación que Walker propone como posible para el silencio de Pomponazzi sobre Ficino: desaprobarlo, no por demónico sino por acientífico y dependiente de la credulidad.

«He makes a sharp distinction between the ordinary “effects” of music or oratory and those of a magical incantation that is, between the A and B uses of words and music.» — la distinción que Pomponazzi traza, traducida por Walker a su propio esquema de usos A y B de palabras y música.

«Incantations lack the beauty and meaning that produce the effects of normal music; they must therefore operate | through the stong faith in the words, held as much by the patient as by the operator;» — lo que queda de las incantaciones una vez quitadas belleza y sentido, según Pomponazzi: la fe fuerte en las palabras, tanto del paciente como del operador; el escaneo imprime *stong*.

«from which faith comes a greater evaporation [sc. of spirits] from the operator, and a better disposition in the patient ®.» — el mecanismo físico que Pomponazzi deriva de esa fe: mayor evaporación de espíritus en el operador y mejor disposición en el paciente.

«This is the same as Pomponazzi’s explanation of ordinary Christian prayer, or of any kind of hymn or invocation; he would, therefore, have classed Ficino’s astrological singing as a kind of incantation *, and have condemned it as being based on credulity.» — la consecuencia que Walker saca: Pomponazzi habría clasificado el canto astrológico de Ficino como una incantación y lo habría condenado por apoyarse en la credulidad.

«Pomponazzi distinguishes three main classes of possible “natural magic”:» — Walker introduce la clasificación tripartita de magia natural de Pomponazzi.

«(1) by use of the natural powers in things,» — la primera clase: el uso de las potencias naturales de las cosas.

«(2) by use of the occult powers in things,» — la segunda clase: el uso de las potencias ocultas de las cosas.

«(3) by use of the power of imagination (vis imaginativa), acting on the spirit and blood of both operator» — la tercera clase, que obra por la *vis imaginativa* sobre el espíritu y la sangre; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«When discussing which, if any, of these kinds of magic should be allowed in a well-run state, he permits, with some reservations, the practice of the first two, but condemns the third on the grounds that it necessarily involves superstition, that is, excessively credulous belief in the power of words and figures.» — el veredicto político de Pomponazzi según Walker: permite con reservas las dos primeras clases y condena la tercera por implicar superstición.

«Pomponazzi, then, though he would perhaps have thought that Ficino’s spiritual magic was efficacious and free from demons, would have thought it contemptible because it rested on credulity, and uninteresting because it could not be properly scientific.» — el juicio doble que Walker le atribuye sobre la magia ficiniana: eficaz y sin demonios, pero despreciable por apoyarse en la credulidad y sin interés por no poder ser ciencia.

«According to this theory the cross and the name of Jesus, for example, had power only because, for a certain period, the stars were favourable to the gtowth of this new religion and gave power to these symbols to produce miracles, so that the religion might spread *.» — la explicación astral que Pomponazzi da del poder de los símbolos cristianos, en la exposición de Walker: los astros favorecieron por un tiempo el crecimiento de la nueva religión.

«He gives, for example, as one of the objections to his explanations that they would destroy the “laws of Moses and Christ”» — la objeción que el propio Pomponazzi se plantea, según Walker: que sus explicaciones destruirían las leyes de Moisés y de Cristo.

«In his answer to this objection he puts forward the ingenious argument, for which he claims the authority of Thomas Aquinas and Augustine *, that of two identical events one might be naturally, the other miraculously, caused;» — el argumento con que responde, y las autoridades que reclama: dos sucesos idénticos pueden tener uno causa natural y el otro milagrosa.

«He thus represents in an extreme form the threat of the theory of natural magic to religion, and he is fully aware of this threat.» — lo que Walker declara sobre Pomponazzi: encarna en forma extrema la amenaza de la teoría de la magia natural para la religión, y es plenamente consciente de ella.

«he explains how we may attract favourable influences from the heavens by means of the Soul of the World, “which contains as many seminal reasons as there are ideas in the divine mind” !.» — el mecanismo con que, según Walker, Giorgi explica la atracción de influencias favorables: por el Alma del Mundo, que contiene tantas razones seminales como ideas hay en la mente divina.

«through a certain vital spirit, by which (as the Pythagorean Timaeus says) the whole world lives, continually drawing it in, together with the spirit and power of the other stars. Man, especially, does this through his own spirit, which is by its nature similar to them, and can be made more akin to them by art and forsight, by many rules and aids, of which true sages treat rather by word of mouth than in writing °%.» — el reparto de esa vida celeste según Giorgi: un espíritu vital que el mundo entero absorbe, y que el hombre puede volver más afín al suyo por arte y previsión, con reglas que los sabios transmiten de viva voz; el escaneo imprime *forsight*.

«So far, this seems to lead straight to Ficino’s spiritual magic; but Giorgi’s conception both of spirit and of stars was very different from Ficino’s.» — el giro con que Walker frena la asimilación: hasta ahí parece magia espiritual ficiniana, pero Giorgi entiende otra cosa por espíritu y por astros.

«In a long and most interesting discussion on the possible» — Walker anuncia la discusión de Giorgi sobre los sentidos del término espíritu; el tramo se corta en el límite de chunk, dentro de la misma plana.

«meanings of the term spirit, Giorgi, starting from cabalistic operations on the Hebrew word for it, Ruah (8), argues that _the central, permanent notion in all its uses is that of a mediation between two extremes; this fits equally well the Holy Spirit, angels as God’s, or demons as Satan’s, messengers and servants, medical spirits in man, or the medium in which celestial influences ate conveyed *.» — el núcleo que Giorgi extrae de todos esos sentidos partiendo de operaciones cabalísticas sobre *Ruah*: la mediación entre dos extremos, que vale igual para el Espíritu Santo, los ángeles, los demonios, los espíritus médicos y el medio de las influencias celestes.

«He recognizes the importance of discovering which planet dominates one’s life; but considers that the usual method of doing this, by casting horoscopes, is too lengthy, complicated and uncertain.» — la objeción práctica que Giorgi pone a la astrología usual, según Walker: levantar horóscopos es largo, complicado e incierto.

«He suggests, as did Ficino *, a short-cut by means of observing one’s own innate tendencies, which will indicate whether we are Jovial, Saturnian or whatnot.» — el atajo que propone en su lugar, que Walker empareja con el de Ficino: observar las propias inclinaciones innatas.

«Giorgi thinks that these tendencies are caused by one’s guardian angel as much as by one’s dominant planet; the influences of the two are always in the same direction.» — la doble causa que Giorgi asigna a esas inclinaciones: el ángel de la guarda tanto como el planeta dominante, y ambos empujan siempre en el mismo sentido.

«We must, having removed all hindrances, submit ourselves to, our guiding spirit, which, if we do not resist, will show us the way to which the heavens, our genius and the Supreme Ruler lead us» — el precepto que se sigue de ello, en la traducción de Walker: quitar los estorbos y no resistir al espíritu que guía; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«The angels lead their profégés “in that direction to which their star inclines them” °, that is, always towards goodness and» — el sentido único de esa guía angélica, según Giorgi; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana y el escaneo imprime *profégés*.

«happiness; evil and unhappiness come only from resisting this innate astral and angelic inclination, or from diabolic interference }.» — de dónde vienen entonces el mal y la desdicha en el esquema de Giorgi: de resistir esa inclinación o de interferencia diabólica.

«By his identification of planetary and angelic influence Giorgi has made his religion entirely absorb his astrology, so that the latter has no specific characteristics left.» — el efecto que Walker mide en esa identificación: la religión de Giorgi absorbe entera su astrología y la deja sin rasgos propios.

«Ficino too had identified guardian angels with dominant planets, but with opposite results; his angels or daemones proprii remain clearly astrological*.» — el contraste con Ficino, que hace la misma identificación con resultado opuesto: sus ángeles siguen siendo claramente astrológicos.

«Music plays an important part in Giorgi’s book; here again, his theories have many resemblances to Ficino’s, but do not lead to a similar practical end.» — el segundo contraste: la música pesa mucho en Giorgi y se parece a la de Ficino, pero no desemboca en una práctica.

«The main importance of music for him is as the source of a vast, all-embracing scheme of mathematical analogies.» — para qué le sirve la música a Giorgi según Walker: como fuente de un esquema vastísimo de analogías matemáticas.

«Moreover, many of these analogies are not truly mathematical, but numerological, that is to say, he is not showing that every part of the universe is constructed on the same complex system of proportions (those of musical intervals), but is collecting analogies between sets of things whose only manifest common characteristic is their number.» — la distinción que Walker introduce y que ordena el resto del capítulo: esas analogías no son matemáticas sino numerológicas, reuniones de conjuntos cuyo único rasgo común manifiesto es el número.

«These analogies then lead nowhere, either in theory or practice.» — el juicio de Walker sobre ese tipo de analogía.

«If, on the other hand, we know that the distances between the planets and their differences of motion correspond to the intervals of the scale and the proportions of musical consonances, we may, in theory, deduce the former from the latter, and, in practice, we may, by using similarly proportioned music attract the influence of certain planets, since such identities of proportion are physically active, as is proved by the sympathetic vibration of strings.» — la analogía del otro tipo, la operativa, según Walker: si las distancias planetarias corresponden a los intervalos de la escala, se puede deducir unas de otros y atraer en la práctica la influencia planetaria.

«Giorgi uses this wirksame, operative kind of analogy as well; but his frequent use of the idle, inoperative kind shows that in general he was not interested in analogies as instruments for some further theoretical or practical operations, but was collecting them because he liked them for their own sake and because they were evidence of an order in the universe—the order of a dictionary, not that of a building» — el diagnóstico con que Walker cierra el punto: Giorgi usa también la analogía operativa, pero su gusto por la ociosa muestra que coleccionaba analogías por sí mismas, como orden de diccionario y no de edificio.

«of analogy was, of course, extremely common in the middle-ages 1, and continued well into the 17th century.» — el alcance histórico que Walker le da a ese hábito, del medievo hasta bien entrado el siglo XVII.

«Ficino’s analogies between cosmic, musical and human spirits led to magic, Kepler’s mathematical ones to science; Giorgi’s and Fludd’s were not meant to lead anywhere at all.» — el reparto que Walker propone: las analogías de Ficino llevan a la magia, las de Kepler a la ciencia, y las de Giorgi y Fludd no pretenden llevar a nada.

«It must also be remembered that for a Renaissance Platonist, and especially a Cabalistic one, even a bare identity of number» — la salvedad que Walker añade contra su propio juicio: para un platónico renacentista, y más si era cabalista, la mera identidad numérica ya tenía contenido; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«The sun, like the heart in the human body, is the chief centre of celestial life; “and although man receives benefits from all the heavens, he chiefly draws them from the heart of the heavens which is the sun,» — la primacía solar que Giorgi enuncia con la imagen del corazón, según Walker; el tramo se corta antes de *solarian*, que el escaneo parte con guion.

«Giorgi chose the number 3 as the basis for the design of his church not so much because it was a convenient integer for musical proportions *, as because, it was the “numero primo e divino”’, that is, the first true number after the Monad beyond being and the infinite Dyad, and because it symbolized the Trinity *.» — el ejemplo con que Walker lo muestra: Giorgi funda el diseño de su iglesia en el 3 no por conveniencia de proporción sino por ser el primer número verdadero y símbolo de la Trinidad.

«Thus 3 is obviously more suitable for a church than, say, 4, which would symbolize the elements and the corporeal world *.» — la comparación que Giorgi hace con el 4, que simbolizaría los elementos y el mundo corpóreo.

«In Giorgi, then, as in many of the Platonists who preceded and succeeded him, we have a mixture of both exact, possibly operative analogies, and of arbitrary, idle ones.» — el diagnóstico general que Walker extiende a los platónicos anteriores y posteriores: mezcla de analogías exactas, quizá operativas, con otras arbitrarias y ociosas.

«in the Neoplatonic and cabalistic exegesis of texts and analyses of language, such as one finds in Pico or Fabio Paolini®. You have a significant whole, a text (or a musical scale) which can be analysed into still significant parts, words (or proportions); then you go a stage further and try to find elements of the, significance of the whole in single letters (or single notes, or the integers composing the proportions), where in fact they do not exist °.» — el paralelo que Walker traza en la exégesis neoplatónica y cabalística: de un todo significativo se pasa a partes que aún significan y de ahí a letras o notas sueltas, donde ya no hay significado.

«at the next it has turned into an orderly and purposeful train of thought.» — la otra cara del mismo enredo: en el momento siguiente el juego se vuelve un razonamiento ordenado y con propósito.

«The other route that leads from the harmony of the spheres to - practical music or magic is Ficino’s music-spirit theory. Here too Giorgi’s way was blocked; for by making man’s spirit the same as his soul, he removed any grounds for supposing a peculiarly close relationship between musically formed air, the human spirit, and cosmic spirit, and he does not in fact suggest that there is.» — por qué la segunda vía también se le cierra a Giorgi, según Walker: al identificar el espíritu del hombre con su alma, quita el fundamento de un parentesco entre aire musical, espíritu humano y espíritu cósmico.

«I have spent so much time on Giorgi because he exemplifies the main reasons why Ficino’s magic had so little success with the later Platonists, and because their musical theory was considerably influenced by him. Most of them have the same fondness for inoperative musical or mathematical analogies, and the same breadth and vagueness in their use of the term spirit, if they use it at all.» — la razón que Walker declara para haberse detenido tanto en Giorgi: ejemplifica por qué la magia de Ficino cuajó tan poco entre los platónicos posteriores.

«Giorgi’s Christianization of astrology by means of angels does not reappear; but later Platonists tend to preserve astrology only as a highly general theory, of the same kind as Pico’s, and to distrust or neglect any precise, detailed scheme of celestial influences which might lead to practical use.» — lo que no se repite y lo que sí, según Walker: la cristianización angélica de la astrología no reaparece, y los platónicos tardíos guardan solo una astrología muy general y desconfían de los esquemas detallados.

«We must also remember that by the later part of the century Ficino’s magic had got mixed up with that of Agrippa and Paracelsus, thereby losing in respectability what it gained in notoriety.» — el factor de reputación que Walker añade: para fines de siglo la magia de Ficino andaba mezclada con la de Agrippa y Paracelso.

«From the mid 16th century onwards there were several attempts in France to achieve a poetic revolution—to create a new kind of song which should unite powerfully effect-producing music” with poetry of profound religious or philosophical meaning *.» — el movimiento francés que Walker describe: crear un canto nuevo que uniera música de efectos poderosos con poesía de sentido religioso o filosófico hondo.

«Though these themes have many possible sources, there is no doubt that Ficino was for these French poets an especially important one.» — lo que Walker da por seguro sobre esas fuentes: Ficino fue especialmente importante para esos poetas franceses.

«The astrological aspect of his Orphic singing has disappeared, or survived only as a metaphor, and in consequence we no longer find anything like a magic rite, or any attempt to put “celestial” music into practice by way of planetary modes.» — lo que Walker mide que se perdió en el trayecto: el costado astrológico del canto órfico desaparece o queda como metáfora, y con él el rito y los modos planetarios.

«The music-spirit theory also survives only vestigially!; so that all the specific characteristics of Ficinian magic are gone, except the association of powerful religious song with ancient hymns and the prisci theologi who wrote them.» — lo único que sobrevive según Walker: la asociación del canto religioso poderoso con los himnos antiguos y con los *prisci theologi*.

«As with Giorgi, these analogies remain inoperative, in spite of the fact that Tyard and La Boderie are, unlike him, interested in practical music.» — la paradoja que Walker señala en Tyard y La Boderie: sus analogías siguen sin operar aunque, a diferencia de Giorgi, sí les interesa la música práctica.

«With only a highly generalized astrology and no linking spirits, musica mundana, humana and instrumentalis fall apart in practice and remain theoretically connected only by bare numbers and proportions.» — la razón de esa inoperancia: sin astrología detallada ni espíritus que enlacen, las tres músicas se separan y solo quedan unidas por números y proporciones.

«between two classes did indicate other resemblances between them, because the numbers themselves had a rich content accumulated by Pythagorean, Platonic and Christian speculation}.» — la salvedad de Walker sobre la numerología renacentista: la identidad de número sí indicaba otros parecidos, porque los números arrastraban contenido acumulado por la especulación pitagórica, platónica y cristiana.

«But the metaphysical content of these numbers is too rich and unsystematized to prevent the analogies drawn from them being to some degree arbitrary; 3 also symbolizes the dimensions of space or man’s threefold soul, and 4 also means the Tetragrammaton or the Evangelists.» — la objeción que Walker pone a ese procedimiento: el contenido metafísico de los números es demasiado rico y poco sistemático, y el 3 vale también por las dimensiones y el 4 por el Tetragrámmaton.

«What is confusing for us is that the two kinds of analysis and analogy appear tangled up together.» — lo que Walker declara confuso para el lector moderno: los dos tipos de análisis y de analogía aparecen enredados entre sí.

«This aim was common to the early Ronsard, to Baif’s Academy, and to Lefévre de la Boderie;» — quiénes compartían ese propósito según Walker: el primer Ronsard, la Academia de Baïf y Lefèvre de la Boderie; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«theologus and magus, powerful poet and musician.» — el símbolo bajo el que se agrupaban, ya en la plana siguiente: Orfeo, *priscus theologus* y mago, poeta y músico poderoso.

«He does in fact describe something like Ficino’s astrological music in his Galliade (1578).» — lo que Walker sí encuentra en La Boderie: algo parecido a la música astrológica de Ficino, en la *Galliade* de 1578.

«Then we have what is like an expanded version of Ficino’s planetary modes, with the addition of two chords or intervals for each planet.» — lo que Walker reconoce ahí: una versión ampliada de los modos planetarios ficinianos, con dos acordes o intervalos por planeta.

«Saturn, for example, has a “‘voix basse, obscure, enrouee’’, and as intervals the dissonances 2nd and 9th; whereas Jupiter has a “voix grave, aggreable, constante”, and the consonances 8th and 15th.» — el ejemplo que Walker cita en francés: la voz baja y ronca de Saturno con las disonancias de segunda y novena, frente a la voz grave y constante de Júpiter con octava y quincena.

«while Venus has “sons plus mouls, lascifs & amoureux, Espars & dilatez”, and the perfect consonances 5th and 12th.» — el mismo cuadro para Venus, con sus sonidos blandos y amorosos y las consonancias perfectas de quinta y duodécima.

«Then, after a lot more reminiscences of the Psalms, we have song from a singer more ancient than David—a prayer of Hermes Trismegistus *.» — el remate de esa exhortación según Walker: un canto de cantor más antiguo que David, una plegaria de Hermes Trismegisto.

«The connexion here between astrology and music is, I think, a metaphysical metaphor or analogy, as it normally was in musical theory before and after Ficino; that is to say, La Boderie is talking about underlying principles of harmony and proportion which, on a high level of generality, are the causes both of the order of the heavens and of musical consonance, but he is not talking about combining practical astrology with practical music.» — la adjudicación que Walker declara como suya: en La Boderie el vínculo entre astrología y música es metáfora o analogía metafísica, no combinación de astrología práctica con música práctica.

«On the other hand, I am sure that he is seriously proposing * the public use of a new salutary kind of music and» — lo que Walker sí da por seguro en el mismo autor: propone en serio el uso público de una música nueva y salutífera; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«The Galliade is an entirely serious poem in spite of the preposterous history of culture which is its main theme, and in spite of La Boderie’s frequent outbursts» — el juicio de Walker sobre el poema, contra su propia descripción de la historia cultural que sostiene; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«There were, for La Boderie, two dangerous forces in the music -and poetry of his time which his new music was designed to combat: the paganism of the poetry of Ronsard and his followers, and the powerful “effects” of the Protestant Psalms.» — los dos adversarios que Walker adjudica a La Boderie: el paganismo de la poesía de Ronsard y el efecto de los salmos protestantes.

«The remedy against these disintegrating kinds of music, which produced respectively impiety and heresy and hence dissension in the state, was to substitute French versions of Catholic liturgical hymns for the Psalms of Marot and Béze (and good Catholic translations of the Psalms), and imitations or paraphrases of Orphica and Hlermetica for the themes of classical mythology in the poetry of the Pitiade.» — el remedio que La Boderie propone según Walker: sustituir los salmos de Marot y Bèze por himnos litúrgicos católicos en francés, y la mitología clásica por paráfrasis de *Orphica* y *Hermetica*; el escaneo imprime *Pitiade*.

«It appears still more clearly in La Boderie’s Cantique “aux Poétes de ce temps”’!; in this he begs his contemporaries to abandon “les contes monstrueux d’Hesiode & d’Homere” in favour of the most ancient of Greek singers, Orpheus, and demonstrates his advice by giving verse trans- - Jations of five Orphic fragments and two Psalms *.» — el texto donde Walker lo ve más claro: el *Cantique* a los poetas de su tiempo, con la petición de dejar a Hesíodo y a Homero por Orfeo y siete traducciones que lo ejemplifican.

«His ALymnes Excclesiastiques* were designed to counteract the effects of the Protestant Psalms, and they contain, besides numerous translations of Christian hymns and appeals to French poets to abandon the pagan Muse, French versions of three Orphic Hymns, one of which is the Hymn of the Sun *.» — el otro libro con la misma intención: los *Hymnes Ecclesiastiques*, contra los salmos protestantes y con tres himnos órficos en francés, uno de ellos el del Sol; el escaneo corrompe el título.

«But there are important differences between Ficino’s and La Boderie’s Orphic singing.» — Walker abre las diferencias entre los dos cantos órficos en vez de asimilarlos.

«Secondly, whereas Ficino’s magic was a private affair, confined to the circle of Lorenzo, and not fully or openly described in his published works, La Boderie was proposing a kind of public magic—the effects of his Orphic and Davidic music are going to pacify and unite the French people.» — la diferencia que Walker considera decisiva: la magia de Ficino era privada y la de La Boderie es pública, destinada a pacificar y unir al pueblo francés.

«The idea of using musical effects for the public good is of course already in one of the main sources of musical humanism— Plato.» — el precedente que Walker señala para esa magia pública: Platón, una de las fuentes centrales del humanismo musical.

«In 1589 Fabio Paolini, a professor of Greek at Venice, published a large volume, entitled Hebdomades *, which is a commentary, divided into seven Books, each containing seven chapters, on one line of Vergil *:» — la obra con que Walker abre el caso de Paolini: un volumen en siete libros de siete capítulos, comentario a un solo verso de Virgilio.

«The commentary, though discursive, is built round two themes: Orpheus in all his possible aspects and the number seven in all its possible meanings.» — los dos ejes de ese comentario según Walker: Orfeo en todos sus aspectos y el número siete en todos sus sentidos.

«Paolini presents, with remarkable completeness, not only the theory of Ficino’s magic, but also the whole complex of theories of which it is a part: the Neoplatonic *» — lo que Walker le reconoce a Paolini: exponer con notable integridad no solo la teoría de la magia ficiniana sino el complejo entero de teorías del que forma parte; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«Moreover, although the influence of Ficino is strong and evident !, Paolini does not merely reproduce Florentine Platonism; he combines it with other later, and often divergent lines of speculation.» — la salvedad con que Walker acota esa filiación: Paolini no reproduce sin más el platonismo florentino, lo combina con líneas posteriores y a menudo divergentes.

«Nor does his book represent only the thought of an isolated individual; it consists of a series of orations given in an academy in which he played a dominating part.» — el estatuto colectivo que Walker atribuye al libro: una serie de oraciones dadas en una academia donde su autor tenía papel dominante.

«Paolini was also one of the public lecturers on Poetry and Eloquence in the library of St. Mark’s*, and he spread his favourite theories by this means as well as by the Academy *; on one occasion he combined his two functions by giving an academic oration as his beginning-of-term lecture to a mixed audience of students and members of the academy *.» — los dos canales por los que Paolini difundía sus teorías según Walker: la cátedra pública de la biblioteca de San Marcos y la academia.

«He was such an enthusiastic teacher that during his holidays from public lecturing he held seminars in his house; for the two years we know about they were on Greek and Arabic medicine °.» — el detalle biográfico que Walker consigna: seminarios en su casa durante las vacaciones, sobre medicina griega y árabe.

«Hete there is no suggestion of practical use; but later, after a long narration of classical effects of music*, there is an impassioned exhortation to “vous Musiciens des Princes & des Rois” * to use only salutary, virtuous music.» — lo que Walker mide y lo que no: ahí no hay uso práctico, pero sí una exhortación encendida a los músicos de príncipes y reyes; el escaneo imprime *Hete*.

«The impresa of the Uranici was a representation of the eighth sphere, with the motto “Mens agitat molem” ®.» — el emblema y el lema de la Accademia degli Uranici.

«It was officially recognized by the Signoria of Venice, and among its members were philosophers, theologians, jurists, historians, orators, ambassadors’, and many of the Venetian nobility *.» — el estatuto y la composición de la academia según Walker: reconocida por la Signoria, con filósofos, teólogos, juristas, embajadores y nobleza veneciana.

«the academy held its sessions; but’ Paolini certainly implies that he himself was responsible for starting it, and states that it regularly met in his own house and that he presided over it!.» — lo que el propio Paolini declara sobre su papel: haberla iniciado, reunirla en su casa y presidirla.

«Tasso’s oration is pious and carefully orthodox, and, although it contains a little innocuous Platonism and an approving reference to Pico *, it does not point in the direction of Paolini’s whole-hearted magical Neoplatonism.» — la distinción que Walker traza dentro de la academia: la oración de Tasso es piadosa y ortodoxa y no apunta al neoplatonismo mágico de Paolini.

«After an apparent acceptance of Platonic ideas he hastens to say that he must now talk in a more Christian way, for he is in the Accademia Uranica at Venice, not in the Accademia Platonica at Athens °.» — el giro con que Tasso se distancia del platonismo, según Walker.

«He even gives an innocent, and rather strained interpretation of the academy’s motto, “Mens agitat molem”*, as meaning the minds of the Academicians which master the whole universe; whereas Paolini firmly puts it in its original context: “Spiritus intus alit ...”, a /ocus classicus -for the Platonic anima mundi, in which he evidently believes’.» — el contraste que Walker mide sobre el mismo lema: Tasso lo lee como las mentes de los académicos, y Paolini lo devuelve a su contexto virgiliano del *anima mundi*.

«Rotta himself is much closer to Paolini’s outlook.» — la otra posición dentro de la academia según Walker.

«The main theme of his oration is man as the image of God, especially the Augustinian reflection of the Trinity in man’s soul, shown in the threefold unity of memory, intellect and will *;» — el tema de la oración de Rotta: el hombre como imagen de Dios, con la huella agustiniana de la Trinidad en el alma.

«In the course of doing so he shows an untroubled acceptance of the equation between the Platonic intelligible world and the Christian Word, and of its connexion through the heavens with the sensible world;» — lo que Walker registra en Rotta sin problema alguno: la ecuación entre mundo inteligible platónico y Verbo cristiano, y su enlace con el mundo sensible por los cielos.

«man, as the link between God and the lower creation, also contains this mediating celestial world, as is shown by the planetary correspondences within him, and by the meanings of the letters a/eph (divinity), daleth (celestial nature) and mem (corporeal corruptibility) in the name of the first man*.» — el argumento cabalístico de Rotta según Walker: el hombre contiene el mundo celeste mediador, como muestran sus correspondencias planetarias y las letras del nombre de Adán.

«Paolini’s Hebdomades as a whole deals with themes closely connected with Neoplatonic magic, but the focal point of his ideas on magic is a long discussion of the “effects” of Orpheus’ music:» — dónde sitúa Walker el foco de las ideas mágicas de Paolini: una larga discusión sobre los efectos de la música de Orfeo.

«This problem came up during one of the sessions of the academy when Paolini was about halfway through his course of lectures.» — el origen circunstancial de esa discusión, en una sesión de la academia.

«He happened to mention casually that Orpheus’ attraction of rocks and trees might be explained by supposing them to be animated by the Soul of the World.» — la explicación que Paolini soltó de paso: que rocas y árboles estuvieran animados por el Alma del Mundo.

«Paolini therefore promised to treat the subject exhaustively in his next lecture}.» — lo que se siguió de ese comentario al pasar.

«It seems odd that a group of highly educated adults should spend hours seriously discussing, as if it were historical fact, a story which they knew and admitted to be legendary.» — la extrañeza que Walker declara ante el episodio: adultos muy cultos discutiendo horas, como hecho histórico, un relato que sabían y admitían legendario.

«It seems odder still that Del Rio, in his massive treatise on magic and witchcraft, should give a lengthy refutation of Paolini’s views on the subject *, and that Campanella should also discuss it at length in the same earnest and factual way.» — lo que a Walker le resulta aún más raro: que Del Rio dedique una réplica extensa a las tesis de Paolini y que Campanella las discuta con la misma seriedad factual.

«The explanation is, I think, that Orpheus was a uniquely rich and adequate symbol for this kind of Renaissance Neoplatonism in all its aspects >— he was a theologian who linked the ancient gods to Christianity, a magician, astrologer, poet, orator, musician, lover both plebeian and heavenly, and child of the sun.» — la explicación que Walker propone como suya: Orfeo era un símbolo excepcionalmente rico para ese neoplatonismo, teólogo, mago, astrólogo, poeta, orador, músico, amante y hijo del sol.

«he is going to talk on Platonic principles and that, though these ate close to Christian ones, there are however some discrepancies, by which his audience must take care not to be misled 1;» — la advertencia con que Paolini encabeza su exposición, según Walker: hablará por principios platónicos, cercanos a los cristianos y con discrepancias.

«Zarlino lent him Greek mss, of: Aristoxenus, Alipius, Briennius (see Hebd., pp. 62, 175).» — el dato de biblioteca que Walker consigna sobre el trato entre Paolini y Zarlino.

«He mentions (ibid., p. 274) going in a gondola, with Parthenio, Fabritio Cechono and Laurentio Massa, to dine with Zarlino.» — el detalle de sociabilidad que Walker recoge del mismo libro.

«I have found no publications of the academy later than 1589.» — la búsqueda negativa con que Walker apoya la datación del fin de la academia.

«The Accademia degli Uranici began in 1587*; it seems likely that it had ceased to exist sometime before 1593, when Paolini became one of the nine founders of the Seconda Accademia Venexiana®.» — las fechas con que Walker acota la vida de la academia, la segunda por inferencia; el escaneo imprime *Venexiana* y parte la palabra por el salto de línea.

«It also shows that the liking for Neoplatonic occultism was not confined to Paolini; indeed, that it was predominant in the whole academy, is of course indicated by the choice of the motto “mens agitat molem”, with its strong associations with Neoplatonic cosmology.» — lo que Walker concluye de esa oración: el gusto por el ocultismo neoplatónico no era solo de Paolini sino predominante en la academia, como indica el lema.

«Ficino’s magic contributes the chief way in which Orpheus might have produced his effects» — el lugar que la magia ficiniana ocupa en la respuesta de Paolini sobre Orfeo, según Walker; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«Paolini’s exposition of Ficino’s musical magic is much less uneasy» — el contraste de tono que Walker mide entre el expositor y su fuente.

«Ficino had written, in a phrase that reads merely like becoming modesty, that, though it was difficult to discover what kind of music fitted which planet, he had succeeded in doing so by his own diligence» — la frase de Ficino que Walker lee primero como modestia de fórmula; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«Paolini expands “divine good chance” into “with divine help and command”, and adds: For when in» — lo que Paolini hace con esa frase, según Walker: convertir el azar divino en ayuda y mandato divinos; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«but that the influx and power of the heavenly bodies and certain natural benefits could be attracted means by of these images, constructed in a legitimate astrological way, it is less impious to admit, at least in so far as that could be achieved by herbs and other means.» — la concesión que Paolini admite sobre los talismanes, graduada como menos impía; el escaneo trastoca *by means of*.

«He ends the discussion with the plainly regretful qualification: “although all these» — el tono con que Paolini cierra el asunto, según Walker: una salvedad claramente pesarosa; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«“although all these things are forbidden us by the decrees of the Councils and Popes”» — el contenido de esa salvedad: todo eso está prohibido por los decretos de los concilios y de los papas.

«T am still speaking as a Platonist”, “although the Theologians think otherwise”» — las dos cláusulas con que Paolini se cubre al exponer, en la transcripción de la capa de texto.

«Paolini’s magic aims even higher than the stars; he hopes for miraculous help from the anima mundi.» — hasta dónde llega la magia de Paolini según Walker: más arriba que los astros, hasta esperar ayuda milagrosa del *anima mundi*.

«He puts more emphasis than Ficino on the provocation by music of greater planetary influxes» — el desplazamiento de acento que Walker mide respecto de Ficino; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«Paolini was an admirer of Trithemius; he quotes from his letters» — la filiación que Walker documenta; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«Paolini does not name Trithemius in this connection, nor does he ever cite Agrippa» — la omisión que Walker consigna en el mismo punto; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«the magic which aims at intellectual benefits, at universal knowledge and power, not just at a healthy condition of the spirits.» — el fin que Walker atribuye a esa magia, más alto que el ficiniano: beneficios intelectuales, conocimiento universal y poder, no solo salud de los espíritus.

«Some people assert that the feelings and conceptions of our souls can by the force of the imagination be rendered volatile and corporeal, so that, in accordance with their quality, they can be carried up to certain stars and planets (e.g. Jovial thoughts to Jupiter), and, affected and strengthened by the power of the planet, they will come down again to us and will obey us in whatever we want *.» — la operación que Paolini expone en boca de otros, según la traducción de Walker: la imaginación vuelve corpóreos los afectos, los sube al planeta afín y los hace volver obedientes.

«He finds the answer in Plotinus or Ficino’s Commentary on him *: no, this operation can be accounted for by the “vital energy flowing from the living limbs of the world into everything, but more copiously into those things which have been made more receptive by the prayer (votum) and other suitable acts”; or perhaps the “intellectual souls” of the planets may hear the prayers and grant them®.» — la explicación que Paolini prefiere para esa operación: la energía vital que fluye de los miembros vivos del mundo, o bien las almas intelectuales de los planetas oyendo las plegarias.

«From this it appears that the operation involves a prayer to the planet or its angel, by which the operator’s imagination becomes receptive to that planet’s influence and is enabled to solidify and project thoughts up to the stars.» — lo que Walker deduce del pasaje: la operación supone una plegaria al planeta o a su ángel, que hace receptiva la imaginación y le permite solidificar y proyectar pensamientos.

«Some impious and criminal people, in declaring this prayer (vo/um) and emotion, even add worship, venerating as spirits (nwmina) the bodies of the stars, and, offering to images of the stars that adoration _ (atria) which they owe only to God the Supreme Creator, have given opportunities to bad demons to pretend to be attracted or repelled by their sacrifices and, as it were, magic machines, and thus lead them to eternal perdition 1.» — el límite que Paolini traza contra la idolatría, según Walker: quienes añaden culto a esa plegaria dan pie a los demonios malos para fingirse atraídos por sus sacrificios.

«The use in this context of the technical term /afria points to the Opusculum of Thomas Aquinas where it is stated that prayers or acts of reverence may be directed to planetary angels with dulia, but not with /afria, that is, with the veneration proper to saints (their departed souls or their relics), but not with the worship that is proper to God alone ®.» — la precisión técnica que Walker aporta sobre ese pasaje: el término *latria* remite al opúsculo de Tomás, que admite *dulia* hacia los ángeles planetarios y no *latria*.

«I think that Paolini approves of this magic provided that, first, one does not direct one’s imagination only towards the bedy of the stat, instead of its angel ot the anima mundi, and secondly, that one only reverences it as a powerful creature and does not worship it as a God.» — las dos condiciones bajo las cuales, a juicio de Walker, Paolini aprueba esa magia: no dirigir la imaginación al cuerpo del astro sino a su ángel, y reverenciarlo como criatura poderosa sin adorarlo.

«Paolini does occasionally suggest reforms of modern music that will make its effects more powerful.» — lo que Walker encuentra de propuesta práctica en Paolini, y con qué frecuencia.

«He notes with regret that the music of his own time in its use of softening, decadent modes and a multiplicity of instruments is the exact opposite of the ethically good music advocated by Plato in the Laws and Aristotle in the Politics ’*.» — el diagnóstico de Paolini sobre la música de su tiempo: modos reblandecidos y multiplicidad de instrumentos, lo contrario de la música éticamente buena de Platón y Aristóteles.

«for we must remember that Paolini was a contemporary and compatriot of the Gabrielis and must have heard their huge instrumental compositions, with their brilliant, predominantly major harmony.» — el dato de contexto que Walker introduce para leer a Paolini: era compatriota y contemporáneo de los Gabrieli y oyó sus grandes obras instrumentales.

«if the musicians of our time also knew how to do this, they would produce not inferior effects, since we see that some of them, perfect within their own limits, have accomplished wonders, but none has produced effects superior to Orpheus’ ¢.» — la comparación que Paolini establece con los músicos de su tiempo: podrían igualar a Orfeo, y ninguno lo ha superado.

«But we hear no more of this revival of Orphic music.» — la abstención con que Walker cierra el punto: de esa reanimación de la música órfica no vuelve a saberse nada.

«He believed, however, that the Hymns contained “divine mysteries”, and quotes several of Pico’s Conclusiones about them, which are unmistakeably magical®.» — lo que Paolini sí sostenía sobre los Himnos órficos, con las *Conclusiones* de Pico por respaldo.

«His faith in Orpheus as a priscus theologus was firm and untroubled—indeed his “liberal” acceptance of the whole prisca theologica equals that of the boldest of Catholic syncretists, Steuco, whom he frequently cites with approval °.» — la firmeza que Walker le mide en ese punto, comparándolo con el más audaz de los sincretistas católicos.

«Although he was widely read in musical theory and a friend of ~ Zarlino*, Paolini was evidently much more interested in oratory than in music, and, as far as the practical production of magical or other effects is concerned, one may say that for him oratory has taken the place of music.» — el desplazamiento que Walker considera decisivo en Paolini: la oratoria ocupa el lugar que la música tenía en Ficino.

«Moreover, he believed that, just as a proper mixture of tones could give music a planetary power, so a proper mixture of “forms” could produce “celestial power” in an oration.» — la transposición que Paolini hace de la doctrina ficiniana: como una mezcla de tonos da poder planetario a la música, una mezcla de formas lo da a un discurso.

«It is also, I think, true that the prime non-mathematical content of 7 is the planets, and the whole theory of planetary influences and correspondences.» — lo que Walker propone como contenido no matemático del siete: los planetas y la teoría entera de influencias y correspondencias.

«If we are right in supposing that Paolini considered oratory to be closely parallel to music, that he was applying Ficinian magical theories to oratory instead of music, then it is obvious why 7 is so important in oratory, and what the sets of things are that will attract the anima mundi and give a celestial force to an oration:» — la hipótesis con que Walker explica el peso del siete en la oratoria de Paolini, formulada en condicional.

«The general subject, the various topics, the figures of speech, the sounds and rhythms of words, will all correspond to a certain planet or combination of planets.» — lo que resultaría de esa hipótesis: asunto, tópicos, figuras, sonidos y ritmos corresponderían cada uno a un planeta o a una combinación.

«It is of course normal that the seminal reasons of the anima mundi should be passed downwards through the planets.» — el supuesto de época que Walker recuerda: las razones seminales del *anima mundi* bajan por los planetas.

«The theatre was an astrologically centred mnemonic system, and its prime purpose was to enable one to give an oration on any subject.» — qué era el teatro de Camillo según Walker, y para qué servía: un sistema mnemónico de centro astrológico, hecho para poder hablar de cualquier asunto.

«Paolini’s interest in Camillo and Hermogenes may have come from his teacher, Parthenio, who admired Camillo and associated him with Hermogenes °.» — la vía de transmisión que Walker propone como posible: el maestro Parthenio, que admiraba a Camillo y lo asociaba con Hermógenes.

«But what is a feré veterum Theologiam cum nostra congruere ostendat, sed potissimum Orphei.”» — el latín de la nota que Walker deja tal cual, con el arranque en inglés que la capa de texto pega a la cita.

«This planetary oratory is only ‘my conjecture; but it receives considerable support from the fact that Paolini was a great admirer of Giulio Camillo; he cites him, in connexion with - oratory and 7 and Hermogenes’ forms,» — Walker declara suya la conjetura de la oratoria planetaria y nombra el apoyo que le encuentra: la admiración de Paolini por Giulio Camillo.

«The Trithemian magic begins by using the imagination and ends in a thought being “affected” (emotionalized) by a planet;» — el arco de esa operación según Walker: empieza usando la imaginación y termina con un pensamiento cargado de emoción planetaria.

«If you try magically to stamp a thought with a planetary character, one of the things you are trying to do is to give that thought a specific and permanent emotional charge or affective tone.» — lo que Walker propone que se busca en el fondo: dar al pensamiento una carga emocional específica y permanente.

«The system of planetary correspondences was in fact like a _ language, in that it was understood and worked only as long as people went on learning it and speaking it.» — la analogía con que Walker explica la vigencia y la caducidad del sistema: funcionaba como una lengua, mientras se siguiera aprendiendo y hablando.

«crudity and error have not been explained away; but we “can see now that they lie in the following two defects.» — Walker declara que su lectura no disculpa la tosquedad ni el error del sistema y anuncia dónde los localiza.

«this way of controlling affective states is rigid and over-simplified; there is no good reason for cramming our whole emotional life into seven immutable categories.» — el primer defecto que Walker señala: no hay buena razón para meter toda la vida emocional en siete categorías inmutables.

«It did in fact eventually become obsolete as a language, though very gradually and certainly long after its objective reality was universally disbelieved.» — el modo en que Walker data ese final: la lengua se volvió obsoleta muy despacio y mucho después de que nadie creyera ya en su realidad objetiva.

«It still exists, in petrified fragments, in our own ordinary language (saturnine, jovial), and it is a language we must learn if we wish to understand the past.» — lo que Walker declara sobre su supervivencia y sobre la tarea del historiador: quedan fragmentos petrificados en el habla común, y es una lengua que hay que aprender.

«Symphorien Champier, a keen Platonist, but a carefully orthodox Catholic;» — la primera de las semblanzas con que Walker presenta a los condenadores.

«Jean Bodin, overtly a Catholic, but really believing in a curious sort of demon-ridden Judaism;» — la semblanza que Walker hace de Bodin, con la distancia entre lo declarado y lo creído puesta por él.

«For G. F. Pico the prisca theologia, far from being a precious corroboration and illumination of Christian truth, as it was from Ficino and Giovanni Pico, is a persistent tradition of superstitious error, with idolatry, magic and astrology going hand in hand.» — la inversión que Walker mide en G. F. Pico respecto de Ficino y de Giovanni Pico: la *prisca theologia* pasa de corroboración de la verdad cristiana a tradición persistente de error supersticioso.

«These attacks, with a few exceptions, are not overtly directed against modern magicians; but that he had the Florentine Platonists in mind is indicated by his choice of ancient and mediaeval authors as subjects for detailed refutation.» — cómo lee Walker el blanco real de esos ataques, que no se declara: los platónicos florentinos, delatados por la elección de autores antiguos y medievales que discute uno por uno.

«The direct attack on Ficino (though Pico does not actually name him) occurs in a chapter against Apollonius of Thyana.» — dónde encuentra Walker el ataque directo, y con qué reserva: Pico no llega a nombrar a Ficino.

«He takes it as conclusive proof of Giovanni Pico’s later rejection of all magic that, in the Adversus Astrologiam*, he denies the divine origin of astrology and makes disparaging remarks about Zoroaster *.» — lo que G. F. Pico da por prueba concluyente del rechazo tardío de toda magia por parte de Giovanni Pico.

«It is regrettable that even in our own times there are many who have reached such a degree of folly that they have golden ornaments made under certain constellations and have images engraved on them.» — la queja de G. F. Pico sobre los talismanes de su tiempo, en la traducción de Walker.

«It is regrettable that, also in our time, far too much has been written about astrological images by a certain man, otherwise learnéd and of the highest authority among Platonists, when he was inanely trying to draw long life from the heavens.» — la segunda queja, dirigida sin nombrarlo a un hombre docto y de máxima autoridad entre platónicos que quiso sacar del cielo una vida larga.

«But he prefaced his work by saying that he intended to assert nothing against religion, nor to write anything other than what the church would approve of; though it would have been better if he had in fact written what was right and in conformity with tested theologians» — la salvedad con que G. F. Pico reconoce el prólogo protector de Ficino y a la vez se lo objeta; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«We must then reject this superstition of talismans, which cannot adequately be defended by his prefatory excuses.» — la conclusión de G. F. Pico: las excusas del prólogo no bastan para defender la superstición de los talismanes.

«Pico then quotes from Ficino’s Ad Lectorem to the De V.C.C. the feeble excuse that he was merely recounting, not approving of, his magic remedies *, and recalls that he had written against astrologers in his commentary on Plotinus *.» — los dos elementos que G. F. Pico usa contra Ficino, según Walker: la excusa del *Ad Lectorem*, que él llama endeble, y su escrito contra los astrólogos.

«By Trithemian magic, then, you affect a thought, say of a lion, with its appropriate planetary character, that of the Sun, and fit it into your planetarily constructed» — cómo funciona el conjunto según la reconstrucción de Walker: se marca un pensamiento con su carácter planetario y se lo encaja en el esquema mnemónico; el tramo se corta antes de *mnemonic*, que el escaneo parte y corrompe.

«supposing that it was not largely founded on convention and tradition, but that it had an objective reality;» — el segundo defecto: haber tomado por realidad objetiva lo que se fundaba en convención y tradición; el tramo se corta antes de *conventionality*, que el escaneo parte con guion.

«in things that are manifestly good and true there is no need of them; in things that are manifestly bad and false they are a mockery» — la objeción de G. F. Pico a las excusas prologales: sobran donde algo es bueno y son burla donde es malo.

«Ficino, then, is finally convicted of dangerous superstition, but, in consideration of his submissive attitude, is let off a public exposure.» — el veredicto que Walker resume: superstición peligrosa, con la sumisión de Ficino como atenuante para no exponerlo en público.

«It will be remembered that the basis of most theories of natural magic is the power of the imagination, aided by planetary influences and the vis verborum, musices, etc., and that this can work in two ways, subjectively or transitively.» — Walker recuerda su propio esquema antes de aplicarlo a Pico: el fundamento de casi toda teoría de magia natural es la imaginación, y opera de dos modos.

«The first leads to Ficinian magic, where the effects remain within the operator; the second leads to fascination, telepathy, medical incantations, and most of the operations of witchcraft.» — el reparto de ese esquema: el modo subjetivo lleva a la magia ficiniana y el transitivo a la fascinación, la telepatía y casi toda la brujería.

«Alkindi, says Pico’, supposes that the stars operate by rays and that the human imagination has similar rays which can operate in the same way, that is, impress on an external object an image conceived in the imagination, where such images have an “actual” existence.» — la teoría de Alkindi tal como Pico la expone, según Walker: los astros obran por rayos y la imaginación humana tiene rayos semejantes que imprimen su imagen en un objeto externo.

«However, much that Pico has to say about Alkindi applies to Ficino’s spiritual magic, if one substitutes the term “spirit”? (as Pico sometimes does) for Alkindi’s “rays”.» — la equivalencia que Walker señala: lo que Pico dice de Alkindi vale para la magia espiritual de Ficino si se cambia *rayos* por *espíritu*.

«the weakness of his arguments one can see that his rejection of natural magic is based, not on disbelief in its possibility, but on the feeling that it is somehow threatening to Christianity.» — lo que Walker lee bajo la debilidad de esos argumentos: Pico no rechaza la magia natural por no creerla posible, sino por sentirla amenazante para el cristianismo.

«Since, then, Pico concedes that at least some transitive effects can be produced by the power of the imagination through an alteration of the spirits, he would a fortiori have to admit the possibility of the subjective effects of Ficinian magic.» — la consecuencia que Walker le saca a esa concesión: admitiendo efectos transitivos de la imaginación, Pico tendría que admitir con mayor razón los subjetivos de la magia ficiniana.

«Alkindi admits that effects from imaginative power can usually only be produced if the imaginative effort is accompanied by words or manual gestures.» — la condición que el propio Alkindi pone a esos efectos, según Walker.

«If the power lies in the meaning of the words, then they must be addressed to an intelligence and the operation is demonic.» — el primer cuerno del dilema que Pico plantea sobre el poder de las palabras.

«If it lies merely in the sound, then why should the human voice be more effective than other sounds?» — el segundo cuerno del mismo dilema.

«Pico is evidently embarrassed by this; he answers that theologians are not agreed on this point—the words may have no efficacy, or they may be the sign of a pact made by God» — el aprieto que Walker le mide a Pico ante su propio dilema aplicado a las palabras sagradas: los teólogos no se ponen de acuerdo; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«Like G. F. Pico, Johann Wier takes the prisca theologia as a tradition of evil superstition from which mediaeval and modern magic derive.» — lo que Walker encuentra común a G. F. Pico y a Wier: tener la *prisca theologia* por tradición de superstición mala de la que deriva la magia.

«Being a somewhat aggressively anti-Catholic Protestant, he goes further in this direction than Pico.» — la diferencia de grado que Walker adjudica a Wier, con la razón confesional a la vista.

«Even the Sibyls, who for Bellarmin are still of almost canonic status 1, were inspired by the Devil, who passed on to them prophecies from the Old Testament about the coming of Christ, in order that they might later mislead Christians into believing they were divinely inspired’;» — hasta dónde llega Wier según Walker: las Sibilas, casi canónicas para Belarmino, fueron inspiradas por el Diablo para engañar después a los cristianos.

«Nearly all the operations of witchcraft were, he thought, st delusions induced by evil demons.» — la explicación que Wier da de la brujería: casi todas sus operaciones son ilusiones inducidas por demonios malos.

«by magic the Devil buys men’s souls, but his currency ‘is worthless.» — la fórmula con que Walker resume la posición de Wier sobre el pacto: el Diablo compra almas con moneda sin valor.

«It was obviously out of the question that Wier should have - the slightest sympathy for Ficino’s magic.» — lo que Walker da por descontado en Wier respecto de la magia ficiniana.

«Wier reproduces G. F. Pico’s arguments against Alkindi’s theory of the magical power of words, sounds and figures *, and Thomas’s arguments against talismans*, namely, “Il est bien vray que les choses naturelles prennent leurs formes & vertus des choses celestes, mais les images artificielles ne peuvent attirer aucune puissance de l’art”’, and are therefore addressed to demons‘.» — los argumentos que Wier toma prestados, con el francés de su versión de Tomás: las cosas naturales toman su virtud de las celestes, pero las imágenes artificiales no pueden atraer potencia alguna del arte.

«The other great Dominican theologian of the middle-ages, Albertus Magnus, had long been a stumbling-block for anti-magical writers; but, whereas the two Picos try to excuse him by doubting the attribution of the Speculum Astronomiae ot claiming he changed his mind in old age ®, Wier is able flatly to reject him as a superstitious maker of talismans.» — el contraste que Walker traza a propósito de Alberto Magno: los dos Pico lo disculpan dudando de la atribución del *Speculum Astronomiae*, y Wier puede rechazarlo de plano.

«It is nonsense to say that someone has a delusion of being comforted by reading the Gospel, but one could demonstrate that someone’s belief that he had magically induced measles was a delusion.» — el criterio de verificabilidad que Walker atribuye a la posición protestante: no cabe hablar de ilusión ante el consuelo de leer el Evangelio, y sí ante la creencia de haber contraído sarampión por magia.

«Thus Wier, and other tadical Protestants, are on safer ground when trying to distinguish magic from religion than are the Catholics; they have a valid criterion for magic producing manifest effects, even if they do not always apply it.» — la ventaja de posición que Walker les concede, con su límite: tienen un criterio válido para la magia de efectos manifiestos, aunque no siempre lo apliquen; el escaneo imprime *tadical*.

«But there were still dangers. For, by making subjective the effects of both magic and religion, Wier comes very near to. admitting that they are produced in the same way,, namely, by credulity or faith suitably disposing the imagination.» — el peligro que Walker les señala en la misma jugada: al volver subjetivos los efectos de magia y de religión, Wier queda a un paso de admitir que ambos se producen igual.

«The words are uttered from the priest’s mouth, but they are conse ed by the power and grace of God;» — la salida de Wier ante ese peligro, en la traducción de Walker: las palabras salen de boca del sacerdote pero las consagra la potencia y la gracia de Dios; el escaneo imprime *conse ed*.

«Superstition requires credulity, just as true religion requires faith.» — el paralelo que el propio Wier admite entre superstición y religión verdadera.

«Deep-rooted credulity is so powerful that it may even, in false beliefs, be thought to perform miracles.» — hasta dónde llega esa credulidad según Wier.

«these miraculous effects of religion are beneficial to man (curing of diseases etc.), whereas those of magic are either useless (e.g. Simon Magus flying) or harmful (diseases produced by witchcraft, etc.).» — el criterio por utilidad con que se intentaba separar milagro de magia, según la exposición de Walker.

«There seems no valid reason why, on these grounds, he should admit the reality and goodness of Christ’s miracles, and condemn contemporary religious cures of diseases.» — la objeción que Walker le pone a ese criterio: por ese camino no se ve cómo admitir los milagros de Cristo y condenar las curas religiosas contemporáneas.

«The task of taking all the magic out of Christianity was an impossible one; it was there right from the beginning.» — el juicio con que Walker cierra el punto: sacar toda la magia del cristianismo era tarea imposible, porque estaba ahí desde el comienzo.

«His hard-headed Protestantism shows itself not only in the effort, also made by G. F. Pico and Wier, to explain away the magic in Christian ceremonies, but also in his frequent use of the Bible, interpreted as literally as possible, as the supreme authority in philosophic and scientific matters }.» — los dos rasgos con que Walker caracteriza a Erastus: el intento de explicar la magia de las ceremonias cristianas y el uso de la Biblia, leída lo más literalmente posible, como autoridad suprema en materia filosófica y científica.

«But from the first chapter of Genesis we know that God created plants before the heavenly bodies *; vegetable forms at least, then, cannot have a celestial origin.» — el argumento bíblico con que Erastus corta la doctrina de las formas celestes: Dios creó las plantas antes que los cuerpos celestes.

«It is God, not the heavens, who is the giver of forms °.» — la tesis que Erastus pone en lugar de aquella.

«The heavens, by their light, may help to conserve life, as a general (equivocal) cause of generation; but, says Erastus, boldly contradicting the famous dictum of Aristotle °, “not the sun, but man gives form to the nascent» — lo que Erastus concede a los cielos y lo que les niega, contradiciendo de frente el dicho aristotélico; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«This admission of occult qualities, coupled with the refusal to derive them astrologically, points directly towatds Baconian empiricism, the patient investigation of natural phenomena, guided by no hypotheses.» — hacia dónde apunta esa combinación según Walker: al empirismo baconiano, investigación paciente de los fenómenos sin hipótesis que la guíen.

«Erastus denying in an equally sweeping manner the reality of all the effects of all magic as being demonic delusions; this explanation he takes from Wier, though, unlike him, he is in favour of burning witches *.» — la posición de Erastus sobre los efectos mágicos y la diferencia práctica que Walker marca con Wier: toma de él la explicación por ilusión demónica y, a diferencia de él, es partidario de quemar brujas.

«The only kind of magic which might produce real effects and be free of demons consists in practical natural philosophy concentrated on unusual experiments which seem, only to the ignorant, to be marvellous;» — la única magia que Erastus salva: filosofía natural práctica de experimentos inusuales que solo al ignorante le parecen maravillas.

«Erastus’ main attacks on magic occur in his Disputationes de Medicina nova Philippi Paracelsi *.» — dónde están esos ataques según Walker.

«But, he says °, certainly no one in their right mind will think that an image fashioned in the spirit of my fantasy can go out of my brain and get into the head of another man.» — la negación con que Erastus corta la teoría de la imaginación transitiva, en la traducción de Walker.

«He refuses to admit, for example, the classic example of menstruating women tarnishing mirrors, and even suggests that experiments could easily be made to prove that they do not+.» — el rasgo que Walker destaca en esa negativa: Erastus rechaza el ejemplo clásico del espejo empañado y propone comprobarlo por experimento.

«He believes that some diseases may be transmitted by infected spirits; and asserts that the mother’s spirits affect her unborn child *—but this can of course be regarded as a subjective effect.» — lo que Erastus sí admite, y cómo Walker lo encaja en su propio esquema: transmisión por espíritus infectados y efecto de la madre sobre el feto, que cabe como efecto subjetivo.

«Erastus also denied that “sacred words” have any power; they merely tell us what the will of God is *.» — la negación de Erastus sobre las palabras sagradas y lo que les deja: solo nos dicen cuál es la voluntad de Dios.

«He should have stuck to his purely empirical denials; for in fact the ordinary current medical conception of spirits and their modes of action was compatible with a belief in telepathy, fascination, etc., and such magical effects could have been disproved only by experiment.» — el reproche que Walker le dirige: la concepción médica corriente de los espíritus era compatible con la telepatía y la fascinación, y solo el experimento podía cerrar el asunto.

«The omission here of any effect on the imagination is plainly deliberate; it is of course implied in the second sentence, but this also implies that intelligent Christians with good memories do not need any ceremonies.» — lo que Walker lee en una omisión deliberada de Erastus, y lo que ella implica: que el cristiano inteligente y de buena memoria no necesita ceremonias.

«When dealing with the competition between Aaron’s and Pharaoh’s magicians, Erastus has to decide, with some reluctance, that Aaron’s serpents were real, being miraculously created by God, and those of the magicians illusory 1; this is proved, rather oddly, by the real serpents’ eating up the illusory ones.» — el aprieto exegético que Walker consigna con su propio comentario de rareza: Erastus decide a regañadientes que las serpientes de Aarón eran reales y las de los magos ilusorias, y lo argumenta porque unas se comen a las otras.

«Erastus’ most violent attack on Ficino is as a follower of Avicenna.» — por dónde entra el ataque más violento de Erastus a Ficino, según Walker.

«Avicenna had attributed the powers of prophecy and miracle-working, possessed by certain noble souls, to the influence of the Intelligences which move the heavenly bodies *;» — la doctrina de Avicena que está en el fondo de esa acusación.

«These “superior spirits” are the planetary Intelligences or their subsidiary demons +.» — la identificación que Walker hace de esos espíritus superiores, y que es lo que da fuerza a la acusación.

«Both Plato and Avicenna, says Ficino, believe that our souls can thus do even more marvellous works than the heavens themselves; and these confirm the words in the Gospel about the faith that ca move mountains *.» — el remate del pasaje de Ficino: nuestras almas pueden obrar cosas más maravillosas que los cielos, y eso confirma el versículo de la fe que mueve montañas; el escaneo imprime *ca*.

«Would you think this man a Priest of God, as he wished to appear, and not rather the patron and high-priest of Egyptian mysteries, thus raving unrestrainédly against true piety?» — la pregunta con que Erastus le retira a Ficino su condición sacerdotal, en la traducción de Walker.

«Certainly there have never lived under the sun (I am speaking of Philosophers) more diligent worshippers of demons than the Platonists,» — la generalización con que Erastus cierra el ataque contra los platónicos; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«Ficino was so addicted to these loathsome and clearly diabolical fables, that he preferred to lick up the stinking spittle of the Platonists, rather than taste the most sweet honey of truth °.» — el remate del mismo ataque, con la imagen del esputo de los platónicos frente a la miel de la verdad.

«The superior spirits, therefore, act on our spirits; as on their companions, by the influxes of their images, as faces are reflected in a mirror; and by acting on them they form them and make them like to themselves, to such a degree that [our] souls often act in almost as marvellous a way as the celestial souls are wont to do.» — el pasaje de Ficino que Erastus toma por prueba, en la traducción de Walker: los espíritus superiores obran sobre los nuestros como rostros reflejados en un espejo y los conforman a su semejanza.

«It is certainly in part because he was associated in Erastus’ mind with these two very diverse, but both religiously suspect, magical traditions, that Ficino is here attacked with such vehemence.» — la explicación que Walker da del encono: en la cabeza de Erastus, Ficino quedaba asociado a dos tradiciones mágicas distintas y ambas sospechosas.

«Even when Erastus judges Ficino in the more respectable company of Plotinus, his condemnation is harsh and contemptuous.» — lo que Walker mide del tono: ni aun juzgando a Ficino junto a Plotino baja la dureza.

«Plotinus, though he really knew that incantations were demonic, ascribed their power to the universal sympathy of things, to the Soul of the World, ot the forces of the human soul;» — la imputación de mala fe que Erastus dirige a Plotino, según Walker.

«All apparent effects produced by incantations are due to demons; this is shown by the barbaric, meaningless words they contain, which are meaningless only to us, for the demons understand them, and by their being in the form of supplications or threats.» — el argumento de Erastus para adjudicar a los demonios todo efecto de incantación: las palabras bárbaras solo son sin sentido para nosotros, y la fórmula es de súplica o de amenaza.

«Ficino, drunk with his [sc. Plotinus’] madness, believed that powers could be obtained from the conjunction of words, just as from a mixture of material things ®.» — lo que Erastus le imputa a Ficino en la traducción de Walker: creer que de la conjunción de palabras salen potencias como de una mezcla de materias.

«He adds at length: ‘I indeed suspect that perhaps crafty Demons pretend to be attracted or repelled by certain magic devices’ *.» — la sospecha que Erastus añade, y que es la clave del malentendido que Walker señala enseguida.

«I would refute his theory [of the power of words], were it not that he himself plainly betrays his doubt and hesitation, and that I have already exploded it.» — el modo en que Erastus se ahorra la réplica, alegando la propia vacilación de Ficino.

«This is a skilful and deliberate misrepresentation of what Ficino was saying.» — la adjudicación de Walker sobre esa maniobra, dicha sin atenuantes.

«the sense of his remark is that such magicians probably do not really succeed in compelling demons, but are merely deluded by the demons into believing they do—a perfectly normal» — lo que Walker sostiene que Ficino decía en realidad: que los magos probablemente no fuerzan a los demonios, sino que estos los engañan; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«Nevertheless, although in this particular case he interprets Ficino dishonestly, and although in general he treats him with a complete lack of understanding and sympathy, Erastus’ criticism was, from a Christian point of view, justified.» — el juicio con que Walker equilibra el punto: la lectura es deshonesta y sin simpatía, y aun así la crítica de Erastus estaba justificada desde un punto de vista cristiano.

«The demons, though they may have been good solarian ones, are lurking even in the De Vita coeliths comparanda, and Ficino knew they were.» — la razón de esa justificación: los demonios acechan incluso en el De Vita y Ficino lo sabía; el escaneo imprime *coeliths*.

«But, like many French Platonists, he was acutely aware of the dangers to religion that might result from too whole-hearted an acceptance of Neoplatonism and the Prisca Theologia’.» — el rasgo que Walker atribuye a Champier y a los platónicos franceses: conciencia aguda del peligro religioso de aceptar sin reservas el neoplatonismo y la *prisca theologia*.

«Nevertheless, although in this work he discusses at length the question of astrological influences and reaches much the same conclusions as Ficino—namely, that the stars can incline but not determine corporeal things, and can only affect the soul indirectly, through the body *—there is hardly a mention of the spirit, and all Ficino’s elaborate methods, dietetic, musical and magical, of nourishing it and attracting to it beneficent astral influxes, are omitted.» — lo que Walker mide en Champier: coincide con Ficino en que los astros inclinan sin determinar, y omite el espíritu y todos los métodos ficinianos de alimentarlo.

«These “are thought by the learnéd to be more superstitious than true; which can very easily be proved’ °®; and he reproduces Thomas Aquinas’ arguments to prove that anything effected by them must be due to demons, and not to astrological influence *.» — lo que Champier hace con los talismanes: los tiene por más supersticiosos que verdaderos y reproduce los argumentos tomistas para adjudicar su efecto a los demonios.

«Their use is a sign of a tacit pact with the Devil; the use of “suffumigations and invocations” is a sign of a manifest pact *.» — la gradación de pactos que Champier establece según el procedimiento empleado.

«Alas, how much impiety lies hid under the cover of astrology”» — la exclamación con que Champier resume su alarma.

«But at all events, unless you disregard life itself, do not disregard medicines strengthened by some celestial support.» — lo que Champier salva pese a todo, en la traducción de Walker: las medicinas reforzadas por algún apoyo celeste.

«For I have long since discovered by frequent experiment that there is as much difference between medicines of this kind and those made without astrological selection as between wine and water.» — la experiencia que Champier alega para esa excepción, con la comparación entre el vino y el agua.

«On this Champier makes the shrewd comment: “See the way Marsilio himself speaks, as if uncertain of his own mind (# ambiguus)”» — la observación que Walker califica de aguda: Champier señala que Ficino mismo habla como quien no está seguro de su propia posición.

«Elsewhere Champier condemns Ficino’s magic emphatically and without reserves °:» — el otro registro de Champier según Walker, ya sin salvedades.

«Erastus’ disapproval of Pomponazzi and Paracelsus was not without good grounds; it is difficult for us now, after reading the De Incantationibus, to believe that Pomponazzi was a Christian, and there is no doubt that Paracelsus was muddle-headed and» — lo que Walker le concede a Erastus sobre sus otros dos blancos, sin armonizar el desacuerdo; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«It is allowable to administer herbs and gems for reasons of health, but without any incantations.» — el límite que Champier deja en pie para la práctica médica.

«You will find much about these even in the works of our own theologians and philosophers; and especially in Marsilio Ficino the Platonist, in the third book of the De Triplici Vita; but this is what I wanted» — la remisión de Champier al tercer libro del De Triplici Vita, dentro de la misma condena; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«we prefer to be perpetually ill rather than be healthy by contempt for our Saviour.» — la fórmula con que Champier antepone la salvación a la salud.

«Here Ficino is certainly not classed among the sorcerers who have entered into a pact with the devil; but he is, I think, considered to be one of those who have been seduced by them and led into grave errors.» — la distinción que Walker introduce para graduar la condena: Ficino no queda entre los que pactaron, sino entre los seducidos.

«He published the Asclepius together with his De Quadruplici Vita and added commentaries which are supposed to be his own; in fact, they are reproduced verbatim from those of Lefévre d’Etaples.» — el hallazgo de plagio que Walker consigna en Champier: comentarios presentados como propios y reproducidos palabra por palabra de Lefèvre.

«He defends the god-making passage in the Asc/epius by noting beside it that it is probably an interpolation or distortion due to the supposed translator, Apuleius *, and he omits entirely Lefévre’s strong condemnation of it in his commentary *.» — las dos operaciones con que Champier salva el pasaje hacedor de dioses: llamarlo probable interpolación de Apuleyo y suprimir la condena de Lefèvre.

«about herbs, stones, and aromas, symphonies and hymns, by which they [sc. the Egyptian priests] propitiated those spirits put into statues and images. This some sorcerers are still wont to do (O unhappy times!), who think they have spirits shut up in rings or vessels, a most impure race of men, hostile to God and man... 1.» — el pasaje de Lefèvre en que Walker se detiene: los sacerdotes egipcios propiciaban con hierbas, piedras, aromas e himnos a los espíritus metidos en estatuas, y hay quien todavía lo hace.

«It seems unlikely that Lefevre is here referring to Ficino, on whose translation of the Hermetica he is commenting * and whom he “venerated as a father” *; but, for anyone who had read the De Triplici Vita, this might well be taken as a warning against Ficino’s magic.» — la cautela con que Walker sopesa a quién apunta ese pasaje: no le parece que sea a Ficino, a quien Lefèvre veneraba como a un padre, pero cualquiera que hubiera leído el De Triplici Vita podía tomarlo por advertencia.

«The cap would fit Lazarelli even better; but this also seems unlikely, since Lefévre published the Crater Hlermetis in his 1505 edition of the Hermetica.» — el segundo candidato que Walker considera y descarta con su razón: Lefèvre publicó el *Crater Hermetis* en su propia edición.

«But then, Lefévre himself, in about 1492, had written a long treatise on astrological magic, which he never published *; he was perhaps being harsh on his own errors °.» — el dato que Walker deja como posible clave del pasaje: el propio Lefèvre había escrito hacia 1492 un tratado de magia astrológica que nunca publicó.

«Jean Bodin, like the other writers discussed in this chapter, disliked magic because of his religious beliefs.» — lo que Walker pone en común entre Bodin y los demás condenadores.

«But his religion was very different from theirs, and so in consequence was his attitude to magic.» — y lo que lo separa de ellos, según Walker.

«By the end of his life Bodin had ceased to be a Christian, and believed in a kind of simplified, archaic Judaism}.» — la adjudicación que Walker hace sobre las creencias últimas de Bodin.

«I cannot be sure that he already held these beliefs when he wrote his treatise on magic, the Démonomanie*, published in 1580, but I think it highly probable.» — la incertidumbre que Walker declara sobre la fecha de esas creencias, con el grado que se permite.

«His last published work, Le Theatre de la Nature Universelle (1597) °, though it is not overtly unchristian, is certainly written from the same standpoint as the Heptaplomeres, and contains many of the same very odd and unorthodox doctrines;» — la obra tardía en la que Walker se apoya para esa lectura.

«The Démonomanie is not so evidently unorthodox as the other two works; but the opinions in it fit exactly with what we know to have been his later religious convictions, and it seems therefore reasonable to assume that he already held these at the time of writing it ’.» — el razonamiento con que Walker traslada esas convicciones a la *Démonomanie*, marcado como supuesto razonable y no como hecho.

«The Hleptaplomeres is a search, conducted by a Catholic, a Lutheran, a Calvinist, a pagan, a Jew, a Mohammedan, and a Naturalist, for the Urreligion, the ancient nucleus of religious truth, which is included in all their religions, and which, restored to its original simplicity, will reunite them all.» — el dispositivo del *Heptaplomeres* según Walker: siete interlocutores buscando el núcleo antiguo de verdad religiosa común a todas sus religiones.

«This nucleus is eventually found in the decalogue, which is “‘ipsissima lex naturae” 1, The principles by which this search is guided, as well as its conclusion, are Judaic: the true religion must be absolutely monotheistic, and it must provide a Law, a rigid and precise ethical system based on rewards and punishments.» — dónde termina esa búsqueda y con qué criterios: el decálogo, y un método que Walker llama judaico, monoteísmo absoluto y ley precisa con premios y castigos.

«Christianity fails on both counts and is rejected *.» — el resultado que Walker consigna de aplicar esos criterios.

«The absolute transcendance and uniqueness of God is preserved by making Him the only incorporeal being in the universe; all souls or minds, angelic, demonic and human are corporeal, very subtle and “spiritual”, but extended and localized *.» — el precio doctrinal de esa unicidad en Bodin: Dios es el único ser incorpóreo y toda alma, angélica, demónica o humana, es corpórea, extensa y localizada.

«God, after the act .of creation, is idle, and the work of ordering and preserving the universe is cartied out, in accordance with His immutable will, by these higher corporeal souls, most of which are invisible ‘Thee si le angels or demons are the heavenly bodies *.» — el reparto de funciones que Walker describe: tras crear, Dios queda ocioso y el orden lo llevan esas almas corpóreas superiores; la capa de texto corrompe el final de la frase.

«Demons are evil, but nevertheless fulfil God’s will; they are the avengers, who ;» — la función que Bodin asigna a los demonios sin quitarles la maldad; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«Since for Bodin demons and angels take over all the work of natura naturans, it is not surprising that he should believe that all magic is demonic and efficacious °.» — la consecuencia que Walker deriva de ese sistema: si ángeles y demonios asumen la obra de la *natura naturans*, toda magia es demónica y eficaz.

«He could, for example, have no difficulty in believing that a man cause a storm by demonic magic, since he had no doubt that all storms were caused by demons anyway *.» — el ejemplo con que Walker lo ilustra: Bodin no tenía dificultad en creer que un hombre provocara una tormenta por magia, porque toda tormenta la causaban demonios.

«His passionate disapproval of all magic comes from his fear that it will lead to the worship or veneration of created beings.» — el motivo que Walker adjudica a la condena de Bodin: el miedo a que se venere a seres creados.

«It is to be expected therefore that he should attack the Neoplatonists, ancient and modern, with particular vehemence, since their magic or theurgy is based on the theory that one can reach God by ascending a continuous chain of being, which leads up from the sensible world, through the stars and their daimones, to the higher emanations of the divinity.» — por qué el blanco de Bodin son los neoplatónicos, según Walker: su magia se funda en subir a Dios por una cadena continua del ser.

«They are a far more dangerous threat to the purity of monotheism than ordinary sorcerers, who, by employing bad demons show plainly they have turned away from God.» — la jerarquía de peligro que Bodin establece: los neoplatónicos amenazan la pureza del monoteísmo más que los hechiceros comunes.

«Bodin does not mention Ficino in this connexion +, but only Agrippa, Pico and the “nouveaux Academiques’’, that is, the ancient Neoplatonic writers on magic, whom Ficino’ had been the first to translate.» — la omisión que Walker registra en Bodin y a quiénes nombra en su lugar.

«For he habitually calls Agrippa “le Maistre Sorcier” and believes that the spurious 4th Book of the De Occulta Philosophia is the key to all the rest» — el mote con que Bodin designa a Agrippa y la clave de lectura que le adjudica: el cuarto libro espurio; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«Bodin regarded the Orphic Hymns as peculiarly dangerous, not only because, as he rightly saw, they played an important part in modern Neoplatonic magic, and because he took Orpheus to be one of the chief prisci magit, but also because he himself believed in the magical power of words.» — las tres razones que Walker le encuentra a Bodin para temer los himnos órficos, incluida la que lo compromete: él mismo creía en el poder mágico de las palabras.

«The Hebrew Psalms are the only good ancient hymns; all the speakers in the Fleptaplomeres ate able to unite in singing these praises of the One God, whereas all other hymns are addressed to lesser, so-called gods, who are really creatures» — el único canto que Bodin salva, y el criterio: los salmos se dirigen al Dios uno y los demás himnos a criaturas; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«Bodin’s belief in astrology is necessarily moderate, stopping short of exact predictions and horoscopes, because there are so many invisible demons and angels doing things all the time, that observation of just the visible angels, i.e. the stars, could not suffice to know the future.» — por qué la astrología de Bodin tiene que ser moderada, según Walker: con tantos demonios y ángeles invisibles obrando, mirar solo a los ángeles visibles no basta.

«He does nevertheless defend the reality of planetary influences, and approves of astrology being used in medicine and natural science, citing Thomas Aquinas and Calvin as authorities for this “droict usage” of astrology» — lo que Bodin sí defiende, y con qué autoridades: la realidad de las influencias planetarias y su uso médico, apoyado en Tomás y en Calvino.

«He defines his own position by giving G. F. Pico and Melanchthon as two extremes to be avoided» — cómo sitúa Bodin su propia posición, entre dos extremos nombrados.

«But the real danger of astrology is that it may be another path leading to Neoplatonic magic and polytheism» — el peligro que Bodin ve en la astrología, coherente con el resto de su posición.

«Bodin of course accepts the ordinary Moses-Plato part of the prisca theologia (Hept., ed. Noack, pp. 49-50, 66, 70, 187), which can be used to prove that Judaism is the Urreligion.» — la parte de la *prisca theologia* que Bodin sí acepta, y para qué le sirve.

«Del Rio’s encyclopaedic book on magic! is representative of Catholic anti-magical views of a moderate and well-informed kind.» — el lugar que Walker asigna al libro de Del Rio dentro del campo antimágico.

«He was intelligent and liberal enough to convert Justus-Lipsius *.» — el dato con que Walker acredita esa moderación.

«His sober criticism of Ficino carries therefore greater weight than the stronger condemnations of extreme anti-magical writers, such as Erastus or Bodin, who were, moreover, judging him from a non-catholic standpoint.» — por qué Walker le da más peso que a Erastus o a Bodin: por sobrio y por hecho desde dentro del catolicismo.

«Like most of the opponents of magic, Del Rio concedes the theoretical possibility of a good, natural magic, but in fact condemns all secular magical practices as superstitious and demonic.» — la distancia que Walker mide entre la concesión teórica de Del Rio y su práctica condenatoria.

«He claims that the prevalence of magic and sorcery in his own time is due to the spread of heresy, which they follow as a shadow does a body *—a rather rash statement in view of some of the Catholic practices he has himself to defend against the charge of superstition.» — la causa que Del Rio adjudica a la magia de su tiempo, y la objeción que Walker le pone en la misma frase: él mismo tiene prácticas católicas que defender de la acusación de superstición.

«Bad magic derives ultimately from Zoroaster, Orpheus, and the other prisci magi*; but Del Rio also accepts, parallel to these, a good prisca magia deriving from Adam, by which he means natural science, including “good” astrology °.» — la doble genealogía que Del Rio admite: una magia mala desde Zoroastro y Orfeo y una *prisca magia* buena desde Adán, que para él es la ciencia natural.

«He firmly denies that the heavens are animated, and that occult qualities are astrologically caused 7,» — las dos negaciones con que Del Rio corta la base de la magia astral.

«It is interesting that he argues against a natural explanation of the magical force of words, music and images, by making a clear distinction between the A and B uses of them.» — lo que a Walker le interesa del argumento de Del Rio: distingue con claridad los usos A y B de palabras, música e imágenes.

«When dealing with the figures on talismans, he refutes the argument that these might operate through their beauty producing joy, or their ugliness sorrow, by denying that they are either beautiful or ugly *.» — cómo cierra Del Rio la salida estética para los talismanes.

«That incantations produce effects by the beauty or meaning of words or music is also emphatically denied.» — la misma negación aplicada a las incantaciones.

«Del Rio answers that the effects of oratory are produced by rational persuasion, and as for musical effects: the sweetness itself of the concert, and the harmonious modulation, distract the soul from thoughts of pain, and, by inciting to joy, soothe and temper the humours; what is there like this in the horrific and hissing whistles and whispers of the magicians 4?» — lo que Del Rio concede a la oratoria y a la música ordinarias, y con qué desprecio separa de ellas los silbidos y susurros de los magos.

«That is to say, you cannot defend the B uses of words and music by claiming A effects for them.» — la regla que Walker destila de ese argumento en su propio vocabulario.

«By this argument Ficino’s talismans would be condemned, but not his Orphic singing, which was certainly not meant to be a whistle or a whisper.» — el alcance exacto que Walker le da a ese argumento contra Ficino: alcanza a los talismanes y no al canto órfico.

«If Agrippa practised this magic, it was plainly diabolic; whereas Bodin thinks that the ancient Neoplatonists were genuinely, if misguidedly, trying to reach God, and should be classed as idolaters rather than as sorcerers» — la distinción que Bodin sí concede a los neoplatónicos antiguos: idólatras extraviados antes que hechiceros.

«In the course of his refutation of the wis verborum Del Rio attacks the “natural” theory of language. Although Hebrew may be a sacred language, it has no especial power; it was Adam, not God, who gave Hebrew names to things.» — el flanco por el que Del Rio ataca la teoría natural del lenguaje: el hebreo puede ser lengua sagrada y no tiene poder propio, porque los nombres los puso Adán y no Dios; el escaneo imprime *wis verborum*.

«“Whatever the Platonists may say, names have been given by human choice”; God, however, does know the real names—but no one else does}» — el remate de esa objeción, con la reserva que Del Rio deja en pie: Dios sí conoce los nombres reales, y nadie más.

«Del Rio, then, although he is unusually credulous about supernatural occurrences *, destroys the bases of natural magic in much the same way as the other writers we have discussed in this chapter, and, like them, tends to regard all magical practices as demonic and diabolic.» — el balance de Walker sobre Del Rio, con la tensión declarada entre su credulidad ante lo sobrenatural y su demolición de la magia natural.

«But, unlike them, he had the additional task of trying to show that certain Catholic practices were essentially different from magical operations.» — la tarea que Walker le adjudica y que lo distingue de los demás: mostrar que ciertas prácticas católicas no son operaciones mágicas.

«This he was obliged to do, since these practices had already been attacked as magical by Protestants such as Wier, Erastus and Godelmann, and had been presented as magical by the equivocal Agrippa *.» — por qué esa tarea era forzosa, según Walker: protestantes como Wier, Erastus y Godelmann ya las habían atacado como mágicas.

«With regard to amulets worn round the neck, for example, Del Rio has to assert that, if they are talismans, any effects produced are due to the devil, but that, if they are Christian amulets, the same effects are due to the beneficence of God.» — el punto exacto donde Walker aprieta la distinción de Del Rio: los mismos efectos vienen del diablo si el objeto es talismán y de la bondad de Dios si es amuleto cristiano.

«But this denial cannot so easily be made about set prayers and forms of words, especially in the sacraments, because here, undeniably, the effect follows on one certain formula of words and no other.» — el caso que Walker considera más difícil de sostener para Del Rio: en los sacramentos el efecto sigue innegablemente a una fórmula y no a otra.

«This is the Scotist, as opposed to the Thomist, explanation of the efficacy of sacramental formulae, namely, that God has made a promise or pact to produce a certain effect if, and only if, certain words are pronounced *.» — la escuela a la que Walker adscribe esa salida: la escotista, que explica la eficacia sacramental por un pacto divino condicionado a las palabras.

«One cannot claim, for example, that the effects of magical incantations are good miracles because neither has God promised, nor revealed to the Church, any such things as the magicians boast of °.» — cómo esa doctrina cierra la puerta a la magia: no hay promesa de Dios ni revelación a la Iglesia sobre lo que los magos se jactan de hacer.

«This is the same kind of distinction as that made by the Protestants between miracles and magical operations!; but their authority was the Bible alone, whereas Del Rio also has to include ““what has been revealed to the Church”, an authority which, of course, his Protestant adversaries did not accept.» — el paralelo y la diferencia que Walker traza con los protestantes: la misma distinción, pero Del Rio necesita añadir a la Escritura lo revelado a la Iglesia.

«On these grounds alone Del Rio was bound to condemn Ficino’s magic; for there is no authority, either in the Scriptures, nor in the traditions of the Church, for claiming that God ever promised to do anything in response to the Orphic Hymns, or even the most monotheistic of the Orphic fragments.» — la conclusión que Walker extrae de esa doctrina: solo por ahí Del Rio tenía que condenar la magia de Ficino, porque nada autoriza a esperar respuesta divina a un himno órfico.

«Del Rio did not approve of Bodin ; he lists the Démonomanie among the bad books on magic, together with the Picatrix, Agrippa, Pomponazzi, etc., and writes» — el detalle que Walker consigna sobre la geografía de las condenas: Del Rio pone la *Démonomanie* entre los libros malos de magia; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«It is no use Agrippa pretending that such incantations increase the power of the operato1’s imagination and thereby produce a more copious flow of spirit on-to the object addressed *. Such natural, spiritual explanations are “not worth a farthing”, coming from this diabolic magician.» — cómo despacha Del Rio la explicación espiritual de las incantaciones cuando viene de Agrippa: no vale nada por venir de quien viene.

«Del Rio then exclaims: O Satan, Satan, how perpetually you remain the same! you still continue with this weapon to obtain divine honours. Is this not quite clearly shown by the examples your initiate seeks, which are from the hymns of Orpheus and the writings of Apuleius, full of idolatry?» — el registro exclamativo con que Del Rio remata el ataque, señalando los himnos de Orfeo y los escritos de Apuleyo.

«Del Rio’s main attack on Ficino is not, however, connected with the Orphic Hymns, though it has an inditect connexion with Orpheus.» — dónde no está el ataque principal a Ficino y por dónde sí, según Walker; el escaneo imprime *inditect*.

«he considers this a necessary task because, as he truly remarks, Paolini, though he mentions that various kinds of magic are condemned by the theologians, does not say why *.» — la razón que Del Rio da para replicar a Paolini, y que Walker le concede como certera: Paolini menciona las condenas de los teólogos sin decir por qué.

«Ficino, who when he was younger defended these things (in the De Vita coelitis comparanda), \ater confessed that he wrote them, not to recommend them, but that, with Plotinus, he might deride the follies of the astrologers.» — la versión que Del Rio da de la retractación de Ficino: haber escrito el De Vita no para recomendarlo sino para burlarse, con Plotino, de las necedades de los astrólogos; el escaneo imprime *coelitis*.

«When dealing with the ritual curse described in Numbers V, Del Rio denies that its effects (the swollen belly and rotting thigh of a guilty wife) are produced by the words of the curse or by the “bitter water” drunk by the woman!?: but whatever efficacy it [sc. the curse] had, it had from above; much as today liturgical prayers, the formulae of the Sacraments and Sacramentals and of exorcism, have supernatural power from having been instituted by God, or from the action of His grace coinciding with them.» — la maldición ritual de Números V y la salida de Del Rio: la eficacia no está en las palabras ni en el agua amarga, sino en la institución divina.

«This would be to make a mock of one’s guests and to injure them. A wise» — la continuación de esa imagen; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«A wise guest, then, - would rather depart fasting, than run such evident risk to his life.» — el remate de la imagen: el convidado prudente prefiere irse en ayunas.

«This condemnation specifies only Ficino’s talismans, but we already know, from Del Rio’s attack on Paolini, that one of the highly spiced, but poisonous, dishes is the planetary music.» — lo que Walker añade a esa condena desde otro pasaje del mismo autor: entre los platos envenenados está la música planetaria.

«Telesio’s philosophy, though it had roots in antiquity, was, I think, a novel system with respect to mediaeval or Renaissance traditions of thought.» — el lugar que Walker le da a Telesio, con el verbo de cautela puesto.

«But there was one set of terms, spirit and its derivatives, which had long been used to bridge the gap between body and soul, and these terms play a very important part in his system.» — el vocabulario que sí le servía, y por qué: espíritu y sus derivados venían de antiguo tendiendo el puente entre cuerpo y alma.

«There is evidently no logical room in Telesio’s philosophy for an immaterial and transcendent soul or mind—indeed it seems specially designed to avoid it.» — lo que Walker declara evidente sobre ese sistema: no hay lugar lógico para un alma inmaterial y trascendente.

«He does nevertheless introduce one; not merely, I think, because he wishes to keep within the bounds of Christian orthodoxy, but because he sees that his monistic system does not comprehend all the activities of man.» — por qué Telesio la introduce de todos modos, según Walker: no solo por ortodoxia, sino porque ve que su monismo no abarca todo lo que el hombre hace.

«Thus, in this system, all man’s actions, thoughts and desires should be purely utilitarian.» — la consecuencia que el sistema exigiría.

«Telesio points out that in fact man persistently desires and seeks things that do not lead to his preservation or pleasure; that he is always “anxiously”, restlessly, looking for what is far beyond these, for useless knowledge, for God, for eternity *.» — el hecho que el propio Telesio opone a esa consecuencia: el hombre busca sin descanso lo que no le sirve para conservarse.

«The position of the concept of soul in this system is obviously insecure; give a little more to spirit, allow its reasoning or feeling to be more than utilitarian, and it will absorb the soul, make it unnecessary.» — la inestabilidad que Walker mide en ese sistema: basta conceder un poco más al espíritu para que absorba al alma.

«If the spirit absorbs the soul, if the two are identified, then any spiritual magic must either be demonic or absolutely coextensive with ordinary religion.» — la alternativa que queda si se identifican los dos términos: magia demónica o magia que coincide del todo con la religión.

«It is only by constant emphasis on these stages, rather than on the ultimate goal, that he prevents even his spiritual magic being quite obviously a religion, and therefore hopelessly unorthodox.» — lo que, según Walker, impide que la magia espiritual se vuelva abiertamente religión: insistir en las etapas y no en la meta última.

«Even for the Telesians, such as Bacon and Campanella, who kept an incorporeal soul, it was much more difficult to achieve a non-demonic magic, since their spirit was not merely, divinorum etiam entium, Deique ipsius substantiam, operationesque summa inquirit cum anxietate.» — la dificultad que Walker señala en los telesianos que sí conservaron un alma incorpórea, con el latín de Telesio pegado por la capa de texto.

«For these who, like Donio. and pethaps Persio, did identify soul and spirit magic inevitably became religion, or religion magic.» — el desenlace que Walker adjudica a los que identificaron alma y espíritu; el escaneo imprime *these* y *pethaps*.

«Its ideal situation would therefore be one where it was entirely surrounded by hot, lucent, subtle substances; but in the body it is encompassed by cold, dark, crass flesh and bones, and is therefore engaged in a constant, anxious and only partially successful effort at self-preservation.» — la situación del espíritu en el cuerpo según Telesio: rodeado de carne fría y oscura, en esfuerzo constante y solo parcialmente logrado por conservarse.

«But when, in a perfected form, it leaves this body, it will, in a place far from all contrariety, and surrounded by like substances, perpetually enjoy, with inconceivable delight, its own state of union with light and warmth *.» — el destino que Telesio le promete al salir del cuerpo, en la traducción de Walker.

«I think the same about this book, that it is better to believe nothing in» — la imagen del banquete envenenado con que Del Rio cierra su condena del De Vita; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«In spite of its claim to be based on senseexperience *, it is an @ priori construction of startling simplicity and rigidity;» — la objeción que Walker le pone en la misma frase: pese a decirse fundada en la experiencia sensible, es una construcción a priori; el escaneo parte *sense-experience* por el salto de línea.

«In expounding this philosophy, which is an attempt to overcome _the dualism of nearly all earlier systems—to remove the transcendence of mind over matter, Telesio was inevitably faced with almost insuperable difficulties of terminology» — el problema que Walker señala como estructural en Telesio: quitar la trascendencia de la mente sobre la materia lo deja sin vocabulario.

«If spirit and soul are not identical, Donio goes on, then the nature of the latter is absolutely unknowable, though we may, if we like, suppose that the functions of the spirit are in some way due to the soul.» — la disyuntiva que Donio plantea según Walker: si espíritu y alma no son lo mismo, la naturaleza de la segunda es absolutamente incognoscible.

«There is no mention of magic in Donio.» — la búsqueda negativa que Walker declara sobre Donio.

«His importance for us is in proving that this development of Telesio’s psychology, the absorption of soul by spirit, was in fact possible and could be asserted in a religious context +.» — para qué le sirve Donio entonces: para mostrar que la absorción del alma por el espíritu era posible y afirmable en contexto religioso.

«I think the same development occuts in an early work of Antonio Persio, his Trattato dell’ ingegno dell’ huomo (1576) *, which does deal with magic of a kind; but I am not quite sure—Persio is both more cautious and more inclined to use metaphorical language than Donio.» — la cautela con que Walker extiende el mismo diagnóstico a Persio, declarando que no está del todo seguro; el escaneo imprime *occuts*.

«The cautionary note at the end of his book indicates that he was aware that he had at least tended to confuse soul and spirit.» — el indicio en que se apoya: el propio Persio cierra el libro advirtiendo que ha tendido a confundir alma y espíritu.

«This dismissal of astrology is by no means absolute; the astrological and humoral explanations “in molte cose dicono il vero” °.» — el límite que Walker pone a esa lectura, con el italiano de Persio: las explicaciones astrológica y humoral dicen verdad en muchas cosas.

«Moreover we are told that the natute of the spirit resembles the heavens, and that in very ingenious people it becomes so subtle and celestial that there is» — lo que Persio dice de la naturaleza del espíritu: se parece al cielo y en los muy ingeniosos se vuelve sutil y celeste; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana y el escaneo imprime *natute*.

«a danger that it may fly up to heaven to its father the Sun, as occurs in cases of ecstasy.» — el riesgo que Persio le atribuye a esa sutileza: que el espíritu vuele al Sol, su padre, como en el éxtasis.

«There is a cosmic spirit, centred of course in the Sun, but permeating everywhere, and by nourishing our spirit with those things that contain most of it we can give ourselves “‘il piu bel ingegno di huomo nato”.» — el espíritu cósmico de Persio según Walker, centrado en el Sol, y lo que promete alimentarse de las cosas que más lo contienen.

«But, since man is primarily solarian, it would be better to concentrate on the sun, from which we shall acquire the virtues of all the heavens; and our spirit, quanto pit s’assomigliera a quello del sole, tanto ci fara piu ingegnosi, & inventivi & giudiciosi, sendo tutto lucente, caldo, ténue, bianco, mobile, & vivace 3.» — el consejo operativo de Persio en su italiano: cuanto más se asemeje nuestro espíritu al del Sol, más ingeniosos, inventivos y juiciosos nos hará.

«So far we have nearly the whole of Ficino’s spiritual magical theory and practice, but lacking the essential elements of the hymn and the planetary music‘.» — el balance de Walker: en Persio está casi entera la teoría ficiniana salvo los dos elementos esenciales, el himno y la música planetaria.

«Music is only mentioned casually as delighting the spirit by making it move °.» — el lugar que queda para la música en Persio.

«Persio is more interested in using visual means of influencing the spirit: beautiful pictures and people, clean and graceful rooms and churches °.» — los medios que Persio sí prefiere para obrar sobre el espíritu.

«This is why incense is used in churches, cio @ per disporre gli spiriti delle persone all’innalzamento della _ mente a Dio, accioche l’aria sparta d’odori, presti facile, & amichevole strada alli nostri spiriti di salir nelle parti soprane per contemplar Iddio, come é parere d’alcuni .» — la explicación que Persio da del incienso en su italiano: disponer los espíritus para que suban a contemplar a Dios por un aire sembrado de olores.

«Here it is obvious that the Telesian mind is dangerously confused with, perhaps even identified with, the spirit, the same corporeal spirit that is of a like nature to odours.» — lo que Walker declara obvio en ese pasaje: la mente telesiana queda peligrosamente confundida con el espíritu corpóreo, de naturaleza afín a los olores.

«It is perhaps this same spirit which in saints and prophets is said to have been purified of all stains and become “celestial” *.» — la identificación que Walker propone con cautela para el espíritu purificado de santos y profetas.

«If we remember Donio’s immortal spirit uniting itself with the aether of the heavens, we must at least suspect that Persio means quite literally that, after death, our ‘corporeal spirit will be united with the fabric of the sky and become something like a planetary angel °, and that this process sometimes even begins before death.» — la sospecha que Walker declara: que Persio quiera decir literalmente que tras la muerte el espíritu corpóreo se une a la fábrica del cielo y se vuelve algo como un ángel planetario.

«The fact that Persio does occasionally distinguish the God-given mind from the spirit (c.g. p. 38) shows that he is not just loosely using the latter term in its present-day sense; if the Telesian spirit takes over religious activities, the Telesian mind is left with nothing whatever to do.» — el argumento con que Walker cierra el punto: si el espíritu telesiano asume las funciones religiosas, a la mente telesiana no le queda nada que hacer.

«it seems to me likely that, as I suggested for Ficino!, Persio also has in mind the Neoplatonic astral body, which comes from the heavens, is made of the substance of the stars, and returns whence it came» — la conjetura que Walker extiende de Ficino a Persio: el cuerpo astral neoplatónico, hecho de la sustancia de los astros, que vuelve de donde vino.

«But it is through the sun’s action on the spirit that man’s ingegno acquires true wisdom, an acquisition that is only perfected by God» — el papel que Persio reserva al Sol y el límite que le pone: la sabiduría solo la perfecciona Dios.

«those who acquire wisdom shall shine like the firmament, and those who teach it like the stars °.» — el versículo con que Persio cierra esa promesa, en la traducción de Walker.

«Persio is not’ describing a religious kind of magic, but a magical religion, a highly unorthodox kind of Christianity.» — la adjudicación con que Walker resume a Persio, invirtiendo los términos: no magia religiosa sino religión mágica.

«The relation of spirit to soul is patticularly crucial in this magical tradition.» — por qué esa relación es decisiva, según Walker; el escaneo imprime *patticularly*.

«If indeed this spirit is the soul itself, to which God has promised (if it keeps His law) the enjoyment of celestial goods, and for whose salvation CHRIST JESUS GOD, KING AND OUR LORD, died, then we Christians must resolve, overcoming nature with God’s help, to keep our spirit while in this body entirely uncorrupted by all adverse forces,» — la otra rama de la disyuntiva en la traducción de Walker: si el espíritu es el alma, el cristiano debe conservarlo incorrupto en el cuerpo; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«Persio finds the fundamental cause of differences of ingegno (by which he means mental capabilities, particularly inventiveness) in the spirit, rather than in the complexion or in planetary influences, which he also discusses *.» — dónde pone Persio la causa de las diferencias de *ingegno*: en el espíritu antes que en la complexión o en los influjos planetarios.

«The way to postpone senility and death is to see to it that the spirits are dense and consequently have a gentle heat that will not dry up and eventually destroy the body.» — la receta baconiana de longevidad en la exposición de Walker: espíritus densos y de calor suave.

«Violent emotions must be avoided, since they attenuate the spirits; moderate emotions, including sadness, are good because they strengthen and condense them*®.» — el régimen emocional que se sigue de esa receta, con la tristeza incluida entre las emociones útiles.

«His “astrologia sana” excludes horoscopes and exact predictions of particular events, but asserts the reality of celestial influences» — qué deja fuera y qué deja dentro la astrología sana de Bacon; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«He emphasizes that the human spirit is particularly subject to these influences» — el punto que Bacon subraya dentro de esa astrología; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«The spirits of the servant, made receptive by his complete faith in your medical powers, will be powerfully stamped with the image of this future cure» — el mecanismo de la cura por confianza que Bacon describe, según Walker; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«Thus the cure will be effected.» — el remate de ese mecanismo.

«Bacon, like Campanella *, did not apparently believe in the mathe_ matical theory of musical intervals*, perhaps because of his general distaste for mathematics *» — la coincidencia que Walker señala entre Bacon y Campanella, con la explicación que propone: el disgusto general de Bacon por las matemáticas.

«The only explicit reason Bacon gives for his dislike of magic is that it is too easy a way of reaching one’s goal.» — la razón que Bacon declara para su rechazo de la magia, según Walker: que es un camino demasiado fácil.

«But, he goes on, if the imagination fortified have power, then it is material to know how to fortify and exalt it.» — la consecuencia práctica que el propio Bacon saca de esa concesión.

«For it may be pretended, that ceremonies, characters, and charms, do work, not by any tacit or sacramental contract with evil spirits, but serve only to strengthen the imagination of him that useth it;» — la defensa de las ceremonias que Bacon expone antes de rechazarla: obrarían por reforzar la imaginación y no por pacto tácito con espíritus malos.

«But for mine own judgment, if it be admitted that imagination hath power, and that ceremonies fortify imagination, and that they be used sincerely and intentionally for that purpose; yet I should hold them unlawful, as opposing to that first edict which God gave unto man, “In sudore vulttis comedes panem tuum”.» — el juicio propio de Bacon: aun concediendo todo eso, las tiene por ilícitas por oponerse al primer edicto divino sobre ganar el pan con sudor.

«The particular kinds of magic Bacon is thinking of are: alchemical gold-making and the preservation of youth by operations on the spirit.» — las dos magias concretas que Walker identifica como blanco de Bacon.

«he states that it may be possible, by prolonged and arduous investigation and experiment, to make gold or rejuvenate the spirit; but that false magicians wickedly try to do these things without sweat and toil.» — lo que Bacon concede a la investigación larga y trabajosa, y lo que reprocha a los magos.

«Magic, then, is wrong because it makes experiments unnecessary, and Bacon liked doing and planning experiments.» — la explicación con que Walker resume el rechazo baconiano, y el motivo personal que le añade.

«He may also have thought, not without some reason, that Ficinian magic might be contaminated with pagan religion.» — la segunda razón que Walker le atribuye, con la concesión de que no le falta fundamento.

«I commend also, sometimes, in digging of new earth, to pour in some Malmsey or Greek wine, that the vapour of the earth and wine together may comfort the spirits the more; provided always it be not taken for a heathen sacrifice, or libation to the earth.» — el consejo de Bacon sobre el vino vertido en tierra nueva, con la salvedad que él mismo pone para que no se lea como sacrificio pagano.

«Campanella had a spirit-dominated philosophy *, which he ha ad taken over from Telesio and Persio and, independently of icino, he was interested in, and practised, astrological magic.» — cómo presenta Walker a Campanella: filosofía dominada por el espíritu, heredada de Telesio y de Persio, y magia astrológica practicada con independencia de Ficino; el escaneo imprime *icino* y *ha ad*.

«Now Pope Urban VIII was a firm believer in sockedinai although Sixtus V’s Bull of 1586 (“Coeli et Terrae”) had condemned judiciary astrology and although he himself was to publish a Bull (“‘Inscrutabilis”) against it in 1631. He had horoscopes cast of the Cardinals resident in Rome and was in the habit of openly predicting the dates of their deaths *. He was, however, paid back in his own coin.» — la contradicción que Walker documenta en Urbano VIII: creyente firme en la astrología pese a las bulas condenatorias, levantaba horóscopos de los cardenales y predecía sus muertes; el escaneo imprime *sockedinai* donde debía ir el término.

«It is only if the transcendence of soul or mind is maintained that the danger of demonic» — la condición que Walker fija: solo manteniendo la trascendencia del alma o de la mente se evita el peligro de la magia demónica; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«In the Advancement of Learning, when discussing the power of the imagination, he dismisses the excessive claims of the Paracelsans» — lo que Bacon descarta al tratar el poder de la imaginación: las pretensiones excesivas de los paracelsianos; el tramo se corta antes de *miracle-working*, que el escaneo parte y corrompe.

«but accepts as “nearer to probability” “transmissions and operations from spirit to spirit without the mediation of the senses”’, aided by “‘the force of confidence”.» — lo que Bacon sí admite en cambio: transmisiones y operaciones de espíritu a espíritu sin mediación de los sentidos, ayudadas por la fuerza de la confianza.

«Annoyed at his persistently pro-French policy, they hoped to frighten the Pope to death; and but for Campanella’s magic they might have succeeded.» — el episodio que Walker narra con la magia dentro de la historia política: los españoles esperaban matar de miedo al papa y, de no ser por la magia de Campanella, habrían podido lograrlo.

«Though this confirms in general terms the condemnations of Sixtus V’s Bull, the only practices it specifically condemns are predictions of the deaths of princes and especially of Popes, including members of their families up to the third degree of consanguinity inclusive; these are to be considered as crimes of lése-majesté, punishable by death and confiscation of goods *.» — lo que la constitución de Urbano VIII condena en concreto: predecir la muerte de príncipes y sobre todo de papas, delito de lesa majestad castigado con muerte y confiscación.

«There seems little doubt that these runiours and predictions were actively encouraged by the Spanish, who also made noisy preparations for the next conclave *.» — quién alimentaba esos rumores según Walker; el escaneo imprime *runiours*.

«The two dangerous years were 1628, when there was an eclipse of the moon in January and of the sun in December, and 1630, with a solar eclipse in June.» — los dos años que el cálculo señalaba como peligrosos, con sus eclipses.

«First they sealed the room against the outside air, sprinkled it with rose-vinegar and other aromatic substances, and burnt laurel, myrtle, rosemary and cypress.» — el primer paso del rito antieclipse en la descripción de Walker: sellar la habitación, rociarla con vinagre de rosas y quemar laurel, mirto, romero y ciprés.

«Then two candles and five torches were lit, representing the seven planets; since the heavens, owing to the eclipse, were defective, these were to provide an undefective substitute, as one lights a lamp when the sun sets.» — el segundo paso y su razón declarada: siete luces por los siete planetas, como sustituto sin defecto de un cielo eclipsado.

«The signs of the Zodiac were pethaps also represented in the same way; for this is a philosophical procedure, not a superstitious one, as common people think.» — la defensa que acompaña al rito: se trata de un procedimiento filosófico y no supersticioso, como cree el vulgo; el escaneo imprime *pethaps*.

«There was Jovial and Venereal music,-which was to disperse the pernicious qualities of the eclipse-infected air and, by symbolizing good planets, to expel the influences of bad ones.» — el papel que la música cumple en el rito: dispersar las cualidades perniciosas del aire y expulsar por símbolo la influencia de los planetas malos.

«For the same purpose they used stones, plants, colours and odours, belonging to good planets (that is, Jupiter and Venus).» — los demás materiales del rito, todos de los dos planetas benignos.

«According to Campanella, and there is no reason to doubt him, he did not mean to publish this treatise.» — lo que Walker acepta del propio Campanella sobre la publicación del tratado.

«It was sent to the printer by two highly placed Dominicans1, who wished to prevent Campanella gaining the post of “Consultor” in the Holy Office *; this post would have enabled him to exercise considerable control over the censorship of theological publications.» — quiénes lo mandaron a la imprenta y con qué fin, según Walker: impedirle un puesto que le habría dado control sobre la censura teológica.

«This act of malice was successful; for Urban was extremely angry at the publication and Campanella never obtained his post, though he managed quite soon to regain the Pope’s favour and to have an official examination of the treatise, which cleared it of heresy and superstition *.» — el resultado de esa maniobra y su desenlace: Campanella no obtuvo el puesto, recuperó pronto el favor papal y logró que un examen oficial declarara el tratado libre de herejía y de superstición.

«By the next year he had obtained the Pope’s permission to found a college at Rome (“Collegio Barberino”) for the training of missionaries in accordance with the principles set forth in his book Oxod reminiscentur *, that is to say, missionaties who would» — el proyecto que Campanella obtuvo del papa al año siguiente; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana y el escaneo imprime *Oxod* y *missionaties*.

«Campanella says he intends to train Calabrian Dominicans and “far’un Collegio Barberino de Propaganda Fide fondato nel libro del reminiscentur”» — cómo describe Campanella ese colegio, en su propio italiano.

«This college never came into being, and his situation at Rome, from about 1631 until his departure for Paris in 1634, became steadily worse (see Blanchet» — el destino del proyecto y de su autor según Walker; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«These incidents confirm the conjecture that Campanella and the Pope did actually practise this magic together ?;» — lo que Walker declara confirmado por esos episodios, sin dejar de llamarlo conjetura.

«it seems also highly probable that Campanella made it up especially for this purpose» — la segunda conjetura, graduada como muy probable: que Campanella inventara esa magia para la ocasión.

«That he had not evolved this magic before he came to Rome in 1626 is indicated by the fact that it is not mentioned in the first two versions of the Citta del Sole (1602, and 1612 published in 1623), whereas in the final version, published in 1637, there is a description of the Solarians practising it, followed by a discussion of the Bulls against astrology *; nor is it mentioned in his De Sensa Rerum et Magia *, where one might expect to find it, nor in any other of his works earlier» — la búsqueda negativa con que Walker la apoya: no está en las dos primeras versiones de la *Città del Sole* ni en el *De Sensu Rerum et Magia*, y sí en la versión final de 1637.

«Another time when Campanella used his magic was in 1630— the little son of Don Taddeo Barberini, one of the Pope’s nephews, was threatened by a bad “influx”; hence the mention of the third degree of consanguinity in Urban’s Bull of the following year °.» — el segundo uso documentado de esa magia, y el detalle legal que Walker enlaza con él: el tercer grado de consanguinidad que menciona la bula.

«Cf. Campanella, Discorso Politico, in Amabile, Caste/li, II, 320: “E li Spagnoli dissero ch’il Papa si salvé da quelli influssi per haver usato il remedio ch’il Campanella pose nel Libro de Fato Siderali Vitando” (and similar statement, ibid., II, 335; as Amabile (I, 327) remarks, in neither case does Campanella deny this);» — el testimonio en italiano que Walker aduce, con la observación de Amabile de que Campanella no lo niega en ninguno de los dos lugares.

«This confirms that Campanella did practise the rite described in his De siderali Fato vitando, and that the seven lights symbolizing the planets were an essential feature of it.» — lo que Walker da por confirmado sobre el rito y sobre las siete luces planetarias.

«There is no doubt at all that this magic practised at Rome by Campanella derives directly from Ficino.» — la filiación que Walker declara sin reservas para la magia practicada en Roma.

«Campanella does not here explicitly accept all Ficino’s views; but it is evident that he does approve of his magic» — la precisión que Walker añade sobre el alcance de esa adhesión; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«The statement that he helped to draft Urban’s anti-astrological Bull may well be cottfect ?» — la noticia que Walker recoge con el grado de posible: que Campanella ayudara a redactar la bula antiastrológica del papa; el escaneo imprime *cottfect*.

«There is one other occasion on which we know that Campanella used this magic: for his own benefit, on his death-bed, as a prophylactic against the eclipse of the sun on June 1st 1639.» — el último uso documentado del rito, hecho por Campanella en su lecho de muerte.

«When introducing the sections on Ficino, he refers back to this passage, remarking that “all this doctrine” seems to derive from Hermes Trismegistus» — la genealogía que el propio Campanella atribuye a esa doctrina; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«Campanella’s summary, which includes Ficino’s music-spirit theory and his rules for planetaty music *, is immediately preceded by a full exposition of those Neoplatonic astrological and magical writings» — lo que Campanella resume y en qué contexto lo pone, según Walker; el escaneo imprime *planetaty*.

«He must have realized that behind the spiritual magic of the De V.C.C. were prayers and rites addressed to planetary angels» — lo que Walker sostiene que Campanella no podía ignorar sobre el De Vita; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«He was looking for a magic that could be defended as natural, and this the De V.C.C. provided; he was not looking for magic that was really non-demonic.» — la distinción con que Walker explica esa elección, y que le retira toda ingenuidad: buscaba magia defendible como natural, no magia realmente no demónica.

«Campanella, then, not only adopted Ficino’s magic, but was also fully aware of its sources» — el balance de Walker sobre esa apropiación; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«It was essential for the realization of his millenial projects that he-should be able to use the power Pf the church, and therefore that he should remain within it; but e is little doubt that the religion to which he was going to fe vert the world was far from orthodox.» — la tensión que Walker mide en Campanella entre el uso del poder de la Iglesia y la religión a la que quería convertir al mundo; la capa de texto imprime *Pf*, *e* y *fe vert*.

«I doubt hehe he truly believed ) pt free from commerce with demons or angels;» — la duda que Walker declara sobre la buena fe de Campanella en ese punto, en una línea que el escaneo corrompe.

«Even human free-will is not wholly exempt; for the soul may be disposed, though ‘not determined, in a certain way through its connexion with the body, which is subject to astral influence.» — el resquicio que Campanella deja abierto sobre el libre albedrío: el alma queda dispuesta, no determinada, por su vínculo con el cuerpo.

«In one of the Opuscula he concludes that the heavenly bodies are moved by angels *, and that these angels should not be wotshipped with /atria as the authors of the benefits received from them, but reverenced with dulia as servants of God who transmit His gifts; that is to say, the cult of planetary angels is put into the same class as that of saints °.» — la solución de Campanella para el culto a los ángeles planetarios: *dulia* y no *latria*, en la misma clase que el culto a los santos.

«Campanella makes even greater use than did Ficino of the authority of Thomas Aquinas in defending his astrological magic; for Campanella, living in a post-tridentine world, this authority was still more important.» — la razón por la que Walker ve a Campanella apoyarse en Tomás aún más que Ficino: vive en un mundo postridentino.

«He had, moreover, the additional support of Cardinal Caietano’s commentaries on Thomas’ Summa Theologica, which boldly defend the legitimacy of astrological predictions and talismans against Thomas’ condemnation of both!» — el apoyo suplementario que Walker señala: los comentarios de Cayetano defienden predicciones y talismanes contra la condena del propio Tomás.

«Thus Campanella in his defence is able to use at the same time both Thomas and the commentator who contradicts him.» — la paradoja que resulta de ello.

«This use of Thomas to defend practices which he explicitly condemns is perhaps not so odd as it appears at first sight.» — la salvedad que Walker introduce antes de explicarla.

«Now this treatise is not usually considered genuine. It flatly contradicts the rest of Thomas’ utterances on astrology.» — el problema de atribución del tratado en que se apoya Campanella.

«It is not in the list of his works drawn up for his canonization by Bartholomew of Capua; and it appears often with the title De rato Secundum Albertum—indeed it is almost certainly by Albertus Magnus *, whose Speculum Astronomiae was a trump-card which Campanella, like Ficino, often played.» — las razones que Walker da para esa duda y la atribución alternativa: casi con seguridad de Alberto Magno, cuyo *Speculum Astronomiae* era la carta fuerte de Campanella y de Ficino.

«Nevertheless, it is understandable that Campanella should still be able to make great use of the De Fao in his defences of astrology; for it appears, without the “secundum Albertum” in the title, or any word of doubt about its genuineness, in the official edition of Thomas’ works, the great Roman edition of 1570, dedicated to Pius V and edited with express regard to the decrees of the Council of Trent *.» — por qué Campanella podía usarlo igual, según Walker: aparecía sin reservas en la edición romana oficial de 1570, dedicada a Pío V y hecha atendiendo a los decretos de Trento.

«It is not surprising that Campanella, with this ammunition in his bag, was forbidden, towards the end of his stay at Rome, to teach Thomism‘.» — el desenlace institucional que Walker consigna, con la ironía dentro de la propia frase.

«How seriously worried Urban VIII was by» — la medida del susto papal según Walker; el tramo se corta en el límite de chunk, dentro de la misma plana.

«these predictions can be seen from his Bull against astrology *.» — el resto de la frase al abrir el chunk siguiente: la bula misma contra la astrología.

«In diplomatic reports from Rome of 1628 there.are several mentions of the Pope and Campanella being frequently closeted together °.» — la fuente diplomática con que Walker documenta el trato entre el papa y Campanella en 1628.

«Thus planetary influences on the spirit may to a high degree determine the character of the mind: As when God wishes to make a perfect Holy Man He may use the stars and elements for tempering the body rightly for the reception of the soul, and thus make the animal spirits subtle and pure 4.» — hasta dónde llega esa vía indirecta: los influjos planetarios pueden determinar en alto grado el carácter de la mente, y Dios se sirve de ellos para hacer un santo.

«Indeed the astrologically determined state of the spirits is of such importance that it is reasonable to decide irrevocably the course of your whole life on the basis of your horoscope.» — la consecuencia práctica que Campanella extrae, y que Walker consigna sin suavizar: decidir irrevocablemente el curso entero de la vida por el horóscopo.

«If, for example, this indicates that your spirits are crass, dull and smoky, you will be irremediably stupid and ignorant, and had better subject yourself entirely to the will of others.» — el ejemplo con que la ilustra: espíritus crasos y humosos condenan a la estupidez y aconsejan someterse a la voluntad ajena.

«A good way of achieving this is to enter a monastery; if the “family of the wise”, that is, the Franciscans or the Dominicans, will not take you, try the Jesuits.» — la recomendación concreta que sigue, con su orden de preferencia entre órdenes religiosas.

«The truth of the traditional names and characters of the stars, on which the reliability of horoscopes depends, is guaranteed in ‘the most absolute way possible by a tradition which is a kind of prisca astrologia: They must have been divine, or taught by God, those men who have handed down to us these sympathies and antipathies, and names, of the stars.» — el fundamento que Campanella da a la fiabilidad de los horóscopos, y que Walker llama una especie de *prisca astrologia*: quienes transmitieron los nombres de los astros tuvieron que ser divinos o enseñados por Dios.

«Since Campanella’s new religion was both portended and caused by the Sun’s movements, it is natural that he should approve of the theory that the rise and fall of all religions, including Christianity, is astrologically determined *.» — la coherencia que Walker señala en Campanella: su religión nueva la portan y la causan los movimientos del Sol, así que aprueba que el auge y la caída de toda religión, la cristiana incluida, esté astrológicamente determinada.

«The main factor in these religious changes is the approach of the sun towards the earth.» — el factor que Campanella pone en el centro de esos cambios religiosos.

«Campanella accepts the first of these arguments with the qualifications that the action of the planets is on the body and spirit, rather than the soul,» — las salvedades con que Campanella acepta el primero de esos argumentos; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«Since Campanella’s Astrologica contained these none too orthodox theories, it is understandable that he should have been anxious to protect himself with the authority of Thomas, Albert, and Caietano, especially as, unlike the other magicians we have met, he was writing after Sixtus V’s Bull against astrology and just before Urban VIII’s.» — por qué Campanella necesitaba tanto la cobertura de Tomás, de Alberto y de Cayetano, según Walker: escribía entre las dos bulas.

«He makes as much as he can of the approval, given by the Council of Trent and confirmed by Sixtus V’s Bull, of astrology employed in the useful arts of agriculture, navigation and medicine *.» — el resquicio que Campanella explota al máximo: la astrología aprobada para agricultura, navegación y medicina.

«The Council of Trent had condemned only those books on divinatory astrology which claimed a certainty and precision of prediction infringing free-will;» — el alcance que Campanella atribuye a la condena tridentina.

«Sixtus V condemned every kind of divination *, not however, says Campanella, because general, uncertain predictions are false, but because they may be dangerous—and of course “the Holy Father does not deny that we are inclined by the heavens to certain actions and choices”, but merely wants to assert that we can resist these inclinations and therefore cannot make certain predictions about them *.» — la lectura que Campanella hace de la bula de Sixto V: la condena no dice que las predicciones generales sean falsas sino que son peligrosas, y el papa no niega que el cielo nos incline.

«He does not discuss the condemnation in Sixtus V’s Bull of those who revive pagan idolatry by “saying prayers to demons, with fumigations of frankincense and other things, or offer other sacrifices, light candles, or misuse sacted things” *;» — la omisión que Walker marca en esa defensa: no discute la condena de las plegarias a demonios con fumigaciones, sacrificios y velas; el escaneo imprime *sacted*.

«Campanella ends his defence of the Bulls by referring his readers, for fuller information, to his Metaphysica, where they would have found, amongst other curious things, the full and favourable exposition of Ficino’s magic and its Neoplatonic sources *.» — cómo cierra Campanella su defensa de las bulas, y lo que el lector diligente habría encontrado al seguir la remisión.

«He begins by tesuming this magical operation, but omits, significantly, the music, thereby avoiding the charge of using incantations or invocations.» — la supresión que Walker califica de significativa: al reanudar la operación mágica, Campanella omite la música y con ella el cargo de incantación; el escaneo imprime *tesuming*.

«Campanella here (Disp., p. 269) denies that he believed the predictions Urban’s death; he must of course have disbelieved their certainty, or there wor have been no point in doing the magic.» — la contradicción que Walker señala en la propia negativa de Campanella: si no hubiera creído en las predicciones, el rito no habría tenido sentido; la capa de texto imprime *wor* por *would*.

«We therefore say, with the support of the doctrine of Thomas, Albertus Magnus and the most subtle theologians, that man’s free-will is not directly subject to the stars, but accidentally (per accidens), in so far as the body is affected by the heavens and stars, likewise the animal» — la fórmula con que Campanella salva el libre albedrío, en la traducción de Walker: no sujeto directamente a los astros sino *per accidens*, por vía del cuerpo; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«Thomas and Caietano are again brought in to establish that the heavens, though indirectly and not irresistably, influence our minds and characters °.» — para qué vuelve a traer a Tomás y a Cayetano en ese punto; el escaneo imprime *irresistably*.

«That there is no express pact is evident, since it is a remedy, carried out with an invocation to God, of that secret philosophy which the Persians called magic’.» — el primer argumento de la apología de Campanella, en la traducción de Walker: la operación es remedio hecho con invocación a Dios, dentro de la filosofía secreta que los persas llamaron magia.

«There is no tacit pact with the Devil, because the remedies proposed all have a natural action against the effects of the eclipse.» — el segundo argumento: los remedios obran naturalmente contra los efectos del eclipse.

«Campanella can also claim that his remedies are free from “‘characters _ ot letters”, which, according to Thomas and Caietano, are the matks of demonic magic, since they can only act as signs and must therefore be addressed to an intelligent being *.» — el tercer argumento, apoyado en el criterio de Tomás y de Cayetano: sus remedios no llevan caracteres ni letras, que son la marca de la magia demónica.

«The second of these two is one of the few honest and valid statements in the whole apo/ogia; cleansing the air in this manner was in fact a normal remedy against the plague °.» — lo que Walker concede de esa apología, y con qué medida: es una de las pocas afirmaciones honradas y válidas de todo el escrito.

«He begins by asserting that numbers alone can be physical causes, for ““God has made everything in number, weight and measure”, and gives a formidable list of patristic authorities for the powers and virtues of numbers *.» — por dónde arranca Campanella la defensa del número siete, con el versículo del número, el peso y la medida y una lista de autoridades patrísticas.

«We come a little nearer the truth when Campanella abandons numerology and tacitly admits that the point about the lights is not their sevenness, but their representation of the planets.» — el momento en que, según Walker, Campanella se acerca a lo que de verdad hace: lo que importa de las luces no es que sean siete sino que representen a los planetas.

«He cites Thomas, yet again, to show that the terrestrial world is governed and ordered by means of astral influxes, and Ficino, not as the Great Theologian and medical writer, but as the author of De V.C.C., to support the view that these influxes are more effectively captured “by imitating the heavens, than by not imitating them” *.» — las dos autoridades que enlaza en el mismo paso, y en calidad de qué cita a Ficino: no como teólogo ni como médico, sino como autor del De Vita.

«Then comes a general defence of the opinion that natural, celestially derived power can be given to artefacts _by making them of a suitable shape or figure; that is to say, the arguments normally used to show that talismans can act naturally, but which are now applied to Campanella’s candles.» — el traslado que Walker señala: los argumentos con que se defendía la acción natural de los talismanes pasan aquí a las velas.

«Thomas, in the Contra Gentiles, admits that artefacts can acquire occult, celestial virtues; this he contradicts, but does not expressly retract, in the Summa Theologica, as Caietano points out‘.» — la contradicción interna del propio Tomás en la que se apoya esa defensa, señalada por Cayetano.

«Campanella then summarizes some of Caietano’s subtle arguments in favour of the natural action of talismans, for which, as Campanella says, “he fought valiantly” °.» — cómo agradece Campanella esos argumentos.

«We come still nearer the truth when Campanella tells us that his lights imitate the planets not only in their number, but also in their substance; for both of them are fiery 1.» — el paso siguiente hacia lo que Walker considera el fondo del asunto: las luces imitan a los planetas también en la sustancia, porque unas y otros son fuego.

«This is a form of natural magic which is radically different from any others we have met.» — el juicio con que Walker aparta esta magia de todas las anteriores.

«It was only conceivable with a Telesian cosmology, in which the substance of the heavens ‘was not any sort of quintessence, but just ordinary fire.» — la condición cosmológica que la hace posible: un cielo que no es quintaesencia sino fuego común.

«This was certainly one way in which Campanella thought his magic worked; but there may have been other ways too, just as Ficino’s magic could be either spiritual and natural, or demonic.» — la reserva con que Walker cierra el punto, sin armonizar las dos vías: como en Ficino, la magia podía ser espiritual y natural o demónica.

«In his Atheismus Triumphatus Campanella discusses various pagan religions, among them the worship of the stars, the sky and the Sun.» — dónde trata Campanella el culto a los astros.

«This, he thinks, is less reprehensible than other kinds of non-Christian religion:» — el lugar que le asigna entre las religiones no cristianas.

«But, on examining this subject more closely, Campanella found that after all one should not worship the stars as divine;» — adónde llega Campanella al mirar de cerca ese mismo asunto.

«The crucial question for Campanella is whether the stars are the living bodies of souls, or, according to the Aristotelian and Thomist view, they are merely inanimate bodies moved by Intelligences; he takes it for granted that in the latter case no one would consider worshipping them, nor, apparently the moving Intelligences.» — la cuestión que Walker aísla como decisiva: si los astros son cuerpos vivos de almas o cuerpos inanimados movidos por inteligencias.

«Caietano thinks that the animation of the stars is the official opinion of the church and should not be doubted.» — lo que Cayetano sostiene en ese punto, según Walker.

«When I thought on these things”, says Campanella, “I was in doubt whether the stars should be worshipped”. He finally concludes that they should not, since it is not known for certain that they are animated.» — la duda que el propio Campanella confiesa y el motivo por el que la resuelve en contra del culto.

«The implication of this passage is certainly that, if we could be absolutely sure that the stars are the spiritual bodies of intellectual souls, then of course we would worship them.» — lo que Walker declara implicado en ese pasaje: con certeza sobre la animación de los astros, el culto vendría solo.

«for these portions of the world are seen to be far from corruption, and endowed with a vivid and simple beauty; and they are the nobler causes of lower things, and live in a sublime region, continually benefitting us by pouring out light, heat and influences, generating, changing, producing all things; on account of all this the pagans could easily be led to think that they were gods 2.» — las razones que Campanella da para esa indulgencia: incorruptibles, bellos, causas nobles de lo inferior y benefactores continuos por luz, calor e influjos.

«the stars have intellectual souls and living bodies made entirely of very subtle spirit (which is perhaps why the Sun is called “spirit” in Ecclesiastes), with which they can sense and communicate’, But even so, they are unfortunately, like angels, only creatures and should not therefore be worshipped.» — la respuesta de Campanella y el freno que le pone: tienen alma intelectual y cuerpo de espíritu sutilísimo, y aun así son criaturas.

«Campanella, then, did firmly believe that the stars were animated. But they were, nevertheless, only creatures, and, according to Thomas Aquinas, their cult should therefore not go beyond the bounds» — el balance de Walker sobre esa creencia y el freno tomista que la acompaña; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«according to Thomas Aquinas, their cult should therefore not go beyond the bounds of du/ia ®.» — el límite exacto de ese culto en la formulación de Walker.

«I believe most firmly—and it seems believable to all peoples, as Philo and Origen witness—that the stars are a Republic of supernal spirits (spirituum), who have come out of the mental into the bodily world.» — la profesión de fe de Campanella sobre los astros, en la traducción de Walker: una república de espíritus supernos venidos del mundo mental al corpóreo.

«The fiery heavens are a fit abode for them, “for fire is a most active, lucid, sensitive thing, and hence most perfectly suited to spirits (spiritus) endowed with power and wisdom’.» — la razón física que da para esa morada: el fuego es lo más activo, lúcido y sensible.

«In this republic, which seems to me more like a monarchy, all the stars are strictly subordinated to the Sun, from whom they receive their heat and light.» — la corrección irónica que Walker le hace a la palabra república: todo está subordinado al Sol.

«The bodies of Campanella’s planetary angels are the visible planets, and these ate wholly spirit, which they continually pour forth; there is therefore no conflict between a theory of planetary influence» — cómo se resuelve en Campanella la tensión que Ficino no pudo cerrar: los cuerpos de sus ángeles planetarios son los planetas visibles, todo espíritu; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«It does, however, still matter for him whether planetary influence stops short at the spirit or not, because in the former case man still has one free soul, whereas in the latter both are subjected to the heavens.» — lo que sí sigue en juego para Campanella: si el influjo se detiene en el espíritu, al hombre le queda un alma libre.

«Campanella would not have been afraid of such magic, although he was quite aware from his own experience that there were bad demons as well as good angels.» — lo que Walker adjudica al temple de Campanella, sin quitarle el dato de experiencia contraria.

«If we look at these accounts, we can see, especially in the light of the Thomist reason for condemning magic, namely that it must involve demons, why Campanella, when he saw his chance of giving astrological aid to Urban, did not use his own eatlier magic, but had recourse to practices based on Ficino’s spiritual magic, which was at least apparently more respectable.» — por qué Campanella recurrió a la magia de Ficino y no a la suya propia cuando quiso ayudar al papa, según Walker: por respetabilidad aparente.

«The answers began by being satisfactory, and included truthful prophecies; the controls were evidently angels.» — cómo empezó aquello.

«But soon this became more doubtful, when the control denied the existence of hell and asserted the transmigration of souls.» — el punto en que la identificación se volvió dudosa.

«Campanella carried on alone, and finally the control said that Campanella had written well on free-will, but that Calvin had written better;» — el dictamen que acabó con el asunto.

«when asked its opinion of Augustine and Chrysostom on the same subject, it prudently remained silent.» — el detalle con que Walker remata la escena.

«This experience did not, then, teach him the lesson that attempts to get into contact with angels by magical means will always result in deception by bad demons *; and it must also be remembered that Campanella was a very courageous man indeed.» — la lección que Walker declara que Campanella NO sacó del episodio, y lo que sí le concede.

«He did realize, I think, that this particular spiritualistic magic was rather perilous and uncertain, and there is no evidence that he ever tried it again.» — lo que Walker sí le concede haber advertido, con la búsqueda negativa que lo apoya.

«But he was left with his faith in good planetary angels unimpaired; and this, together with his belief in the supreme eschatalogical significance of the sun and his practical requirements with regard to the Pope, led him to his revival and transformation of the magic of the De V.C.C., which he probably knew to be demonic, but which was defendable as natural and spiritual.» — el resultado que Walker declara: intacta la fe en los ángeles planetarios, Campanella reanima la magia del De Vita sabiéndola probablemente demónica y defendible como natural.

«Although Campanella does in the Metaphysica resume Ficino’s rules for planetary music, and though the description of the magical operation in the Astrologica mentions Jovial and Venereal music+, we are told nothing more about this music, nor whether it had words, nor if so, what they were.» — la abstención que Walker declara sobre la música de ese rito: no se dice nada más de ella, ni si llevaba letra.

«The marvellous effects of music are due to this transmission of movement from the air to the spirit.» — la explicación mecánica que Campanella da de los efectos musicales.

«But, unlike Ficino and most later musical humanists, Campanella does not think of these effects as primarily ethical or emotional, but as therapeutic or producing sheer pleasure» — lo que separa a Campanella de Ficino y de los humanistas musicales, según Walker: no piensa esos efectos como éticos ni emocionales; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«The human spirit has a natural rhythmic movement, indicated by the pulse, which is essential to its preservation;» — el supuesto fisiológico de esa teoría, con el pulso por indicio.

«Low sounds bruise, condense and thicken the spirit; high ones rarify and lacerate it; what is required, then, is a combination of the two which is “consonant” to the spirit’s natural movement.» — cómo obran los extremos del registro sobre el espíritu, y qué se requiere entonces.

«For Campanella, as for Bacon ®, musical consonance is not determined by the simple mathematical ratios of two or more soundwaves or vibrating strings, but is an entirely relative quality determined by the conformity of musical sounds to any given kind of spirit *.» — la consecuencia que Walker destaca: la consonancia deja de ser razón matemática y pasa a ser cualidad relativa al espíritu de cada quien.

«He taught him to address prayers to the sun and other planetary deities; and, after unspecified ceremonies, put him into a state “between sleeping and waking”, in which he transmitted the angels’ replies to Campanella’s questions on important matters—that is to say, he was a medium in a trance.» — la operación anterior de Campanella que Walker describe: un muchacho puesto entre el sueño y la vigilia transmitía las respuestas de los ángeles.

«Orpheus’ music could not have attracted all the wild animals, but only those having an affinity to our temperament and spirit, such as nightingales, deer, horses and dolphins—not flies, snakes, eels and octopuses *.» — la explicación relativista con que Campanella responde al viejo problema de Orfeo: solo pudo atraer a los animales afines a nuestro temperamento, ruiseñores, ciervos, caballos y delfines, no moscas ni pulpos.

«This relativity of consonance also applies to the harmony of the spheres. Orpheus’ lyre cannot have had such power from being tuned to the music of the heavens.» — el alcance que Walker da a esa relatividad: también anula que la lira de Orfeo obrara por estar afinada con la música de los cielos.

«Different parts of the heavens are favourable or unfavourable to different things in the terrestrial world; there is» — la razón que Campanella da: distintas partes del cielo favorecen o dañan a distintas cosas; el tramo se corta en el límite de chunk.

«therefore no one celestial harmony which is in consonance with all earthly things *.» — el remate de esa razón al abrir el chunk siguiente: no hay una sola armonía celeste consonante con todo lo terrestre.

«In vain do Plato and Pythagoras make up a Music of the World out of our music; indeed they are talking nonsense . . . If there is a harmony in the heavens and in the angels, it is of a different order and has consonances other than the fifth, fourth and octave ... Our voice is to theirs as an ant’s voice is to ours, and the smallest of their voices exceeds the greatest possible thunder-clap, and is not music for us, but quite excessive... °,» — la impugnación de Campanella a la música mundana pitagórico-platónica, en la traducción de Walker: si hay armonía en los cielos, tiene otras consonancias, y su voz menor excede al trueno.

«Campanella, however, appeats to accept the reality of these multiple harmonies of the heavens, and looks forward to the time when, just as the telescope has made perceptible hitherto invisible stars, sO some new instrument will make these harmonies audible °.» — la vuelta de tuerca que Walker señala: Campanella acepta la realidad de esas armonías múltiples y espera un instrumento que las haga audibles, como el telescopio hizo con las estrellas; el escaneo imprime *appeats*.

«The identity of proportion between musical sound and the heavens is explicitly denied, and with this» — lo que esa posición cancela, según Walker; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«but are broad classes of mainly physical reactions produced by high or low music or noises that, for the same effect, must vaty with time, place and individual; and the proper use of these sounds could only be discovered by Baconian experiments.» — en qué quedan los efectos musicales dentro del sistema de Campanella: clases amplias de reacciones físicas que varían con el tiempo, el lugar y la persona, y cuyo uso solo hallarían experimentos baconianos.

«For invoking demons or angels music would be of still less use; for theit spiritual bodies are of a different nature from ours and our music would have no effect at all on them.» — la consecuencia que cierra por completo la vía musical de la magia: los cuerpos espirituales de demonios y ángeles son de otra naturaleza y nuestra música no los toca.

«Although he calls poetry a kind of magic, he is thinking of an A use of the power of words.» — cómo encaja Walker la poética de Campanella en su propio esquema de usos de la palabra.

«These, since they are for him representational symbols, have a more immediate effect than would purely conventional symbols; but, apart from this, his explanation of the effects of poetry, of the transmission by it of meaning and emotion, is ordinary and rational.» — el matiz que Walker le concede y el límite que le pone: efecto más inmediato por ser símbolos representativos, y explicación por lo demás corriente y racional.

«Campanella’s poetry is, nevertheless, much more closely connected with his magic than is his music.» — el balance que Walker hace entre las dos artes en Campanella.

«One can use the A power of words, it will be remembered for magical purposes, and it is, I think, probable that Campanella did so—for demonic, not natural magic.» — la adjudicación que Walker declara probable: Campanella usó el poder ordinario de las palabras con fines mágicos, y para magia demónica.

«Campanella’s astrology was centred on the sun, as Ficino’s was; but his eschatalogical obsession gave his magic a different direction.» — lo que Campanella comparte con Ficino y lo que lo desvía: la obsesión escatológica.

«He was not, like Ficino, so much concerned with a positive strengthening and brightening of the spirit by capturing the influences of the sun, and of Jupiter and Venus, as with warding off the pernicious effects of eclipses, comets, and the bad planets, Mars and Saturn.» — el cambio de propósito que Walker mide: no reforzar el espíritu captando influjos buenos, sino apartar los efectos de eclipses, cometas, Marte y Saturno.

«The main purpose of his magic, therefore, was prophylactic; in the sealed room the torches and candles represented an undisturbed, normal celestial world, which was to counteract the effects of the dislocated reality outside.» — el sentido del cuarto sellado con antorchas según Walker: representar un cielo normal que contrarreste la realidad dislocada de afuera.

«Campanella’s religious and magical aims were both more practical than Ficino’s and more public.» — la diferencia de escala entre los dos.

«Ficino’s magic, both spiritual and demonic, aimed at subjective effects; practised within a small, aristocratic circle, it was meant to purify and elevate the spirit and soul.» — la contraparte ficiniana con que Walker cierra la comparación: efectos subjetivos dentro de un círculo pequeño y aristocrático.

«Several differences between Ficino’s magic and Campanella’s version of it have already been pointed out; I conclude by indicating a few more, of a general kind.» — el anuncio con que Walker abre el cierre del libro.

«The end of the world was being announced not only by the approach of the sun towards the earth, but also by all sorts of heavenly and earthly anomalies and catastrophes: the Protestant heresies, the Nova Cassiopeiae (1572), the discovery of America, etc!.,» — las señales con que Campanella leía el fin del mundo según Walker: la aproximación del Sol, las herejías protestantes, la nova de Casiopea de 1572 y el descubrimiento de América.

«Campanella’s attention was directed primarily to practical ends of the vastest scope.» — el contraste final que Walker traza con Ficino sobre el alcance de los fines.

«By his religious writings he hoped to transform Catholicism, and to convert and unite all the religions and nations of the world.» — lo que Campanella esperaba de sus escritos religiosos.

«By his magic he hoped to gain the power to enforce this conversion, by gaining the confidence and support of those who then possessed this power—the Pope, the King of France or Richelieu.» — y lo que esperaba de su magia: el poder para imponer esa conversión, ganándose a quienes lo tenían.

«And with Urban VIII he came vety near to success.» — la última frase del cuerpo del libro; el escaneo imprime *vety*.

«But are we anyway sure that the magic of the De Vita coelitas Comparanda, including the Orphic singing, was not directed towards good demons or angels!? I think not.» — la pregunta con que Walker abre el capítulo sobre Ficino y los demonios, y la respuesta que se da a sí mismo; el escaneo imprime *coelitas*.

«Demons are seldom mentioned in the De V.C.C.; and it is plain that in this work Ficino is anxious to avoid them. He is suggesting magical practices which are supposed to be non-demonic, to work by the influence of an impersonal planetary spirit on man’s spirit and body, but no higher, and not by the influence of a personal» — lo que Walker mide en el propio texto: los demonios apenas se mencionan y las prácticas se presentan como obra de un espíritu planetario impersonal.

«But even here there are traces of a more dangerous magic. Saturn influences the intellect ?, and we are told that angels or animae celestes can directly influence our souls. There is the idolatry in the Asclepius*. And from the chapter on familiar demons or genii it is clear that these are the same both as one’s guardian angel and as one’s dominant planet 5.» — los rastros que Walker sí encuentra en el De Vita: Saturno influye en el intelecto, los ángeles obran sobre el alma, está la idolatría del *Asclepius* y el genio familiar coincide con el ángel de la guarda.

«From Ficino’s other works it is quite evident that he believed in demons, good and bad, associated with planets, and ‘n their powerful and constant influence on man’s body, spirit, and soul. Moreover the Neoplatonic sources of his magic were demonic, and the magic described by his disciple, Diacceto, is clearly demonic.» — lo que Walker declara evidente en el resto de la obra ficiniana: creencia en demonios buenos y malos ligados a los planetas, fuentes neoplatónicas demónicas y una magia de Diacceto claramente demónica.

«The questions we must ask are: does Ficino anywhere advocate demonic magic, or describe it in a way that definitely connects it with the magic of the De V.C.C., which he did recommend and almost certainly practised himself? In other words, are the apparently non-demonic, subjective, “spiritual” practices of the De V.C.C. merely a dishonest camouflage for a revival of Neoplatonic theurgy?» — las preguntas que Walker formula sin prometer respuesta, incluida la más dura: si las prácticas del De Vita son camuflaje deshonesto de una teurgia neoplatónica.

«The answers to these questions can be neither simple nor conclusive; but the questions themselves are important, in two ways.» — la abstención expresa de Walker antes de seguir: las respuestas no pueden ser simples ni concluyentes.

«First, if Ficino’s magic was addressed to angels and meant to influence the higher part of his soul, it was plainly a religion, a revival of ancient, pagan theurgy, a kind of astrological polytheism which even the most liberal Catholic could not admit.» — la primera razón por la que la pregunta importa: dirigida a ángeles, esa magia sería religión, teurgia pagana reanimada, politeísmo astrológico.

«Secondly, even if it could be claimed that the planetary angels were generally accepted by theologians and their cult, within the same limits as prescribed for that of saints, was permissible 2, it would nevertheless be inexcusably reckless to direct any kind of prayer or rite to them other than those sanctioned by the tradition of the Church; the bad demons, who are eminently _ deceptive, are always lying in wait for the opportunity to delude those who try to make contact with good demons 3.» — la segunda razón: aun admitido el culto a los ángeles planetarios dentro de los límites del de los santos, dirigirles ritos no sancionados sería temerario, porque los demonios malos acechan al que busca a los buenos.

«Any magic then, that is meant to be compatible with Christianity, must avoid demons, good or bad, and we would not expect a Christian openly to advocate any kind of demonic magic» — la regla que Walker deriva y que ordena el resto del capítulo; el tramo se corta al pasar de plana.

«In discussing the reactions to Ficino’s magic in the 16th century, I shall deal in this chapter with groups of thinkers whose religious and philosophical positions are such that they might be favourable to it—might either mention it sympathetically, or incorporate it into their own theory or practice. By no means all of them did so. On the whole Ficino’s magic was not a success. In the next chapter I shall examine some of those writers whom one would expect, judging from their religious convictions, to condemn it outright, and who in fact did so.» — el plan de los dos capítulos siguientes que Walker declara, con el balance dentro: en conjunto, la magia de Ficino no tuvo éxito.

«I have grouped these four magicians together, first because they are closely connected historically, and secondly because they represent a tradition of astrological magic which has close resemblances to Ficino’s, but which is, I think, distinct from 1t.» — los dos criterios con que Walker arma el grupo de Trithemius, Agrippa, Paracelso y Gohory, y la distinción que mantiene respecto de Ficino.

«This kind of magic differs from Ficino’s in being much more overtly demonic, and hence more obviously incompatible with Christianity.» — en qué se distingue esa tradición según Walker: mucho más abiertamente demónica y por eso más incompatible con el cristianismo.

«But are we to suppose that the most learned high-priests of that teligion worshipped such objects as if they were spirits (nwmina)? Certainly not; but rather that they gave occasion to the common people for such an absurd kind of worship.» — la salida de Ficino ante la condena agustiniana de los ídolos, en la traducción de Walker: los sumos sacerdotes no adoraban esos objetos, solo dieron ocasión al vulgo para hacerlo; el escaneo imprime *teligion* y *nwmina*.

«Indeed, as we show in the Commentaries on Plato and Plotinus and in the Third Book of the De Vita, the ancient sages arranged certain long series of mundane gods, as they call them, and of the demons and spirits (sumina) who follow them in order; under each star certain demons, who dwell in that part of the heavens, and under them in the air various other demons, all endowed with the same quality and family-name as the superior ones—Saturnian ones under Saturn, Jovial under Jupiter, and the Martial, Phoebean and others likewise;» — la serie que Ficino describe en el mismo pasaje: bajo cada estrella, demonios de su parte del cielo y, bajo ellos, otros del aire con la misma cualidad y apellido.

«Nevertheless, his example shows us that it was possible to take their treatises as attacks only on “bad”, irreligious astrology; and if, like Ficino, one knew one was a “good” astrologer, one could applaud their attacks whilst still believing in one’s own astrology.» — la salida que Walker señala para los astrólogos del bando de Ficino: leer los ataques de Pico y de Savonarola como dirigidos solo a la astrología mala.

«Like the Orphic Hymns they are written in dactylic hexameters; their music seems to have been a combination of what Pletho knew about ancient Greek music with Byzantine liturgical music,» — lo que Walker sabe de la forma y de la música de esos himnos de Pletón, marcado como parecer.

«I am going now to discuss a few 16th century Platonists who can be said to be within the same philosophic tradition as Ficino and who might therefore provide a favourable climate of thought for the diffusion or developement of his magical theories.» — el criterio con que Walker escoge a los platónicos del capítulo: los que por tradición filosófica debieron dar clima favorable a la magia ficiniana.

«In the De Harmonia Mundi Totius (1525) of Francesco Giorgi, a Venetian Franciscan, one finds something very like the theoretical framework on which Ficino’s spiritual magic rests, but not the magic itself.» — lo que Walker encuentra en Giorgi y lo que no: el armazón teórico de la magia espiritual ficiniana sin la magia.

«The reasons why this framework, in spite of its close resemblance to Ficino’s, did not lead Giorgi to any kind of practical magic are, briefly, that his astrology is too Christian, his musical theory too metaphorical, his conception of spirit too comprehensive and hence fluid.» — las tres razones que Walker da de que ese armazón no llevara a Giorgi a magia práctica: astrología demasiado cristiana, teoría musical demasiado metafórica y concepto de espíritu demasiado amplio.

«This leads up to a demand for the reformation of French poetry and music on the model of antiquity. Poet and musician are to be identical or close collaborators. The music is to be monodic, and the poetry either vers mesurés a Pantique, as in Baif’s Academy, or rhymed verse written specially for music*.» — el programa de reforma que Tyard deriva de esa doctrina: poeta y músico identificados o en colaboración estrecha, música monódica y verso medido a la antigua.

«Nor has his reformed music anything to do with magic.» — el corte que Walker hace al final de ese programa.

«Pour neant on use des choses naturelles, qui n’aura attiré Pan, c’est a dire, qui n’aura invoqué Sathan. Car tous les anciens ont entendu par le mot de Pan, ce que les Hebrieux appellent Sathan..» — la lectura con que Bodin hace legible una de las *Conclusiones* de Pico: atraer a Pan es invocar a Satán, porque eso entendieron los antiguos por esa palabra; el francés va tal cual lo imprime la fuente.

«De Vita coelitis comparanda; he may well have been led to Ficinian magic by the 7rattato dell’ingegno of Persio, who had been a close friend of his 1.» — la vía por la que Walker supone que Campanella llegó a la magia ficiniana: el *Trattato dell’ingegno* de Persio, amigo suyo; el escaneo imprime *coelitis* y *7rattato*.

«In 1599 Campanella was put in prison at Naples after the failure of his Calabrian revolt, which was to have established his Utopian and highly unorthodox City of the Sun?. In 1603, after abominable tortures, he was condemned to perpetual imprisonment, as a heretic; he had escaped being put to death by simulating madness.» — la biografía mínima con que Walker sitúa a Campanella: prisión tras la revuelta calabresa, tortura, condena a cárcel perpetua por hereje y muerte esquivada fingiendo locura.

«Campanella’s eschatalogical hopes were by now largely centred on the Pope, as they once had been on the king of Spain and later were to be on the king of France. If he could convince the Pope of the sun’s slow approach and the events this portended, then missionaries, trained by Campanella, would go forth from Rome to convert the whole world to a reformed, “natural” _ Catholicism, which would introduce the millenium, the universal City of the Sun *.» — el proyecto que Walker le atribuye en Roma: convencer al papa de la aproximación del Sol y mandar misioneros a convertir el mundo a un catolicismo natural reformado.

«There are reasons for thinking that Gemistus Pletho practised a kind of hymn-singing similar to Ficino’s and even for conjecturing that Ficino’s Orphic singing derives in some measure from Pletho.» — la hipótesis con que Walker abre el capítulo sobre Pletón, graduada como razones para pensarlo y como conjetura.

«There is not, as far as I know, any direct evidence of Giorgi’s having derived his philosophy from the Florentines; but his constant use of Plotinus and the prisca theologia makes it likely, as do his frequent cabalistic analyses of Hebrew words in the mannet of Pico *.» — la abstención que Walker declara sobre la filiación florentina de Giorgi, y los dos indicios indirectos con que la sostiene; el escaneo imprime *mannet*.

«Kristeller (Supplementum Ficinianum, Florence, 1937, I, lxxxiv) states that this “liber Plotini” is Ennead, IV, iii, 11, because in one ms. the De Vita Coel. Comp. appears among the commentaries on Plotinus in this place.» — la identificación que Kristeller propone para el *liber Plotini* comentado en el De Vita coelitus comparanda, según Walker.

«It seems to me perhaps more likely that it is Eynn., IV, iv, of which c. 30-42 deal with astral influence in much greater detail.» — Walker discrepa de Kristeller sin cerrar la cuestión y propone otra Enéada, por tratar la influencia astral con más detalle.

«Ficino, in the dedication of this Book (Op. Omn., p. 529), says that it is a commentary on “librum Plotini de favore coelitus hauriendo tractantem”» — el dato de la dedicatoria en el que se apoya la discusión: Ficino presenta el tercer libro como comentario a un libro de Plotino.

«The conception of the peculiar penetration of sound may, as Hutton (“Some English Poems in Praise of Music’, English Miscellany, 2, ed. Mario Praz, Rome, 1951, p. 21) suggests, owe something to the short passage on hearing in the Timaeus (67 a): “Sound we may define in general terms as the stroke inflicted by air on the brain and blood through the ears and passed on to the soul ; while the motion it causes, starting in the head and ending in the region of the liver, is hearing”» — la deuda que Walker admite con la sugerencia de Hutton, que remite el asunto al pasaje del *Timeo* sobre el oído.

«When Ficino is copying out Augustine’s exposition of this theory, in which the term spiritus is not used, he identifies this air in the ear with the spirit, substituting “aereus au» — Walker documenta una sustitución de Ficino al copiar a Agustín: donde el texto agustiniano no usa *spiritus*, Ficino identifica con el espíritu el aire del oído; el tramo se corta en el cambio de plana.

«Since Ficino says the De V.e.c. is a commentary on Plotinus (v. supra p. 3 note (2)), Enn., IV, iv, 30-44 is probably one immediate source of this theory of planetary influence, though there is little mention of spirit in this Ennead.» — la fuente inmediata que Walker propone para la teoría ficiniana de la influencia planetaria, con la reserva que él mismo pone: en esa Enéada casi no se habla de espíritu.

«These terms seem to originate with Boetius (v. Hutton, op. cit., p. 17).» — Walker remite a Hutton para el origen boeciano de la tripartición *musica mundana* / *humana* / *instrumentalis*.

«Even much later musical humanists associated the modern /re with ancient music; Zarlino was inclined to believe that the ancient lyre was like a Jira tedesca» — el dato que Walker aporta desde Zarlino para sostener la identificación del instrumento; el escaneo imprime */re* y *Jira tedesca* por *lira* y *lira tedesca*.

«Man in general is thought to be primarily solarian, and to a lesser degree jovial and mercurial (ibid., p. 535 (III, ii)).» — la nota con que Walker apuntala la primacía del Sol: en Ficino el hombre en general se tiene por solar y, en menor grado, por jovial y mercurial.

«When, a century later, Patrizi (ova de Universis Philosophia, Venetijs, 1593, fos 107 v-111 v (1st ed. 1591)) used this psalm (and the Orphic Hymn of the Sun) in a sun-worshipping context, the inquisitor, Jacopo de Lugo, noted (ibid., fo 111 v)» — el episodio de censura que Walker consigna en nota: un siglo después el inquisidor Jacopo de Lugo anota el uso del mismo salmo por Patrizi en contexto de culto solar; el escaneo imprime *ova* por *Nova*.

«It may have been, as A.-M. Schmidt suggests ®, from the Margarita that Maurice Scéve learnt of it.» — la vía de transmisión que Walker recoge de A.-M. Schmidt para explicar cómo llegó la teoría a Scève, con el verbo de propuesta intacto.

«As Kristeller points out *, he diverged from him in several important ways, especially with regard to the relation between Platonism and Christianity.» — la divergencia que Kristeller señala entre Diacceto y Ficino, recogida por Walker a propósito de la relación entre platonismo y cristianismo.

«See D. P. Walker, “Orpheus the Theologian”, Journal of Warburg ¢ Courtauld Inst., XVI, 1953, pp. 116-9, and “Prisca Theologia in France”, ibid., XVII, 1954, pp. 243-251.» — los dos artículos propios que Walker cita en nota para la conexión de la tríada neoplatónica con el platonismo renacentista.

«Bessarion (Jn Calumniatorem Platonis, ed. L. Mohler, Paderborn, 1927, p. 367) defended it against George of Trebizond by taking it as a fabulous version of the Catholic spiritual body, but was evidently aware of the unorthodoxy» — la defensa que Bessarión hace del cuerpo astral frente a Jorge de Trebisonda, según Walker, tomándolo por versión fabulosa del cuerpo espiritual católico.

«Nicolas Leonicus prefaced and ended his De Tribus Animorum Vebiculis (in his Dialogi, Lugduni, 1542, p. 82 (1st ed. 1524)) by solemnly warning his readers —— accepting any Platonic views on the soul which do not conform with Christian ogma.» — la advertencia solemne con que Leonicus enmarca su tratado sobre los tres vehículos, según Walker; el escaneo imprime *ogma* por *dogma*.

«Diacceto, also, was very interested in the Neoplatonic vehicle, but, typically, does not bother about its orthodoxy (cf. Diacceto,» — el contraste que Walker anota en la misma nota: a Diacceto le interesa el vehículo y no le preocupa su ortodoxia.

«Reading “quando” for “quoniam” on the assumption that the original was “tel” or “ered”.» — una de las enmiendas de lectura que Walker declara al traducir el *Asclepius*.

«As Garin rightly concludes ®, there is no reason to doubt, on the grounds of this letter, that Ficino, with whatever hesitance and cautiousness, still had a strong belief in some sort of astrology.» — la conclusión de Garin que Walker suscribe: la carta no da razón para dudar de que Ficino siguiera creyendo en alguna forma de astrología.

«Bellantius (De Astrologica veritate Liber Quaestionum. Astrologiae Defensio contra Toannem Picum Mirandulanum ..., Basileae, 1554, p. 171 (first ed. 1502)) wrote on Ficino: “Marsilius Ficinus Platonicus cuidam amico meo ejus inspecta genitura quaedam futura affirmavit, nihilque adversus astrologiam scripsisse audivimus, at Sepe intentum legimus in libro de triplici vita quem jam plures sunt anni edidit pro astrologica facultate, ubi non modo de astrologia sed magica, quod majus est, diffuse tractat.” This is a reply to Pico’s statement about Ficino and astrology.» — el testimonio de Bellantius que Walker opone al de Pico: dice haber oído a Ficino predecir por un horóscopo y no haberle conocido escrito alguno contra la astrología.

«Kristeller discusses this mystery in his admirable article on Lazarelli and Ficino ®, and suggests that it consists of the rebirth which a religious teacher achieves in his converted disciple.» — la interpretación que Kristeller propone del misterio de Lazzarelli, recogida por Walker con el verbo de propuesta intacto.

«Kepler, whose EHlarmonices Mundi* is an example of the use of theoretically ' Operative musical and mathematical analogies, pointed out clearly the fundamental difference between his and Fludd’s cosmologies by showing that his own analogies were exact ones of proportion between two systems each having a constant unit of measurement, whereas Fludd’s were mostly based merely on an identity of number between systems having no other mathematical characteristic in common*.» — la distinción que Kepler establece entre sus propias analogías y las de Fludd, recogida por Walker: proporciones exactas entre sistemas con unidad de medida constante frente a meras identidades de número.

«It seems moreover almost certain that, as Miss Yates has so convincingly argued *, we have in the Baif-Le Jeune music for the mariage of the Duc de Joyeuse (1581) an example of public magic using not only the effects of music but also practical astrology.» — la tesis de Frances Yates que Walker suscribe casi por entera: la música de Baïf y Le Jeune para las bodas de Joyeuse en 1581 es un ejemplo de magia pública con astrología práctica.

«Lefévre’s first edition of this was published by the University of Paris in 1494. From 1516 onwards Lefévre’s commentaries frequently appear in editions of Ficino’s ‘translation of the Pimander as if they were by Ficino (see Kristeller, Suppl. Ficin.,» — el dato de edición que Walker toma de Kristeller: desde 1516 los comentarios de Lefèvre aparecen en ediciones del *Pimander* como si fueran de Ficino.

Spiritus mundi (espíritu del mundo) — Ficino lo llama quinto elemento y cuerpo sutilísimo, casi no cuerpo y casi alma, causa inmediata de toda generación; el programa del De Vita consiste en absorberlo con música, olores, vino y luz.

Anima mundi (alma del mundo) — Contiene tantas razones seminales como ideas hay en la mente divina y reparte a cada cosa su virtud particular; Paolini espera de ella ayuda milagrosa y Diacceto hace del mundo un solo animal cuya alma imprime formas por los astros.

Magia Natural — Concepto inestable en la lectura de Walker: sus actividades tienden a volverse indistinguibles de arte, ciencia, psicología práctica o religión, y de ahí su desaparición final.

Imaginación (phantasia) — Fuerza central del esquema de Walker: casi siempre presente, las demás fuerzas sirven para intensificarla o comunicarla, y todo efecto transitivo producido solo por ella se tiene por mágico.

Talismán (imagen astrológica) — Ficino los describe con reserva expresa y da permiso de descartarlos; por llevar palabras y caracteres quedan expuestos a la acusación de magia demónica, y Champier, Wier y Del Rio los adjudican al pacto.

Daimon (entidad intermedia, ni ángel ni demonio) — Demonios planetarios con alma y cuerpo aéreo que transmiten el influjo de los astros; el ángel de la guarda es el demonio planetario familiar, y Diacceto les atribuye dones de libre albedrío.

Theurgia (obra divina) — El cuerpo astral neoplatónico es, según Walker, explicación o justificación de las prácticas teúrgicas no intelectuales: ayunos, lustraciones, incienso, incantaciones.

Prisca theologia (la teología antiquísima) — Para Agrippa es también prisca magia y se acepta de un modo excepcionalmente liberal; para G. F. Pico y para Wier es tradición persistente de error supersticioso.

Microcosmos (el hombre-mundo) — Primer principio de la eficacia musical: universo y hombre construidos sobre las mismas proporciones armónicas, con sus tres músicas mundana, humana e instrumental.

Quintaesencia (quinta essentia) — Nombre que Ficino da al espíritu del mundo, medio entre el alma y el cuerpo del mundo, que no se compone de los cuatro humores aunque contiene las potencias de los cuatro elementos.

Secreto (lo que se jura no fijar por escrito) — Ficino confía en mantener la práctica dentro de un círculo docto y en guardarla del vulgo, y Lazzarelli aplaza la operación a un lugar más oculto y solitario.

Necromancia (nigromancia) — Bodin tiene por demónica y eficaz toda magia; Erastus la explica entera como ilusión de demonios malos, y a diferencia de Wier es partidario de quemar brujas.

Cadena de transmisión (quién tomó de quién) — Campanella funda la fiabilidad de los horóscopos en una prisca astrologia: quienes transmitieron los nombres de los astros tuvieron que ser divinos o enseñados por Dios.

Crítica de fuentes (criterios de inclusión y descarte) — Walker discute la autenticidad del De Fato tomista, lo adjudica casi con seguridad a Alberto Magno y explica por qué Campanella podía usarlo igual: la edición romana de 1570 lo imprimía sin reservas.

Philosophia perennis (filosofía perenne) — Agrippa sostiene que ninguna religión yerra tanto que no guarde algo de sabiduría y que Dios no deja sin recompensa los cultos ajenos; Bodin busca en el Heptaplomeres la Urreligion común a siete interlocutores.

Tetragrammaton (el Nombre de cuatro letras) — Walker lo usa como ejemplo de la inestabilidad numerológica: el 4 simboliza los elementos y el mundo corpóreo, y también el Tetragrámmaton o los evangelistas.