SPIRITUS MUNDISupportESEN

WORK

A History of Magic and Experimental Science, Volume VI

A History of Magic and Experimental Science, Volumes V and VI: The Sixteenth Century

inglés1941, por el pie de la portada («COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS 1941», plana 9) y por la página de derechos («COPYRIGHT 1941 BY COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS, NEW YORK», plana 10)

Source entries are currently shown in Spanish; English-first entries arrive with the next cataloguing pass.

Sexto volumen de los ocho, continuación de `thorndike-magic-experimental-1`, `thorndike-magic-experimental-2`, `thorndike-magic-experimental-3`, `thorndike-magic-experimental-4` y `thorndike-magic-experimental-5`. La portadilla de serie lo publica dentro de las publicaciones de la History of Science Society, nueva serie IV, y lo anuncia como el segundo de un par sobre el siglo XVI «Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 7».

La portada declara la autoría de Lynn Thorndike, profesor de historia en Columbia University, y el pie de imprenta de Columbia University Press en Morningside Heights, Nueva York, con año 1941 «Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 9»; la página de derechos lo confirma «Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 10».

El troceo trae SOLO el volumen VI, cotejado contra el índice: sus dieciocho capítulos van del XXXI al XLVIII y cubren la segunda mitad del siglo XVI, del capítulo sobre la astronomía poscopernicana «Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 27» al de resumen y subproductos «Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 598». El volumen V, con los capítulos I al XXX, no está en este troceo.

Cierran el volumen los apéndices «Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 617», un índice general común a los dos volúmenes del par —sus remisiones llevan «V» o «VI» delante del folio— «Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 637» y un índice de incipits «Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 789».

1719 claims · 1 source · 1 attribution

Attribution

recorded, never asserted
DECLARED
portada: «By LYNN THORNDIKE PROFESSOR OF HISTORY, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY VOLUME VI NEW YORK : MORNINGSIDE HEIGHTS COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS 1941»
per Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)
«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 9»

The chain of the work

the processed witness, in emerald
EDITION · PROCESSED
Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)
inglés · 1941 · Nueva York · Columbia University Press (imprimio)

Claims

1719 entries — the work's own voice, with its passage

«Copernicus . . . omnia in re astronomica invertit»el epígrafe del capítulo XXXI, que Thorndike toma de Schreckenfuchs: Copérnico lo trastornó todo en materia astronómica

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 27»

«Erasmus Reinhold, whom we saw looking forward in 1542 to the publication of De revolutionibus, as a result of the appearance of that work composed new astronomical tables, which were first printed at Tiibingen in 1551»según Thorndike, Erasmo Reinhold compuso nuevas tablas astronómicas a resultas de la aparición del *De revolutionibus*, impresas en Tubinga en 1551; el troceo imprime *Tiibingen* por Tübingen

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 27»

«In the preface Reinhold states that observations, made for many years past by leading astronomers, have shown that the old tables can no longer be used as a basis for calculating the positions of the heavenly bodies»y expone lo que Reinhold dice en el prefacio: las observaciones de muchos años han mostrado que las tablas viejas ya no sirven de base para calcular las posiciones de los cuerpos celestes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 27»

«for having freely communicated to the studious his observations, won by the vigils of many years and by assiduous labor, and for having by the publication of De revolutionibus restored the theory of movements, which was in a state of almost total collapse»el agradecimiento que Reinhold dirige a Copérnico por haber comunicado sus observaciones y haber restaurado con el *De revolutionibus* la teoría de los movimientos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 27»

«In geometry Copernicus was supreme, but in numerical reckoning he sometimes made slips»y su reserva: en geometría Copérnico era supremo, pero en el cálculo numérico a veces resbalaba

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 27»

«To this laborious task of constructing tables Reinhold has given seven years, to the detriment of his private fortune, which he might have been augmenting by paying undertakings and divinations»Reinhold dice haber dado siete años a esa tarea, en perjuicio de su fortuna privada, que habría podido acrecentar con empresas remuneradas y con adivinaciones

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 28»

«It thus appears that the Prutenic Tables were not merely a tabulation of the results of Copernicus, although both then and since they were often referred to roughly as Copernican, or by some such phrase as “according to the calculation of Copernicus,” as if his canons and reckoning and those of Reinhold were identical»la conclusión de Thorndike: las Tablas Prusianas no eran una mera tabulación de los resultados de Copérnico, aunque se las llamara copernicanas como si los cánones de uno y otro fueran idénticos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 28»

«These Prutenic Tables found favor with many persons who either did not accept the Copernican hypotheses in their entirety, feeling that they required some modification, or who had less interest in such theoretical and revolutionary proposals than in practical tables which gave the positions of the planets more accurately than the tables of the past and so would serve as a safer basis for prediction from the stars»y su explicación del éxito: las acogieron quienes no aceptaban enteras las hipótesis copernicanas o quienes se interesaban menos en la teoría que en tablas prácticas más exactas para predecir por los astros

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 28»

«They appear to have been well received from their first appearance and to have been supplanted only by the Rudolphine Tables of Kepler, whereas the Copernican theory won general acceptance only in the next century after it had been modified and further developed by the discoveries of Kepler and others»Thorndike traza el desnivel entre las dos cosas: las tablas se sostuvieron hasta las Rudolfinas de Kepler, mientras que la teoría copernicana solo ganó aceptación general en el siglo siguiente

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 28»

«Tycho Brahe, however, while calling Reinhold an “illustrious astronomer of our age,” remarked that he had been chiefly occupied with demonstrations and numerical calculations, and had observed the stars little, using a poor wooden quadrant and borrowing largely in this respect from Copernicus»y recoge el juicio de Tycho Brahe sobre Reinhold: ilustre astrónomo de nuestra edad, pero ocupado sobre todo en demostraciones y cálculos, con poca observación y un mal cuadrante de madera

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 28»

«Maestlin more than once expressed regret that Reinhold’s untimely death had prevented his producing the commentary upon the books of Copernicus or upon his own Prutentc Tables which he had planned»Maestlin lamentó más de una vez que la muerte temprana de Reinhold impidiera el comentario a los libros de Copérnico o a sus propias Tablas Prusianas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 29»

«Indeed, Maestlin himself had in 1586 criticized those who were responsible for the reformed Gregorian calendar for having used the Prutenic Tables instead of working out new ones from more recent observations»y en 1586 reprochó a los responsables del calendario gregoriano haber usado las Tablas Prusianas en vez de trabajar unas nuevas sobre observaciones recientes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 29»

«In this connection he stated that the Alfonsine and Prutenic were the only tables available, and that it was a common complaint of all mathematicians that the calculations of neither corresponded exactly with the sky»con la queja común de todos los matemáticos: ni los cálculos alfonsíes ni los prusianos correspondían exactamente con el cielo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 29»

«Next to astrological predictions, elementary textbooks after the manner of the Sphere of Sacrobosco seem to have been the most frequent publication in the astronomical field in the sixteenth century»una de las mediciones que Thorndike hace del campo: después de las predicciones astrológicas, los manuales elementales al modo de la *Esfera* de Sacrobosco fueron la publicación astronómica más frecuente del siglo XVI

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 30»

«Apparently almost every university had at least one elementary astronomical text produced for local consumption during this period. Their authors seldom reached the theory of the planets, the intricacies of which they usually postponed to a future volume which never appeared»y su descripción del género: casi cada universidad tenía un texto astronómico de consumo local, cuyos autores rara vez llegaban a la teoría de los planetas y aplazaban sus dificultades a un volumen futuro que nunca apareció

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 30»

«They commonly adhered strictly to the Ptolemaic system, both as customary and as presenting the heavens the way they looked to an observer on the earth»esos manuales se atenían al sistema ptolemaico, por costumbre y por presentar los cielos como se le aparecen a un observador en la tierra

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 31»

«This dead weight of pedagogical tradition and inertia did far more to delay the spread and general acceptance of the Copernican hypothesis than any religious opposition to it»la tesis central del capítulo: el peso muerto de la tradición pedagógica y la inercia retrasaron la difusión de la hipótesis copernicana mucho más que cualquier oposición religiosa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 31»

«Galileo might have done better to write a systematic textbook than his provocative dialogues»con el corolario que Thorndike deriva de ahí sobre Galileo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 31»

«Hardly a single elementary textbook was written on the Copernican basis. Usually a passing sentence or two was all the recognition given to it»y la medida en que lo funda: apenas un manual elemental escrito sobre base copernicana, y de ordinario una frase de paso por todo reconocimiento

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 31»

«He states that, if the Copernican theory had been graphically presented sooner, as it had been recently by Blaeu, it would not have been condemned as absurd before it had been seen how it saved the phenomena, and that more probably than any other system»Hortensius sostiene que si la teoría copernicana se hubiera presentado gráficamente antes, como acababa de hacerlo Blaeu, no se la habría condenado por absurda sin ver cómo salvaba los fenómenos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 31»

«But because Copernicus himself was “too obscure in his writings to be understood by everyone,” and because the use of the Copernican sphere and hypothesis was not explained in a popular way by any astronomer,’” many condemned it as false without understanding it»y adjudica la condena a dos causas: la oscuridad del propio Copérnico y que ningún astrónomo explicara de modo popular el uso de la esfera y la hipótesis copernicanas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 31»

«But so persistent were these early modern educators in seeing a mote in the student’s eye, when it was really a beam in their own, that even Blaeu in the seventeenth century, who is said by his Latin translator, Hortensius, to have been the first to construct a Copernican sphere, and who himself accepted the Copernican hypotheses, thought it advisable to offer beginners a Ptolemaic sphere first, so that they would have less difÏculty with the other»y cierra con la imagen de la paja y la viga: hasta Blaeu, que aceptaba las hipótesis copernicanas, tuvo por aconsejable dar primero a los principiantes una esfera ptolemaica; el OCR imprime *difÏculty* por difficulty, con la ligadura fi vuelta Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 32»

«Conrad Gesner, in his Universal Library of 1545, although Rheticus had once been his schoolmate at Zurich»el primer autor del repaso: Conrad Gesner, cuya *Bibliotheca universalis* de 1545 dio noticia breve de la *Narratio prima* pese a haber sido Rético condiscípulo suyo en Zúrich

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 32»

«One would have thought that it might have occurred to the minds of sixteenth century teachers that the very persons who would be most likely to grasp readily the rudiments of the Copernican theory, if only it were put before them simply and»Thorndike señala lo que a los maestros del siglo XVI no se les ocurrió: que los más propensos a captar los rudimentos de la teoría copernicana serían los estudiantes jóvenes, si se les pusiera delante con sencillez; el tramo se corta en el cambio de plana

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 31»

«clearly, would be young students whose minds were open to new ideas and not prejudiced or preoccupied by some other astronomical theory. They had not, like their teachers, been long accustomed to the Ptolemaic theory»*y sigue en la plana siguiente*: mentes abiertas a ideas nuevas y no acostumbradas, como las de sus maestros, a la teoría ptolemaica

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 32»

«Presumably Gesner meant that the earth moved or is moved about # the sky, but he does not seem to say so»según Thorndike, Gesner probablemente quería decir que la tierra se mueve alrededor del cielo, pero no parece decirlo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 33»

«At the same time that Gesner gave Rheticus only a half dozen lines, and Copernicus less than four, he devoted a page and a half to Vesalius—the half page to quotation from the preface of De humani corporis fabrica»y mide la desproporción de la *Bibliotheca universalis*: media docena de renglones a Rético, menos de cuatro a Copérnico, y plana y media a Vesalio

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 33»

«Dodoens adheres to the view that the sun moves about the earth, which is at rest at the center of the universe with the same center and axis as the eighth sphere»según Thorndike, Dodoens sostiene en su *Cosmographia* que el sol se mueve alrededor de la tierra, quieta en el centro del universo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 33»

«He specifically denies that the earth can revolve about this axis, which would be contrary to the movement in a straight line otherwise characteristic of the four elements»y niega expresamente que la tierra pueda girar sobre ese eje, por ser contrario al movimiento en línea recta propio de los cuatro elementos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 33»

«does not mention Copernicus in this connection, although he elsewhere cites him several times. None of these citations, with perhaps a single exception, have reference to the Copernican theory»Dodoens no nombra a Copérnico en ese punto, y de las veces que lo cita en otros lugares casi ninguna toca la teoría copernicana

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 34»

«The New Questions on the Sphere of Ariel Bicardus are a set of simple questions and answers, intended as a textbook for adolescents»las *Quaestiones novae* de Ariel Bicardo, que Thorndike describe como preguntas y respuestas simples para adolescentes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 34»

«The book has some new features from the standpoint of presentation and pedagogy, but its astronomy remains Ptolemaic and Sacroboscan. I did not notice any mention of Copernicus»y su juicio sobre ellas: traen novedades de presentación y pedagogía, pero su astronomía sigue siendo ptolemaica y sacrobosquiana, sin mención de Copérnico que él notara

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 34»

«Despite the appearance of the Prutenic Tables in 1551, Nicolaus Pruckner, editor of Firmicus Maternus and defender of astrology to Edward VI, issued astronomical tables at Basel in 1553 which were still based upon the Alfonsine Tables»Nicolaus Pruckner, editor de Fírmico Materno y defensor de la astrología ante Eduardo VI, sacó en Basilea en 1553 tablas todavía fundadas en las alfonsíes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 35»

«That Peucer had a high opinion of Copernicus as an astronomer is indicated by his closing a list of great astrologi at the beginning of the book with his name and giving somewhat more details about him than others»según Thorndike, la alta opinión que Peucer tenía de Copérnico se ve en que cierra con su nombre la lista de grandes *astrologi* que abre el libro

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 35»

«Yet Peucer puts the earth in the center of the universe. He says that Aristarchus of Samos made it revolve between Mars and Venus about an immobile sun»y con todo pone la tierra en el centro del universo, y adjudica a Aristarco de Samos haberla hecho girar entre Marte y Venus alrededor de un sol inmóvil

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 35»

«But Peucer omits them in order not to offend or disturb beginning students (tyrones) by their novelty»Peucer omite las hipótesis copernicanas para no ofender ni perturbar con su novedad a los principiantes, los *tyrones*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 35»

«Houzeau and Lancaster were therefore in error in saying of Peucer’s work, ‘“‘C’est le premier livre d’une certaine valeur écrit dans les idées de Copernic»Thorndike objeta a Houzeau y a Lancaster su juicio de que la obra de Peucer fuera el primer libro de algún valor escrito dentro de las ideas de Copérnico

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 36»

«Their further statement that the works of Peucer were put on the Index expurgatortus, although literally true, is equally misleading, if they mean to suggest that this was because of his supporting the Copernican theory, which he did not do»y objeta también la sugerencia de que a Peucer lo pusieran en el Índice por sostener la teoría copernicana, que no sostuvo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 36»

«So much of a dent the voyages of discovery had made in the Aristotelian doctrine of heavy and light, of natural place, .and of spheres of the elements»la medida que Thorndike toma del efecto de los viajes de descubrimiento sobre la doctrina aristotélica de lo pesado y lo ligero, del lugar natural y de las esferas de los elementos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 36»

«It is remarkable that Gemma should have hit upon one of the few points in which Copernicus was mistaken as a reason for accepting his calculations»Thorndike anota la ironía: Gemma Frisius dio con uno de los pocos puntos en que Copérnico se equivocaba como razón para aceptar sus cálculos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 37»

«Mixed motives were involved in accepting or rejecting the Copernican hypotheses, and those who accepted them were not necessarily or always right»y saca de ahí una advertencia de método: en aceptar o rechazar las hipótesis copernicanas entraban motivos mezclados, y quienes las aceptaban no por fuerza tenían razón

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 37»

«In a letter penned during the last year of his life Gemma Frisius urged Stadius to publish his New Ephemerides for the years 1554-1570, and not to be deterred by fear of being accused of believing that the earth is moved, while the sun stands still in the center of the universe»según Thorndike, Gemma Frisius urgió por carta a Stadius a publicar sus *Ephemerides* sin dejarse disuadir por el temor a que lo acusaran de creer que la tierra se mueve y el sol está quieto

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 37»

«The movement of the earth and immobility of the sun were not stated as absolutely necessary assumptions, but as not utterly absurd, conformable to nature, and accounting for the positions of the stars—past, present, and future»el argumento de Gemma según Thorndike: el movimiento de la tierra y la inmovilidad del sol no se enuncian como supuestos absolutamente necesarios, sino como no absurdos, conformes a la naturaleza y capaces de dar cuenta de las posiciones de los astros

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 38»

«Although the hypotheses of Ptolemy at first sight were more plausible, yet they involved not a few absurdities too, and did not offer so evident explanations of the phenomena as Copernicus did»y su comparación: las hipótesis de Ptolomeo parecen a primera vista más plausibles, pero envuelven no pocos absurdos y no explican los fenómenos con tanta evidencia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 38»

«This was a vigorous defense of the Copernican theory, but there seem to have been few like it in the years immediately following Gemma’s death»el juicio de Thorndike sobre esa carta, y la escasez de textos semejantes en los años inmediatos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 38»

«He added that the theory of motions required correction, that Copernicus had happily begun the task and Reinhold completed it»Stadius, en su prefacio a Felipe II, reparte el crédito: Copérnico comenzó felizmente la corrección de la teoría de los movimientos y Reinhold la remató

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 38»

«He had based his new ones for the sixteen years from 1554 to 1570 upon the Prutenic Tables and had tested them for two years before publication, not trusting merely in his own observations in this checking up, but also using those of Gemma Frisius and Philip Montegius for the fixed stars»y declara el método de sus efemérides: fundadas en las Tablas Prusianas y probadas dos años antes de publicarlas, con observaciones propias y de Gemma Frisius y Philip Montegius

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 39»

«These Ephemertdes of Stadius were as much astrological as Copernican. In the preface to Philip II the control by the planets of the weather and of fatal downfalls of kingdoms was asserted»la observación de Thorndike sobre la mezcla de capas: las efemérides de Stadius eran tan astrológicas como copernicanas; el troceo imprime *Ephemertdes*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 39»

«It was added that the captivity of Francis I had been predicted to the day and hour by a Franciscan of Mechlin, who had likewise forecast the death of the prince of Orange at the early age of twenty-six»con los ejemplos de predicción cumplida que el prefacio alega: la cautividad de Francisco I anunciada al día y a la hora por un franciscano de Malinas, y la muerte del príncipe de Orange a los veintiséis años

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 39»

«Yet he represented the earth as at rest and refused to discuss the Copernican theory at present as “too difÏcult for this first Introduction,’*? although he hinted that there might be some truth in it»según Thorndike, Robert Recorde dejó la tierra en reposo y se negó a discutir por entonces la teoría copernicana, aunque insinuó que podía haber en ella algo de verdad; el OCR imprime *difÏcult* con la ligadura fi vuelta Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 40»

«In the preface to his edition of the Almagest he complained that there had recently arisen a new kind of theologian who deterred the young from astronomy, called astronomers astrologers, and confused both with pyromancy, hydromancy, nigromancy and geomancy»la queja de Schreckenfuchs que Thorndike recoge: había surgido una nueva especie de teólogo que apartaba a los jóvenes de la astronomía, llamaba astrólogos a los astrónomos y confundía a unos y otros con la piromancia, la hidromancia, la nigromancia y la geomancia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 40»

«In the commentary on Peurbach Ptolemy is the other author most cited, and the Ptolemaic system is followed with especial attention to the construction and use of astronomical tables»y su descripción del comentario a Peurbach: se sigue el sistema ptolemaico con atención especial a la construcción y el uso de tablas astronómicas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 40»

«are presented without acknowledgement, so that further investigation might detect a similar surreptitious use of the Prutenic Tables»Thorndike señala que los eclipses lunares de 1511, 1522 y 1523 aparecen sin reconocimiento de fuente, y deja abierta la sospecha de un uso igualmente subrepticio de las Tablas Prusianas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 41»

«Towards the close of his work he afÏrms that it would be easy to improve astronomy, if financial support were forthcoming»Schreckenfuchs sostiene que sería fácil mejorar la astronomía si hubiera apoyo económico; el OCR imprime *afÏrms* con la ligadura fi vuelta Ï y el tramo arranca tras esa palabra

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 41»

«Great astronomical machines are required which will remain fixed in the same spots for ages and be tested by many astronomers. Every university should have such an observatory»y su programa: hacen falta grandes máquinas astronómicas fijas en el mismo sitio por siglos y probadas por muchos astrónomos, y cada universidad debería tener un observatorio así

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 41»

«But while Tiibingen has a few traces of such instruments, Niirnberg is the only city whose government has done much for men like Regiomontanus, Schoner and Werner»con la comparación que hace entre ciudades: Núremberg es la única cuyo gobierno hizo mucho por hombres como Regiomontano, Schöner y Werner; el troceo imprime *Tiibingen* y *Schoner*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 41»

«Dee censures those who continue to issue Ephemerides based on antiquated canons which are ten, twelve or thirteen degrees wrong as to the position of Mercury»según Thorndike, John Dee censura en su carta introductoria a quienes siguen sacando efemérides con cánones anticuados que yerran hasta trece grados la posición de Mercurio

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 42»

«Feild has therefore prepared this new Ephemeris based upon Copernicus and Reinhold, not because of superior ability on his part, but because no one else has done so»y John Feild declara por qué compuso la suya sobre Copérnico y Reinhold: no por habilidad superior, sino porque nadie más lo había hecho

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 42»

«Thus two persons who alike professedly followed in the footsteps of Copernicus and Reinhold might disagree with one another as well as with earlier tables and calculations»de donde Thorndike saca que dos hombres que decían seguir los pasos de Copérnico y de Reinhold podían discrepar entre sí tanto como de las tablas anteriores

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 42»

«Johann Garcaeus referred to Copernicus as “the outstanding artificer of our age»según Thorndike, Johann Garcaeus llamó a Copérnico el artífice sobresaliente de su época

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 43»

«He was not, however, speaking of the heliocentric theory but of the Copernican perpetual canons of mean motions and equations which might be accommodated backward and forward to any observations»y precisa de qué hablaba: no de la teoría heliocéntrica, sino de los cánones perpetuos copernicanos de movimientos medios y ecuaciones

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 43»

«Biesius thought that it made little difference whether we say that the planets are carried in epicycles or in eccentrics or partly in one way and partly in the other, since their positions and virtues remain the same»Nicolaus Biesius sostiene que da lo mismo decir que los planetas son llevados en epiciclos o en excéntricas, porque sus posiciones y virtudes quedan iguales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 43»

«Jean Pena, royal professor of mathematics at Paris, certainly could not be accused of being afraid of new and revolutionary theories, as his denial of the substantiality of the celestial spheres,” statement that air filled the heavens, and explanation of comets show»el retrato que Thorndike hace de Jean Pena: no se lo puede acusar de temer las teorías nuevas, como muestran su negativa de la sustancialidad de las esferas celestes y su explicación de los cometas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 43»

«He upheld Ptolemy’s estimates of the greatest and least distances of the moon from the earth against the criticism of Copernicus»Pena defiende con todo las estimaciones de Ptolomeo sobre las distancias máxima y mínima de la luna frente a la crítica de Copérnico

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 44»

«he maintained that according to optics the sun, Venus and Mercury all seemed to be in the same orb»y sostiene que, según la óptica, el sol, Venus y Mercurio parecen estar en un mismo orbe

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 44»

«Mesmes cites many authors, classical, Arabic, medieval Latin and more recent from the Perspective of Witelo to the Physics of Melanchthon»según Thorndike, Jean Pierre de Mesmes cita autores clásicos, árabes, latinos medievales y recientes, de la *Perspectiva* de Witelo a la *Física* de Melanchthon

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 44»

«the doctrine of the natural courses of the planets was still in its infancy»el reproche de Mesmes a Pico della Mirandola por criticar a Fírmico: en tiempos de Fírmico y de Plinio la doctrina de los cursos naturales de los planetas estaba todavía en su infancia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 45»

«already in his preface Mesmes says that he will not avail himself of the reasons and arguments of Copernicus to do away with the ninth sphere and to trouble or discourage tender and rude minds by new theories»Mesmes declara en el prefacio que no se valdrá de las razones de Copérnico para suprimir la novena esfera ni para turbar con teorías nuevas a las mentes tiernas y rudas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 45»

«uses this absurd opinion to support his own demonstrations and celestial revolutions, which would be totally null without such a false hypothesis»y en el capítulo sobre la inmovilidad de la tierra dice que Copérnico se sirve de la opinión de Aristarco, que él llama absurda, para sostener demostraciones que sin esa falsa hipótesis quedarían nulas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 45»

«perhaps some will ridicule astronomy for thus availing itself of divine authority»Mesmes teme que alguno ridiculice a la astronomía por valerse de la autoridad divina, después de enumerar los pasajes bíblicos que hacen mover al sol y quieta a la tierra

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 46»

«adopts the somewhat unusual position that the eclipse at the crucifixion was local in order to give the Jews a sign and not universal»y toma la posición, poco común según Thorndike, de que el eclipse de la crucifixión fue local, para dar una señal a los judíos, y no universal

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 46»

«Eclipses not merely enable us to reckon the distance and proportions of the heavenly bodies but are messengers of universal causes and of sad and tragic events to monarchies, empires and kingdoms»con la doble función que Mesmes da a los eclipses: medir distancias y proporciones de los cuerpos celestes, y anunciar sucesos tristes y trágicos a monarquías, imperios y reinos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 46»

«He has noted, however, that Witelo proved by his optical lines that the clouds were 52,000 paces or 26 French leagues from the earth’s surface»Mesmes recoge la medida óptica de Witelo para la distancia de las nubes, cincuenta y dos mil pasos o veintiséis leguas francesas, frente a las cifras muy mayores que otros mantienen

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 46»

«Offusius contends that the Alfonsine Tables and Ephemerides based upon them, together with the superstitious inventions of the Indians, Arabs, Egyptians and Persians, have made solid astrological prediction practically impossible»Iofrancus Offusius sostiene que las Tablas Alfonsíes y las invenciones supersticiosas de indios, árabes, egipcios y persas hicieron casi imposible la predicción astrológica sólida

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 47»

«After fourteen years or more of vain labors he almost despaired of the art with Pico della Mirandola. Then, warned by the counsels of Regiomontanus, he abandoned the Alfonsine reckoning, made his own observations, and—so he flatters himself—came to conclusions quite contrary to the ravings of deluded astrologers»y cuenta su propio itinerario: tras catorce años de trabajos vanos casi desesperó del arte con Pico della Mirandola, hasta que dejó el cómputo alfonsí y observó por su cuenta

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 47»

«It will look like a sunspot and should be observed through two flat pieces of glass of different colors»la instrucción de observación que Offusius da para el paso de Mercurio: se verá como una mancha solar y conviene mirarlo por dos vidrios planos de colores distintos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 47»

«He does not mention the Prutenic Tables, raising the problem whether he was ignorant of their existence, or whether he utilized them without admitting it»y la pregunta que Thorndike deja abierta sobre él: si ignoraba las Tablas Prusianas o si las usó sin decirlo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 47»

«noted that some had thought that the earth moved while the sky stood still, others that both heavens and earth moved, but that the opinion most favored by authority and reason was that the sky moved and not the earth»según Thorndike, Pontus de Tyard registra las tres opiniones y da por más favorecida por autoridad y razón la de que se mueve el cielo y no la tierra

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 48»

«Later on, in considering the element earth, Pontus gave a number of arguments for its moving, which are of the scholastic and Peripatetic variety rather than Copernican»y observa que los argumentos que Tyard da luego a favor del movimiento de la tierra son de cuño escolástico y peripatético, no copernicano

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 48»

«For example, it is more fitting for a corruptible element to move than the incorruptible heavens, and for earth to move in order to receive their influence than for them to move in order to bestow it»uno de esos argumentos: conviene más que se mueva un elemento corruptible que los cielos incorruptibles, y que la tierra se mueva para recibir su influencia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 48»

«The earth, enveloped by slippery air and water, can move readily; its weight is conducive to movement; in the microcosm the heart which occupies the center of the body moves»y otro, tomado del microcosmo: la tierra, envuelta en aire y agua resbaladizos, puede moverse con facilidad, como se mueve el corazón que ocupa el centro del cuerpo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 49»

«Pontus adds, however, that the demonstrations of Copernicus are ingenious and his observations exact. But whether his disposition of the heavenly bodies is true or not does not affect our knowledge of the nature of the earth as an element»Tyard concede que las demostraciones de Copérnico son ingeniosas y exactas sus observaciones, pero separa la cuestión de la disposición de los cuerpos celestes del conocimiento de la tierra como elemento

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 49»

«Which is rather dodging the question»el comentario de Thorndike a esa separación, que él tiene por un modo de esquivar la cuestión

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 49»

«The seven planets are disposed at varying distances, not lodged each in a particular heaven»Tyard sostiene que los siete planetas están dispuestos a distancias variadas y no alojados cada uno en un cielo propio

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 49»

«Since epicycles and other such circles are admittedly imaginary, the planet would have to move itself within its own sphere in any case»y razona que, siendo los epiciclos círculos admitidamente imaginarios, el planeta tendría que moverse a sí mismo dentro de su esfera de todos modos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 49»

«This work of Tyard takes the form of a dialogue between himself and Le Curieus and Hieromnine, who find him in his study or observatory assembling the parts of a meteoroscope, by which word is presumably meant an astrolabe or planisphere»la forma de la obra: diálogo entre el autor, Le Curieus y Hieromnine, que lo encuentran armando un meteoroscopio

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 49»

«One wonders if Galileo in his dialogues on the Ptolemaic and Copernican systems was influenced by this earlier slightly sceptical and malicious discourse of Pontus de Tyard»la pregunta que Thorndike deja planteada sobre si Galileo se habría inspirado en este discurso anterior, ligeramente escéptico y malicioso

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 50»

«John Dee has been represented as one of the earliest advocates of the Copernican theory and, as we have seen, spoke well of it in his letter of 1556»Thorndike enuncia la imagen recibida de John Dee como uno de los primeros defensores de la teoría copernicana

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 50»

«Yet in his Propaedeumata A phoristica concerning the powers of nature, published in 1558, he speaks of the primum mobile as a concave spherical mirror so solid that no ray of the stars can penetrate it, of that swiftest of all celestial motions, the revolution of the heavens westward in twenty-four hours, and of the movement of the sun»y la mide contra el texto: en los *Propaedeumata aphoristica* de 1558 Dee habla del primer móvil como espejo esférico cóncavo tan sólido que ningún rayo lo penetra, y del movimiento del sol

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 50»

«In any case Dee, with his mystical inclination towards every form of the occult, would hardly bring the Copernican party into good repute by his accession to its ranks»el juicio que Thorndike hace de Dee como aliado: con su inclinación mística hacia toda forma de lo oculto, difícilmente habría dado buena fama al bando copernicano

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 50»

«And he believed in so many things that were wrong, that we could not give him personally any high credit, even if in this one instance he believed in something that happened to be right»y lo remata con su regla de crédito: creía en tantas cosas erradas que no cabe darle mérito personal alto aunque en este punto creyera en algo acertado

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 50»

«Against its revolving upon its axis he urged that clouds and birds would be left to the west, and that a stone thrown vertically into the air would not drop to the same spot»según Thorndike, Maurolico objeta el giro de la tierra sobre su eje con las nubes y las aves que quedarían atrás y con la piedra lanzada a lo alto que no caería en el mismo sitio

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 51»

«Yet he had just rebutted the cognate notion that men in the Antipodes would fall off the earth or stand on their heads»y señala la incoherencia: acababa de rebatir la noción vecina de que los antípodas caerían de la tierra o estarían de cabeza

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 51»

«although Freige, writing in 1579, states that Maurolycus judged Copernicus deserving of a scourging rather than reprehension»Freige atribuye a Maurolico haber juzgado a Copérnico digno de azotes antes que de reprensión, lo que Thorndike consigna sin hallarlo en la obra que maneja

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 51»

«being themselves satisfied with a basis for calculation of the positions and movements of the planets and for prediction therefrom»*y sigue la misma frase en la plana siguiente*: les basta con una base para calcular posiciones y movimientos de los planetas y para predecir desde ahí

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 52»

«In the dedicatory epistle Stadius professes to follow in the footsteps of Copernicus and Reinhold, but to offer a compendium more readily usable and intelligible»en las *Tabulae Bergenses* Stadius dice seguir los pasos de Copérnico y de Reinhold y ofrecer un compendio más usable e inteligible que el *De revolutionibus*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 52»

«Piccolomini gives us to understand that astronomers are not much concerned whether the circles and motions which they»Alessandro Piccolomini da a entender que a los astrónomos no les importa mucho si los círculos y movimientos que suponen son reales; el tramo se corta en el cambio de plana, y la frase sigue en la siguiente

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 51»

«More particularly he praises Copernicus for having demonstrated that the apse of the sun is descending towards the earth, which should revive the torpor and decay of this world’s extreme old age but eventually produce the final conflagration at a time exactly in accord with the prophecy of Elias as to the world’s duration»según Thorndike, Stadius alaba a Copérnico por haber mostrado que el ápside del sol desciende hacia la tierra, lo que traería al fin la conflagración final en acuerdo con la profecía de Elías sobre la duración del mundo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 53»

«His real love is astrological prediction, to which he makes frequent reference in a commentary on the fixed stars which fills the last third of the volume»y dice dónde está el amor verdadero de Stadius: en la predicción astrológica, a la que remite sin cesar en el comentario sobre las estrellas fijas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 53»

«welcomes Copernicus’s observations and his suggestion of an anomaly in the precession of the equinoxes as a thread leading out of the labyrinth»Stadius acoge las observaciones de Copérnico y su propuesta de una anomalía en la precesión de los equinoccios como hilo para salir del laberinto

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 53»

«But Stadius still speaks throughout of the eighth sphere and of the movement of the sun»y con todo sigue hablando en toda la obra de la octava esfera y del movimiento del sol

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 53»

«He is said to have impugned the old theory of the moon by very strong arguments and to have demonstrated another in exquisite agreement with recent observations»Daniel Santbech de Nimega dice de Copérnico que impugnó con argumentos fortísimos la vieja teoría de la luna y demostró otra en acuerdo exquisito con las observaciones recientes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 53»

«But the Copernican theory as to the earth and sun is passed over in silence»y Thorndike anota lo que ese mismo libro calla: la teoría copernicana de la tierra y el sol

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 53»

«Neither the Copernican theory nor astrology found a place in the textbook on the Sphere which Michael Neander (1529-1581) published at Basel in 1561»el manual de la *Esfera* de Michael Neander no dio lugar ni a la teoría copernicana ni a la astrología, según lo consigna Thorndike

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 54»

«The interest and activity in the field of astrological prediction of Cornelius Gemma were even more intense and prolonged than those of his father, Gemma Frisius, while his intellectual ability and scientific aptitude were distinctly inferior»el juicio comparativo que Thorndike hace de Cornelius Gemma frente a su padre, Gemma Frisius: más intenso en la predicción astrológica y netamente inferior en capacidad intelectual y aptitud científica

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 54»

«He therefore turned to the Prutenic Tables, having admired the divine genius of Copernicus, and worked out his cases of correspondence between the weather and the stars all over again»Cornelius Gemma cuenta que pasó a las Tablas Prusianas tras admirar el genio divino de Copérnico y rehízo desde el principio sus casos de correspondencia entre el tiempo y los astros

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 54»

«He recognized, however, that the Copernican calculations were often at fault as to the movements of Mars and Mercury»y reconoce a la vez que los cálculos copernicanos fallaban a menudo en los movimientos de Marte y de Mercurio

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 54»

«Thus Cornelius Gemma was induced in the first instance to deviate from the old system because of its failure in astrological application»la lectura que Thorndike hace del caso: lo que apartó a Cornelius Gemma del sistema viejo fue en primer término su fracaso en la aplicación astrológica

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 55»

«But astrological interest was the leitmotif throughout. His interest in the Copernican theory as such was almost nil»y remata que el interés astrológico fue el *leitmotiv* de todo, y el interés por la teoría copernicana como tal, casi nulo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 55»

«showing how many persons who could read Latin remained content with this sort of meager and antiquated treatment, and how slight a ripple the publication of De revolutionibus had left upon the surface of general education»la medida que Thorndike saca de las diez ediciones del manual de Cornelius Valerius: cuántos lectores de latín se contentaban con ese tratamiento magro y anticuado, y qué poca onda había dejado el *De revolutionibus* en la educación general

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 55»

«He declares that it has been proved by sure arguments that it does not move, “although there were those who thought that the heavens stand still and that the earth is moved, whose quite false opinion it is not necessary to refute»Valerius declara probado por argumentos seguros que la tierra no se mueve, y tiene por innecesario rebatir la opinión contraria, que llama del todo falsa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 55»

«It is the briefest résumé of the natural philosophy of Aristotle that I remember to have seen, occupying only a hundred odd small pages—much shorter than the Margarita philosophica or Parvulus philosophtae—suggesting once again that reliance on compendiums was no medieval monopoly, and that the time devoted to natural philosophy in the curriculum had decreased ‘since the middle ages»Thorndike deriva dos cosas de ese compendio brevísimo de la filosofía natural de Aristóteles: que la confianza en los compendios no fue monopolio medieval y que el tiempo dedicado a la filosofía natural en el plan de estudios había menguado

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 56»

«Michael Stanhufius, in his two books of meteorology, printed at Wittenberg in 1562, waxed indignant at the most serious madness and insanity of some who, relying upon he knew not what authority, propounded this paradox, that the sun stands still, while the earth is revolved and moved»Michael Stanhufius se indigna, según Thorndike, contra la locura de quienes proponían la paradoja de que el sol está quieto y la tierra gira

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 56»

«Of this opinion was Aristarchus of Samos, who is said by Suidas to have left two sons who were both fools. Judging from this absurd opinion, he had little brains himself»y lo argumenta por la descendencia: Aristarco de Samos, que según Suidas dejó dos hijos necios, y a juzgar por la opinión tampoco tendría muchos sesos él

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 56»

«He was not merely a firm but an old-fashioned adherent of astrology, maintaining the old method of determining the twelve houses by equal division of the zodiac against the newer method of Regiomontanus by projection of equal segments from the equator»según Thorndike, Jacques Peletier fue partidario firme y a la antigua de la astrología, y mantuvo la división igual del zodiaco para las doce casas contra el método nuevo de Regiomontano

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 57»

«Peletier regarded it as a remarkable indication of the validity and virility of astrology that it had been able to survive disagreement on this fundamental matter, and that astrologers had so often predicted truly despite this serious handicap»y tomaba por indicio notable de la validez y el vigor de la astrología que hubiera sobrevivido al desacuerdo sobre punto tan fundamental y que los astrólogos acertaran tantas veces pese a ese lastre

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 57»

«At one point he interrupts to say that one cannot piously deny that the eternal prison of the damned is in the center of the earth. “I do not wish,” he says, “to confess myself too superstitiously»Hieromnine, el interlocutor que lleva las objeciones religiosas, interrumpe para decir que no cabe negar piadosamente que la prisión eterna de los condenados esté en el centro de la tierra; el tramo se corta en el cambio de plana

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 49»

«credulous and would not rest the truth on a story or two. But Holy Scripture . . . seems to me to state this too definitely to be deemed fabulous»*y sigue en la plana siguiente*: no quiere confesarse demasiado crédulo ni fundar la verdad en una historia o dos, pero la Escritura le parece decirlo con demasiada claridad para tenerlo por fabuloso

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 50»

«Although among more recent men some have tried to defend the same theory, it is established by the most certain demonstrations that the sun is moved, while the earth is immobile»con la conclusión que Stanhufius da por asentada en demostraciones certísimas: que se mueve el sol y la tierra está inmóvil

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 56»

«he not merely affirmed that there was room for the Copernican theory, since even a false hypothesis in astronomy might lead to the knowledge of truth»Peletier sostiene que hay lugar para la teoría copernicana, porque hasta una hipótesis falsa en astronomía puede llevar al conocimiento de la verdad

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 57»

«For example, having demonstrated for seven pages that the earth is exactly in the center of the universe, Theodoricus adds the following ‘“Proba” that it does not move»según Thorndike, Sebastian Theodoricus añade una prueba silogística de que la tierra no se mueve tras siete planas dedicadas a ponerla en el centro del universo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 58»

«Not only does Theodoricus give no recognition to the Copernican theory, he will not even accept the ninth sphere which the ‘“Alphonsini”’ had inserted between the Ptolemaic eighth sphere and the primum mobile»y mide su conservadurismo por partida doble: ni reconoce la teoría copernicana ni acepta la novena esfera que los alfonsíes habían intercalado

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 58»

«But even he has abandoned the opinion of the Peripatetics that there is ten times as much water as earth, and holds that water does not enclose the earth spherically but forms one globe with it»con todo, Theodoricus abandonó la opinión peripatética de que hay diez veces más agua que tierra y sostiene que ambas forman un solo globo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 58»

«Jejune, attenuated and superannuated as the textbook of Theodoricus may seem to the modern reader, it appears to have been inflicted on the students at Wittenberg for several decades, since further editions appeared in 1567, 1570, 1578 and 1605»el juicio de Thorndike sobre ese manual —flaco, atenuado y caduco para el lector moderno— y el dato que lo acompaña: se siguió imponiendo a los estudiantes de Wittenberg durante décadas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 59»

«Theodoricus contended that elementary spherics such as his own were necessary for all students of the liberal arts and not merely for those who were to go on in astronomy»Theodoricus sostiene que la esférica elemental era necesaria para todos los estudiantes de artes liberales y no solo para los que seguirían en astronomía

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 59»

«He was so intent, remarks Nunes sarcastically, on revamping the well-nigh forgotten astronomy of Aristarchus of Samos concerning the movement of the earth, and immobility of the sun and eighth sphere, by the method, roots and demonstrations of Ptolemy, that he paid little attention to this property of the sides and angles of a triangle»la ironía de Pedro Nunes contra Copérnico, que Thorndike recoge: tan empeñado en rehacer la astronomía casi olvidada de Aristarco que atendió poco a la propiedad de los lados y ángulos del triángulo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 59»

«Nunes defended both the Alfonsine Tables and Ptolemy against certain recent criticisms, holding, for example, that the Alfonsine Tables indicated the equinoxes correctly, and that hence the length of year which they gave was exact»Nunes defiende las Tablas Alfonsíes y a Ptolomeo contra ciertas críticas recientes, y tiene por exacta la duración del año que aquellas daban

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 60»

«In this work Nunes limits himself to matters which had not been sufÏciently or correctly explained by previous commentators»y en sus anotaciones a las *Theoricae* de Peurbach se ciñe a lo que los comentaristas anteriores no habían explicado bien; el OCR imprime *sufÏciently* con la ligadura fi vuelta Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 60»

«As it was, Copernicus by his lucubrations made whole an almost collapsed astronomy»Paul Crusius dice que Copérnico rehízo con sus lucubraciones una astronomía casi derrumbada

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 61»

«Anent the teaching of Sacrobosco that the earth is motionless at the center of the universe, Schreckenfuchs said that the mobility of the earth might be defended, as it had been by Nicolaus Copernicus, a man of incomparable genius whom he might call a miracle of the universe»según Thorndike, Schreckenfuchs admite que la movilidad de la tierra podría defenderse, como lo hizo Copérnico, a quien llama hombre de genio incomparable y milagro del universo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 61»

«if he did not fear to offend certain men who were most tenacious of philosophy hallowed by antiquity, and not unjustly so»y dice qué lo retiene: el temor de ofender a quienes se aferran a la filosofía consagrada por la antigüedad, y no sin razón

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 61»

«But although he was to live ten years longer, he seems not to have finished this proposed work»Thorndike anota que el prometido comentario a Copérnico no llegó a terminarse pese a los diez años que Schreckenfuchs vivió después

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 62»

«crave leave to speak as a mathematician rather than a physicist or theologian, since others before him had employed hypotheses which may have been false but helped them in arriving at truth»Besson pide licencia para hablar como matemático y no como físico ni teólogo, porque otros antes usaron hipótesis quizá falsas que les sirvieron para llegar a la verdad

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 62»

«This position of Besson probably was the most prevalent attitude among men of science towards the Copernican theory in the later sixteenth century»la generalización que Thorndike saca de ahí sobre la actitud más difundida entre los hombres de ciencia ante la teoría copernicana

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 62»

«Werner or Copernicus, since their observations do not agree»*y sigue en la plana siguiente* la ironía de Nunes, que no sabe a quién seguir porque las observaciones de Werner y de Copérnico no concuerdan

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 60»

«while Copernicus postulated something wholly repugnant to nature, that the earth moves and sun and planets (séc) stand still, yet had thereby succeeded in often tracing the celestial movements and positions more accurately than Ptolemy»y Copérnico postuló algo del todo repugnante a la naturaleza, que la tierra se mueve y el sol y los planetas están quietos, y con ello trazó los movimientos celestes más exactamente; el troceo imprime *(séc)* por *(sic)*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 62»

«Thomas Digges, writing in 1573, admired the genius and singular industry of Copernicus and put him above all who had written on spherical triangles, although in discussing them he had omitted some elementary matters»según Thorndike, Thomas Digges admiró el genio y la industria singular de Copérnico y lo puso por encima de cuantos habían escrito sobre triángulos esféricos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 63»

«Digges was further opposed to the Ptolemaic or pre-Copernican astronomy as a disfiguration of the most beautiful anatomy and absolute symmetry of the universe, which it represented “by repugnant and mutually colliding eccentric orbs and epicycles revolving irregularly about their own centers, and many other most absurd hypotheses»y se opuso a la astronomía ptolemaica por desfigurar la anatomía bellísima y la simetría absoluta del universo con orbes excéntricos y epiciclos que chocan entre sí

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 63»

«Digges made the rather wild further suggestion that the movement of the earth might account for the apparent diminution in magnitude of the new star of 1572»Thorndike califica de bastante descabellada la sugerencia de Digges de que el movimiento de la tierra explicara la merma aparente de la nova de 1572

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 63»

«In closing Digges urged all those interested in astronomy to seize the occasion of examining whether “the monstrous system of celestial globes invented by the ancients” had been “absolutely corrected and emended by that divine Copernicus of more than human genius,” or whether more still remained to be done»Digges urge a los interesados en la astronomía a examinar si el sistema monstruoso de globos celestes inventado por los antiguos quedó corregido por Copérnico o si aún faltaba trabajo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 63»

«The only way to settle this was, in his opinion, by most precise observations of this new star of 1572 and other moving stars from different points on the earth’s surface»y da el modo que a su juicio lo resolvería: observaciones precisísimas de la nova de 1572 y de otras estrellas móviles desde distintos puntos de la superficie de la tierra

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 63»

«In his elementary textbook of astronomy Valentin Nabod gave the system of Martianus Capella in which Mercury and Venus revolve about the sun»Valentin Nabod expone en su manual el sistema de Marciano Capela, con Mercurio y Venus girando alrededor del sol

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 64»

«Nabod then presented a figure of the Copernican system, which, as we have seen, was an unusual thing to do in an elementary textbook»y Thorndike subraya lo insólito del gesto: Nabod puso una figura del sistema copernicano en un manual elemental

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 64»

«He remarked that no one should be greatly offended by the movement of the earth and quiet of the sun. If, however, anyone preferred to consider the earth at rest and the sun as in motion, he could reach the same results by practically the same demonstrations, as was understood by all who knew anything about mathematics»Nabod dice que nadie debe ofenderse mucho por el movimiento de la tierra y el reposo del sol, y que quien prefiera lo contrario llegaría a los mismos resultados con casi las mismas demostraciones

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 64»

«Hermann Witekind admitted that there had long since been enough and too many works, old and new, on the elements of astronomy and geography, and that an increase in the number of readers of such books was more to be desired than that the multitude of writers should be augmented»Hermann Witekind admite en su prefacio que ya sobraban obras viejas y nuevas sobre los elementos de astronomía y geografía, y que haría más falta aumentar los lectores que los escritores

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 64»

«Yet he wrote another. This most beautiful subject was now neglected and despised in the extreme in the schools»y Thorndike anota la contradicción y la razón que Witekind da: la materia estaba entonces descuidada y despreciada al extremo en las escuelas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 64»

«But he “proves” that the earth is situated at the center of the universe and that it does not move. He gives the stock arguments with those from the Bible last»Witekind cita a Copérnico sobre el movimiento de la octava esfera y las distancias de los planetas, y aun así da por probado que la tierra está en el centro y no se mueve, con los argumentos bíblicos al final

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 65»

«In the dedicatory preface to Robert, earl of Leicester, baron of Denbighe and chancellor of Oxford, Forster expresses the wish that Hippocrates had noted the state of the heavens together with his cases»Richard Forster expresa en la dedicatoria el deseo de que Hipócrates hubiera anotado el estado de los cielos junto con sus casos clínicos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 65»

«Finally Forster states that astronomy, which in England first began to revive and emerge from darkness into light through the efforts of John Dee, keen champion of new hypotheses and Ptolemaic theory, will, as a result of the interference of unskilled persons, go to ruin “with the heavens of Copernicus and Reinhold,” unless Dee again interposes his Atlantean shoulders»y sostiene que la astronomía, que en Inglaterra empezó a renacer por obra de John Dee, se arruinaría con los cielos de Copérnico y de Reinhold si Dee no volvía a poner sus hombros de Atlante

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 66»

«Apparently Forster drew no sharp line between the Ptolemaic and Copernican theories»el juicio de Thorndike sobre esa mezcla: Forster no parece trazar una línea neta entre la teoría ptolemaica y la copernicana

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 66»

«The learned Bodin in his Republic raised several objections to the Copernican theory. One was that it required the earth to»Bodin objeta la teoría copernicana en la *República*; el tramo se corta en el cambio de plana

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 66»

«another that it involved the stranger absurdity of putting the sun in the center of the world and the earth 50,000 leagues away from the center, and of making part of the sky and planets mobile and part immobile»*y sigue en la plana siguiente*: le parece absurdo mayor poner el sol en el centro del mundo y la tierra a cincuenta mil leguas de él, y hacer móvil una parte del cielo e inmóvil otra

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 67»

«Incidentally he displayed his ignorance of the past literature of astronomy by classing Campanus as an Arabic writer along with Alfraganus, Thebit and Albategni»Thorndike señala el descuido de Bodin al clasificar a Campano entre los escritores árabes junto a Alfragano, Thebit y Albategni

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 67»

«Commentaries on the Sphere of Sacrobosco were carried to an extreme of length by Iunctinus or Giuntini. His two volume work of 1577 devoted over 300 pages to Sacrobosco’s first chapter alone, quoting profusely and introducing much astrological and other extraneous matter selected with little discrimination from authors of very varying merit»y describe el comentario de Giuntini a la *Esfera* como un extremo de longitud, con más de trescientas planas para el primer capítulo y mucha materia astrológica ajena escogida con poco discernimiento

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 67»

«further objection to the Copernican theory which he regarded as new and not yet used by anyone against Copernicus, namely, that a simple body could have only one movement of its own, whereas Copernicus had assigned three movements to the earth»la objeción que Bodin tenía por nueva y no usada aún contra Copérnico: un cuerpo simple solo puede tener un movimiento propio, y Copérnico dio tres a la tierra

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 67»

«other passage Iunctinus misrepresented the view of Copernicus, saying that Alfonso king of Spain, Peurbach, Regiomontanus and Nicolaus Copernicus added another sphere to those of the planets, fixed stars and primum mobile, calling the last the tenth sphere and introducing a new ninth sphere or mobile secun»Thorndike objeta a Giuntini haber presentado mal la posición de Copérnico al ponerlo entre quienes añadieron otra esfera a las de los planetas, las fijas y el primer móvil

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 68»

«Giuntini gave a brief summary of the Copernican theory with a rude diagram, although he himself with Sacrobosco still described the earth as immobile at the center of the universe»y consigna la incoherencia de la versión italiana del comentario a la *Esfera*: resumen del sistema copernicano con diagrama tosco, y la tierra descrita a la vez como inmóvil en el centro

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 68»

«In discussing the question whether astronomers agree as to the situation and number of orbs, Freige gave a very brief résumé of the Copernican system, and cited Maurolycus, as we have noted, to the effect that Copernicus deserved a thrashing»según Thorndike, Freige dio un resumen brevísimo del sistema copernicano y citó a Maurolico diciendo que Copérnico merecía una azotaina

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 69»

«But what Copernicus is particularly praised for is the suggestion of four movements for the eighth sphere—which of course he really regarded as motionless»y Thorndike precisa por qué lo alaba: por la propuesta de cuatro movimientos para la octava esfera, que Copérnico tenía en realidad por inmóvil

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 70»

«Clavius utterly rejected the Copernican method of explaining the four movements and his “absurd hypotheses” of a stable sun and mobile earth»Clavio rechaza de plano el método copernicano de explicar los cuatro movimientos y lo que llama hipótesis absurdas del sol quieto y la tierra móvil

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 70»

«He remarked that Copernicus had not rejected eccentrics and epicycles but rather, aided by previous calculations based upon them, had tried to show that their arrangement was not such as Ptolemy had suggested»y señala que Copérnico no rechazó excéntricas ni epiciclos, sino que intentó mostrar que su disposición no era la que Ptolomeo proponía

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 70»

«But the fact that Copernicus advocated such absurdities as that the earth was not in the middle of the firmament and moved with a triple motion— whereas philosophers agreed that a simple body could have but a single movement—and that he contradicted many passages of Scripture made his hypotheses unacceptable to Clavius»las tres razones por las que Clavio no acepta las hipótesis: la tierra fuera del medio del firmamento, el triple movimiento de un cuerpo simple y la contradicción con muchos pasajes de la Escritura

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 70»

«Although Clavius made these allusions to Copernicus, he does not seem to have adverted to the Prutenic Tables nor to have cited either Reinhold or Rheticus, perhaps because they were under a stigma of Protestantism which Copernicus was not»y la conjetura que Thorndike arriesga sobre el silencio de Clavio ante las Tablas Prusianas, Reinhold y Rético: el estigma de protestantismo que no pesaba sobre Copérnico

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 70»

«Michael Maestlin, although his observation of the comet of 1577 had already led him to favor the Copernican hypothesis, in his elementary textbook of astronomy, dedicated in 1582 to the duke of Wurtemberg, still followed the method of Sacrobosco whom he praised highly»Maestlin favorecía ya la hipótesis copernicana por su observación del cometa de 1577 y aun así siguió en su manual el método de Sacrobosco

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 70»

«But when Maestlin came to the eighth sphere, he adopted an Alfonsine explanation, although it deviated from the truth in many respects, and it would be more convenient to embrace the demonstrations of Copernicus»y al llegar a la octava esfera adoptó una explicación alfonsí, aunque se apartara de la verdad en muchos puntos y conviniera más abrazar las demostraciones de Copérnico

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 71»

«But since these are the more difÏcult and require a fuller explanation than can be given at present, we could not present them here»con la razón que Maestlin da para no exponerlas: son más difíciles y piden una explicación más plena de la que allí cabía; el OCR imprime *difÏcult* con la ligadura fi vuelta Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 71»

«In this later edition Dodoens inserts a denial of the movement of access and recess or trepidation, and the consequent supposition of a ninth sphere between that of the fixed stars and primum mobile. This ninth sphere, he says, neither Ptolemy nor Copernicus recognized»en la edición revisada de su *Cosmographia*, Dodoens niega el movimiento de acceso y receso y la novena esfera, que dice no haber reconocido ni Ptolomeo ni Copérnico

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 71»

«On the other hand, Barozzi retained the Alfonsine ninth sphere in his Cosmography of 1585. He further held that the earth was immobile and the opinion of Aristarchus and Copernicus, false»Barozzi, en cambio, conservó la novena esfera alfonsí, tuvo la tierra por inmóvil y por falsa la opinión de Aristarco y de Copérnico

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 71»

«For more than half a century after the publication of De revolutiontbus Aristotelian works on the heavenly bodies continued to appear as if nothing had happened»una de las mediciones mayores del capítulo: por más de medio siglo tras el *De revolutionibus* siguieron apareciendo obras aristotélicas sobre los cuerpos celestes como si nada hubiera pasado

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 71»

«These expositions were normally purely theoretical and argumentative. They were not only unrufÒed by any extended reference to the Copernican theory, but for that matter to the Ptolemaic»y la descripción de esas exposiciones: teóricas y argumentativas, sin referencia extensa ni a la teoría copernicana ni a la ptolemaica

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 71»

«But they seldom utilized anyone who possessed a first-hand knowledge of astronomy, and should therefore be regarded as largely ignoring astronomy and observation of any sort, rather than as opposing or neglecting the work of Copernicus in particular»de donde Thorndike saca la lectura que le parece justa: más que oponerse a Copérnico, esos autores ignoraban la astronomía y la observación de cualquier clase

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 72»

«They disagree among themselves rather than oppose Copernicus or any other outsider»y lo mismo con la disputa: discrepan entre ellos antes que oponerse a Copérnico o a cualquier otro de fuera

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 72»

«In one of these passages Copernicus is called an indeed remarkable observer of the celestial movements»Giannini llama a Copérnico observador en verdad notable de los movimientos celestes, al remitirlo a la opinión de Niceto y Aristarco sobre el movimiento de la tierra

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 72»

«tronomy in our times whom all posterity will ever gratefully celebrate and admire as another Ptolemy»el elogio de Clavio a Copérnico, cuya primera mitad queda en la plana anterior: restaurador eminente de la astronomía de su tiempo, a quien la posteridad admirará como a otro Ptolomeo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 70»

«Meurer adheres closely to Aristotelian doctrine, no doubt because the work is an outgrowth of his past lectures on the natural philosophy of Aristotle»según Thorndike, la *Meteorologia* de Wolfgang Meurer se atiene a la doctrina aristotélica, sin duda por salir de sus lecciones sobre la filosofía natural de Aristóteles

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 73»

«it seems unaffected either by the Copernican theory or by the celestial phenomena of 1572, 1577, 1580 and 1585, unless we may detect a slight trace of Copernican influence in his calling the ninth sphere that of mutation of apogees»y la mide por lo que no registra: ni la teoría copernicana ni los fenómenos celestes de 1572, 1577, 1580 y 1585, salvo quizá el llamar a la novena esfera la de la mutación de los apogeos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 73»

«merely warning youth not to depart rashly from received opinions unless forced to by the thing itself or persuaded by the most solid reasoning»la regla de prudencia que Meurer da a los jóvenes: no apartarse a la ligera de las opiniones recibidas si no los fuerza la cosa misma o los persuade el razonamiento más sólido

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 73»

«These last names suggest that Meurer was more attentive to recent occult and astrological doctrine than to new astronomical theory»la inferencia que Thorndike saca de su bibliografía: Meurer atendía más a la doctrina oculta y astrológica reciente que a la teoría astronómica nueva

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 74»

«Thereupon he cites the estimate of Witelo that the clouds are 52,000 paces or 13 German miles above the earth’s surface, and another estimate that the lowest clouds are 288,000 paces or 72 German miles distant, while the highest clouds attain an altitude of 772,000 paces or 193 German miles»y recoge las cifras que Meurer prefiere para la altura de las nubes, de trece a ciento noventa y tres millas alemanas, contra la opinión común de las nueve millas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 74»

«in which he made brief but not unfavorable allusion to the opinion of Aristarchus of Samos and Nicolaus Copernicus, as he called it»Benedetti alude brevemente y no desfavorablemente a la opinión de Aristarco de Samos y de Nicolás Copérnico, según la nombra él

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 74»

«He mentioned it, however, only incidentally in order to support his argument that the heavens did not exist merely for the sake of so vile a body»y Thorndike precisa para qué: para sostener que los cielos no existen solo por un cuerpo tan vil como la tierra

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 74»

«For, if the earth served as a center of the moon’s greater epicycle, as Aristarchus and Copernicus thought, why should not Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Venus and Mercury revolve about other bodies similar to our globe»*y sigue el argumento en la plana siguiente*: si la tierra hace de centro del epiciclo mayor de la luna, por qué no habrían de girar Saturno, Júpiter, Marte, Venus y Mercurio alrededor de otros cuerpos semejantes a nuestro globo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 75»

«Having given the Copernican theory this rather strange twist, Benedetti added that the immense velocities with which the sun, Saturn and other heavenly bodies were supposed to travel could be avoided by a simple revolution of the earth about its axis»Thorndike llama giro bastante extraño a ese uso de la teoría, y sigue con lo que Benedetti añade sobre las velocidades inmensas que evitaría una simple rotación de la tierra

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 75»

«Benedetti did not state these views as his own»con la reserva que Thorndike marca: Benedetti no dio esas opiniones por suyas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 75»

«He criticizes the Prutenic Tables, however, as involving especially laborious calculation on the part of one using them»y objeta a las Tablas Prusianas lo laborioso de su cálculo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 75»

«The appropriation of the Copernican theory for his own purposes of speculation by so fanciful and wayward a genius as the unorthodox wanderer over the face of western Europe, Giordano Bruno, poet and philosopher, can hardly have done much to recommend the new hypotheses either to sober men of science or to staid contemporary public opinion»el juicio de Thorndike sobre Giordano Bruno como aliado de la nueva hipótesis: su apropiación especulativa difícilmente pudo recomendarla ni a los hombres de ciencia sobrios ni a la opinión pública asentada

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 75»

«That other men of the sixteenth century should not be censured too sharply for failing to accept the Copernican hypothesis is indicated by the fact that Tycho Brahe, the most assiduous observer of the heavenly bodies during that period, could not bring himself to believe»y el argumento con que pide no censurar demasiado a los que no aceptaron la hipótesis: tampoco Tycho Brahe, el observador más asiduo del periodo, llegó a creer que la tierra se moviera

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 75»

«He more than once stated in so many words that the Copernican system was false and involved absurdities»Tycho dijo más de una vez con todas sus letras que el sistema copernicano era falso y envolvía absurdos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 76»

«Indeed, Copernicus himself in his preface to Paul III had admitted that his view seemed absurd»y Thorndike recuerda que el propio Copérnico admitió en el prefacio a Paulo III que su opinión parecía absurda

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 76»

«Tycho for his part admitted more than once that the Copernican hypothesis of a triple motion of the earth was ingenious and explained the celestial phenomena fairly well»Tycho admitió más de una vez que la hipótesis del triple movimiento de la tierra era ingeniosa y explicaba bastante bien los fenómenos celestes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 76»

«But it was not true, rather against all physical truth»y la rechazó igual: no era verdadera, sino contra toda verdad física (el tramo se corta en la llamada de nota que el OCR imprime con asteriscos)

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 76»

«He seems to have felt with Peucer that Copernicus had not performed as many observations of the heavens as were required in constructing so great a work»otra objeción de Tycho, que Thorndike remite a Peucer: Copérnico no habría hecho tantas observaciones como pedía obra tan grande

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 76»

«Again he had made the sun about 162 times as large as the earth, while Tycho’s calculation was that it was only a little over 139 times as great as our globe»y un desacuerdo numérico: Copérnico hizo el sol unas ciento sesenta y dos veces mayor que la tierra, y el cálculo de Tycho daba poco más de ciento treinta y nueve

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 77»

«If nothing else showed the absurdity of the Copernican theory, it would be enough to condemn it in Tycho’s eyes that it required so immense and useless a starless space between the orbit of Saturn and the sphere of the fixed stars»la razón que bastaría a los ojos de Tycho para condenar la teoría: el espacio inmenso e inútil, sin estrellas, que exige entre la órbita de Saturno y la esfera de las fijas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 77»

«And in his catalogue of the fixed stars Tycho did not leave a single one as either the Alfonsine tables or Copernicus had placed it»según Thorndike, Tycho no dejó en su catálogo una sola estrella fija donde la habían puesto las tablas alfonsíes o Copérnico

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 78»

«Finally, Tycho resorted not merely to physical and mathematical, but to biblical and theological arguments against the Copernican theory»y recurrió, además de a razones físicas y matemáticas, a argumentos bíblicos y teológicos contra la teoría copernicana

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 78»

«If an astronomer of such standing employed biblical and theological as well as physical and mathematical reasons, we need not take it amiss if less scientific minds and more theological and miscellaneous writers did so to a still greater degree»de donde Thorndike saca que no cabe extrañarse de que mentes menos científicas hicieran lo mismo en mayor grado

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 78»

«It should, however, be recognized that in Tycho’s case jealousy of the Copernican achievement may have operated subconsciously to incline Tycho to belittle it, and that amour propre may have had something to do with his devising his own Systema mundt»y arriesga dos móviles personales: los celos ante el logro copernicano, que pudieron obrar en él sin saberlo, y el amor propio de haber ideado su propio sistema del mundo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 78»

«The attitude of Tycho shows further that mere assiduity and painstaking accuracy in accumulating and tabulating scientific observations does not necessarily make one any more broad-minded and open to new ideas, or less conservative and attached to old predilections, just as it did not necessarily result in freedom from astrological and occult notions»la tesis de método que Thorndike extrae del caso: la asiduidad y la exactitud en acumular observaciones no hacen por fuerza a nadie más abierto a ideas nuevas ni lo libran de nociones astrológicas y ocultas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 78»

«On the other hand, the inquiries which Tycho received from correspondents as to the relative merits of the Alfonsine and Prutenic tables, or of the Ptolemaic and Copernican hypotheses, indicate that they were alive to the importance and significance of the new theory»y la prueba en contra que él mismo aporta: las preguntas que los corresponsales le hacían muestran que estaban atentos a la importancia de la nueva teoría

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 78»

«Intelligent interest in the problem and reluctance to ascribe movements to the earth were also shown by several persons who attempted to claim as their own Tycho’s solution of having Mercury and Venus revolve about the sun as it revolved about the earth»Thorndike lee el mismo interés en quienes intentaron reclamar como propia la solución de Tycho de hacer girar a Mercurio y Venus alrededor del sol

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 79»

«He had visited Tycho at Hven in 1584, and was bitterly accused by Tycho of having stolen his ideas»Tycho acusó con amargura a Raymarus de haberle robado las ideas tras visitarlo en Hven en 1584

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 80»

«He took the position that Copernicus had so reformed astronomy that no correction of equal motions, or a very slight one, was now required, whereas the Ptolemaic and Alfonsine calculations had been shown unsatisfactory not only by the Copernican arguments but by the daily observations of many persons»según Thorndike, Magini sostiene que Copérnico reformó la astronomía de tal modo que ya casi no hacía falta corregir los movimientos medios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 80»

«For although Copernicus had devised hypotheses which wandered far from verisimilitude, yet they corresponded closely to the phenomena»y hace la distinción que recorre el capítulo: aunque las hipótesis de Copérnico se alejaban mucho de la verosimilitud, correspondían de cerca a los fenómenos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 80»

«But either from a desire to display his ingenuity or convinced by his own reasoning, he had revived the opinion of Nicetas, Aristarchus and others as to the movement of the earth and had upset the received constitution of the universe»Magini adjudica a Copérnico haber revivido la opinión de Niceto y Aristarco sobre el movimiento de la tierra y trastornado la constitución recibida del universo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 80»

«Magini has consequently thought it advisable to cast them aside and to associate others with the observations of Copernicus and the Prutenic tables»y de ahí su propósito: desechar esas hipótesis y asociar otras a las observaciones de Copérnico y a las Tablas Prusianas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 80»

«He has had to change entirely the theories of the sun and moon but has adhered to the Ptolemaic system for the other five planets, except that he has added some new movements and orbs which seem to have escaped Ptolemy»y declara el alcance de su cambio: rehizo del todo las teorías del sol y la luna y se atuvo al sistema ptolemaico para los otros cinco planetas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 81»

«According to his hypotheses Venus and Mercury will be found now above and now below the sun, while only the three superior planets will always be above the sun»con lo que de sus hipótesis se sigue: Venus y Mercurio quedan unas veces encima y otras debajo del sol, y solo los tres planetas superiores están siempre por encima

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 81»

«But because these hypotheses have been generally rejected, many have unjustly inveighed against so great a man, to whom astronomy owes an eternal debt»Magini reprocha a quienes invectivaron injustamente contra Copérnico por el rechazo general de sus hipótesis, y dice que la astronomía le debe deuda eterna

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 82»

«Yet hitherto no one has calculated the celestial movements more expeditely and surely than Copernicus»y remata que hasta entonces nadie había calculado los movimientos celestes con más expedición ni más seguridad que él

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 82»

«find a machine or planetarium showing the Copernican system, which he never had been able fully to grasp from a simple delineation»Brucaeus pregunta a Tycho dónde hallar una máquina o planetario que mostrara el sistema copernicano, que nunca había podido captar del todo por un simple dibujo; el arranque de la frase queda en la plana anterior

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 79»

«He asserts that.there was a great demand for such a theory of the planets which would abandon the out-moded Alfonsine hypotheses and conform to recent observations»Magini afirma que había gran demanda de una teoría de los planetas que dejara las hipótesis alfonsíes caducas y se ajustara a las observaciones recientes; el troceo imprime *that.there* sin espacio y el tramo se corta antes de la llamada de nota

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 80»

«He finds it necessary to insert a ninth and a tenth sphere between that of the fixed stars and the primum mobile, to have orbs with poles different both from those of the other orbs and those of the zodiac»Magini tiene por necesario intercalar una novena y una décima esfera entre la de las fijas y el primer móvil, y admitir orbes con polos distintos de los del zodiaco

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 82»

«He agrees with Copernicus that the Ptolemaic theory of the moon does not conform to our senses and experience»Magini coincide con Copérnico en que la teoría ptolemaica de la luna no se conforma a los sentidos ni a la experiencia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 83»

«But he thinks that the Copernican theory of a double epicycle would sometimes prevent our seeing the spots on the moon»y objeta en cambio que la teoría copernicana del doble epiciclo impediría a veces ver las manchas de la luna

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 83»

«Instead of reducing the number of Ptolemaic movements and orbs, as Copernicus had tried to do, Magini has increased them. In place of the simplicity and uniformity which had been the ideal at least of Copernicus, he appears to have devised a system more clumsy and complicated than either the Copernican or Ptolemaic»el balance de Thorndike sobre la obra de Magini: en lugar de reducir movimientos y orbes los aumentó, y armó un sistema más torpe y complicado que el copernicano o el ptolemaico

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 83»

«But Praetorius found no such opinion in the extant works of Regiomontanus, and no such paper exists today»Praetorius no halló en las obras conservadas de Regiomontano la opinión que le adjudicaba un papel roto de carta, y Thorndike anota que ese papel hoy no existe

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 84»

«Discussing the relative amount of land and sea, he says that the truth long remained hidden because navigation did not extend to many places, but that now it is evident even to the blind that the quantity of earth exceeds that of water, as Alessandro Piccolomini had demonstrated by most convincing reasoning»según Thorndike, Gallucius dice que la verdad sobre la proporción de tierra y mar estuvo oculta mientras la navegación no llegó a muchos lugares, y que ya es evidente hasta para los ciegos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 84»

«These remarks of Gallucius apply especially to the earth’s surface, for he still placed the inferno inside the earth in ten concentric circles»y marca el límite de esa modernidad: Gallucius seguía poniendo el infierno dentro de la tierra en diez círculos concéntricos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 84»

«published in 1601 three books of solar observations in which he explained the true movement of the sun»Jacob Christman publica en 1601 tres libros de observaciones solares en que explica el movimiento verdadero del sol (el tramo se corta en la llamada de nota que el OCR imprime con asteriscos)

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 85»

«William Gilbert, although a firm believer in the movement of the earth and usually reckoned as one of those who did most to advance the Copernican theory, recognized the strength of the objections to it that it required a triple movement of the earth and too vast an empty space between Saturn and the eighth sphere»según Thorndike, William Gilbert creía firmemente en el movimiento de la tierra y reconocía a la vez la fuerza de las objeciones del triple movimiento y del espacio vacío entre Saturno y la octava esfera

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 85»

«He also declared that the inequalities of the phenomena could not be saved by any circular or uniform motion»y declaró que las desigualdades de los fenómenos no podían salvarse con ningún movimiento circular ni uniforme, con lo que dejaba atrás ese ideal copernicano

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 85»

«He attributed to Giordano Bruno (Nolanus) another arrangement by which the sun moved annually about the earth in the equinoctial circle, while the earth retained the other two movements ascribed to it by Copernicus»Gilbert adjudica a Giordano Bruno otra disposición, con el sol girando anualmente alrededor de la tierra en el círculo equinoccial

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 86»

«but held that the moon was moved by the earth as the tides are moved by the moon, and that the fact that the moon always kept the same face turned towards the earth showed that it was bound to it magnetically»y sostiene que la luna es movida por la tierra como las mareas por la luna, y que su cara siempre vuelta hacia nosotros muestra que está ligada a ella magnéticamente

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 86»

«In an over-simplified and partially incorrect résumé of the history of astronomy Gilbert said that, after Ptolemy, Alfonso X and then Peurbach and Regiomontanus discovered a third movement which they called access and recess»Thorndike califica de simplificado en exceso y en parte inexacto el resumen de la historia de la astronomía que Gilbert da

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 86»

«Copernicus recalled older opinions, inverted the order of the planets, and, like some new Atlas of astronomy, emended the movements by new hypotheses»en ese resumen, Gilbert dice que Copérnico recordó opiniones antiguas, invirtió el orden de los planetas y enmendó los movimientos con hipótesis nuevas, como un nuevo Atlas de la astronomía

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 86»

«Minerva rejects the movement of the earth as false, contrary to sense, experience and reason, to Holy Scripture “which in many places declares and confesses the stability, firmness, permanence and immobility of earth»y la rechaza por falsa y contraria al sentido, a la experiencia, a la razón y a la Escritura, que en muchos lugares declara la estabilidad y la inmovilidad de la tierra

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 87»

«It is, however, probable and is useful to dispute, test and defend for the sake of exercise and to train the talents of youth»y con todo la tiene por probable y útil de disputar para ejercitar los talentos de la juventud

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 87»

«it adhered strictly to the Ptolemaic system and represented the earth as immobile at the center of the celestial sphere»y consigna lo que ese tratado dice: se atiene al sistema ptolemaico y pone la tierra inmóvil en el centro de la esfera celeste, sin nombrar siquiera a Copérnico

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 87»

«adverts a number of times to Copernicus and Tycho Brahe and confutes the opinion that the earth moves»el dominico Paul Minerva, en una obra de 1616 sobre predicción del tiempo, remite varias veces a Copérnico y a Tycho Brahe y confuta la opinión de que la tierra se mueve

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 87»

«While Minerva thus rejected the motion of the earth, except as elevated in dry exhalations to form comets, he had no objection to utilizing the astronomical calculations of Copernicus, if they seemed to be the best available»según Thorndike, Minerva rechaza el movimiento de la tierra y no tiene reparo en usar los cálculos astronómicos de Copérnico si le parecen los mejores disponibles

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 88»

«For their risings and settings he has employed only the Copernican reckoning as developed by Magini, since the findings of Tycho Brahe have not yet appeared»y declara por qué usa solo el cómputo copernicano desarrollado por Magini para los ortos y ocasos: los resultados de Tycho Brahe no habían aparecido aún

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 88»

«Early in November of 1572 watchers of the skies were startled by the sudden apparition of a new celestjal phenomenon. It surpassed in brightness and apparent magnitude all the heavenly bodies except the sun, moon and Venus»la apertura del capítulo XXXII: la aparición súbita de noviembre de 1572, que superaba en brillo y magnitud aparente a todos los cuerpos celestes salvo el sol, la luna y Venus

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 91»

«It looked like a star rather than a comet, since it had neither tail nor hairy appearance»y las señas por las que se la tuvo por estrella y no por cometa: ni cola ni apariencia cabelluda

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 91»

«This meant either that it could not be a comet, or that the Aristotelian theory of comets as terrestrial exhalations in the upper air below the sphere of the moon was erroneous at least in this case»la disyuntiva que Thorndike plantea: o no era cometa, o la teoría aristotélica de los cometas como exhalaciones terrestres bajo la esfera de la luna fallaba al menos en este caso

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 91»

«it was fatal to the hitherto generally accepted belief among philosophers that the heavens were eternal and incorruptible and that there was no generation or corruption in the sky»y la consecuencia mayor: era fatal para la creencia, hasta entonces general entre los filósofos, de que los cielos eran eternos e incorruptibles

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 91»

«Indeed, if it was a new star, it would seem further to violate the statement of the theologians that God had ceased from the act of creation on the seventh day and ever since»con el flanco teológico: una estrella nueva parecía violar lo que los teólogos decían de que Dios cesó de crear el séptimo día

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 91»

«It caught the eye of Tycho Brahe as he was on his way to his alchemical laboratory. Thereafter he devoted most of his time to astronomical observation rather than chemical experiment»el efecto biográfico que Thorndike consigna: la estrella le llamó la atención a Tycho Brahe camino de su laboratorio alquímico, y desde entonces dedicó la mayor parte de su tiempo a la observación astronómica antes que al experimento químico

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 92»

«So dumbfounded indeed were such leading astronomers as Maestlin and Tycho Brahe by this exception to all their preconceived notions, that at first they could offer no natural explanation for it but proclaimed it a miraculous divine new creation»según Thorndike, Maestlin y Tycho Brahe quedaron tan atónitos que al principio no ofrecieron explicación natural y la proclamaron creación divina milagrosa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 93»

«This was the conclusion to which the most careful measurements and accurate mathematical calculations seemed inevitably to lead»y subraya de dónde salía esa conclusión: de las mediciones más cuidadosas y los cálculos matemáticos más exactos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 93»

«Tycho would not even compare it with the star of Bethlehem, which was in the lower air near the earth’s surface and which the Magi understood by their occult science»Tycho se negó a compararla con la estrella de Belén, que pone en el aire bajo, cerca de la superficie de la tierra, y que los Magos entendieron por su ciencia oculta

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 93»

«Nor was Tycho any less inclined to attribute significance for the future to the new star than were those who based prognostications upon it as a comet»y Thorndike anota que Tycho no fue menos dado que los demás a adjudicarle significado para el futuro

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 93»

«It was a sign from God beyond all order of nature, “constituted by Himself in the beginning and now finally exhibited to a world hastening to its end»Tycho la llama señal de Dios fuera de todo orden de la naturaleza, constituida por Él en el principio y exhibida al fin a un mundo que corre a su término

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 93»

«He then concluded with the esoteric utterance that he was passing over in silence what might be adduced from the truer and more secret fonts of another astrology, known to very few and whose mysteries it would be wrong to violate»y cierra con lo que Thorndike llama una declaración esotérica: calla lo que podría aducirse de las fuentes más verdaderas y secretas de otra astrología, sabida de muy pocos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 93»

«He admitted that its principles and axioms could not compare in certainty with those of geometry and astronomy, and that the influence of the stars was less patent to the senses than their motion»en su oración de 1574 ante la universidad de Copenhague, Tycho admite que los principios de la astrología no igualan en certeza a los de la geometría y la astronomía

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 94»

«He took great pains to base these upon as accurate astronomical observations and calculations as possible and would not rely on existing tables»y Thorndike consigna el cuidado con que Tycho fundó los horóscopos de la casa real danesa en observaciones propias, sin fiarse de las tablas existentes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 94»

«Tycho recognized the uncertainty of astrology as to various matters such as the assignment of cities and countries to different signs of the zodiac, or predicting from the child’s nativity as to his parents, brothers and sisters»Tycho reconoce la incertidumbre de la astrología en la adjudicación de ciudades y países a los signos y en la predicción sobre los padres y hermanos a partir de la natividad del niño

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 94»

«But since he might will to marry and so overcome the contrary inclination of the stars, Tycho investigated the matter further and found that, if he did so, his offspring would be girls of weak constitution»y el caso del príncipe Juan, cuyo horóscopo lo daba por soltero: si quisiera casarse y venciera la inclinación contraria de los astros, su prole serían niñas de complexión débil

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 94»

«Tycho predicted that the future Christian IV would scarcely survive his fifty-sixth or fifty-seventh year, but that monarch in fact lived past seventy»con la predicción y su desenlace: Tycho dio a Cristián IV apenas cincuenta y seis o cincuenta y siete años, y el monarca pasó de los setenta

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 94»

«He seems to have become so absorbed with the Latin work that the other was side-tracked, suggesting that astrology may have lost its hold on scientifically minded persons, not because they ceased to have faith in it, but because they became more intent upon positive astronomical activity for its own sake»la hipótesis de Thorndike sobre el declive de la astrología: pudo perder su asidero entre los científicos no porque dejaran de creer en ella, sino porque se volcaron en la actividad astronómica positiva por sí misma

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 95»

«From the fact that the tail of the comet was always turned away from the sun they inferred that comets must be transparent bodies or globes of some material like glass or crystal through which the sun’s rays could be refracted and kindle fire»según Thorndike, Cardano y Pena infirieron, del hecho de que la cola del cometa mire siempre en dirección opuesta al sol, que los cometas serían cuerpos transparentes capaces de refractar sus rayos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 95»

«He had also advanced the revolutionary idea that the space traversed by the planets was filled with air and that between the earth and them there was nothing but air— no sphere of fire and no succession of spheres moving the planets»y la idea que Thorndike llama revolucionaria en Pena: el espacio que recorren los planetas está lleno de aire, sin esfera de fuego ni sucesión de esferas que los muevan

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 95»

«For if light had to pass through so many different media of varying density, whether one thought of the celestial spheres as hard and solid or as more rarefied and limpid than air, there would be no possibility of certain astronomical observation and measurement, and the researches of Hipparchus, Ptolemy and Copernicus would be in vain»con el argumento óptico que la sostiene: si la luz atravesara tantos medios de densidad distinta, no cabría observación ni medición astronómica cierta, y las investigaciones de Hiparco, Ptolomeo y Copérnico serían vanas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 95»

«Pena’s early death prevented his promulgating this theory further, but it did not die with him, for years later we find Tycho Brahe holding him responsible for the spread of the opinion that air not merely encircled the earth but was disseminated throughout the heavens»Thorndike sigue la suerte de esa tesis tras la muerte temprana de Pena, a quien años después Tycho Brahe hacía responsable de la difusión de la opinión del aire esparcido por los cielos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 96»

«He states that he was immediately dragged into the theological arena by Theodore Graminaeus and William Lindanus, bishop of Ruremond, and attacked most bitterly»Thaddeus Hagecius cuenta que por la estrella nueva lo arrastraron de inmediato a la arena teológica Theodore Graminaeus y William Lindanus, obispo de Ruremond

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 96»

«Lindanus, whom he did not know and had never injured even by a word, would not even leave him a place among Christians but accused him of venerating doctrine of the devil in place of the gospel of Christ»y consigna la acusación: Lindano no le dejaba sitio entre los cristianos y lo acusaba de venerar doctrina del diablo en lugar del evangelio de Cristo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 96»

«The appearance of the new star led Thomas Digges and John Dee to publish their treatises on the way to measure the parallax, with careful and generous acknowledgement of their mutual indebtedness»la estrella nueva llevó a Thomas Digges y a John Dee a publicar sendos tratados sobre el modo de medir la paralaje, reconociéndose deuda mutua

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 96»

«The star of 1572 proved to be less inalterable and abiding than the fixed stars and planets. Its color soon altered, its magnitude diminished, and its brightness waned»según Thorndike, la estrella de 1572 resultó menos inalterable que las fijas y los planetas: mudó de color, menguó de magnitud y perdió brillo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 97»

«Thus as a sign in the sky it declined in impressiveness, while it scarcely seemed classifiable as one of the eternal and incorruptible heavenly bodies. Yet it had appeared and tarried among them»y con eso quedó en una posición incómoda: ni signo imponente ni cuerpo celeste eterno e incorruptible, aunque había aparecido y permanecido entre ellos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 97»

«said of the star of 1572 that, while it was shining, astrologers and philosophers differed as to whether it was a fixed star, new divine creation, a ccimet, or something halfway between star and comet»Johann Praetorius consigna que mientras la estrella brillaba, astrólogos y filósofos discrepaban sobre si era estrella fija, creación divina nueva, cometa o algo intermedio; el troceo imprime *ccimet*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 97»

«Reconsidering his first estimate of the star of 1572 in the light of this later phenomenon, Tycho Brahe ceased to proclaim it a marvelous new divine creation and suggested that it might have been formed out of an adjacent segment of the Milky Way»Tycho Brahe dejó de proclamarla creación divina maravillosa a la luz del cometa de 1577 y propuso que se hubiera formado de un segmento contiguo de la Vía Láctea

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 98»

«It resembled the fixed stars as an alchemical artefact does the natural metal»con el símil alquímico que Tycho usa: se parecía a las estrellas fijas como un artefacto alquímico se parece al metal natural

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 98»

«Roeslin maintained on the one hand that the comet of 1577, like the new star of 1572, was neither elementary nor sublunar but celestial and in ethereal regions»según Thorndike, Helisaeus Roeslin sostiene que el cometa de 1577, como la estrella nueva de 1572, no era elemental ni sublunar sino celeste

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 99»

«On the other hand he insisted that the new star of 1572 and the comet of 1577 were not natural phenomena but miraculous apparitions and divine signs of the approaching end of the world»y a la vez insiste en que no eran fenómenos naturales sino apariciones milagrosas y señales divinas del fin del mundo cercano

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 99»

«Thus the scientific advance over the Peripatetic doctrine of comets as terrestrial exhalations is counterbalanced by the tendency still to connect celestial phenomena with the super-natural and with divination of the future»la lectura de Thorndike sobre ese doble movimiento: el avance científico sobre la doctrina peripatética de los cometas queda contrapesado por la tendencia a ligar los fenómenos celestes con lo sobrenatural

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 99»

«The new star of 1572 and comet of 1577 are identified with two signs often mentioned by the Babylonian sibyl and are further related to the Apocalypse and to the vaticinations of Joachim, Ubertino, “Theolosphorus” (or Thelesphorus), Torquato and others»Roeslin identifica la estrella nueva y el cometa con dos señales de la sibila babilónica y los liga al Apocalipsis y a los vaticinios de Joaquín, Ubertino, Telesphoro y Torquato

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 99»

«Also six great conjunctions have occurred since Adam, in the days respectively of Enoch, Noah, Moses, the ten tribes of Israel, Christ and Augustus Caesar, and Charlemagne»y cuenta seis grandes conjunciones desde Adán, en los días de Enoc, Noé, Moisés, las diez tribus de Israel, Cristo y Augusto, y Carlomagno

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 99»

«Roeslin infers from the lapse of 1655 years between Adam and the flood, that the second conflagration of fire will occur in 1654 A.D»y la cuenta con que data la segunda conflagración de fuego: los mil seiscientos cincuenta y cinco años entre Adán y el diluvio

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 100»

«He may have dropped a doctrine of Aristotle; he has not lost hold of a single biblical prophecy»con la medida exacta del cambio en Roeslin: soltó una doctrina de Aristóteles y no soltó una sola profecía bíblica

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 100»

«On this account he has always given more attention to astronomy than to astrology»y declara haber atendido siempre más a la astronomía que a la astrología, por querer restaurar el cálculo astronómico

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 101»

«Prediction of the future from the stars is slighted, not for the negative reason that Maestlin considers it superstitious—we shall soon see that apparently he did not—but because astronomical observation and measurement make a greater positive appeal to him»la explicación que Thorndike da de ese desplazamiento: la predicción se desatiende no por tenerla por supersticiosa, sino porque la observación y la medición atraen más

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 101»

«In any case he makes the point that astrologers predict from comets without undertaking any such careful observations and hence proceed on a quite invalid foundation»Maestlin objeta que los astrólogos predicen desde los cometas sin emprender observaciones cuidadosas, y que proceden así sobre un fundamento inválido

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 101»

«One reason that it cannot be an exhalation in the air is that Witelo and Alhazen demonstrate by optics that the earth’s atmosphere cannot be but a small fraction of its diameter in height, or the sun’s rays would be reflected in its vapors long after the sun was below the horizon»la razón óptica que Maestlin toma de Witelo y Alhacén: la atmósfera de la tierra no puede tener sino una fracción pequeña de su diámetro en altura

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 102»

«Maestlin places the comet in the sphere of the planet Venus and finds its motion equal and regular. This demonstrates that the orbit of Venus about the earth is apparently irregular»Maestlin pone el cometa en la esfera de Venus y halla su movimiento igual y regular, de donde la órbita de Venus alrededor de la tierra resulta aparentemente irregular

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 102»

«And this in turn leads him to embrace the Copernican theory, for he finds that of all the hypotheses as to the movements of the heavens, it is the only one into which the observed course of this comet will fit»y eso lo lleva a abrazar la teoría copernicana, única hipótesis en que le encaja el curso observado del cometa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 102»

«It is not with this progressive note of experimental verification of the Copernican hypothesis that Maestlin closes. We go back to astrology»el comentario de Thorndike sobre el cierre del tratado, que no se queda en esa nota de verificación experimental

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 102»

«But he believes that true astrologers have learned from the experience of many centuries that eclipses and comets are precursors of misfortune»Maestlin censura a los astrólogos que abusan del arte y cree a la vez que los verdaderos aprendieron de la experiencia de muchos siglos que eclipses y cometas preceden a la desgracia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 102»

«Roeslin accepted Maestlin’s corrections of his own tract on the comet and confessed that he had made its epicycle too small»Roeslin acepta por carta las correcciones de Maestlin y confiesa haber hecho demasiado pequeño el epiciclo del cometa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 103»

«He goes on to state that he had once abandoned “all these studies” from lack of instruments, but “the magnitude of these miracles,” namely the new star of 1572 and the comet of 1577, had set him to thinking again»y cuenta que había abandonado esos estudios por falta de instrumentos, y que la magnitud de esos milagros lo volvió a poner a pensar

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 103»

«In the preface Maestlin recognizes that comets and “chasms” are signs of future ills, trumpeters and rods of divine wrath at our sins as truly as the rainbow is God’s sign of promise»Maestlin reconoce en el prefacio que los cometas y los *chasmata* son señales de males futuros, trompeteros y varas de la ira divina, como el arcoíris es señal de promesa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 104»

«what shall we think of this present comet of horrid aspect, sad face, dark funereal obscurity, Saturnine visage, and pale image of death? No one should doubt that inevitable fate is at hand»y la pregunta retórica con que cierra: qué pensar de un cometa de aspecto horrendo, cara triste, oscuridad fúnebre, rostro saturnino e imagen pálida de muerte

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 104»

«in disease to critical days, so the macrocosm or world at large in its infirm old age has certain critical years»la correspondencia que Roeslin añade en apéndice, cuya primera mitad queda en la plana anterior: como el hombre microcosmo tiene días críticos en la enfermedad, el macrocosmo en su vejez enferma tiene años críticos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 100»

«By the same token he admires Alfonso the Wise, patron of astronomy, far more than those monarchs who slew thousands»Maestlin dice admirar a Alfonso el Sabio, patrono de la astronomía, mucho más que a los monarcas que mataron millares

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 101»

«He laments that many still uphold conjectures and the authority of old philosophy against most certain geometric demonstrations from most diligent observations in which they know there is no falsity»Maestlin lamenta que muchos sostengan conjeturas y la autoridad de la filosofía vieja contra demostraciones geométricas certísimas sacadas de observaciones diligentísimas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 105»

«these three new and unusual stars of 1572, 1577 and 1580, all seen in the heavens within a period of eight years, have convinced him that the Peripatetic doctrine of comets is untenable»y dice qué lo persuadió: los tres astros nuevos e inusuales de 1572, 1577 y 1580, vistos en ocho años, que le hacen insostenible la doctrina peripatética de los cometas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 105»

«The case of Maestlin shows that we cannot divide men into two camps with lines sharply drawn between them, but that we ever find all sorts of intermediate shadings and combinations of opinion»la regla de lectura que Thorndike saca del caso: no cabe repartir a los hombres en dos campos con líneas netas, porque siempre aparecen matices y combinaciones intermedias

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 105»

«But he still believes in astrological judgments and that comets are signs of divine wrath»Maestlin representa los métodos más avanzados de observación y deja la teoría aristotélica de los cometas, y sigue creyendo en los juicios astrológicos y en los cometas como señales de la ira divina

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 105»

«It was not merely the ignorant and backward or the hidebound conservative who cherished such notions»y la advertencia que Thorndike deriva: no eran solo los ignorantes ni los conservadores empedernidos quienes guardaban esas nociones

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 105»

«Yet for him science and astrology go together: in his mind there is not warfare but concord between science and theology»con la fórmula que le aplica: en Maestlin la ciencia y la astrología van juntas, y en su mente no hay guerra sino concordia entre ciencia y teología

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 105»

«He held that the world was made for man, and that the work of the divine hand could be seen in the vilest creatures, but especially shone forth in the sky»Tycho Brahe sostiene que el mundo fue hecho para el hombre y que la obra de la mano divina se ve hasta en las criaturas más viles, y sobre todo en el cielo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 105»

«In another passage he inveighed against those who were all too ready to adopt unproved novelties in religion, yet continued to adhere to the Aristotelian doctrine of comets after their own observation should have demonstrated its falsity»y Tycho invectiva contra quienes adoptan novedades no probadas en religión y siguen en cambio con la doctrina aristotélica de los cometas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 106»

«Maestlin noted that no one since Ptolemy, not even Copernicus, had made observations of the fixed stars»Maestlin anota en sus *Ephemerides* que nadie desde Ptolomeo, ni siquiera Copérnico, había hecho observaciones de las estrellas fijas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 106»

«Relying therefore on the certitude of my observations, I am confident that this almost collapsed science of the stars . . . will be greatly amplified in its new splendor»y expresa su esperanza de una renovación radical: fiado en la certeza de sus observaciones, confía en que la ciencia casi derrumbada de los astros se amplíe con nuevo esplendor

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 106»

«Few of these proposed works - were ever published, and it was to be Tycho Brahe and Kepler, rather than Maestlin»Thorndike contrasta la larga lista de obras proyectadas por Maestlin con lo que salió de ella, y con quiénes acabaron observando las fijas y reformando la astronomía

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 106»

«He therefore examined the Sphere of Sacrobosco and came to the conclusion that no better way could be devised of presenting the elements of astronomy, and that even those who censured Sacrobosco sharply could not avoid following largely in his footsteps»Maestlin concluye que no cabía mejor modo de presentar los elementos de la astronomía que el de Sacrobosco, y que hasta quienes lo censuraban seguían sus pasos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 107»

«This remark shows the historical astigmatism and _ illogicality of Maestlin, however acute his astronomical observations and calculations were»el juicio de Thorndike sobre el modo en que Maestlin llama bárbaro el periodo de Sacrobosco: astigmatismo histórico e ilogicidad, por agudas que fueran sus observaciones

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 107»

«But what a phenomenon Sacrobosco was! The new star of 1572 and the comet of 1577 might wax and wane; Copernicus might amend Ptolemy; Prutenic Tables might replace Alfonsine and then receive their own share of adverse criticism; astronomy, restored by Regiomontanus, might collapse again. But the fundamental old Sphere of Sacrobosco went on shining, unobscured even by the classical reaction»y la medida de la persistencia del manual: estrella nueva, cometa, Copérnico y tablas se sucedían, y la vieja *Esfera* seguía alumbrando

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 107»

«The discovery of land scattered over the surface of the globe had convinced most thinking scientists that there was only a single sphere of earth and water instead of a sphere of earth enclosed in one of water»la medida que Thorndike toma del efecto de los descubrimientos: convencieron a la mayoría de los hombres de ciencia de que hay una sola esfera de tierra y agua

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 107»

«As it became apparent that the new star of 1572 and the comet of 1577 were much farther away than the moon from the earth, a number of astronomers adopted the view of Pena that the spheres of the planets were not composed of a fifth essence but that the region of air extended from the earth to the fixed stars»y la consecuencia que sacaron varios astrónomos al ver que la estrella y el cometa estaban mucho más lejos que la luna: la opinión de Pena de que la región del aire llega hasta las fijas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 107»

«Thus in order to save the Aristotelian doctrine of comets as terrestrial exhalations in the air, these men were ready to modify another Aristotelian theory that the heavens were eternal, incorruptible and of a fifth essence unlike the elements and to abandon the conception of planetary spheres»Thorndike describe el canje que esos autores hacían: salvar la doctrina aristotélica de los cometas modificando otra tesis aristotélica, la de unos cielos eternos e incorruptibles de quinta esencia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 108»

«All of which seems very much like cutting off the baby’s head in order to cure it of squinting»y lo remata con una comparación suya sobre ese canje

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 108»

«He expressed the rhetorical wish that professors and students in the universities would take occasion from the star of 1572 to open their eyes and learn from the book of nature by how many and how great errors that pagan Aristotle had fascinated them for so many centuries»Tycho Brahe formula el deseo retórico de que profesores y estudiantes abran los ojos ante la estrella de 1572 y aprendan del libro de la naturaleza de cuántos errores los había fascinado Aristóteles

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 108»

«Nevertheless he continued to hold with the Stagirite that the heavens were free from all impurities of the elements and contained neither air nor water»y siguió con todo sosteniendo con el Estagirita que los cielos están libres de toda impureza de los elementos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 108»

«So we see again various shades and combinations of opinion, that we cannot sharply separate Aristotelians and Copernicans, that either of them is as likely to be ~ favorable to astrology as the other, and that the holder of a modern or correct view in one respect is not saved thereby from gross error in another»la regla que Thorndike repite: no cabe separar netamente a aristotélicos y copernicanos, unos y otros pueden ser igual de favorables a la astrología, y tener una opinión correcta en un punto no libra del error grueso en otro

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 109»

«Brucaeus, writing to Tycho Brahe in 1588, could still question the advisability of expending so much time and labor over such transitory phenomena as comets, which never recurred again but perished, each comet being an individual phenomenon of which the knowledge died with the comet itself»Brucaeus objeta a Tycho el gasto de tiempo y trabajo en fenómenos tan transitorios como los cometas, cuyo conocimiento moría con cada uno

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 109»

«Thus it was the critic of astrological excesses who also was inclined to chide astronomy for useless vagaries, while the restless explorer of the heavens and scientific observer of the stars was not averse to their astrological influence»y Thorndike señala el cruce de papeles: el crítico de los excesos astrológicos regañaba a la astronomía por divagaciones inútiles, y el observador incansable del cielo no rechazaba la influencia de los astros

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 109»

«Human thinking and theorizing in any sphere—political, economic, social, intellectual or religious—have seldom been consistent»la meditación con que Thorndike abre la plana: el pensamiento humano en cualquier terreno rara vez ha sido consistente

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 110»

«The most logical Summa, the best-rounded philosophical system has always had some excrescence, some foreign substance, some utter anomaly that should have caused its originator or his followers the same acute discomfort that a corncob produces in one trying to sleep on a husk mattress»y el símil con que la ilustra: toda *Summa* y todo sistema bien redondeado tuvo su excrecencia, su anomalía incómoda

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 110»

«They may even be the last of all the old notions to be relinquished, for the very good reason that there were no sufÏcient grounds for adopting them in the first place, and that they were not integral parts of the lost faith, abandoned system, or fallen social order»con la razón que da de su persistencia: esas nociones se sueltan las últimas justamente porque nunca hubo fundamento suficiente para adoptarlas ni eran partes integrantes del sistema

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 110»

«They are nuts that would break the strongest teeth, so everyone swallows them whole»y la imagen con que cierra el pasaje

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 110»

«Of this sort was the position in medieval cosmology and astrology of the Aristotelian doctrine that comets are terrestrial exhalations. It did not fit in at all»y el caso al que lo aplica: la doctrina aristotélica de los cometas como exhalaciones terrestres dentro de la cosmología y la astrología medievales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 110»

«Yet comets, described as terrestrial, combustible exhalations of transitory existence, which circulated only in the upper air or at most in the region of elementary fire beneath the moon, were believed to be sure signs, if not causes, of the death of kings and other great disasters»la contradicción que señala: unos cometas descritos como exhalaciones terrestres y transitorias, y tenidos a la vez por señales seguras de la muerte de reyes y de otros desastres

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 110»

«I am aware that the exhalations which were supposed to take fire aloft and become comets were thought of as caused by the planets, and that each comet was under the especial lordship of one or two planets whose influence it was supposed to convey»Thorndike se adelanta a la objeción: sabe que las exhalaciones que se inflamaban en lo alto se tenían por causadas por los planetas y cada cometa bajo el señorío de uno o dos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 111»

«But this was a mere subterfuge and piece of sophistry. Why was not observation of the planets which were going to produce the comet enough to indicate all the coming effects, both the comet itself and the other changes associated with it? Why intrude an intermediate cause or sign»y la rechaza como subterfugio y sofistería, con la pregunta de por qué no bastaba observar los planetas que iban a producir el cometa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 111»

«This double-faced irregularity, as has been already suggested, seems rather to have been welcomed than otherwise by the writers, thinkers and observers of the time»y repite que esa irregularidad de dos caras parece haber sido más bien bienvenida que estorbosa para los autores de la época

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 111»

«On the other hand, he opposed the rules of astrology and allowed only a limited prediction from comets, which he regarded as divine miracles and signs rather than natural causes»según Thorndike, Voetius se opone a las reglas de la astrología y admite una predicción limitada desde los cometas, que tiene por milagros y señales divinas antes que por causas naturales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 112»

«Possibly the retention of belief in comets as divine warnings may be regarded as compensatory for the abandonment of astrology, much as the stricter Puritan Sabbath served to fill the gap left by the non-observance of saints’ days»y arriesga una compensación entre creencias: la fe en los cometas como avisos divinos pudo llenar el hueco del abandono de la astrología, como el sábado puritano llenó el de las fiestas de los santos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 112»

«Dasypodius still accepts the Aristotelian doctrine of comets and regards the star of 1572 as such a comet»Dasypodius sigue aceptando la doctrina aristotélica de los cometas y tiene por uno de ellos a la estrella de 1572

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 113»

«He records past examples of influential comets, but his chronology is at times faulty, as when he dates the fall of Constantinople in 1445»y Thorndike anota los deslices cronológicos de su repaso de cometas influyentes, como datar en 1445 la caída de Constantinopla

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 113»

«But it is to the comet of 1477, a century ago, that Dasypodius ascribes the most specific ills. There was an unheard-of wheat famine, a plague of locusts, and a great pest in Italy»al cometa de 1477 le adjudica los males más específicos: hambruna de trigo inaudita, plaga de langostas y peste grande en Italia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 113»

«Tycho Brahe later remarkedTM with regard to the astrological causes of the comet of 1577 listed by Dasypodius, that, if such positions of the stars as he gave produced comets, attempts to predict their appearance would be more successful»Tycho Brahe objeta a la lista de causas astrológicas de Dasypodius que, si tales posiciones de los astros produjeran cometas, los intentos de predecir su aparición saldrían mejor

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 114»

«Actually, Tycho added, no one had succeeded in predicting the appearance of a comet except by chance, whereas many had announced the coming of comets which had failed to materialize»y da la medida contraria: nadie había acertado a anunciar la aparición de un cometa salvo por azar, y muchos habían anunciado cometas que no llegaron

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 114»

«For example, no comet had appeared between that of 1558 and that of 1577, yet almost every year in the interim a comet had been forecast by astrologers, and commonly on more plausible astrological grounds than those advanced by Dasypodius»con el ejemplo que lo apoya: entre 1558 y 1577 no hubo cometa, y casi cada año de ese lapso los astrólogos habían pronosticado uno

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 114»

«located the comet of 1577 in the sublunar region, although he made at least a pretense of astronomical measurements and calculations after the manner of Tycho Brahe»Bartholomaeus Scultetus sitúa el cometa de 1577 en la región sublunar, con al menos una apariencia de mediciones y cálculos al modo de Tycho Brahe

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 114»

«following the method of Ptolemy’s Quadripartstum in Cardan’s edition and judging the comet’s effects from its magnitude, color, splendor, form, duration, site, the direction of its tail, its longitude and latitude with consideration of the signs, and its relation to the fixed stars»y juzga sus efectos por magnitud, color, esplendor, forma, duración, sitio, dirección de la cola, longitud y latitud, siguiendo el método del *Quadripartitum*; el troceo imprime *Quadripartstum*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 114»

«In the preface Grynaeus says that there are two operations of nature which give rise to doubt and hesitation in human minds, namely, occult virtues and the influence of meteorological and celestial bodies»Simon Grynaeus dice en el prefacio que dos operaciones de la naturaleza dan lugar a duda en las mentes humanas: las virtudes ocultas y la influencia de los cuerpos meteorológicos y celestes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 115»

«But he recognizes the force of the argument: if comets are mere mixtures of the inferior elements and not celestial bodies, how can they signify the future»y reconoce la fuerza del argumento contrario: si los cometas son mezclas de los elementos inferiores y no cuerpos celestes, cómo pueden significar el futuro

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 115»

«answer 1s that they are neither signs of calamities nor causes of future events, and he minimizes their influence on nature without denying it entirely»*y la respuesta sigue en la plana siguiente*: no son ni señales de calamidades ni causas de sucesos futuros, y su influencia sobre la naturaleza queda minimizada sin negarla del todo; el troceo imprime *1s* por *is*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 116»

«But they also were fertile years, showing the error of those who say that comets cause sterility»Grynaeus objeta a quienes hacen a los cometas causa de esterilidad que los años de los cometas de 1531, 1532, 1554 y 1558 fueron también fértiles

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 116»

«He denies any connection between comets and such events as the death of kings. Nor may such diverse calamities as pest, war, floods and famine all be traced to one and the same cause»y niega toda conexión entre los cometas y sucesos como la muerte de los reyes, y que calamidades tan diversas se remonten a una sola causa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 116»

«Thus Grynaeus combines the practice of repeated scientific observations with retention of an outworn doctrine which they should have disproved»y el balance del caso: Grynaeus junta la observación científica repetida con la retención de una doctrina gastada

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 116»

«Almost any assortment of ideas, conflicting or harmonious, is found in some mind or other»la fórmula con que Thorndike cierra ese repaso de combinaciones de opiniones

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 117»

«He still holds and sets forth at length the Aristotelian doctrine of comets according to which they are terrestrial exhalations which rise into the third or supreme region of air next to the sphere of fire where they become inflamed and after a few months are consumed and disappear»lo que Sordi sostiene en realidad: la doctrina aristotélica de los cometas como exhalaciones terrestres que se inflaman junto a la esfera del fuego y se consumen en pocos meses

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 117»

«Therefore Sordi, instead of taking an astronomical step forward and being a forerunner of Halley, merely took an astrological step backward in the direction of Aristotle and Albumasar»el balance de Thorndike sobre Sordi, a quien se ha querido hacer precursor de Halley

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 118»

«his statement that the celestial bodies by their virtue, light and motion govern all this inferior machine and human inclinations, but not our intellect and our will which are absolutely free»el límite que Sordi pone a su astrología: los cuerpos celestes gobiernan toda esta máquina inferior y las inclinaciones humanas, pero no el intelecto ni la voluntad, que son absolutamente libres

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 118»

«Sordi adds that it is his belief that the stars do not compel or necessitate but only incline “in the manner that the holy Catholic Roman church holds»y lo formula como la Iglesia romana lo sostiene: los astros no compelen ni necesitan, solo inclinan

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 118»

«that all philosophers, astrologers, mathematicians and geometers held it for most certain that sun, moon and stars do not move themselves but “with the motion of their orbs, in which they stand fixed like knots in a wooden table»Sordi afirma, según Thorndike contra el hecho, que todos tenían por certísimo que el sol, la luna y las estrellas no se mueven por sí sino con el movimiento de sus orbes, fijas en ellos como nudos en una tabla de madera

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 119»

«The salamander, thanks to its very cold temperament, may be able to withstand fire for a while but is not generated in it»y sostiene que la salamandra, por su temperamento frigidísimo, puede resistir un rato el fuego pero no se engendra en él

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 119»

«Elias Olaus Cimbrus, an assistant to Tycho Brahe, put the comet of 1585 above the moon and noted that it was round and tailless»Elias Olaus Cimbrus, ayudante de Tycho Brahe, pone el cometa de 1585 por encima de la luna y lo describe redondo y sin cola

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 119»

«But his discussion of it was mainly astrological. He considered its relation to the conjunction of 1583, noting incidentally that a terrible pest had followed the conjunction of 1563. He further connected it with Saturn and spent eleven pages on its effects»y Thorndike consigna que el grueso de su discusión era astrológico, con once planas sobre los efectos del cometa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 119»

«that comets are nothing else than a mass of burning exhalations, some of which are generated in the first region of the air and others formed in the third»Gerónimo Cortés de Valencia sostiene que los cometas no son otra cosa que masa de exhalaciones ardientes, unas engendradas en la primera región del aire y otras en la tercera

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 120»

«Satler maintained that meteors might be generated naturally or supernaturally»Wolfgang Satler sostiene que los meteoros pueden generarse natural o sobrenaturalmente

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 120»

«Our sin was the cause of their preternatural generation, since the warnings conveyed by natural comets below the moon had failed to move us to repentance»y adjudica la generación preternatural de las estrellas nuevas a nuestro pecado, porque los avisos de los cometas naturales bajo la luna no nos habían movido a penitencia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 120»

«Jean Taxil in 1614 praised both the Jesuit astronomer Clavius and Galileo to the skies, saying that Clavius “has spoken more clearly of astrology and all other parts of mathematics than any author of past centuries»Jean Taxil dice de Clavio que habló de la astrología y de todas las demás partes de las matemáticas con más claridad que ningún autor de los siglos pasados

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 121»

«and that Galileo is “the pearl of astrologers of this century” and “the honor and glory of our age, as he will be an object of wonder to ages to come»y llama a Galileo perla de los astrólogos de su siglo y honor y gloria de su época

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 121»

«He contends that those astronomers who put the star of 1572 in the eighth sphere on the ground that it had no parallax were old men with weak vision whose observations must be discounted»y objeta a los astrónomos que pusieron la estrella de 1572 en la octava esfera por no tener paralaje que eran viejos de vista débil

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 121»

«If from three new stars one may infer that the sky is of mortal nature, why from the innumerable stars in which no change in substance has been noted through all past time may not the permanence of the heavens be a much more logical conclusion»y el argumento con que cierra: si de tres estrellas nuevas se infiere que el cielo es de naturaleza mortal, de las innumerables que no han mudado se seguiría con más lógica su permanencia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 122»

«With this rhetorical and fallacious line of argument Giannini dropped the subject, and so may we»el juicio de Thorndike sobre ese argumento y el modo en que cierra el capítulo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 122»

«while for purposes of Aristotelian physics and meteorology it was classified as an earthly exhalation»la segunda mitad de la lectura de Thorndike: para la física y la meteorología aristotélicas el cometa se clasificaba como exhalación terrestre, mientras que para pronosticar se lo trataba como causa celeste

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 111»

«In the second half of the sixteenth century efforts to improve astrology, to make it more natural and scientific, become noteworthy»la tesis con que abre el capítulo XXXIII: en la segunda mitad del siglo XVI los esfuerzos por mejorar la astrología y hacerla más natural y científica se vuelven notables

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 123»

«The attempt is made on several hands to gather data, to collect a large number of particular cases, and from this mass of observations by the inductive method to work out and formulate more dependable rules of prediction»y el método que Thorndike describe en esos intentos: reunir datos y muchos casos particulares para sacar de la masa de observaciones, por vía inductiva, reglas de predicción más fiables

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 123»

«This was done especially in the field of nativities, where individual horoscopes and genitures were noted in the hope of providing an experimental basis for astrological laws»sobre todo en las natividades, con horóscopos y genituras anotados para dar base experimental a las leyes astrológicas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 123»

«The reaction from Arabic to Ptolemaic astrology, which we have seen in the first half of the century, went on, and the problem as to which method of dividing the zodiac into houses was the best still vexed practitioners of the art»y la corriente de fondo del periodo: la reacción de la astrología árabe a la ptolemaica sigue, y la disputa sobre el modo de dividir el zodiaco en casas sigue atormentando a los practicantes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 123»

«But despite the expressions of preference for Ptolemy, his Quadripartitum was not to be printed again after the edition of 1553, which was just about the time that the publication of the works of the Arabic astrologers began to thin out»con el dato editorial que lo matiza: pese a la preferencia declarada por Ptolomeo, el *Quadripartitum* no volvió a imprimirse tras la edición de 1553

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 123»

«Although he was now dead, prognostications were still issued under his name»y añade que, muerto ya el astrólogo, seguían saliendo pronósticos bajo su nombre

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 124»

«The object was to lay a foundation for future prediction by a careful examination of the nativities and accidents (i.e. subsequent lives) of a number of recent cases»según Thorndike, el *Tractatus astrologicus* de Luca Gaurico buscaba fundar la predicción futura en el examen cuidadoso de natividades y accidentes de casos recientes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 124»

«The second book dealt with seven popes and twenty-nine cardinals and prelates; the third, with thirty-four secular rulers; the fourth, with forty-one men of letters and learning, nine musicians, and five artists; the fifth, with forty-six instances of violent death; the sixth, with nine persons of imperfect or mutilated physique»con el reparto de sus libros: papas y cardenales, gobernantes seculares, hombres de letras, músicos y artistas, casos de muerte violenta y personas de físico imperfecto o mutilado

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 124»

«he failed to foresee the papal tiara for cardinal Caraffa and gave no inkling of the coming early violent death of Henry II of France, to whom he promised ‘a most happy and green old age»Thorndike mide los aciertos de Gaurico contra sus fallas: no vio la tiara papal para el cardenal Carafa ni la muerte violenta temprana de Enrique II de Francia, a quien prometió una vejez felicísima y verde

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 125»

«He said that, when the Venetian troops entered Padua in 1509, two Paduans, whom he mentioned by name, were hanged, whereas the truth was that one of them died a natural death in that year, while the other was still living when Gaurico’s work was published»y recoge de Pércopo un error de Gaurico sobre hechos pasados: dio por ahorcados a dos paduanos, de los cuales uno murió de muerte natural y el otro seguía vivo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 125»

«In this work it is stated that Johann Schoéner followed Regiomontanus’s method of dividing the astrological houses on the equator until his old age when, influenced by the opinion of certain more recent writers he changed to the method of Ptolemy and Firmicus of dividing the zodiac itself into twelve equal parts»según Thorndike, Cornelius Gemma consigna que Johann Schöner siguió el método de Regiomontano para dividir las casas hasta la vejez, y luego pasó al de Ptolomeo y Fírmico

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 126»

«Cyprian Leovitius said that opinions as to the merits of the two methods differed, but that he had found that predictions based upon the method of Regiomontanus came out better in actual practice»Cyprian Leovitius dice que las opiniones sobre los dos métodos diferían y que en la práctica le salían mejor las predicciones fundadas en el de Regiomontano

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 126»

«Ptolemy is named as the supreme and safest guide in the matter of judgments, and Garcaeus expresses the request, ‘“‘in the name of all the studious,” that his “dearest teacher” at Wittenberg, Caspar Peucer, will sometime communicate the method of this Ptolemic doctrine to them»Garcaeus nombra a Ptolomeo como guía suprema y más segura en materia de juicios y pide a su maestro Caspar Peucer que comunique el método de esa doctrina

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 127»

«There is much discussion how to determine the exact moment of birth. This problem involves that difference between true and astronomical days called equation of days»y Thorndike consigna el problema técnico al que el tratado dedica más espacio: determinar el momento exacto del nacimiento, con la ecuación de los días de por medio

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 127»

«Besides this method of ascertaining the time of birth by subsequent accidents of the person concerned, Garcaeus mentions two others: one by the conjunction or opposition preceding the true ascendent, the other by the Trutina of Hermes or length of time spent by the child in the womb»Garcaeus menciona otros dos modos de fijar la hora del nacimiento: por la conjunción u oposición anterior al ascendente verdadero, y por la *Trutina* de Hermes o tiempo del niño en el vientre

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 128»

«Where Gaurico in 1552 had given some _ one hundred and sixty such examples, Garcaeus offered over four hundred, of whom fully a fourth were men of learning, beginning with Petrarch»la escala creciente de esas colecciones: unas ciento sesenta genituras en Gaurico y más de cuatrocientas en Garcaeus, con un cuarto de hombres de letras empezando por Petrarca

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 128»

«In a preface concerning astrology generally he declared that it was not against freedom of the will, and that God often acted against secondary causes (i.e. the stars). Also the devil abused nature»Garcaeus declara en su prefacio que la astrología no va contra la libertad de la voluntad, que Dios obra a menudo contra las causas segundas, es decir los astros, y que el diablo abusa de la naturaleza

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 128»

«Thus qualified, the interest of Garcaeus in nativities seems to have aroused no ecclesiastical opposition, and he became bishop of Neu-Brandenburg»y Thorndike anota el desenlace: así matizado, su interés por las natividades no despertó oposición eclesiástica y llegó a obispo de Neu-Brandenburg

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 128»

«fessed aim of the book, it is probable that the sale of the volume was increased by the appeal made to general interest and curiosity by the inclusion of so many well-known names and persons in high places»la reserva que Thorndike pone al propósito declarado de Gaurico: la venta del volumen se vería favorecida por la curiosidad ante tantos nombres conocidos y personas encumbradas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 125»

«Incidentally it may be noted that Ronsard himself was not averse to astrology, treating the influence of the stars didactically in his Des astres and lyrically in La Hymne des estoiles»Thorndike anota que tampoco Ronsard era ajeno a la astrología, que trata didácticamente en *Des astres* y líricamente en *La Hymne des estoiles*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 130»

«It is written in an intolerably involved French prose and, to add to the reader’s woes, is printed entirely in italics, causing one to sigh for Latin style and Roman type»el juicio de Thorndike sobre la prosa y la tipografía del *Mantice* de Pontus de Tyard

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 131»

«The author states that, of all the past forms of divination or Mantice, astrology alone remains today»Pontus de Tyard declara que de todas las formas pasadas de adivinación o *Mantice* solo queda hoy la astrología

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 131»

«His work is a dialogue in which Le Curieux argues against astrology, Mantice defends the art, and the author speaks in conclusion»y la forma de la obra: diálogo en que Le Curieux argumenta contra la astrología, Mantice defiende el arte y el autor habla al final

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 131»

«Le Curieux is as opposed to alchemy as to astrology, calling the alchemists “‘falsifiers of natural reasons” who dishonor the name of philosophy»Le Curieux se opone a la alquimia tanto como a la astrología, y llama a los alquimistas falsificadores de las razones naturales que deshonran el nombre de la filosofía

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 131»

«Mantice holds that Apollo, Venus, Mercury and Diana were royal or learned persons whose astronomical and astrological labors led to the planets being named after them»Mantice sostiene que Apolo, Venus, Mercurio y Diana fueron personas reales o doctas cuyos trabajos astronómicos y astrológicos dieron nombre a los planetas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 131»

«He also asks if Le Curieux refuses to believe that the Delphic oracle, administered by a virgin priestess, was secretly related to the celestial virgin»y pregunta si Le Curieux se niega a creer que el oráculo délfico, servido por una sacerdotisa virgen, tuviera relación secreta con la virgen celeste

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 131»

«Whereas Le Curieux discredited alchemy, Mantice regards the truth of necromancy as proven by the witch of Endor incident, “to deny which would be worse than heresy»Mantice tiene por probada la verdad de la nigromancia por el episodio de la pitonisa de Endor, y dice que negarlo sería peor que herejía

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 131»

«Moreover, according to the secret doctrine of necromancy the dead come up feet first unless summoned for royalty, which explains why the pkytonisse knew that Saul was king»y añade, según la doctrina secreta de la nigromancia, que los muertos suben con los pies por delante salvo cuando se los convoca para la realeza, con lo que la pitonisa supo que Saúl era rey

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 132»

«Mantice also holds that when one remembers that the Passion and whole life of Christ were predicted by the prophets without blame, one ought not to be scandalized at His subjection in natural things to the stars, since He had previously disposed the sky according to his will»y sostiene que no hay que escandalizarse de la sujeción de Cristo a los astros en las cosas naturales, porque Él había dispuesto antes el cielo a su voluntad

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 132»

«In closing the author afÏrms that years ago he tried to acquire the gift of divination, sought out demons and spirits, and formed a hundred monstrous characters, but with no success»Pontus de Tyard cuenta al cerrar que años atrás intentó adquirir el don de adivinación, buscó demonios y espíritus y formó cien caracteres monstruosos, sin éxito; el OCR imprime *afÏrms* con la ligadura fi vuelta Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 132»

«He is uncertain as to astrology but feels that present astrologers cannot predict truly because past astronomical tables do not give the true movements of the planets»y adjudica la falla de los astrólogos de su tiempo a las tablas astronómicas, que no dan los movimientos verdaderos de los planetas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 132»

«He therefore refuses to embrace judicial astrology until the movements of the heavens are exactly known, until some invincible reason and certain experience sanction a single method of representing the twelve houses, and the old rules are amended and accommodated to our times or new ones are devised based on nature not superstition, on which judgments can be founded without fail»con las tres condiciones que pone para abrazar la astrología judiciaria: movimientos del cielo exactamente conocidos, un método único de las doce casas sancionado por razón y experiencia, y reglas fundadas en la naturaleza y no en la superstición

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 132»

«Offusius, unlike Pontus de Tyard, found the Ptolemaic astrology too childish and attempted to work out a new method based on reason, solid principles, and experience»Offusius halla demasiado pueril la astrología ptolemaica e intenta un método nuevo fundado en la razón, en principios sólidos y en la experiencia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 133»

«To this end he gave up a lucrative medical practice and refused attractive positions offered by princes»y Thorndike consigna lo que le costó: dejó una práctica médica lucrativa y rechazó puestos que le ofrecían los príncipes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 133»

«he tells of his vain search for years through nearly the whole world for a capable scientific collaborator»Offusius cuenta su búsqueda vana de años por casi todo el mundo de un colaborador científico capaz

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 133»

«Offusius attempts to measure quantitatively the influence of the stars, which he believes they exert through the four qualities rather than occult influence»y la tesis que Thorndike destaca de su método: intenta medir cuantitativamente la influencia de los astros, que cree ejercida por las cuatro cualidades y no por influencia oculta

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 133»

«The sun warms and dries. The moon moistens and chills a little. Saturn produces cold with dryness. Mars burns and dries. Venus dispenses moisture and a little heat. Mercury dries»el reparto de cualidades por planeta que Offusius da: el sol calienta y seca, la luna humedece y enfría un poco, Saturno produce frío con sequedad, Marte quema y seca, Venus dispensa humedad y algo de calor, Mercurio seca

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 133»

«Offusius is further convinced, though for a long time he could not convince himself of this, that nature follows a certain numerical and geometrical order»Offusius se convence, tras resistirse mucho tiempo, de que la naturaleza sigue cierto orden numérico y geométrico

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 134»

«Whereupon he engages in mystic calculations as to the regular solids of the sort later indulged in by Kepler»y Thorndike liga esos cálculos místicos sobre los sólidos regulares con los que Kepler se permitiría después

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 134»

«Not that the fixed stars are idle and without influence upon us, for nature makes nothing in vain, but Offusius thinks that they act only with and through the planets»Offusius no tiene a las estrellas fijas por ociosas, porque la naturaleza nada hace en vano, pero piensa que obran solo con los planetas y a través de ellos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 134»

«It will therefore be necessary to accumulate a mass of observations before astrological judgment and prediction become easy»Offusius reconoce que hará falta acumular una masa de observaciones antes de que el juicio y la predicción astrológicos se vuelvan fáciles

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 135»

«On the other hand, Leowitz observed the heavens little and lacked suitable instruments except clocks»según Thorndike, Tycho Brahe anota que Leowitz observaba poco el cielo y carecía de instrumentos salvo relojes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 136»

«He was much given to astrological predictions and surpassed others therein, but whether his art was solid Tycho would not say»y la reserva con que Tycho lo juzga: superaba a otros en predicción astrológica, pero él no diría si su arte era sólido

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 136»

«He did say, however, that he thought Leowitz too quick to jump to general conclusions from one or two particular instances»y la objeción de método que sí hace: Leowitz saltaba demasiado pronto a conclusiones generales desde uno o dos casos particulares

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 136»

«Wolf says that astrology would never have been the object of so much hatred and envy, if it had not been abused and prostituted by unscrupulous or unqualified astrologers»Hieronymus Wolf sostiene que la astrología nunca habría sido objeto de tanto odio y envidia si no la hubieran abusado y prostituido astrólogos sin escrúpulos ni preparación

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 136»

«In the following introduction to the Admontito Wolf further laments that fools or wicked men are taking possession with impunity of all disciplines. Once the doctoral degree was a barrier against this»y lamenta que necios o malvados se apoderen impunemente de todas las disciplinas, cosa que antes frenaba el grado de doctor

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 136»

«He does not deny, however, that plausible arguments are being advanced against the art of astrology itself»con la concesión que hace a la vez: no niega que se estén aduciendo argumentos plausibles contra el arte mismo de la astrología

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 136»

«precepts of the Chaldeans, Egyptians and Arabs often no longer apply to our times and climes»el astrólogo del diálogo de Wolf sostiene que los preceptos de caldeos, egipcios y árabes ya no se aplican a los tiempos y climas propios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 137»

«For example, if his own horoscope is interpreted according to the rules of Haly Abenragel, it appears that he should be a very fierce and warlike warrior. And perhaps he would have been, had he been born among the Arabs, a race given to robberies»con el ejemplo de su propio horóscopo, que por las reglas de Haly Abenragel lo haría guerrero fierísimo, cosa que quizá habría sido de nacer entre los árabes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 137»

«Wolf therefore does not reject Arabic astrology from classical prejudice or animus but gives reasons why it should be qualified for other lands, peoples and times»Thorndike precisa el alcance de esa reserva: Wolf no rechaza la astrología árabe por prejuicio clásico, sino que da razones para matizarla según tierras, pueblos y tiempos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 137»

«The disciple adduces the argument against astrology of Erasmus. Either it is true, false, or ambiguous. If the last, there might as well be no prediction at all. If false, such delusion is injurious. If true and of happy events, you will be distracted by hope and, when the event occurs, will lose the pleasure of novelty. But if the event is sad, you will be miserable before your time and the ill will be redoubled»el discípulo aduce el argumento de Erasmo contra la astrología por la disyuntiva de lo verdadero, lo falso y lo ambiguo, y por el daño que la espera hace en uno y otro caso

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 137»

«His other writings show that he was not without faith in astrology. He boasted that he had been relieved in the stone by an astrological image of a lion»el astrólogo responde que Erasmo no lo proponía en serio, y alega que se jactaba de haberse aliviado del mal de piedra con una imagen astrológica de león

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 137»

«Third is the fabrication of characters and images, of which he does not treat here and which many think is little different from magic or idolatry, although they are wicked indeed who do not distinguish between the use and abuse of a thing»en la división de la astrología de Wolf, la tercera parte es la fabricación de caracteres e imágenes, que muchos tienen por poco distinta de la magia o la idolatría

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 138»

«The fourth part deals with the private fortune of the individual and subdivides into genethlialogy, elections and interrogations»y la cuarta, la fortuna privada del individuo, subdividida en genetlialogía, elecciones e interrogaciones

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 138»

«To Wolf it seemed no more opposed to Christianity than did the infinite height and magnitude of the heavens»Wolf urge por carta a Tycho Brahe a rebatir a Erastus, y dice que la astrología no le parece más opuesta al cristianismo que la altura y magnitud infinitas de los cielos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 138»

«He listed, however, seven uncertainties about astrology itself which he thought had contributed to destroy faith in its predictions: namely, controversy as to the number and motion of the heavens, as to the motion of the planets, the method of constructing the horoscope, disagreement as to the effects of the stars, uncertainty as to the beginnings of kingdoms and cities and great conjunctions and trigoni, the dissimilitude between twins, and the uncertainty as to the instant of birth»y enumera siete incertidumbres del arte que a su juicio habían minado la fe en sus predicciones, de la disputa sobre el número y el movimiento de los cielos a la desemejanza entre gemelos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 138»

«The story is told that Wolf forecast the day of his own death and, as it approached, gave away his belongings»la anécdota que Thorndike recoge: Wolf pronosticó el día de su muerte y fue repartiendo sus bienes al acercarse

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 138»

«Wolf was poor and sick most of his life and, according to Will, thought himself bewitched, another indication of the hold that the occult had on his mind»Thorndike añade, con Will, que Wolf fue pobre y enfermo casi toda su vida y se creía embrujado, señal del asidero que lo oculto tenía en su mente

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 139»

«Thus the very title expresses the effort, so general in the later sixteenth century, to establish a natural astrology»el título de la obra de Leowitz sobre juzgar genituras por causas físicas expresa, según Thorndike, el esfuerzo general de la segunda mitad del siglo por fundar una astrología natural

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 139»

«The first method, for Leowitz, is that of Ptolemy by the Animodar, that is, the planet in the degree of conjunction or opposition of the luminaries immediately preceding the nativity. The second is the Trutina of Hermes, and the third by accidents, good or ill, that later befall the child»los tres métodos de rectificar el grado del ascendente que Leowitz repite: el animodar de Ptolomeo, la *Trutina* de Hermes y los accidentes posteriores del niño (el tramo se corta en la llamada de nota que el OCR imprime con asteriscos)

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 139»

«But questions concerning his brothers and sisters or parents, which pertain to another person than the natus himself, are difÏcult to judge from his nativity and do not have equal certitude with other predictions»Leowitz pone su límite: lo que toca a hermanos y padres, que pertenece a otra persona que el nacido, es difícil de juzgar por su natividad y no tiene igual certidumbre

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 140»

«His religious life is a matter, Leowitz grants, more for theologians than astrologers to decide»y concede que la vida religiosa del nacido toca decidirla a los teólogos antes que a los astrólogos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 140»

«Wolf further observes that there is great controversy between the astrologers themselves, first as to drawing up the horoscope or nativity, then as to certain significations of the stars, third as to the choice of significators and many other matters. Nor can these controversies be easily settled, since reasons and authorities are about equally strong for either party»Wolf observa además la gran controversia entre los propios astrólogos sobre el horóscopo, las significaciones de los astros y la elección de significadores, que no se resuelve con facilidad porque razones y autoridades pesan casi igual de ambos lados

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 137»

«In other words, we are given an astrological interpretation of history from the beginning of the Roman empire or fourth monarchy to the present, with relation of various leading events to great conjunctions, eclipses and comets»según Thorndike, la obra de Leowitz sobre las conjunciones da una interpretación astrológica de la historia desde el imperio romano, ligando los sucesos mayores a conjunciones, eclipses y cometas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 141»

«Also comparisons are instituted, for example, between the ages of Diocletian and Henry IV, the reigns of Constantine and Barbarossa, or the times of Huss and Luther»y las comparaciones que instituye entre edades: Diocleciano y Enrique IV, Constantino y Barbarroja, Hus y Lutero

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 141»

«Leowitz says that this has cost him a great deal of labor and that no one had done it before»Leowitz dice que ese repaso le costó mucho trabajo y que nadie lo había hecho antes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 141»

«Leowitz calls Maximilian II the first Hapsburg ruler under whom a fiery triplicitas begins, and hopes that he will prove another Charlemagne»Leowitz llama a Maximiliano II el primer Habsburgo bajo el cual empieza una triplicidad ígnea, y espera que resulte otro Carlomagno

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 141»

«He also compares the future conjunction of 1583 with that which preceded the birth of Christ and hints that the second coming is not far off»y compara la conjunción venidera de 1583 con la que precedió al nacimiento de Cristo, insinuando que la segunda venida no está lejos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 141»

«Neither was this the case nor was Maximilian II who reigned from 1564 to 1576 to see the conjunction of 1583»Thorndike coteja el pronóstico con lo ocurrido: ni pasó aquello ni Maximiliano II, que reinó hasta 1576, llegó a ver la conjunción de 1583

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 141»

«Bodin sneered at Leowitz for having nevertheless issued Ephemerides for thirty years after 1584»Thorndike consigna el sarcasmo de Bodin contra Leowitz por publicar efemérides para treinta años después de 1584 (el tramo se corta en la llamada de nota que el OCR imprime con asteriscos)

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 142»

«In both his Republic and Methodus ad facilem historiarum cognitionem Bodin criticized details of astrological technique past and present, but was favorable to the influence of the stars and even to the doctrine of great conjunctions, if duly worked out upon a correct historical and natural basis»la posición de Bodin que Thorndike resume: critica detalles de técnica astrológica y se muestra favorable a la influencia de los astros y aun a la doctrina de las grandes conjunciones si se la trabaja sobre base histórica y natural correcta

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 142»

«he says that he has abandoned super-Stitious divinations from parts of the sky supposed to give © particular presages as to grain, oil, cheese, butter and the like»Stadius dice haber abandonado las adivinaciones supersticiosas por partes del cielo que daban presagios particulares sobre el grano, el aceite, el queso y la mantequilla

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 143»

«His father, though a simple man without learning, could predict as to the crops better than Stadius himself could from this tradition “of the Saracens and barbarians»y alega que su padre, hombre simple y sin letras, pronosticaba las cosechas mejor que él por esa tradición que llama de sarracenos y bárbaros

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 143»

«When Nabod himself came to town and began to teach mathematics privately, because it was the only discipline not already included in the university curriculum, they not merely engaged him at an annual salary, but remunerated him for the instruction he had already given»y cuenta que, al llegar él a enseñar matemáticas en privado por ser la única disciplina fuera del plan universitario, no solo lo contrataron con salario anual sino que le pagaron la enseñanza ya dada

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 143»

«In the preface Nabod further declares that he deems the “puerile and ridiculous” charges of Pico della Mirandola against astrology unworthy of notice»y declara indignos de atención los cargos de Pico della Mirandola contra la astrología, que llama pueriles y ridículos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 143»

«He rejects prediction of the year from the vernal equinox, preferring the Ptolemaic method of reckoning from the conjunction or opposition of sun and moon immediately preceding as easier to determine accurately»Nabod rechaza predecir el año desde el equinoccio vernal y prefiere el método ptolemaico de partir de la conjunción u oposición inmediata de sol y luna

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 144»

«Many astrologers of his time follow the method of Regiomontanus, but Cardan finally abandoned it as too difÏcult and laborious and went back to the Ptolemaic method»y consigna que Cardano acabó abandonando el método de Regiomontano por difícil y laborioso para volver al ptolemaico

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 144»

«Nabod rejects a portion of the text of Alcabitius as superstitious and a matter of luck rather than founded on true and natural reasons»Nabod rechaza una parte del texto de Alcabitius por supersticiosa y por ser cosa de suerte antes que fundada en razones verdaderas y naturales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 144»

«Nabod further states that astrologers are excused from making any predictions concerning God or actions which He has reserved to Himself or which He performs supernaturally»y excusa a los astrólogos de predecir sobre Dios o sobre las acciones que Él se ha reservado o hace sobrenaturalmente

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 145»

«Nabod speaks unfavorably of the many persons who compose fabulous accounts of great changes in the world, especially at fixed periods»Nabod habla desfavorablemente de quienes componen relatos fabulosos de grandes cambios del mundo en periodos fijos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 145»

«Those who adopt the doctrine of great conjunctions come closer to the truth, but Ptolemy laid the chief stress upon eclipses»y pone a los de la doctrina de las grandes conjunciones más cerca de la verdad, aunque Ptolomeo cargara el acento en los eclipses

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 145»

«Campanella in his six books on astrology, published at Lyons in 1620, tells that “Valentin Vaiuodae,” living at Padua, since from a direction of this sort he feared what might befall him from a sword, shut himself up with a supply of food»Campanella cuenta que Nabod se encerró en Padua con provisiones porque temía por una dirección astrológica lo que pudiera venirle de una espada

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 145»

«Since his writings were missing, some attributed the crime to jealous rivals»según el relato de Tomasini, la desaparición de sus escritos hizo que algunos adjudicaran el crimen a rivales celosos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 146»

«In his preface to the magistrates of Cologne Nabod praises them for having preserved the city safe amid a war inflaming Europe»Valentin Nabod alaba en su prefacio a los magistrados de Colonia por haber guardado la ciudad a salvo en medio de una guerra que inflamaba Europa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 143»

«and broke in. They then killed Nabod lest he give the alarm»*y el relato de Campanella sigue en la plana siguiente*: los ladrones entraron por la fuerza y mataron a Nabod para que no diera la alarma

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 146»

«It says that he was found in his own house at Padua transfixed by a sword and dead for three days»la otra versión de la muerte de Nabod que la nota del manuscrito Sloane da: hallado en su casa de Padua atravesado por una espada y muerto desde hacía tres días

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 147»

«Yet it is credible that he killed himself, since Saturn is the lord of the horoscope and of the eighth house, and Venus the other lord of the eighth house declining in Aries»y la razón astrológica con que esa nota inclina la balanza hacia el suicidio: Saturno señor del horóscopo y de la casa octava, y Venus, el otro señor de la octava, declinando en Aries

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 147»

«Tomasini omits this incident but says that Speroni by his skill in the stars predicted many future happenings to his friends and fellow-citizens»Tomasini adjudica a Sperone Speroni haber predicho por su pericia en los astros muchos sucesos a sus amigos y conciudadanos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 147»

«Amidst all this there was considerable astrology or matter akin thereto: a table of the mansions of the moon with their qualities, significations and properties, for use in astrological elections; a discussion of Egyptian days; dignities of the planets, the decans, the properties of particular degrees; tables showing the relation of the signs of the zodiac to parts of the human body; an arrangement of cities under the same signs; an account of the threefold method of dividing the zodiac into astrological houses; how to draw up a horoscope and that of Paduanius himself, born on July 6, 1516, as an example»según Thorndike, el *Viridarium mathematicorum* de Giovanni Paduanio mezcla con la astronomía bastante astrología: mansiones de la luna, días egipcios, dignidades de los planetas, decanos, signos y partes del cuerpo, y el horóscopo del propio autor

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 148»

«Scevolini contends that good astrologers do not subject mind and will to the stars»Domenico Scevolini sostiene que los buenos astrólogos no sujetan a los astros la mente ni la voluntad

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 149»

«The fact that some astrologers have attributed religious diversities and miracles to the stars no more outlaws astrology in general than does Aristotle’s asserting the eternity of the world and leaving in doubt the immortality of the soul prevent the study of philosophy»y compara: que algunos astrólogos adjudiquen a los astros las diversidades religiosas y los milagros no proscribe la astrología, como tampoco proscribe la filosofía que Aristóteles afirmara la eternidad del mundo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 149»

«Scevolini is not interested in declaring true the astrology of any particular writer or practitioner but in defending the art and science of astrology at large»y precisa qué defiende: no la astrología de un autor o practicante determinado, sino el arte y la ciencia de la astrología en general

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 149»

«Scevolini further notes that Cajetan in his Summa, under the title, “Observation of the Stars,” declared judicial astrology wrong in three cases: 1) if the mysteries of our Faith are subordinated to the stars; 2) if contingent events are predicted as determined; 3) if one rules his entire life by the stars»Scevolini recoge de Cayetano los tres casos en que la astrología judiciaria yerra: subordinar a los astros los misterios de la fe, predecir como determinados los sucesos contingentes y regir por ellos la vida entera

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 149»

«But if one accepts the celestial influence as merely inclining one to things which depend on the body, one neither errs nor sins»y el caso en que no hay error ni pecado: tomar la influencia celeste como mera inclinación hacia lo que depende del cuerpo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 149»

«Antonino of Florence in his Summa (II, 12, 10) says it is proper to observe days for planting, bleeding and other corporeal actions»con Antonino de Florencia por autoridad de que es lícito observar los días para plantar, sangrar y otras acciones corporales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 149»

«If the Council of Braga and pope Leo took action against the Priscillianists, it was because they subjected soul as well as body to the stars»y la razón que da de las condenas antiguas: el concilio de Braga y el papa León fueron contra los priscilianistas porque sujetaban a los astros el alma además del cuerpo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 149»

«Whether Scevolini realized it or not, however, the days of papal favor to astrologers were over, and the toils of the Counter-Reformation, Index and Inquisition were beginning to close in on the art»el juicio histórico de Thorndike sobre ese alegato: los días del favor papal a los astrólogos habían pasado, y las redes de la Contrarreforma, el Índice y la Inquisición empezaban a cerrarse sobre el arte

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 150»

«Battus was a Paracelsist and believed both in astrology and astrological medicine. He wrote on eclipses and made prognostications from them»Levinus Battus, profesor en Rostock, fue paracelsista y creyó en la astrología y en la medicina astrológica, según lo consigna Thorndike

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 150»

«In 1571 Ioannes Baptista a Cerreto drew up a geniture of the oldest son of Philip II of Spain for the third of December at 13.57 P.M. in Madrid. Indeed, the time of birth is further specified as 39 seconds and 20 thirds»la precisión con que se levantaban esas natividades: la del hijo mayor de Felipe II, fechada hasta los segundos y los terceros

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 150»

«The opening pages are devoted to the finding of critical days from the constellations. Then comes prognostication as to safety or death»la *Medicina astrológica* de Cornelius Schylander empieza con la hallazgo de los días críticos por las constelaciones y sigue con el pronóstico de salvación o muerte

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 151»

«The second part is devoted to astrological diagnosis of the part affected without seeing the patient or inspecting his excrement»y su segunda parte trata del diagnóstico astrológico de la parte afectada sin ver al enfermo ni inspeccionar sus excrementos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 151»

«Of the nine chapters which fill the twenty-four leaves of text proper the first deals with the accord of sun and moon, the second with the moon’s feminine quality, the third with its sympathy with certain beasts, birds and fish, the fourth with its secret effects on rustic things like herbs and trees, the fifth with its relation to stones»el reparto de los *Secrets de la lune* de Antoine Mizauld: el acuerdo del sol y la luna, la cualidad femenina de la luna, su simpatía con ciertas bestias, aves y peces, sus efectos secretos sobre hierbas y árboles, y su relación con las piedras

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 152»

«the sixth with its influence on the tides and on the fluids of the human body, and the seventh with particular effects upon particular things»y los capítulos restantes, sobre su influencia en las mareas y en los fluidos del cuerpo humano y sobre sus efectos particulares

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 152»

«A Portuguese, Petrus de Peramato, physician to the duke of Medina, wrote a treatise on the subject whether astrology was necessary to a physician»Petrus de Peramato escribió un tratado sobre si la astrología era necesaria al médico, cuestión que Thorndike sigue después en Juan de Carmona

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 152»

«asserted that one element was often transformed into another, and that such alteration came not from the natures of the elements but from the fatal order of the universe and more particularly from the sun and planets which by their access and recess, motion and light, effected many permutations in the elements»Ioannes Bernardinus Longus sostiene que un elemento se transforma a menudo en otro, y que esa alteración no viene de las naturalezas de los elementos sino del orden fatal del universo y del sol y los planetas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 153»

«Francesco Giuntini or Iunctinus (1523-1590) supplies yet another example of a friar and a theologian who was or became not merely interested in but devoted to astrology»Thorndike presenta a Giuntini como otro ejemplo de fraile y teólogo entregado a la astrología

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 153»

«Next in the volume comes “A Defense of Good Astrologers against Their Calumniators,” which is a welcome change of emphasis from the tendency to criticize vulgar or ignorant astrologers which we have often encountered»la *Defensa de los buenos astrólogos contra sus calumniadores* de Giuntini, que Thorndike lee como cambio de acento frente a la costumbre de criticar a los astrólogos vulgares o ignorantes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 155»

«He also notes that Calvin’s arguments against astrology are inapplicable in the case of good astrologers»Giuntini señala que los argumentos de Calvino contra la astrología no se aplican a los buenos astrólogos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 155»

«He holds that Aristotle denied the existence of demons as contrary to natural principles»Giuntini sostiene que Aristóteles negó la existencia de los demonios por contraria a los principios naturales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 155»

«But Giuntini admits their existence in agreement with Holy Mother Church»y admite esa existencia de acuerdo con la santa madre Iglesia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 155»

«Nevertheless he says that according to the thought of the Peripatetics it is not incredible that a man may be born under such constellations that he can rule sea, winds and tempests, cure human bodies of many in»y añade que, según el pensamiento de los peripatéticos, no es increíble que un hombre nazca bajo constelaciones tales que pueda gobernar el mar, los vientos y las tempestades

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 155»

«This is not more remarkable than the power of the tiny remora to stop a ship two hundred feet long, or than the story of Albertus Magnus of two German boys before whom all doors opened—to the right for one of the boys and to the left for the other»con los ejemplos que Giuntini pone al lado: la rémora que detiene un barco de doscientos pies y los dos muchachos alemanes de Alberto Magno ante quienes se abrían todas las puertas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 156»

«Furthermore, if demons work their wonders by applying active to passive, and such feats can be naturally understood by men, then men too can perform them naturally»y el argumento central: si los demonios obran sus maravillas aplicando lo activo a lo pasivo, y eso puede entenderse naturalmente, los hombres pueden hacerlo también de modo natural

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 156»

«Therefore it well may be that many past persons who have been considered magicians and necromancers, like Peter of Abano and Cecco d’Ascoli, really had no commerce with evil spirits, perhaps even believed with Aristotle that they do not exist»de donde saca que muchos tenidos por magos y nigromantes, como Pedro de Abano y Cecco d'Ascoli, quizá no tuvieron comercio con espíritus malos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 156»

«Giuntini continues that there are men who have such potential energy that, when they exert their imagination and will, virtue goes forth from them and so affects their blood and spirits that these seek release by evaporation through the pores and produce great external effects»Giuntini sostiene que hay hombres de tal energía potencial que, al ejercer imaginación y voluntad, sale de ellos una virtud que afecta su sangre y sus espíritus hasta producir grandes efectos externos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 156»

«Giuntini therefore concludes that men work many marvels by the influence of the stars and not by the art of demons»y concluye que los hombres obran muchas maravillas por influencia de los astros y no por arte de demonios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 156»

«He further questions whether magic and necromancy are not sciences like medicine and natural philosophy, and whether they are not subordinated to astrology, since in them the demons operate nothing except by natural application of active forces to the appropriate and proportionate passive objects, which is the work of nature, and this at determined times and under determined signs, which is astrology»y se pregunta si la magia y la nigromancia no serán ciencias como la medicina y la filosofía natural, subordinadas a la astrología, porque en ellas los demonios solo aplican fuerzas activas a objetos pasivos proporcionados en tiempos y signos determinados

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 156»

«Why then are magic and necromancy condemned by law? If they are acquired by study or from a good angel, Giuntini sees no objection to them»y la pregunta que sigue, con su respuesta: si esas artes se adquieren por estudio o de un ángel bueno, Giuntini no les ve objeción

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 156»

«If they are worked by invoking impure spirits, they are still true science, in so far as they involve natural operations. But the mode of acquisition is not scientific but pestiferous and criminal, since it is manifest idolatry»y si se obran invocando espíritus impuros, siguen siendo ciencia verdadera en cuanto a las operaciones naturales, aunque el modo de adquirirlas sea criminal por idolatría manifiesta

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 156»

«Giuntini censures faith in words and characters as superstitious, since the power of imagination cannot naturally produce the effects ascribed to them»Giuntini censura por supersticiosa la fe en palabras y caracteres, porque la fuerza de la imaginación no puede producir naturalmente los efectos que se les adjudican

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 157»

«He also concedes that the rare properties of certain individuals among men cannot be the basis of science, which is universal not particular knowledge»y concede que las propiedades raras de ciertos individuos no pueden fundar ciencia, que es conocimiento universal y no particular

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 157»

«Giuntini has nevertheless cleverly and courageously indicated the essential kinship between magic and science, and the fact that demons have no more necessary connection with the one than with the other»la lectura que Thorndike hace de ese tramo: Giuntini señaló con ingenio y valentía el parentesco esencial entre magia y ciencia, y que los demonios no tienen con una más conexión necesaria que con la otra

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 157»

«Although the stars possess no authority in matters of religion, yet from examples of many genitures it is evident that, if Saturn or Mars or the tail of the dragon is found in the ninth or the third house, the person concerned will not persevere in one religion but change about and care little for divine things»Giuntini niega a los astros autoridad en materia de religión y sostiene a la vez que, con Saturno, Marte o la cola del dragón en la casa novena o la tercera, la persona no perseverará en una religión

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 157»

«defending astrology and other arts of divination against those who contended that the stars were not causes»Nicolaus Winckler publica en 1580 una defensa de la astrología y de las demás artes de adivinación contra quienes sostenían que los astros no son causas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 158»

«tinguishes four ways in which truth may be found: by syllogisms, by induction, by example, and by questioning»Winckler distingue cuatro vías por las que se halla la verdad: silogismo, inducción, ejemplo y pregunta

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 159»

«The principles of mathematics are absolute; in other subjects, concrete; in yet others such as astrology, mixed. Its principles are not absolute like those of mathematics, but probable with a varying latitude, yet no more unstable than those of medicine or jurisprudence»y sitúa a la astrología entre los saberes de principios mixtos: no absolutos como los de las matemáticas, sino probables, y no más inestables que los de la medicina o la jurisprudencia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 159»

«One should not lose faith in it because the effects expected do not always follow, and one should remember that superstition often intrudes into theology as well as astrology»con la defensa que hace de ella: no hay que perderle la fe porque los efectos esperados no siempre sigan, y la superstición se cuela también en la teología

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 159»

«Winckler still regards the celestial bodies as incorruptible, and believes that they affect inferiors by an occult influence as well as by their more manifest motion and light»Winckler tiene por incorruptibles a los cuerpos celestes y sostiene que afectan a los inferiores por influencia oculta además de por su movimiento y su luz

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 159»

«That this influence is more subtle and penetrating than light is seen from the fact that the generation of metals in the bowels of the earth is regulated by the planets»y aduce como prueba de que esa influencia es más sutil y penetrante que la luz la generación de los metales en las entrañas de la tierra, regulada por los planetas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 159»

«God’s love toward us is evidenced by these various signs by which He would lead us upward to things celestial»Winckler lee en los omens, prodigios, sueños y oráculos una prueba del amor de Dios, que por esas señales querría llevarnos hacia lo celeste

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 159»

«There are also, however, diabolical and fabulous forms of divination. Winckler then begins with necromancy which invokes demons and goes through the usual list of ’mancies, augury, lots, and so forth»y distingue de ellas las formas diabólicas y fabulosas de adivinación, empezando por la nigromancia que invoca demonios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 159»

«He professed to repeat nothing from others except in order to criticize and disagree with it, and to break away from the old method of compilation in his writings»Giovanni Battista Benedetti declara no repetir nada de otros salvo para criticarlo, y romper con el viejo método de la compilación

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 161»

«Benedetti replies that he thinks that much of their contents is false»preguntado si acepta por verdadero cuanto traen los libros de astrología judiciaria, Benedetti responde que mucho de su contenido le parece falso

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 162»

«He denies movenaria, dodecathemoria, alfridartia, and many similar refinements. But antiscta are true»con la lista de lo que niega —*movenaria*, *dodecathemoria*, *alfridartia* y refinamientos semejantes— y lo que conserva, los *antiscia*; las grafías van tal cual las imprime el troceo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 162»

«He further referred Aisestain to a special treatise on such astrological matters, which he hoped to finish before he came to the direction of his horoscope with Mars, which would happen about 1592»Benedetti remite a un tratado propio que esperaba terminar antes de llegar a la dirección de su horóscopo con Marte, hacia 1592

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 162»

«His fatal year came quicker than his calculation, however, for he passed away in 1590»y Thorndike coteja el pronóstico con el hecho: murió en 1590

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 162»

«It is clear that his criticism of the literature of judicial astrology extended only to certain details of technique, and that he had no doubt as to the influence of the stars or the possibility of an art of prediction based thereon»con el balance de esa crítica: alcanzaba a detalles de técnica y no a la influencia de los astros ni a la posibilidad de un arte de predicción fundado en ella

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 162»

«Rossi notes that some are of the opinion that the number seven belongs to the body, and nine to the soul, and that 49 and 81 are most perilous years because squares are more potent than other numbers»Gioseppe de Rossi recoge la opinión de que el siete pertenece al cuerpo y el nueve al alma, y de que 49 y 81 son los años más peligrosos por ser cuadrados

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 163»

«The number seven is important in human generation and life which it divides into periods of seven or multiples thereof: infancy, boyhood, adolescence, youth (from 22 to 42 years), virility (from 43 to 56), old age (from 57 to 70), and decrepitude being the seven ages of man»y reparte la vida humana en siete edades por múltiplos de siete: infancia, niñez, adolescencia, juventud, virilidad, vejez y decrepitud

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 164»

«The moon and Saturn in their passage through the zodiac measure by sevens, the one the days of infirmity, the other the years of life»con la correspondencia que da: la luna y Saturno miden de siete en siete, aquella los días de la enfermedad y este los años de la vida

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 164»

«Very melancholy persons rarely survive their forty-ninth or fifty-sixth year, since Saturn is especially fatal to them»y la regla que saca para los muy melancólicos, a quienes Saturno resulta especialmente fatal

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 164»

«is primarily concerned with finding the positions of the stars and ends with the hope that astrologia may revive on physical foundations freed from superstition»la *Horoscopographia* de Thomas Finck se ocupa sobre todo de hallar las posiciones de los astros y cierra con la esperanza de que la *astrologia* reviva sobre fundamentos físicos libres de superstición

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 164»

«Finck evidently uses this word, astrologia, to include astronomy in our sense»y Thorndike aclara que Finck usa esa palabra incluyendo lo que hoy llamamos astronomía

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 164»

«But he believes that astrological houses, exaltations and triplicitates have been confirmed by experience, and that the influence of the planets can be inferred from their colors»y dice qué salva: casas, exaltaciones y triplicidades, que a su juicio la experiencia ha respaldado, y la influencia de los planetas inferible de sus colores

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 162»

«Benedetti concedes that the latest observations and tables should be followed, when available»Benedetti concede que hay que seguir las observaciones y tablas más recientes cuando las haya

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 163»

«Despite his own combination of medicine and astrology, Lindhout was opposed to the three principles and to the astrology of Paracelsus»Henricus à Lindhout junta medicina y astrología y se opone con todo a los tres principios y a la astrología de Paracelso

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 165»

«He further illustrates the tendency of which we have spoken to improve the method of astrology and purge it of the vanities and excesses of the Arabs»y Thorndike lo pone como ejemplo de la tendencia del periodo a mejorar el método de la astrología y purgarla de las vanidades y excesos de los árabes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 165»

«He has a chapter against theologians who oppose astrology. He asserts that there are the same laws of nature for the universe and for man the microcosm»Lindhout dedica un capítulo a los teólogos que se oponen a la astrología y afirma que las leyes de la naturaleza son las mismas para el universo y para el hombre microcosmo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 165»

«After citing ancient and recent medical authors in favor of the union of medicine and mathematics, de Monantheuil takes up in turn arithmetic, music, geometry, optics, mechanics and finally astronomy, and shows the utility of each for medicine»el *Ludus iatromathematicus* de Henri de Monantheuil recorre aritmética, música, geometría, óptica, mecánica y astronomía para mostrar la utilidad de cada una para la medicina

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 166»

«He says that the two chief requisites in sidereal science are to know the positions of the planets and fixed stars at any given moment, and, in the second place, their properties»y pone dos requisitos principales en la ciencia sideral: conocer las posiciones de planetas y fijas en cualquier momento y conocer sus propiedades

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 166»

«Incidentally he alludes to horoscopes of all the kings of France from Francis I to Henry III, which had been drawn up by the Capellani, father and son, who were royal physicians, and which, when their library was broken up and scattered after the massacre of St. Bartholomew’s day, he had received from their nephews»y alude a los horóscopos de todos los reyes de Francia de Francisco I a Enrique III, levantados por los Capellani, que le llegaron por sus sobrinos tras dispersarse la biblioteca en la matanza de San Bartolomé

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 166»

«Tycho Brahe described his treatment of the comet of 1577'*5 as completely astrological and as still accepting the Aristotelian doctrine of comets»Tycho Brahe describe el tratamiento del cometa de 1577 por Georg Henisch como del todo astrológico y todavía aristotélico en la doctrina de los cometas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 167»

«That annual astrological predictions were still in good odor among scientists north of the Alps at the close of the sixteenth century may be further illustrated by the case of Peter Ryff of Basel»la medida que Thorndike toma del prestigio de las predicciones anuales entre los hombres de ciencia al norte de los Alpes a fines del siglo XVI

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 167»

«the statement that so great is human infelicity and misery, that the more anything is wrapped in obscurity and difÏculty, the more does man strive to attain perfect knowledge of it»Wolfgang Satler abre su dedicatoria diciendo que la infelicidad humana es tal que cuanto más envuelta en oscuridad está una cosa, más se empeña el hombre en conocerla a la perfección

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 168»

«Hence the search of the alchemist for the philosophers’ stone, the effort of geometers to square the circle, of mechanics to obtain perpetual motion, of astrologers to solve the celestial forces»y pone en fila los cuatro ejemplos: la piedra filosofal del alquimista, la cuadratura del círculo de los geómetras, el movimiento perpetuo de los mecánicos y las fuerzas celestes de los astrólogos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 168»

«The principles of astrology are so hidden and recondite that they escape most men, and there has hardly ever been an astrologer who could always predict the weather correctly»Satler sostiene que los principios de la astrología son tan escondidos que escapan a la mayoría, y que apenas ha habido astrólogo capaz de acertar siempre el tiempo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 168»

«Other reasons for defects in human astrological science are the shortness of man’s life, the dullness of human genius, laziness, the superstition of some astrologers, and the difÏculty and subtlety of the art»con las demás razones que da de los defectos de la ciencia astrológica humana: la brevedad de la vida, la torpeza del ingenio, la pereza, la superstición de algunos astrólogos y la dificultad del arte

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 168»

«The true astrologer is he who gives a satisfactory explanation of astrological predictions, separating the futile foundations which are contrary to orthodox religion from true and genuine principles»y define al astrólogo verdadero como el que separa los fundamentos fútiles y contrarios a la religión ortodoxa de los principios verdaderos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 168»

«Magic and diabolical superstition are too often confused and intermingled with astrology»Satler objeta que la magia y la superstición diabólica se confundan y entremezclen demasiado a menudo con la astrología

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 168»

«On the other hand, he holds that true astrology is not only to be tolerated in the Christian state but embraced»y sostiene que la astrología verdadera no solo debe tolerarse en el estado cristiano sino abrazarse

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 168»

«The chief instruments in this were the Index expurgatorius, the revived papal inquisition, and the bull against judicial astrology of Sixtus V, reafÏrmed in 1631 by Urban VIII»y los instrumentos que nombra: el Índice, la inquisición papal restaurada y la bula contra la astrología judiciaria de Sixto V, reafirmada por Urbano VIII

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 169»

«Such occult arts, and more especially sorcery and witchcraft, had come to be regarded as varieties of heresy»según Thorndike, esas artes ocultas, y sobre todo la hechicería y la brujería, habían pasado a tenerse por variedades de herejía

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 169»

«Another factor tending greatly to reduce the number of trials and condemnations in Italy and Spain, according to Paulus, was that the Inquisition did not encourage and elicit by torture, as the secular judges did—and as the Inquisition often did in cases of heresy proper—testimony inculpating others as present at sabbats»con el otro factor que Paulus aduce: la Inquisición no arrancaba por tortura, como los jueces seculares, testimonios que inculparan a otros como presentes en los sábados

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 170»

«but the chorus of bloodthirsty writers demanding that witches be not allowed to live is in itself an indication that they often were not or had not been put to death by the secular judges»y el indicio que Thorndike lee en el coro de escritores sedientos de sangre que pedían no dejar vivir a las brujas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 170»

«The Indices of Venice and Milan of 1554 condemn generically works of geomancy, hydromancy, pyromancy, nigromancy or necromancy, and the notory art, while among their condemned authors are Bartholomaeus Cocles the chiromancer, Joseph Grumpeck (i.e. Griinpeck) the astrologer, Nicolaus Perazonus on the notory art and memory, and Henry Cornelius Agrippa on occult philosophy»los Índices de Venecia y Milán de 1554 condenan genéricamente la geomancia, la hidromancia, la piromancia, la nigromancia y el arte notoria, y entre los autores a Cocles, Grünpeck, Perazonus y Agrippa por la filosofía oculta

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 170»

«All knowledge of the stars is a posteriori»Satler enuncia que todo conocimiento de los astros es *a posteriori*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 168»

«was no such wholesale execution of supposed witches in the Italian and Spanish peninsulas as in the northern countries»Thorndike recoge de Nikolaus Paulus que en las penínsulas italiana y española no hubo la ejecución masiva de supuestas brujas de los países del norte, porque solo se quemaba a los herejes relapsos y obstinados

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 170»

«is added the magic art, while under the letter L and “Libri omnes ..-” are listed all books and writings of chiromancy, physiognomy, aeromancy, geomancy, hydromancy, onomancy, pyromancy and necromancy»el Índice de Paulo IV de 1559 añade el arte mágica y prohíbe todos los libros de quiromancia, fisiognomía, aeromancia, geomancia, hidromancia, onomancia, piromancia y nigromancia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 171»

«Also those in which are found sortilege, veneficia, auguries, aruspicia, incantations of magic art, or divinations of judicial astrology concerning contingent future events or the succession of events or fortuitous happenings, exempting only those natural observations which are written to aid navigation, agriculture and medicine»y los que traen sortilegio, *veneficia*, augurios, arúspices, encantamientos o adivinaciones de astrología judiciaria, salvo las observaciones naturales escritas para la navegación, la agricultura y la medicina

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 171»

«Here we have already in brief form the substance of the later bull of Sixtus V in 1586. It will be noted that alchemy is not mentioned»Thorndike señala dos cosas en ese texto: que trae ya en breve la sustancia de la bula de Sixto V de 1586 y que la alquimia no figura

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 171»

«Various books of magic are specifically condemned such as the Clavicula of Solomon, the book of Hermes the magician to Aristotle, and works on rings, magic mirrors and images»entre los libros de magia condenados por su nombre están la *Clavicula* de Salomón, el libro de Hermes el mago a Aristóteles y obras sobre anillos, espejos mágicos e imágenes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 171»

«Cardan’s De subtilitate and De rerum vartetate are listed as well as his work on genitures and commentary on the Quadripartitum of Ptolemy»el Índice español de 1559 incluye el *De subtilitate* y el *De rerum varietate* de Cardano, además de su obra sobre genituras y su comentario al *Quadripartitum*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 172»

«Yet Roman Catholic writers on nature, at least outside of Spain, continued to cite De subtilitate and De rerum varietate freely»y Thorndike mide el efecto real de esa prohibición: fuera de España los autores católicos siguieron citando esas dos obras sin reparo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 172»

«The decrees of the Council of Trent rather incidentally censure some minor observances which might be regarded as bordering on magical procedure, such as laying any stress on the number of candles used in the celebration of masses»los decretos del concilio de Trento censuran de paso observancias que rozaban lo mágico, como dar peso al número de velas en las misas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 172»

«the most frequent form of divination is by astrology, and that by a decree of November 19, 1556, astrologers were punished by assignment of penance and exile from the States of the Church»la única excepción, tomada de un manual inquisitorial del cardenal Albizzi: la adivinación más frecuente es la astrológica, y por decreto de 1556 se penaba a los astrólogos con penitencia y destierro de los Estados de la Iglesia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 173»

«marked the inconsistency of this order with the action of Julius II in seeking a favorable astrological moment for the foundation of the castle of Galliera and the erection of his own statue at Bologna»Battistella señala la inconsecuencia entre esa orden y el hecho de que Julio II buscara momento astrológico favorable para fundar el castillo de Galliera y erigir su estatua en Bolonia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 174»

«In 1580 the Congregation of Cardinals ordered a letter to be written to the inquisitor at Bologna directing him not to interfere in cases of geomancy but to leave them to the Ordinary»y lo apoya con el decreto de 1580, que manda al inquisidor de Bolonia no meterse en casos de geomancia y dejarlos al ordinario

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 174»

«On July 6, 1588, they decreed that where there was more than one charge against a person, for example, heresy and necromancy, the heads concerning heresy should be first expedited»y con el de 1588, que manda despachar primero los cargos de herejía cuando concurren con los de nigromancia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 174»

«Among prohibited books specified in the processes of the Holy OfÏce at Friuli were Agrippa’s Occult Philosophy and On the Vanity and Uncertainty of the Sciences, Porta’s works on physiognomy and chiromancy, and “the writings of Pietro d’Abano»entre los libros prohibidos que aparecen en los procesos del Santo Oficio de Friuli están la *Filosofía oculta* y el *De vanitate* de Agrippa, las obras de Porta sobre fisiognomía y quiromancia y los escritos de Pietro d'Abano

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 174»

«that no friar shall dare to retain in his possession books or writings of necromancy, geomancy, chiromancy and the like»las cartas monitorias del comisario general de los Frailes Menores de la Observancia prohíben a todo fraile guardar libros o escritos de nigromancia, geomancia y quiromancia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 175»

«the penalty of ten years in the galleys for those found culpable in this affair is to be interpreted as a maximum which may be varied in amount according to the nature of the offense, person, place and time, consequent scandal and other circumstances»y la Congregación aclara en 1593 que los diez años de galeras son un máximo variable según la naturaleza del delito, la persona, el lugar, el tiempo y el escándalo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 175»

«he was advised that such expurgation would be useless, ordained that the Jews might possess only the Bible, and so informed all inquisitors»Clemente VIII, ante la petición de los judíos de que se expurgaran ciertos libros suyos, fue aconsejado de que la expurgación sería inútil y ordenó que solo pudieran tener la Biblia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 175»

«Cardan says in his autobiography that he was arrested on October 6, kept a prisoner for 77 days, and then confined in his house for 86 days more»Cardano cuenta en su autobiografía que lo arrestaron el 6 de octubre, lo tuvieron preso setenta y siete días y luego lo confinaron en su casa ochenta y seis más

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 176»

«This would appear to be slow work on the part of the Inquisition and to have amounted to locking the barn door after the horse had been stolen, since De rerum varietate had been in print since 1557, while Cardan had taught unmolested in the university of Bologna for eight years, and was now seventy years old and to live for only five years more»el juicio de Thorndike sobre el proceso a Cardano: obra lenta de la Inquisición, que cerró la puerta del establo con el caballo ya robado

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 177»

«The life and scientific activity of the naturalist Aldrovandi were not free from the shadow of the Inquisition which more than once fell across his path and interrupted his labors»según Thorndike, la sombra de la Inquisición cruzó más de una vez el camino del naturalista Aldrovandi y le interrumpió los trabajos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 177»

«The answer was that the books should be kept at the Holy OfÏce but labelled as belonging to the municipality»y el desenlace de la petición de Bolonia sobre los libros prohibidos de su biblioteca: quedarían en el Santo Oficio pero rotulados como del municipio

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 177»

«In 1587 Barozzi was condemned by the Inquisition for magic and sortilege, not however for what he had himself composed and published but for magic books found in his possession»Francesco Barozzi fue condenado por magia y sortilegio no por lo que él compuso y publicó, sino por los libros de magia hallados en su poder

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 178»

«He now confessed that while in Crete he had collected books and manuscripts in Greek and Latin on sortilege, necromancy and the magic art, and had performed experiments in the conjuration of spirits such as Peter of Abano and Cornelius Agrippa teach»y confesó haber reunido en Creta libros y manuscritos de sortilegio, nigromancia y arte mágica, y haber hecho experimentos de conjuración de espíritus como los que enseñan Pedro de Abano y Cornelio Agrippa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 178»

«By these means he had checked a drought in Crete»y adjudicó a esos medios haber atajado una sequía en Creta

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 178»

«Barozzi noted 84 “errors” of Sacrobosco. They were largely, however, matters of definition and order of treatment rather than astronomical mistakes or cosmographical sins»Barozzi anota ochenta y cuatro errores de Sacrobosco, que Thorndike halla más de definición y orden que de astronomía

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 179»

«Thus the Accademia de’ Secreti which met at his house and to which it is said no one was admitted who had not discovered something new in nature—it must have had a small membership—was forbidden by the papal court because its members were given to illicit arts»la Accademia de' Secreti que se reunía en casa de Giovanni Battista della Porta fue prohibida por la corte papal porque sus miembros se daban a artes ilícitas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 180»

«Porta was denounced to the Inquisition for using demon aid but successfully defended himself against this charge»y Porta fue denunciado ante la Inquisición por valerse de auxilio demoníaco, cargo del que se defendió con éxito (el tramo se corta en la llamada de nota que el OCR imprime con asteriscos)

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 180»

«was marked by the bull of Sixtus V of January 5, 1586, against those practicing the art of judicial astrology and other forms of divination or reading and possessing books on such subjects»la bula de Sixto V de 1586 contra quienes practican la astrología judiciaria y otras formas de adivinación o leen y poseen libros sobre esas materias

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 180»

«It declares that God alone knows the future, which not only the weakness of the human mind ignores but not even demons can forecast»y lo que la bula declara: solo Dios conoce el futuro, que no solo ignora la flaqueza de la mente humana sino que ni los demonios pueden pronosticar

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 180»

«It excepts from censure, however, the prediction of future events which occur necessarily or frequently from natural causes»con la excepción que abre: la predicción de sucesos que ocurren necesaria o frecuentemente por causas naturales, con lo que queda sitio a la astrología natural

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 180»

«But then it definitely specifies the casting of nativities as illicit»Thorndike marca dónde la bula pasa de la doctrina medieval acostumbrada a algo nuevo: declara ilícito levantar natividades

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 181»

«It further afÏrms that each human soul has a guardian angel to aid it against the stars, which seems a tacit admission that the force of the stars is difficult to resist»y lee otra admisión tácita en que la bula dé a cada alma un ángel custodio para ayudarla contra los astros; el OCR imprime *afÏrms* con la ligadura fi vuelta Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 181»

«But inquisitors and other ecclesiastical ofÏcials are to prosecute those who deal in contingent or fortuitous events or with events dependent on human free will, even if the astrologers protest that they do not afÏrm such matters certainly and absolutely»la bula manda a los inquisidores perseguir a quienes traten de sucesos contingentes o dependientes del libre albedrío aunque protesten que no los afirman cierta y absolutamente

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 181»

«In this work Barozzi divided astrology or astronomy into cosmography and judicial or divinatory»y la división que Barozzi hace de la astrología o astronomía en cosmografía y judiciaria o adivinatoria

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 179»

«But there are no true arts or disciplines of predicting contingent and fortuitous events, only false and vain ones introduced by the craftiness of wicked men»y la negación con que la bula cierra ese hueco: no hay artes verdaderas de predecir sucesos contingentes y fortuitos, solo falsas y vanas introducidas por la astucia de los malos; el tramo se corta antes de las notas al pie

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 180»

«He maintained that it was essential to draw up an astrological diagram or figure of the constellations in medical practice, also to consider the patient’s geniture, and that this was contrary neither to the decree of the Council of Trent nor to the bull of Sixtus V»Gallucius sostiene que es esencial levantar la figura de las constelaciones en la práctica médica y considerar la genitura del enfermo, y que eso no va contra el decreto de Trento ni contra la bula de Sixto V

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 183»

«But he warned physicians who employ astrology not to attribute too much to it»y advierte a los médicos que usan la astrología que no le adjudiquen demasiado

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 183»

«The author of the former work, Giorgio Rizza Casa, states that he had made many observations in chiromancy in years past and that he had had difÏculty in persuading the inquisitor to allow him to publish the work in Italy»Giorgio Rizza Casa cuenta que le costó persuadir al inquisidor de que lo dejara publicar su fisiognomía en Italia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 184»

«This seems to have been owing to the fact that he not merely dedicated his volume to queen Elizabeth of England but wished to make favorable prognostications as to her emprise against the king of Spain»y Thorndike adjudica ese reparo a que dedicara el volumen a Isabel de Inglaterra y quisiera pronosticar en favor de su empresa contra el rey de España

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 184»

«Later the author says that he does not wish to speak of the length of life, which is in the hands of God rather than of the stars, but then he does so in order to satisfy the curious»Rizza Casa dice no querer hablar de la duración de la vida, que está en manos de Dios antes que de los astros, y lo hace de todos modos para satisfacer a los curiosos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 185»

«He also, however, states that by virtue, good customs and free will we can evade the malign influences of the heavens»y sostiene que por la virtud, las buenas costumbres y el libre albedrío se pueden eludir las influencias malignas del cielo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 185»

«In the prohemium the author says that physiognomy is not an art, as some suppose, of judging what may happen to men in the future»Giovanni Ingegneri dice en el proemio que la fisiognomía no es, como algunos suponen, un arte de juzgar lo que puede sucederle a los hombres en el futuro

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 186»

«He decries the attempt to predict contingent events, in which astrologers, chiromancers, and other like impostors go too far. But he holds that physiognomy is useful in revealing natural inclinations»y desaprueba el intento de predecir sucesos contingentes, en que astrólogos y quirománticos van demasiado lejos, mientras tiene por útil la fisiognomía para revelar inclinaciones naturales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 186»

«One of the most impressive illustrations of the effect of the bull of Sixtus V against astrology is offered by Giovanni Baptista Porta, who had written on natural magic, physiognomy and other subjects bordering upon the occult»Thorndike presenta el caso de Porta como una de las ilustraciones más notables del efecto de la bula de Sixto V

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 186»

«Thereafter he abhorred it as much as he once had pursued it, and upon further examination found it to be a pretended and imaginary science, in which the basis of truth was physiognomy rather than the influence of the stars»y que después la aborreció tanto como antes la había seguido, y la halló ciencia fingida cuya base de verdad era la fisiognomía y no la influencia de los astros

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 187»

«In short he now contends that what the astrologers state as the effects of the planets, signs and constellations are rather to be attributed to the qualities, humors and other peculiarities of the human body»con la traducción que propone: lo que los astrólogos dan por efectos de planetas, signos y constelaciones se debe más bien a las cualidades, humores y particularidades del cuerpo humano

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 187»

«This does not deter him from repeating what such astrologers as Ptolemy, Firmicus Maternus and Dorotheus, Haly, Alcabitius and Messahala, Leopold and Bonatus ascribe to the planets and signs of the zodiac»y Thorndike anota que eso no le impide repetir lo que Ptolomeo, Fírmico, Doroteo, Haly, Alcabitius, Messahala, Leopoldo y Bonatti adjudican a los planetas y a los signos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 187»

«This device, however, sufÏced to satisfy the ecclesiastical censor, who grants permission to print the volume anywhere except in the city of Rome itself»y el resultado: bastó para satisfacer al censor, que permitió imprimir el volumen en cualquier parte salvo en la ciudad de Roma

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 187»

«a new name to distinguish it from the superstitious chiromancy of Cocles, Corvo and Tricasso, who are dismissed as ignorant impostors and mountebanks»la *chirofisonomia* de Porta lleva nombre nuevo para distinguirse de la quiromancia supersticiosa de Cocles, Corvo y Tricasso, despachados como impostores y charlatanes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 187»

«alludes to Delrio’s distinction between physical chiromancy as a licit part of physiognomy and astrological chiromancy which is utterly vain and illicit and does not deserve the name of science»el traductor Pompeo Sarnelli alude a la distinción de Delrío entre una quiromancia física lícita, parte de la fisiognomía, y una astrológica del todo vana e ilícita

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 187»

«A disciple of Porta, Giovanni Battista Longo, warns that the names of the planets employed in the Latin manuscript do not denote that the signification of the parts of the hand are infallibly directed by the stars but are merely indications of a jovial or saturnine complexio»Giovanni Battista Longo advierte que los nombres de los planetas en el manuscrito latino no dicen que los astros dirijan infaliblemente la significación de las partes de la mano, sino que indican una complexión jovial o saturnina

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 188»

«One cannot predict such an event as violent death from the lines of the hand but only that the person has an irate temper which makes such an end probable»y pone el límite: de las líneas de la mano no se predice una muerte violenta, sino un temperamento iracundo que hace probable ese fin

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 188»

«Porta has therefore developed the present work upon the same basis as his treatises on human physiognomy, celestial physiognomy, and signatures in plants, and has laid a foundation of detailed data for it by examining the hands, feet and foreheads of executed criminals and persons who suffered a violent death or died without confession»Porta dice haber levantado la base de datos de su obra examinando manos, pies y frentes de criminales ejecutados y de personas muertas con violencia o sin confesión

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 188»

«In 1603 he published at Naples six books of Celestsal Phystognomy, in which the future could be easily conjectured from inspection of the human countenance, but in which also astrology was refuted and shown to be inane and imaginary»la *Coelestis physiognomonia* de Porta, donde el futuro se conjetura del rostro humano y a la vez se declara inane e imaginaria la astrología; el troceo imprime *Celestsal*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 186»

«He held that the church condemned only superstitious Arabic astrology and nativities which impinge on human free will, but not the use of nativities in medicine to determine the patient’s temperament, to what diseases he is naturally prone, and how long he can live»Magini sostiene que la Iglesia solo condenaba la astrología árabe supersticiosa y las natividades que tocan el libre albedrío, y no el uso médico de la natividad para el temperamento, las dolencias propias y la duración de la vida

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 189»

«He lamented, however, that astrology was now utterly neglected by physicians»y lamenta a la vez que los médicos tuvieran ya la astrología del todo abandonada

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 189»

«Astrology continued to be taught at the university of Salamanca long after the bull of Sixtus V»la medida que Thorndike toma del alcance real de la bula: en Salamanca se siguió enseñando astrología mucho después de 1586

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 189»

«Astrological interest is also displayed in the fourth treatise on natural secrets where, to keep one’s nails and hair from growing too fast, it is recommended to cut them when the moon is waning in the sign of Cancer, Pisces or Scorpio»entre los secretos naturales de Cortés, para que uñas y pelo no crezcan demasiado aprisa se recomienda cortarlos con luna menguante en Cáncer, Piscis o Escorpión

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 191»

«To attain perfection in studies easily and rapidly one should begin them when the moon and Mercury are in friendly aspect, best of all when both planets are in Gemini or Virgo»y para alcanzar perfección en los estudios, empezarlos con la luna y Mercurio en aspecto amigable, mejor si ambos están en Géminis o Virgo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 191»

«For example, when a white spot appears in the middle of the thumb nail, it denotes some undertaking or important business of great profit, usually through the agency of women, while if a black spot appears there, it indicates expenditure and loss of money by reason of women»con el ejemplo que da: mancha blanca en medio de la uña del pulgar, negocio de gran provecho por obra de mujeres; mancha negra, gasto y pérdida de dinero por la misma causa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 192»

«The Agnus Dei, Cortés says, has virtue not only against meteors but every kind of storm and many other perils, visible and invisible»Cortés adjudica al Agnus Dei virtud no solo contra los meteoros sino contra toda clase de tormenta y muchos otros peligros, visibles e invisibles

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 192»

«then takes a bit of balsam and shapes it into the form of a cross and casts it into the holy water, saying, “Lord, deem good to consecrate and bless this water with this unction of balsam of our benediction. In the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost»y describe el rito: el papa bendice el agua, echa en ella el bálsamo en forma de cruz y pide que se consagre y bendiga esa agua con la unción del bálsamo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 192»

«Then, girt with a white towel, he takes the wax lambs, immerses them in the holy water and baptizes them»y ceñido con una toalla blanca toma los corderos de cera, los sumerge en el agua bendita y los bautiza

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 192»

«These include to those who bear them with devotion and confidence immunity from enemies visible or invisible, from many perils corporal and spiritual, pardon from venial sins and even from mortal sins, if worn with great devotion»entre las virtudes del Agnus Dei que Cortés enumera: inmunidad ante enemigos visibles e invisibles y perdón de los pecados veniales y aun de los mortales si se lleva con gran devoción

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 193»

«Also against bad weather, hail and lightning, pestilence, epilepsy and sudden death, fire, phantasms, goblins, visions, possession by demons»y contra el mal tiempo, el granizo y el rayo, la peste, la epilepsia y la muerte súbita, el fuego, los fantasmas, los duendes, las visiones y la posesión demoníaca

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 193»

«The bull brought astrologers as well as diviners under the jurisdiction of ecclesiastical judges»la lectura que Johannes Franciscus Leo hace de la bula: puso a los astrólogos, además de a los adivinos, bajo la jurisdicción de los jueces eclesiásticos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 193»

«but in connection with chiromancy Taxil says that if pope Sixtus has made a bull against chiromancers, its purpose is to excommunicate sorcerers and magicians, not true and natural chiromancers»y lee la bula a su favor: si el papa Sixto la hizo contra los quirománticos, fue para excomulgar a hechiceros y magos, no a los quirománticos verdaderos y naturales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 194»

«Bouchel goes on to say that astrology, otherwise called astronomy, is wholly deceitful, more so than the fables of the poets. Its practitioners disagree among themselves, while the more subtle of them, like Nostradamus, purposely cultivate obscurity»Laurent Bouchel sostiene en su repertorio de derecho francés que la astrología es del todo engañosa, más que las fábulas de los poetas, y que los más sutiles, como Nostradamus, cultivan la oscuridad a propósito

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 194»

«Bouchel adds, however, that he does not wish to forbid judicial astrology, if it remains within its due limits and common rules. But too often it is found mixed with magic»y añade que no quiere prohibir la astrología judiciaria si se mantiene en sus límites y reglas comunes, aunque demasiado a menudo se la halle mezclada con magia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 194»

«The Approbacion declares that the volume contains nothing contrary to the Christian faith and doctrine of the Catholic church»la aprobación del dominico Iusepe Lerquian declara que el volumen de Cortés no trae nada contrario a la fe cristiana ni a la doctrina de la Iglesia católica

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 190»

«The Phystognomy does not predict matters of fortune from the parts of the body but does indicate the mental and moral characteristics corresponding to various physical fea»la fisiognomía de Cortés no predice cosas de fortuna por las partes del cuerpo, pero sí indica los rasgos mentales y morales que corresponden a cada facción; el troceo imprime *Phystognomy* y el tramo se corta en el cambio de plana

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 190»

«Otherwise one would be forced to believe that this bull excommunicated physicians, “who ordinarily derive many indications of diseases of the body»con el argumento por el absurdo que Taxil añade: si no, habría que creer que la bula excomulgaba a los médicos, que de ordinario sacan indicios de las enfermedades del cuerpo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 194»

«It justifies the casting of nativities at length and says that Pico della Mirandola wrote against»Jean Taxil justifica largamente el levantar natividades y explica a su modo por qué Pico della Mirandola escribió contra la astrología

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 193»

«which is in general favorable to astrology and urges men not to cut down so fine a tree because it has a single rotten branch»el aviso sobre los juicios de astrología que el repertorio de Bouchel trae, favorable en general al arte, con la imagen del árbol que no se tala por una sola rama podrida

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 195»

«In 1631 Urban VIII approved and reafÏrmed the bull of Sixtus V with emphatic language that no one, whatsoever his rank, was immune from its prohibitions, and with threats of severe penalties even to death and confiscation»Urbano VIII aprueba en 1631 la bula de Sixto V con lenguaje enfático de que nadie está inmune de sus prohibiciones y con amenaza de penas que llegan a la muerte y la confiscación; el OCR imprime *reafÏrmed* con la ligadura fi vuelta Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 195»

«Furthermore, the bull applies to fictitious, not physical, astrology. It is aimed at particular predictions, “concerning which science is not possible.” It forbids attempts to predict voluntary acts»y la lee aplicada a la astrología ficticia y no a la física, y dirigida contra predicciones particulares y contra los actos voluntarios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 196»

«He declares that astrology is one of the seven liberal arts and that Hippocrates considered it necessary for a physician»y declara la astrología una de las siete artes liberales, con Hipócrates por autoridad de que es necesaria al médico

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 196»

«Augustine and Aquinas may be cited both for and against astrology, the explanation being that it is twofold, physical and fictitious»y explica que a Agustín y a Tomás se los pueda citar en los dos sentidos por ser doble la astrología, física y ficticia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 196»

«He contends that the physical part of astrology is that of which Ptolemy treated, and that the Chaldeans and Arabs introduced the superstitious variety»Antonius adjudica a Ptolomeo la parte física de la astrología y a caldeos y árabes la variedad supersticiosa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 196»

«Jacobus Sprenger in the Malleus maleficarum calls it false and heretical to say that the stars affect human character necessarily and efÏcaciously but true to say that they so dispose contingently»con el *Malleus maleficarum* por autoridad de que es falso y herético decir que los astros afectan el carácter necesaria y eficazmente, y verdadero decir que lo disponen contingentemente

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 196»

«Campanella’s letters during his long captivity repeatedly testify to his belief in and practice of astrology»según Thorndike, las cartas de Campanella durante su largo cautiverio testimonian una y otra vez su creencia en la astrología y su práctica

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 197»

«he states that he has a great constellation against him, and that where sense rules and not reason, the stars will without doubt conquer»Campanella escribe a Paulo V que tiene una gran constelación en contra, y que donde manda el sentido y no la razón los astros vencen sin duda

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 197»

«But, alas, your imperial Majesty will not deign to look at my predictions, and I write in fear and trembling lest, if my keepers find it out, they add to my fetters»y a Rodolfo II, con el temor de que si sus guardianes descubren sus predicciones le añadan grillos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 197»

«Or writing to Galileo in 1611 he assures him that he predicted the recent advances in astronomy from the conjunction of 1603»y a Galileo, en 1611, que había predicho los avances recientes de la astronomía por la conjunción de 1603

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 197»

«Neither are our affairs changed without the action of the stars, nor, when these are unchanged, do those change»la fórmula de Campanella sobre la dependencia de lo humano respecto de los astros

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 198»

«It would be foolish for Campanella, who has been examining genitures hardly ten years, to try to formulate a new procedure and neglect the old»y su razón para seguir a Ptolomeo: sería necio, llevando apenas diez años examinando genituras, formular un procedimiento nuevo y descuidar el viejo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 198»

«But he opposes the Ptolemaic doctrine that great alterations and beginnings are caused by eclipses, which are of brief duration, whereas empires, sects and customs last for many years»Campanella objeta a Ptolomeo hacer causa de las grandes alteraciones a los eclipses, que son de breve duración, cuando imperios, sectas y costumbres duran muchos años

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 198»

«He believes that his own imprisonment was caused by a constellation of 1599,'°° and he notes that Tuesday and Friday have always been unlucky days for him»Campanella adjudica su propio encarcelamiento a una constelación de 1599 y tiene el martes y el viernes por días aciagos suyos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 198»

«Its seventh chapter on more secret remedies says that there are stones, metals, plants, colors, savors and other things peculiarly endowed with the forces of the planets which, if applied under certain constellations, guard us from evil events, and that natural magic has to do with these»el séptimo libro de Campanella sobre evitar el hado sideral dice que hay piedras, metales, plantas, colores y sabores dotados de las fuerzas de los planetas que, aplicados bajo ciertas constelaciones, guardan de los males, y que de eso trata la magia natural

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 199»

«One is that astrology is a science, and that he who overthrows astrology destroys all philosophy and classes scientists with haruspices and diviners»entre las objeciones a las bulas que Campanella lista: que la astrología es ciencia y que quien la derriba destruye toda la filosofía y pone a los hombres de ciencia entre arúspices y adivinos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 200»

«Despite these specious arguments—and his own private penchant for astrology, of which, however, he is now careful to say nothing—Campanella accepts the bulls as a papal command which must be obeyed»y el desenlace que Thorndike consigna: pese a esos argumentos y a su propia inclinación, Campanella acepta las bulas como mandato papal al que hay que obedecer

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 200»

«ologians regard the bull as not binding in the forum of conscience»Petrus Antonius de Magistris sostiene que la mayoría de los teólogos no tienen la bula por obligatoria en el foro de la conciencia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 196»

«A proof of this is that the Ptolemaic astrology has never been placed on any index of prohibited books»y lo apoya en que la astrología ptolemaica nunca figuró en ningún índice de libros prohibidos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 196»

«He even accepts the Egyptian days as derived from experience and evades the apostolic censure of those observing days and years»Campanella acepta los días egipcios como sacados de la experiencia y elude con ello la censura apostólica de quienes observan días y años

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 198»

«Nor are men given to chiromancy, metoposcopy and divination of dreams, like Tricasso, Corvus, Gesner, Cardan and Artemidorus to be excused, because, as they say, they observe signs established by God and nature. For in this they do not sin. But they do sin because they extend those signs through astrology to effects of which they are not signs»Campanella sostiene que quirománticos, metoposcopistas y adivinos de sueños no pecan por observar señales puestas por Dios y la naturaleza, sino por extender esas señales, vía astrología, a efectos de los que no son señales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 201»

«When in 1630 most astrologers announced the pope’s death, Campanella ever contradicted this prediction because he knew the vanity of the art and of their practice of it»y cuenta que en 1630 contradijo siempre el anuncio de la muerte del papa que hacían casi todos los astrólogos, por conocer la vanidad del arte y de su práctica

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 201»

«For in this art he who knows more believes less and he who knows less believes more»con la fórmula que le adjudica a ese arte

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 201»

«Sixtus V was wise to condemn all predicting as to future contingents, chance happenings, and voluntary actions, even if they say that they do not afÏrm certainly. Such predictions, though not false, are perilous, since men often adapt their course of action to them and are deceived thereby»Campanella da por acertada la condena de Sixto V a toda predicción de contingentes, azares y actos voluntarios, porque esas predicciones, aun no siendo falsas, son peligrosas cuando los hombres ajustan su conducta a ellas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 201»

«Antonio Merenda, writing against astrology in 1640, recognized that the papal bulls did not forbid all parts of astrology and that he was arguing against some phases which had not -yet been forbidden»Antonio Merenda reconoce, al escribir contra la astrología en 1640, que las bulas papales no prohibían todas sus partes y que él argumentaba contra fases todavía no prohibidas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 201»

«His interpretation of the bull was that it did not condemn prediction of future events contingent upon natural causes but merely those concerning fortuitous events»Jean Baptiste Morin lee la bula de Sixto V como no condenatoria de la predicción de sucesos futuros dependientes de causas naturales, sino solo de los fortuitos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 202»

«Morin states that he owed to astrology his appointment by queen Marie de’ Medici to the royal professorship of mathematics, which has enabled him to support two nieces in the best monasteries and to marry off a third»y Morin declara deber a la astrología su nombramiento como profesor real de matemáticas, que le permitió mantener a dos sobrinas en monasterios y casar a una tercera

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 202»

«In one place he declares that the luminaries were not created to serve the vanity of the astrologers»Mercator declara en un lugar que los luminares no fueron creados para servir a la vanidad de los astrólogos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 203»

«But in the preface to his Atlas he promises that he will presently treat celestial astromantics which pertain to divinations from the stars»y promete en el prefacio del *Atlas* tratar la astromántica celeste, que toca a las adivinaciones por los astros

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 203»

«expressed his aversion from regarding uncertain judicial astrology as the end of most noble astronomy and pleasing speculation»Maurolico declara su aversión a que la incierta astrología judiciaria se tome por fin de la nobilísima astronomía

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 203»

«In order not to be at odds with everyone else, however, and to please his friends he descended into judgments»y cuenta que descendió con todo a los juicios para no estar a mal con todo el mundo y para complacer a sus amigos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 203»

«contended that at present judicial astrology was so difÏcult and imperfect, and its predictions so ridiculous and idle, that it was better not to waste time over it»Alessandro Piccolomini sostiene que la astrología judiciaria era entonces tan difícil e imperfecta y sus predicciones tan ridiculas y ociosas que valía más no perder tiempo en ella; el OCR imprime *difÏcult* con la ligadura fi vuelta Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 204»

«although granting that astrology was not illicit and without cause or reasoning, as were geomancy, necromancy, augury and auspices, he confined himself to the speculative, astronomical side of the science of the stars»y concede que la astrología no es ilícita ni carente de causa o razonamiento, como la geomancia, la nigromancia, el augurio y los auspicios, aunque él se ciñe al lado especulativo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 204»

«He further declared that the details of astrological technique nauseated him, and that the arguments of the astrologers to prove the moist nature of the moon were of no weight»Lucilio Maggi declara que los detalles de la técnica astrológica le daban náuseas y que los argumentos de los astrólogos sobre la naturaleza húmeda de la luna no tenían peso

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 204»

«But the adversary asks, “Who is wise?” and argues that each man is governed by the constellation at his birth, as Jesus was by the star of Bethlehem»y la réplica de su adversario en el diálogo: quién es sabio, y cada hombre está gobernado por la constelación de su nacimiento como Jesús por la estrella de Belén

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 205»

«Adam for his part asserts that almost all the ills suffered by true religion have come from devotees of the stars»Adam sostiene que casi todos los males padecidos por la religión verdadera vinieron de devotos de los astros

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 205»

«If the stars do not compel plants and animals to do anything unnatural, why should they incline man to sin»y objeta con una pregunta: si los astros no fuerzan a plantas ni animales a nada contra su naturaleza, por qué habrían de inclinar al hombre al pecado

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 205»

«Finally, however, Adam does admit that indirectly and per accidens through universal natures and qualities which depend on the aspects of the stars man may be incited and inclined to evil»y acaba admitiendo que indirectamente y *per accidens*, por naturalezas y cualidades universales que dependen de los aspectos, el hombre puede ser incitado e inclinado al mal

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 205»

«The contention of Adam is that the human will is not subject to the stars,* but the very fact that he deems it important to establish this position suggests that opposition to astrology has not yet succeeded in advancing far»la tesis de Adam ab Invidia, que la voluntad humana no está sujeta a los astros, y la inferencia que Thorndike saca de que le pareciera importante sostenerla

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 205»

«Squarcialupus criticizes Ptolemy as the leading representative of ancient astrology and Mizaldus as representative of more recent astrologers. “If they are so inept,” he asks, “how much faith can be put in the others»Squarcialupo objeta a Ptolomeo como cabeza de la astrología antigua y a Mizauld como representante de los modernos, y pregunta qué fe cabe poner en los demás si esos son tan ineptos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 208»

«He calls attention to recent disagreement among Cornelius Gemma, the imperial astrologer Paul Fabricius,’ and a third astrologer. Cornelius Gemma, Fabricius, Dasypodius, Valentin Steinmetz and others also differed as to the form or shape of the recent comet»y hace caudal del desacuerdo entre Cornelius Gemma, el astrólogo imperial Paul Fabricius, Dasypodius y Valentin Steinmetz sobre la forma del cometa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 208»

«Such disagreement Squarcialupus regards as fatal to the claims made for astrology»Squarcialupo tiene ese desacuerdo por fatal para las pretensiones de la astrología

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 208»

«He also contends that if the Aristotelian theory of comets as generated from terrestrial vapor is abandoned, as it had been by astrologers like Gemma and Praetorius as well as by himself, “all the doctrine and glory of the astrologers perishes»y sostiene que si se abandona la teoría aristotélica de los cometas como vapor terrestre, perece toda la doctrina y la gloria de los astrólogos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 208»

«Other arguments which Squarcialupus advances against comets as heralds of disaster are that ills and wars befall equally in years and periods when there are no comets»otro argumento de Squarcialupo contra los cometas como heraldos de desastre: males y guerras ocurren igual en años sin cometas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 208»

«Tycho Brahe, while approving the stand of Squarcialupus against the Aristotelian doctrine of comets, criticized him for not supporting his own position by either mathematical demonstrations or astronomical observations»Tycho Brahe aprueba la postura de Squarcialupo contra la doctrina aristotélica de los cometas y le objeta no apoyarla en demostraciones matemáticas ni en observaciones

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 209»

«He quoted Julius Caesar Scaliger that many comets had occurred without any princes dying, while many princes had died without any comet to announce this»Dudith cita a Julio César Escalígero: hubo muchos cometas sin que muriera príncipe alguno y murieron muchos príncipes sin cometa que lo anunciara

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 209»

«He would admit only a natural astrology which would confine itself to prediction of eclipses, the future positions of the stars, and sometimes the appearance of comets»y solo admite una astrología natural ceñida a predecir eclipses, las posiciones futuras de los astros y a veces la aparición de cometas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 210»

«The opposition to astrology stands out the more, because in other respects Freige has remained attached to customary beliefs in marvels and occult relationships»Thorndike destaca el contraste en Freige: la oposición a la astrología resalta más porque en lo demás siguió atado a las creencias acostumbradas en maravillas y relaciones ocultas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 210»

«He still accepts the concept of sympathy and antipathy and believes that snakes will not tolerate even the shadow of the ashtree and will flee into flames kindled about the tree in preference»Freige conserva la simpatía y la antipatía y cree que las serpientes no toleran ni la sombra del fresno y prefieren huir a las llamas encendidas alrededor del árbol

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 210»

«Freige would limit astrology to weather prediction and perhaps selection of favorable times in agriculture, medicine and the like. He inveighs against nativities and, while he explains interrogations, elections and astrological images, disapproves of them»Freige limita la astrología a la predicción del tiempo y a la elección de tiempos en agricultura y medicina, y desaprueba natividades, interrogaciones, elecciones e imágenes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 211»

«He holds that the changed position of the signs of the zodiac vitiates astrological judgment from conjunctions of the planets»y objeta que el cambio de posición de los signos vicia el juicio astrológico sacado de las conjunciones

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 211»

«Thus a conjunction in Scorpio in 630 announced the conquests of the Arabs. But Ptolemy put southern Asia under the signs Taurus, Virgo and Capricorn»con los ejemplos que aduce: la conjunción de 630 en Escorpión anunció las conquistas árabes, y Ptolomeo pone el Asia meridional bajo Tauro, Virgo y Capricornio

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 211»

«It is noted that Albertus believed that actions of which the causes are unknown to us depend on celestial influences»Fontaine recoge de Alberto Magno que las acciones cuyas causas ignoramos dependen de influencias celestes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 212»

«Its obscurity has constrained many to attribute to the heavens marvelous powers of generation, surpassing those exercised by the elements in the generation of qualities»y dice que la oscuridad de la generación sin semilla llevó a muchos a adjudicar a los cielos poderes generativos maravillosos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 212»

«For himself Fontaine comes to a typical scholastic conclusion, that the stars cannot be a univocal cause of animals engendered without seed but are an equivocal cause of them»con la conclusión escolástica a la que Fontaine llega: los astros no pueden ser causa unívoca de los animales engendrados sin semilla, sino causa equívoca

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 212»

«He goes on to argue that nature, not the moon, is the principal cause of crises and critical days in disease»y sostiene que la causa principal de las crisis y los días críticos en la enfermedad es la naturaleza y no la luna

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 212»

«The influence is a natural power of the stars to produce in these inferior bodies, without any intermediary, qualities similar to those of the elements for their maintenance and conservation»la definición que Fontaine da de la influencia: potencia natural de los astros para producir en estos cuerpos inferiores, sin intermediario, cualidades semejantes a las de los elementos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 213»

«But the stars communicate their effects in a different way than the elements»y la concesión que Thorndike le señala: los astros comunican sus efectos de un modo distinto que los elementos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 213»

«Similarly knowledge of the temperament of the human body does not depend on knowledge of the stars but on effects existing in the body»y lo mismo con el temperamento del cuerpo humano, que no depende del conocimiento de los astros sino de efectos existentes en el cuerpo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 214»

«Fontaine further denies that there are any astral diseases, as the Hermetics and Paracelsists have supposed»y niega que haya enfermedades astrales, como suponían herméticos y paracelsistas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 214»

«Fontaine admits that many general predictions can be made from the stars but not particular predictions»Fontaine admite que del cielo caben muchas predicciones generales y no las particulares

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 214»

«For he holds that the senses are more affected by the individual’s temperament and constitution than by the stars»y sostiene que los sentidos están más afectados por el temperamento y la constitución del individuo que por los astros

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 214»

«Fontaine speaks well of the researches of Tycho Brahe and Galileo, and had seen the latter’s four satellites of Jupiter through the telescope»Fontaine habla bien de las investigaciones de Tycho Brahe y de Galileo y dice haber visto por el telescopio los cuatro satélites de Júpiter

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 214»

«But comets, he still believes, may be signs to men of God’s will and judgment, and of future events»y sigue creyendo con todo que los cometas pueden ser señales de la voluntad y el juicio de Dios y de sucesos futuros

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 214»

«In his first chapter Frischlin asks whether God lit those heavenly torches as signs of future events and answers, “By no means»Frischlin pregunta si Dios encendió esas antorchas celestes como señales de sucesos futuros, y responde que de ningún modo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 216»

«Such disasters happen continually regardless of eclipses. Nicias suffered defeat not because of the moon but because of his superstition with regard to it»y niega que los eclipses amenacen con guerras, hambre y enfermedad: los desastres ocurren continuamente sin ellos, y Nicias no fue derrotado por la luna sino por su superstición

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 216»

«God instituted eclipses not as signs of the future but to manifest His power and to show men that sun and moon are not gods»con la razón que da: Dios instituyó los eclipses para manifestar su poder y mostrar a los hombres que el sol y la luna no son dioses

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 216»

«Frischlin will not even admit weather prediction from stars and planets“ but he grants the influence of the moon on humors, and that to act differently at the time of the new moon than when it is full is not superstition»Frischlin no admite ni siquiera la predicción del tiempo por astros y planetas, y concede en cambio la influencia de la luna sobre los humores

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 216»

«After declaring astrology the chief among such false arts as geomancy, hydromancy, pyromancy, chiromancy, aruspicina, metoposcopia, goetia, theurgy, necromancy, praestigiae, ‘and that noble alchemy»Sixto ab Hemminga declara la astrología la principal entre las artes falsas, con la geomancia, la hidromancia, la piromancia, la quiromancia, la aruspicina, la metoposcopia, la goecia, la teurgia, la nigromancia, las *praestigiae* y la que llama noble alquimia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 217»

«Sixtus remarks that Pico della Mirandola’s criticism of the art, although elaborate and formidable, had been limited to general and theoretical arguments»y objeta a la crítica de Pico della Mirandola haberse ceñido a argumentos generales y teóricos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 217»

«And it was because Pico did not touch on the actual exercise of the art, that defenders of astrology like Bellantius, Gaurico and Cardan, had not hesitated to take issue with him»y adjudica a ese límite que defensores como Bellantius, Gaurico y Cardano no dudaran en replicarle

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 217»

«proposes to demonstrate from the nativities of a number of well-known personages that their destinies have not corresponded to what an astrologer should have predicted from their horoscopes, and that consequently the casting of nativities is an error and delusion»Sixto propone mostrar desde las natividades de personajes conocidos que sus destinos no correspondieron a lo que un astrólogo debería haber predicho

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 217»

«Francis Monk (Monachus) by name as well as profession, a Minorite of Mechlin and well known among recent astrologers, went so far as to infer from the stars that some friend would present him with a new pair of shoes»el caso que Hemminga recoge del minorita Francis Monk, que infirió de los astros que un amigo le regalaría un par de zapatos nuevos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 218»

«how frigidly and negligently not merely common astrologers but even the more celebrated pronounce in such matters. For in it he says nothing that is not seen to be drawn from obsolete collections of the Arabs, and that does not fall apart the moment it is put to the test»y lo que a su juicio muestra la natividad de Ranzovius hecha por Dasypodius: con qué frialdad y negligencia se pronuncian aun los astrólogos más celebrados

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 218»

«When astrologers are ignorant as to the exact moment of a person’s birth and the precise position of the stars then, they often determine the degree of the horoscope by inspecting the position of Mars or Saturn at the time of some accident, disease, danger or mishap during the individual’s later life»según Thorndike, cuando los astrólogos ignoran el momento exacto del nacimiento fijan el grado del horóscopo mirando dónde estaban Marte o Saturno en algún accidente posterior de la persona

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 218»

«but he contends that it is sufÏcient if the physician takes into consideration the state of the air»Fontaine admite que los astros afectan al aire y sostiene que al médico le basta atender al estado del aire sin ir detrás a las constelaciones; el OCR imprime *sufÏcient* con la ligadura fi vuelta Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 214»

«He therefore afÏrms that most true predictions are the work of demons and that astrology is confused with magic»de donde saca Fontaine que la mayoría de las predicciones acertadas son obra de demonios y que la astrología se confunde con la magia; el OCR imprime *afÏrms* con la ligadura fi vuelta Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 214»

«To the second question, when he might expect to become pope, the astrologer gave the exact year, 1534»el caso que Sixto ab Hemminga discute: al astrólogo de Mantua le preguntaron cuándo sería papa Farnesio y dio el año exacto

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 219»

«Cardan had regarded these predictions as evidence of astrological skill, but Sixtus tries to find other explanations. He attributes the papal election of 1534 to a concourse of causes: the death of Clement VII, Farnese’s seniority and authority among the cardinals, his ability and his own faith in the astrologer’s prediction»Cardano tuvo esas predicciones por prueba de pericia astrológica y Sixto las adjudica a un concurso de causas, entre ellas la fe del propio Farnesio en el pronóstico

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 219»

«Sixtus further objects that in the space of twenty-six years with sO many cardinals the same favoring constellation would have occurred in the geniture of other cardinals»y objeta además que en veintiséis años y con tantos cardenales la misma constelación favorable habría caído en la genitura de otros

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 219»

«Sixtus admits that from the geniture of Don Juan of Austria Leowitz correctly calculated his remaining term of life»y consigna la concesión de Sixto: de la genitura de don Juan de Austria calculó Leowitz bien lo que le quedaba de vida

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 219»

«For instance, he draws the analogy that, just as stars of huge size seem mere specks to our eyes, so we can measure only a tiny portion of their influence»la analogía con que Sixto argumenta en lo teórico: así como astros enormes parecen a nuestros ojos meras motas, solo podemos medir una parte mínima de su influencia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 220»

«He ends condemning Peter of Abano for defending the use of incantations in the 156th Differentia of the Conciliator and for his astrological errors»y cierra condenando a Pedro de Abano por defender los encantamientos en la *Differentia* 156 del *Conciliator* y por sus errores astrológicos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 221»

«A number of past writings favorable to occult arts current under the names of Aristotle, Plato and other famous writers are rejected as spurious»Juan de Carmona rechaza por espurios varios escritos favorables a las artes ocultas que corrían bajo los nombres de Aristóteles, Platón y otros

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 221»

«But he admitted that the physician should consider the influence of the stars and critical days. This for him was not judicial astrology but scientific, natural and praiseworthy»Scipione Mercurio se opone a que los enfermos consulten astrólogos y admite a la vez que el médico considere la influencia de los astros y los días críticos, cosa que para él es científica, natural y laudable

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 222»

«In his case the combination is of traditional Peripateticism and scholastic philosophy with a considerable opposition to astrology»la combinación que Thorndike describe en Giorgio de Ragusa: peripatetismo tradicional y filosofía escolástica junto con una oposición considerable a la astrología

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 222»

«It is to be noted, however, that Ragusaeus doubted neither the rule of superiors over inferiors, nor the influence of the stars, nor that it was exercised through occult virtue in addition to their motion and light»y la precisión que añade: Ragusa no dudaba del gobierno de los superiores sobre los inferiores, ni de la influencia de los astros, ni de que se ejerciera por virtud oculta además de por movimiento y luz

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 223»

«He accepted the existence of occult virtues, although he recognized that Aristotle never taught this, and that nothing seemed more foreign to Peripateticism»Ragusa acepta las virtudes ocultas y reconoce que Aristóteles nunca las enseñó y que nada parece más ajeno al peripatetismo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 223»

«But he felt that such hidden forces were needed to explain the formation of metals in the earth, the relation of the tides to the moon, the prevalence of wind and rain at the time of great conjunctions of the planets, the marvelous powers of herbs and stones—which came not from their constituent ingredients but from the stars—and the spontaneous generation of animals»y dice para qué las necesita: la formación de los metales en la tierra, la relación de las mareas con la luna, el viento y la lluvia en las grandes conjunciones, los poderes de hierbas y piedras y la generación espontánea

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 223»

«He even granted that the stars influenced man at birth, that the humors and diseases of the body were moved by them, and that God after having created the world left the subsequent operation of nature to the heavens and first matter»y concede que los astros influyen en el hombre al nacer y que Dios, creado el mundo, dejó la operación posterior de la naturaleza a los cielos y a la materia primera

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 223»

«But the will and reason remain free, and the action of the stars is universal and not singular. The rules and technique of the art of astrology consequently have no validity»con el límite que le pone: la voluntad y la razón quedan libres y la acción de los astros es universal y no singular, de modo que las reglas y la técnica del arte no valen

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 223»

«As a youth Ragusaeus had been strongly attracted by that art and had spent six years at Venice under Octavianus of Ghent and the Venetian patrician, Barocius, studying the Quadripartitum and Centiloquium of Ptolemy and the minute observations of the Arabs»Ragusa cuenta su propia iniciación: seis años en Venecia con Octavianus de Gante y el patricio Barozzi, estudiando el *Quadripartitum*, el *Centiloquium* y las observaciones minuciosas de los árabes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 223»

«He rejected the dignities and aspects of the planets, denied that their retrogradation or combustion had any ill effect, pronounced the place of fortune a pure figment, and asserted that there was no active force in the head or tail of the dragon, and that length of life was not foretellable from Hyleg and Alcochoden»Ragusa rechaza dignidades y aspectos de los planetas, niega efecto a su retrogradación y combustión, tiene por puro fingimiento la parte de fortuna y niega fuerza a la cabeza y la cola del dragón

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 224»

«He had no objection to a natural and orderly weather prediction, since in his opinion the weather depended on the sky as its efÏcient cause and was affected by the three superior planets and the fixed stars»y no objeta una predicción del tiempo natural y ordenada, porque a su juicio el tiempo depende del cielo como causa eficiente

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 224»

«Luck in gaming he attributed to the demons rather than to the stars. Demons could move the dice or reveal the cards in one player’s hand to his opponent»Ragusa adjudica la suerte en el juego a los demonios y no a los astros, porque podrían mover los dados o revelar las cartas de un jugador a su contrario

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 224»

«They favored some players in order to induce them to enter upon pacts with themselves, and brought bad luck to others in hope of inducing them to curse God for it»y les da motivo: favorecen a unos para inducirlos a pactos y dan mala suerte a otros con la esperanza de que maldigan a Dios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 224»

«To yet another Venetian who was engaged in chemical operations Ragusaeus wrote that it was important, while experimenting, to have the moon in the common signs and the sun in the fiery signs»Ragusa escribe a un veneciano ocupado en operaciones químicas que al experimentar importa tener la luna en los signos comunes y el sol en los ígneos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 225»

«But he explained to yet another correspondent, Erastus Savona, a physician of Venice, that he had been importuned for this information by the aforesaid chemist, and had merely stated the views of the astrologers, not his own»y aclara a otro corresponsal que solo expuso lo que dicen los astrólogos, no su propia opinión

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 225»

«He further recommended the reading of a number of writers against astrology, including Pico della Mirandola, Savonarola and Possevin, while he spoke unfavorably of such defenders of the art as Iunctinus, Bellantius and Pirovano, and of writers like Cardan and Taisnier who had presumed to draw up horoscopes for Christ»y recomienda leer a Pico della Mirandola, Savonarola y Possevin contra la astrología, y habla mal de Giuntini, Bellantius y Pirovano y de quienes levantaron horóscopos para Cristo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 225»

«Tomasini, who was himself favorable to astrology, compares George of Ragusa as a critic of the art to Pico della Mirandola and adds that the disease to which he succumbed in 1622 at forty-three had been foreseen by astrological conjecture»Tomasini, favorable a la astrología, compara a Ragusa con Pico della Mirandola y añade que la enfermedad de que murió había sido prevista por conjetura astrológica

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 226»

«Alexander de Angelis of Spoleto, head of the Jesuit college at Rome, published in 1615 five books against astrologers with a preface to one of the cardinals»el jesuita Alexander de Angelis publica en 1615 cinco libros contra los astrólogos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 226»

«He also pays his respects to Fernel, afÏrming that no one has found more occult virtues of the heavens or more unlikely and absurd ones than the author of De abditis rerum causis»y dice de Fernel que nadie halló más virtudes ocultas de los cielos ni más inverosímiles y absurdas que el autor del *De abditis rerum causis*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 226»

«and who, he says, maintained that Ptolemy had composed the Quadripartitum not as a believer in astrology but to show the nullity of that art»y recoge de Sixto ab Hemminga la tesis de que Ptolomeo compuso el *Quadripartitum* no por creer en la astrología sino para mostrar la nulidad del arte

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 226»

«In his opinion, however, inferiors are not entirely dependent on superiors, and he doubts whether the elements would destroy one another but for the stars»de Angelis admite un gran poder, aun oculto, del cielo sobre el mundo sublunar, y niega que los inferiores dependan enteramente de los superiores

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 227»

«In the procreation of things the heavens play no part. If the seed is weak, the offspring will be weak, no matter how strong a star it may be born under»y sostiene que en la procreación los cielos no toman parte: de semilla débil sale prole débil por fuerte que sea el astro bajo el que nazca

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 227»

«If the Stars exert influence, they affect not the mind but the body, and in such matters one should trust philosophers and medical men more than astrologers»y que si los astros influyen no afectan la mente sino el cuerpo, de modo que en eso hay que fiarse más de filósofos y médicos que de astrólogos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 227»

«The foetus depends more on food than on the stars and is affected by what happens to the mother»de Angelis hace depender el feto más del alimento que de los astros, y afectado por lo que le ocurre a la madre

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 227»

«The distribution of the parts of the human body under the twelve signs he dismisses as a mere fable»y despacha como mera fábula el reparto de las partes del cuerpo humano bajo los doce signos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 227»

«that education and nutrition affect the child’s temperament more than the stars do. Yet other factors are work, environment, custom and usage, medical treatment, chance, nationality, force of example, law and conscience»y pone por encima de los astros la educación y la nutrición, y después el trabajo, el ambiente, la costumbre, el tratamiento médico, el azar, la nacionalidad, la fuerza del ejemplo, la ley y la conciencia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 228»

«The division of the zodiac into signs and houses, and the doctrine of aspects are arbitrary and of no significance»de Angelis tiene por arbitrarias y sin significación la división del zodiaco en signos y casas y la doctrina de los aspectos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 228»

«the contention that true predictions are either clever conjectures or the suggestion of demons and not from the stars»y adjudica las predicciones acertadas a conjeturas hábiles o a la sugestión de los demonios, no a los astros

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 228»

«He denies that the heavens exert any influence upon inferiors other than by their motion»Tommaso Giannini niega que los cielos ejerzan sobre los inferiores otra influencia que la de su movimiento

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 229»

«But no particular event or dissimilitude of species is caused by the stars, and no part of the sky or constellation has peculiar virtue of its own»y que suceso particular alguno ni desemejanza de especie venga de los astros, ni que parte del cielo o constelación tenga virtud propia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 229»

«when an event is proved by experience and the cause is unknown, he prefers this course to suggesting highly improbable solutions based on manifest qualities and virtues»Giannini se disculpa ante sus estudiantes: cuando la experiencia acredita un suceso y la causa se ignora, prefiere recurrir a causas escondidas antes que a soluciones inverosímiles desde cualidades manifiestas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 229»

«Thus he accounts for the tides by winds and spirits within the ocean. He afÏrms that indigestion, not the influence of the planets Saturn and Mercury, is the cause of melancholy in men of letters»Giannini explica las mareas por vientos y espíritus dentro del océano y adjudica la melancolía de los letrados a la indigestión y no a Saturno ni a Mercurio

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 230»

«He states that his contemporaries do not bathe much and, when they do, bathe more for pleasure than for health»Rapard dice que sus contemporáneos se bañan poco y, cuando lo hacen, más por placer que por salud

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 231»

«For Rapard foresees danger that the heat of the bath may stir up the noxious humors which were before quiescent in the body and carry them to the vitals or spread them throughout the entire system»y teme que el calor del baño remueva los humores nocivos antes quietos en el cuerpo y los lleve a las vísceras o los esparza por todo el sistema

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 232»

«Falloppia, noted in the history of anatomy, began to lecture on medicated waters at Padua in 1556 on feast days»Falopio empezó a leer sobre aguas medicinales en Padua en 1556, en días de fiesta, según lo consigna Thorndike

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 232»

«the disciple explains that he had not published his notes on Falloppia’s lectures sooner for fear that he might not do him justice, since he was a rapid lecturer»el discípulo que publicó esas lecciones explica que no lo hizo antes por temor de no hacerle justicia, porque Falopio dictaba aprisa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 232»

«He had distilled the water from one spring said to contain copper and found none, and he denies that various other baths contain iron»Falopio objeta a sus predecesores sobre los minerales de las fuentes: destiló el agua de una que se decía con cobre y no halló ninguno

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 233»

«Falloppia found in it salt and nitre in about equal quantities and a little marble or chalk»y da su propio análisis del baño cercano a Reggio, con sal y nitro en cantidades casi iguales y algo de mármol o greda

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 233»

«The waters keep their properties so long that they are exported to Spain, Gaul, Naples and other distant places, and there are always porters waiting at the baths for this purpose»y consigna que esas aguas guardan tanto tiempo sus propiedades que se exportan a España, Galia y Nápoles, con porteadores siempre esperando en los baños

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 233»

«Falloppia rejected the notion that thermal waters should not be drunk in leapyears, that all things altered their nature then, and that it was dangerous for domestic animals and women to conceive then»Falopio rechaza la idea de que no se beban las aguas termales en año bisiesto, que todo cambie entonces de naturaleza y que sea peligroso concebir

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 233»

«Leapyears are not the work of nature but of calendar-makers, and cannot be connected with Saturn which goes from fifth to fifth, although it is true that melancholy moves from fourth to fourth»y razona que los bisiestos no son obra de la naturaleza sino de los que hacen calendarios, y no se dejan ligar con Saturno

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 233»

«Aleardus of Verona said that the baths of Abano were sometimes poisoned by an occult influence of the stars and killed those who drank them»Aleardo de Verona adjudicaba a una influencia oculta de los astros el que los baños de Abano se envenenaran a veces y mataran a quienes los bebían

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 233»

«is said by Rossi and Magini to have repeated in his work on the pest and avoiding poisons the caution to princes, already made in the fifteenth century by Antonio Guaineri, that they keep their genitures concealed from their enemies lest they suffer bodily harm thereby»Michele Mercati repite, según Rossi y Magini, la advertencia de Antonio Guaineri a los príncipes de que oculten sus genituras a sus enemigos para no sufrir daño corporal

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 234»

«noted that it had followed the conjunction of the three superior planets in the sign Leo in 1564»Johann Bokel anota que la peste de Hamburgo siguió a la conjunción de los tres planetas superiores en Leo en 1564

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 234»

«This pest laughs at us and our drugs. Like all epidemics, it has some singular property»y recoge el dicho de un colega médico ante esa peste, que se reía de ellos y de sus drogas y tenía, como toda epidemia, alguna propiedad singular

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 234»

«defended the thesis that pestilence was sometimes produced by the stars without any contributory inferior causes»Petrus Salius Diversus defiende que la peste se produce a veces por los astros sin ninguna causa inferior concurrente

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 235»

«Georgius Rivettus discussed conjunctions and eclipses as well as inferior causes of pestilence but was rather more inclined to stress divine punishment for sin than either»Georgius Rivettus discute conjunciones y eclipses junto con las causas inferiores de la peste y se inclina más bien al castigo divino por el pecado

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 235»

«In his thirty-third chapter Rivettus describes a bag, ‘“‘which they call an amulet,’ containing a compound medicine and worn over the heart»Rivettus describe una bolsa que llaman amuleto, con una medicina compuesta dentro, que se lleva sobre el corazón

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 235»

«In the pest tract he says that, although astrologers claim to be able to predict the pest, he notes such diversity in their doctrine and such inaccuracy in their prognostications that he puts little faith in them»Horatius Augenius dice que, aunque los astrólogos se jactan de predecir la peste, la diversidad de su doctrina y la inexactitud de sus pronósticos le hacen poner poca fe en ellos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 236»

«A person who has been thoroughly trained in the science of astrology may be able to foresee the future, but it is very dif»y concede que quien esté bien formado en la ciencia de la astrología podría prever el futuro, aunque sea muy difícil; el tramo se corta antes de la ligadura fi que el OCR imprime como Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 236»

«He tells his students that they look the same to him as last year and that he does not believe any one of them has changed from male to female»y lo objeta ante sus estudiantes diciéndoles que le parecen los mismos del año pasado y que no cree que ninguno haya pasado de varón a mujer

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 233»

«Falloppia does not question the influence of the stars or the existence of occult virtues»Falopio no pone en duda la influencia de los astros ni la existencia de virtudes ocultas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 233»

«In the second half of the sixteenth century various treatises on the pest continued to attribute that afÒiction to the influence of the constellations»según Thorndike, en la segunda mitad del siglo XVI varios tratados sobre la peste siguieron adjudicándola a la influencia de las constelaciones

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 234»

«Bokel explains further that bleeding and purgation are ineffective when the very air is infected»Bokel explica que la sangría y la purga no sirven cuando el aire mismo está infecto

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 234»

«Ianus Cornarius, professor at Marburg, then entered the fray with three successive publications against Fuchs, in which he made plays upon his name such as Vulpes excortata (Skinning the Fox) and Fuchseides the Third»Thorndike consigna el tono de la polémica médica: Ianus Cornarius entró en liza contra Fuchs con juegos sobre su apellido, *Vulpes excortata* y *Fuchseides* tercero

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 237»

«published at Venice a treatise of 82 pages in small italics in which he contended that the sediment of healthy and sick bodies was not of the same species»Giovanni Andrea Nola sostiene en 1562 que el sedimento de los cuerpos sanos y el de los enfermos no son de la misma especie

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 237»

«Also that in intermittent fevers the humor did not putrefy within the vessels (of the body); that the Arabs, especially Avicenna, argued rashly as to the cause involved»y que en las fiebres intermitentes el humor no se pudre dentro de los vasos, con reproche a los árabes, y en especial a Avicena, por razonar temerariamente sobre la causa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 237»

«Cuneus professes to write at the urging not only of those who attend his lectures on anatomy at Milan and Pavia but also in response to letters from many physicians of the subalpine school, in order to point out to Puteus how foully he has directed his defense of Galen against Vesalius»Gabriel Cuneus dice escribir a instancias de sus oyentes de anatomía y de médicos de la escuela subalpina, para mostrar a Puteus cuán torpemente dirigió su defensa de Galeno contra Vesalio

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 237»

«In the first he insists that the art of medicine, contrary to the opinion of all recent writers, divides into significative, salubrious, and curative, and that the division of Altimarus into curing, diagnosis and prognostic (praenotio) cannot be accepted»Salvus Sclanus insiste, contra la opinión de todos los escritores recientes, en que el arte de la medicina se divide en significativa, salubre y curativa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 238»

«Chapter four argues that to assert that Hippocrates delayed bleeding in the pleurisy of Anaxion till the eighth day because he hoped to cure the affection by fomentations alone, is to accuse him of ignorance»y sostiene que decir que Hipócrates retrasó la sangría en la pleuresía de Anaxión hasta el octavo día por esperar curarlo con fomentos es acusarlo de ignorancia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 239»

«He protested against the assertion that the work ascribed to Galen on the parts of the art was regarded as spurious by everyone, pointing out that it was accepted as genuine by such Galenists as Leonicenus and Manardus, while Franciscus Valeriola had expressed surprise that anyone should doubt its authenticity»Sclanus protesta contra la afirmación de que todos tuvieran por espuria la obra adjudicada a Galeno sobre las partes del arte, y alega que la aceptaban Leoniceno y Manardo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 239»

«The reaction against classical medicine was seen not only in the Paracelsan revival but in such a work as the New and True Medicine Proved by Experiments and Evident Reasons of Gomez Pereira, published in 1558, in which he combatted Galen in regard to fevers»Thorndike sitúa la reacción contra la medicina clásica no solo en el renacer paracelsista sino en obras como la *Nova veraque medicina* de Gómez Pereira, que combatió a Galeno en materia de fiebres

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 239»

«Publication of the literature of secrets, medicinal and otherwise, received a great impulse from the appearance in 1555 or 1557” of the Secrets of Alessio of Piedmont»y adjudica a los *Secreti* de Alessio Piemontese el gran impulso que recibió la literatura de secretos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 239»

«Like Porta’s Natural Magic, the Secrets are in large measure a printing, continuation and further development of the medieval manuscripts of secrets and experiments, containing medical recipes, waters, oils and colors»la lectura que Thorndike hace de ese género: como la *Magia natural* de Porta, los *Secreti* continúan y desarrollan los manuscritos medievales de secretos y experimentos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 240»

«The reader may turn to Ferguson’s article for further details as to the Secrets of Alexis, such as an “Oil of a red-haired dog,”’ to make which the dog is to be seethed in oil until it disintegrates and then combined with scorpions, worms, herbs, marrow of hog and ass, and other ingredients in a prescribed order»con la receta que pone por muestra: un aceite de perro pelirrojo cocido hasta deshacerse y combinado con escorpiones, gusanos, hierbas y tuétano de cerdo y de asno

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 240»

«and later is cited for the notion that the sapphire stimulates gaiety, since it is jovial, and for this reason is a wonderful remedy for all affections of the heart»y a Fioravanti para la noción de que el zafiro alegra, por ser jovial, y por eso remedia maravillosamente las afecciones del corazón

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 241»

«In a note to the reader a Giovanni Tatti assures us that Bairo was an excellent doctor in Turin and that the work is rare and the secrets not feigned but true and drawn from Galen, Avicenna, Mesue, Hippocrates, and other great men»el aviso al lector de los *Secreti medicinali* de Pietro Bairo asegura que la obra es rara y sus secretos no fingidos sino verdaderos y sacados de Galeno, Avicena, Mesué e Hipócrates

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 241»

«He is said to have advised whispering an incantation in the patient’s ear to facilitate childbirth»y Thorndike consigna que a Bairo se le adjudica haber aconsejado susurrar un encantamiento al oído de la paciente para facilitar el parto

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 242»

«It was a not infrequent practice of lords and ladies in the early modern centuries to collect recipes and secrets for their own use and satisfaction»según Thorndike, no era raro que señores y señoras de los siglos modernos tempranos reunieran recetas y secretos para su propio uso

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 242»

«In the dedication to an archdeacon of Ragusa Isabella says that man not only investigates the occult secrets of nature but tries to surpass them and to do what is impossible for nature unaided»Isabella Cortese dice en su dedicatoria que el hombre no solo investiga los secretos ocultos de la naturaleza, sino que intenta superarlos y hacer lo que a la naturaleza sola le resulta imposible

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 242»

«A Particolare of Chirico, an abbot of Cologne, advises one who wishes to succeed in alchemy not to read the works of Geber, Raymond and Arnald but to follow ten precepts which ensue»y un *particolare* del abad Chirico de Colonia aconseja a quien quiera acertar en la alquimia no leer a Geber, Raimundo ni Arnaldo, sino seguir diez preceptos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 242»

«Secrets, Divers and Miraculous, were published under the name of the anatomist, Falloppia, after his death but were said in 1564 by Andreas Marcolinus Fanestris, in his edition of the lectures of Falloppia on baths and minerals, to be falsely attributed to him»los *Secreti diversi et miracolosi* salieron bajo el nombre de Falopio después de su muerte, y su editor Andreas Marcolinus los declaró falsamente adjudicados

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 242»

«Guinther knows that Paracelsus was not the first inventor of such chemical remedies, as his disciples suppose, but thinks that he none the less deserves credit as the first “in our time” to recall the chemical art to medical use and to amplify it»Guinther de Andernach sabe que Paracelso no inventó los remedios químicos, como suponen sus discípulos, y le acredita con todo haber sido el primero de su tiempo en devolver el arte químico al uso médico

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 243»

«Guinther also alludes to remedies sought from cabala, demons and idle superstitions, and notes that some say that so long as a cure is effected, it makes no difference whether God or the devil is responsible for it»y alude a remedios buscados en la cábala, en los demonios y en supersticiones ociosas, y a quienes dicen que mientras la cura se logre da igual si la obra Dios o el diablo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 243»

«Quacks and empirics flourished in medical practice of the second half of the sixteenth century, albeit contrary to the wishes of medical faculties»según Thorndike, en la práctica médica de la segunda mitad del siglo XVI florecieron los charlatanes y los empíricos, contra la voluntad de las facultades

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 243»

«Simon Forman, physician and astrologer, in his diary from 1552 to 1602, has recorded his questionable practices, dabblings in alchemy and magic, and the troubles into which these got him»y pone por caso el diario de Simon Forman, médico y astrólogo, con sus prácticas cuestionables y sus incursiones en la alquimia y la magia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 243»

«while denying that menstrual blood was harmful or that poisons could be administered to take effect at a fixed future time, he had credulously discussed living without food for years and how an ostrich could digest iron»Laurent Joubert niega que la sangre menstrual sea dañina y que puedan darse venenos de efecto diferido, y discute con credulidad el vivir años sin comer y cómo digiere hierro el avestruz

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 244»

«In the latter he explained that the ostrich did not digest the iron by its heat, for the lion was of much hotter temperament yet could not do so, but by its entire substance, peculiar temperament and a certain property of its stomach»y explica que el avestruz no digiere el hierro por su calor, pues el león es de temperamento mucho más caliente y no puede, sino por su sustancia entera y cierta propiedad de su estómago

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 244»

«while rejecting as very superstitious a remedy which Ficino had taken from the magi of Persia, Joubert recognized as a cause of pest a sinister influence of the stars which could not be avoided or turned aside»Joubert rechaza por supersticioso un remedio que Ficino tomó de los magos de Persia y reconoce a la vez como causa de la peste una influencia siniestra de los astros que no cabe evitar

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 244»

«In these, while complaining that everyone dabbled in medicine and of the incorrectness of popular notions, he maintained such a belief as that nine children might be delivered at one birth»y Thorndike mide su credulidad: mientras se quejaba de que todos se metieran a médicos, sostenía que podían nacer nueve niños de un parto

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 245»

«Sometimes the phrasing of the caption makes it evident what opinion or practice is condemned, as in that directed against those who complain of the hot nights in summer, yet sleep in feather-beds with the windows shut, or that on the error of those who think they will die of the same disease and at the same age as their parents»entre los errores que Joubert rotula sin ambigüedad: quejarse de las noches calurosas del verano durmiendo en colchón de plumas con las ventanas cerradas, y creer que se morirá de la misma enfermedad y a la misma edad que los padres

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 245»

«Some of the more superstitious notions are that in months whose names contain no letter R one should drink deep but embrace little, that one’s ears burn when others are speaking of one, that one should not pare one’s nails on days in whose names there is an R, that it is possible to replace a dislocation without seeing or touching the patient, whether herbs plucked on St. John’s eve have more virtue, amulets of spider’s web against the colic in infants, the German assertion that one should be sober on the day of bleeding and drunk the third day after, and the belief that marriages made in May turn out unhappily»y entre las nociones más supersticiosas de su lista: beber mucho y abrazar poco en los meses sin erre, el zumbido de los oídos cuando hablan de uno, las hierbas cogidas la víspera de San Juan, los amuletos de telaraña contra el cólico y las bodas de mayo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 245»

«In the medical schools much the same questions were being put and debated as in the days of Peter of Abano»la medida que Thorndike toma de las escuelas médicas: se debatían casi las mismas cuestiones que en tiempos de Pedro de Abano

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 246»

«whether dinner or supper should be the more frugal meal, is man hotter than woman, is the vital faculty diverse from the natural, is respiration necessary for all animals»entre las cuestiones sobre las que se examinó a Francisco Sánchez en Montpellier: si la comida o la cena debe ser más frugal, si el hombre es más caliente que la mujer y si la respiración es necesaria a todos los animales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 247»

«He further held that water was more healthful than wine, that purging was better than bleeding for children, and better than vomiting in cases of dysentery»y las respuestas que sostuvo: el agua es más sana que el vino, y purgar vale más que sangrar en los niños y que vomitar en la disentería

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 247»

«whether lovers are to be cured with the same remedies as the insane (with a play in the Latin upon the words amantes and amentes), whether there is such a thing as intermittent pestilential fever, whether a certain plant (althaia or wild mallow) has the virtues ascribed to it by Dioscorides and Galen, whether water drinking is more useful to the young than to the old, whether the life of kings, princes and magnates is more healthy and long than that of plebeians and rustics, whether remedies for the bladder are good for arthritis, whether a poison can be prepared which will kill at a certain time»entre las cuestiones disputadas para la licencia y el doctorado en Montpellier: si a los enamorados se los cura con los mismos remedios que a los dementes, y si cabe preparar un veneno que mate a hora fija

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 247»

«Gesner states that Mattioli has made mistakes in his edition of Dioscorides, but that to err is human and that he will perhaps correct them in a new edition»Conrad Gesner dice que Mattioli erró en su edición de Dioscórides, que errar es humano y que quizá los corrija en una edición nueva

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 248»

«approves of the use of chemical remedies, which, he says, Montanus employed»y Thorndike señala lo que no esperaría de un comentarista de Dioscórides: Mattioli aprueba el uso de remedios químicos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 248»

«in which it is stated that gold can be dissolved by aqua fortés or by salt of human skull, that human hairs are very useful in rendering metals ductible, and that potable gold is probably to be identified with the elixir»la carta de Andreas de Blavven que Mattioli incluye sostiene que el oro se disuelve por agua fuerte o por sal de cráneo humano, que los cabellos humanos sirven mucho para hacer dúctiles los metales y que el oro potable es probablemente el elíxir

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 248»

«complains that Ruellius knew only French herbs, and laments that not so good theriac can be made now as in Galen’s time, because not all the herbs which Galen employed are now available»Mattioli se queja de que Ruellius solo conociera hierbas francesas y lamenta que ya no se pueda hacer tan buena triaca como en tiempos de Galeno, por faltar hierbas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 249»

«further asked him if an unguent of alabaster described by Jacobus Manlius in his Luminary was the same as that used by Mary Magdalene to anoint the feet of the Saviour»y el boticario le pregunta si el ungüento de alabastro que describe Jacobus Manlius es el mismo con que María Magdalena ungió los pies del Salvador

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 249»

«Moreover, its milk cured epileptics, especially infants, which Mattioli thought very strange, because its liver gave them fits»el caso del macho cabrío lechero que llegó al archiduque: su leche curaba a los epilépticos, sobre todo niños, lo que a Mattioli le parecía extrañísimo porque su hígado se los provocaba

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 249»

«material substances, but of refined matter and motive force existing in human and other bodies was, as we have already had occasion to observe, in great vogue in the sixteenth century as an explanation for almost any natural phenomena»según Thorndike, la noción de espíritus como materia refinada y fuerza motriz dentro de los cuerpos tuvo gran boga en el siglo XVI como explicación de casi cualquier fenómeno natural

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 250»

«Even in the seventeenth century Francis Bacon had frequent recourse to it and asserted that such spirits “govern nature principally»y consigna que hasta Francis Bacon recurría a esos espíritus y sostenía que gobiernan la naturaleza principalmente

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 250»

«This conception, while itself hardly a superstition or part of occult science, was often substituted for or associated with those of celestial influence and of occult virtue in terrestrial substances, or was used to supply a natural explanation for what would otherwise have had to be regarded as magical or at least marvelous»y precisa su función: no siendo ella misma superstición, la noción sustituía o acompañaba a la influencia celeste y a la virtud oculta, o daba explicación natural a lo que habría pasado por mágico

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 250»

«Argenterius holds that men breathe in air and breathe out spirit, which is crasser than air and is produced from matter composed of all the elements»Argenterio sostiene que los hombres inspiran aire y espiran espíritu, más craso que el aire y producido de materia compuesta de todos los elementos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 252»

«He disagrees with the doctrine of Fernel, which some attribute also to Aristotle, that spirit is an ethereal substance serving as a mean between the divine soul and elemental body»y disiente de Fernel, que hace del espíritu una sustancia etérea intermedia entre el alma divina y el cuerpo elemental

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 252»

«Rather he defines spirit as a vaporous substance essential to the performance of bodily functions, but all of one kind and not differentiated as animal, vital and natural»y define el espíritu como sustancia vaporosa esencial para las funciones del cuerpo, de un solo género y no dividida en animal, vital y natural

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 252»

«He complains that Hippocrates was brief and obscure on the subject of spirits, Galen copious but confusing»Domenico Bertacchi se queja de que Hipócrates fuera breve y oscuro sobre los espíritus y Galeno copioso pero confuso

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 252»

«He defines the spirits as bodies, not a soul, and denies that they are the seat of the soul»y define los espíritus como cuerpos y no como alma, y niega que sean asiento del alma

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 252»

«Fernel held that the spirits were ethereal and from the sky, but Bertacchi objects that this would diminish the incorruptible celestial bodies»y objeta a Fernel que, si los espíritus fueran etéreos y venidos del cielo, eso mermaría los cuerpos celestes incorruptibles

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 252»

«Trincavelli (1496-1568), who taught at Padua after 1551 and whom Cureus called facile princeps of Italian philosophers and medical men of that time, gave the best explanation offered, which was that this could not be referred to the spirits, since the same spirits were conveyed to both eyes, but was to be accounted for rather by the medium, that is, the intrinsic medium or organ of sight»la explicación que Trincavelli dio del caso de sufusión en ambos ojos: no cabía remitirla a los espíritus, pues los mismos van a los dos ojos, sino al medio intrínseco u órgano de la vista

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 253»

«Olmo held that the subject of occult virtues had not yet received adequate treatment. Those since Galen who had discussed it had done so very briefly or had put forth various unordered and contrary statements, while others had derided the conception and attempted to dispense with it»Giovanni Francesco Olmo sostiene que la materia de las virtudes ocultas no había recibido aún tratamiento adecuado

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 255»

«Indeed, he stresses the thought that it would be idle to attempt to determine their nature from the very fact that they are occult»Olmo subraya que sería ocioso intentar determinar la naturaleza de esas virtudes por el hecho mismo de ser ocultas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 255»

«Olmo also regards them as a function of the total substance rather than of the temperament, as Alexandrinus, Montanus and others had held»y las tiene por función de la sustancia total antes que del temperamento, contra Alexandrinus y Montanus

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 255»

«Olmo further closely associates them with the relations of sympathy and antipathy between things, while the heading of the opening chapter of the treatise of 1597 afÏrms that the universe consists of contraries, and that thence is deduced the occult property of things»y las asocia estrechamente con las relaciones de simpatía y antipatía, con el encabezado de que el universo consta de contrarios y de ahí se deduce la propiedad oculta de las cosas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 255»

«tial faculty entering into particular things from superior causes after the first admixture of the four elements»la definición en que Olmo dice que casi todos convienen: la virtud oculta no es otra cosa que cierta facultad celeste que entra en las cosas particulares desde las causas superiores tras la primera mezcla de los cuatro elementos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 256»

«He says that nothing more absurd can be conceived than that such constant virtues should be joined to the varying aspects of the stars»y en el texto de 1597 ataca a quienes adjudican esas virtudes a los astros: nada más absurdo que unir virtudes constantes a los aspectos variables de las estrellas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 256»

«The stars indeed act upon these inferiors but only by their motion, light and heat. Hippocrates and Galen never referred occult virtues to the stars»y sostiene que los astros obran sobre los inferiores solo por movimiento, luz y calor, y que Hipócrates y Galeno nunca remitieron a ellos las virtudes ocultas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 256»

«We indeed,” says Olmo, “gladly recognize a certain connection and harmony of superiors with inferiors, but we reject all necessity of rule»Olmo reconoce de buen grado cierta conexión y armonía de los superiores con los inferiores y rechaza toda necesidad de imperio

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 256»

«Olmo characterized as “very similar to the figments of the magi and not necessary to the present treatise»Olmo llama muy semejantes a los fingimientos de los magos las creencias en el cuerno de unicornio que suda ante el veneno y en la piedra de sapo que quema el dedo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 257»

«But he accepted as certain that the excrement of a wolf produces marvelous effects in colic, and as proved by the experience of many that human and canine dung are beneficial for angina»y da por cierto en cambio que el excremento de lobo obra efectos maravillosos en el cólico y por probada por la experiencia de muchos la utilidad del estiércol humano y canino en la angina

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 257»

«All such remedies are explainable for Olmo in terms of antipathy, “for nothing is so contrary to anything as a dead or corrupt body or excrement of its own species»y explica todos esos remedios por antipatía, porque nada es tan contrario a una cosa como un cuerpo muerto o corrupto o el excremento de su propia especie

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 257»

«Some persons put no faith in suspensions, but Olmo believes that experience is to the contrary and he gives many instances of cures wrought by the use of amulets»Olmo objeta a quienes no dan fe a las suspensiones que la experiencia dice lo contrario, y acumula casos de curaciones con amuletos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 257»

«In the earlier text there is a single brief passage in which Olmo says that he has seen certain persons who cured even the absent by words alone or characters or knots or signs»Olmo dice en el texto de 1576 haber visto a ciertas personas curar aun a los ausentes con solas palabras, caracteres, nudos o señales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 257»

«It seemed impossible, but the fact was undeniable. These cures were not natural, however, but by a power to be considered elsewhere»y consigna que la cosa le parecía imposible y el hecho innegable, y que esas curas no eran naturales sino por una potencia a considerar en otro lugar

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 257»

«For his part, Olmo would not venture to answer in the afÏrmative, since such things seem alien to the majesty of medicine nor suitable to human modesty, wherefore they are rightly disapproved by many»y ante la pregunta de si el médico puede valerse de esos medios no se atreve a responder que sí, porque le parecen ajenos a la majestad de la medicina; el OCR imprime *afÏrmative* con la ligadura fi vuelta Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 257»

«recognizing that most recent writers like Cardan, Fernel and Bodin agree with Galen in attributing little effect to words»Olmo reconoce que los escritores recientes como Cardano, Fernel y Bodin coinciden con Galeno en dar poco efecto a las palabras

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 258»

«but stating himself that many things argue the excellence of words, and that it can scarcely be doubted that they receive from the spirit, “informed and animated by notions of the divine part,” a superior power over diseases of mind and body»y sostiene en cambio que las palabras reciben del espíritu, informado y animado por nociones de la parte divina, un poder superior sobre las enfermedades del alma y del cuerpo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 258»

«Words themselves, speech itself, and poetry, by the varied occult numerical proportion of their numbers and consonance affect our bodies as music does, so that it should not be deemed absurd that marvels are sometimes effected by their means»y razona que las palabras, el habla y la poesía afectan nuestros cuerpos como la música, por la proporción numérica oculta y la consonancia de sus números

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 258»

«Christian truth has dissipated these shadows from the mind and has “finally determined” that in all these cases (except certain sacred names and prayers) they are not free from superstition, especially if unknown and apparently meaningless words are employed, beneath which deception and pacts of demons often lurk»Olmo sostiene que la verdad cristiana disipó esas sombras y determinó al fin que, salvo ciertos nombres sagrados y oraciones, esas prácticas no están libres de superstición

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 258»

«Olmo differentiated ordinary poisons (venena) from veneficia or secret drugs and sorceries by which injury could be done to human bodies or to air and water»Olmo distingue los venenos ordinarios de los *veneficia*, drogas secretas y hechizos con que se puede dañar a los cuerpos humanos o al aire y al agua

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 258»

«The latter were considered the more difÏcult to remedy, for it seemed improbable that spiritual powers could be affected in any way by sensible things»y consigna que los *veneficia* de demonios pasaban por más difíciles de remediar, porque parecía improbable que las potencias espirituales se vieran afectadas por cosas sensibles

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 258»

«But Olmo inclines to believe that sulphur or musical harmony, as in the playing of David before Saul, may disturb them by antipathy»y se inclina a creer que el azufre o la armonía musical, como la de David ante Saúl, pueden perturbarlas por antipatía

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 258»

«All were at sea as to the origin and nature of the bezoar stone until Garcia da Orta and Monardes demonstrated that it was found in the intestines of certain wild goats»Olmo consigna que nadie sabía a qué atenerse sobre el origen de la piedra bezoar hasta que Garcia da Orta y Monardes la hallaron en los intestinos de ciertas cabras monteses

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 259»

«whereas Olmo holds that all purgatives act by occult property»y objeta a Vesalio y a Mesué su explicación de la purga por atracción violenta, porque a su juicio todos los purgantes obran por propiedad oculta

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 259»

«Olmo thought the pest, to which he devoted several chapters in the treatise of 1597, worse than all other poisons combined. No cure was known, and the»Olmo tiene la peste por peor que todos los venenos juntos, sin cura conocida y con los apestados abandonados de todos sus amigos (el tramo se acorta para no arrastrar una palabra que el guion de fin de renglón fabricaría)

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 259»

«The main thesis is that imagination cannot affect an external body but can potently influence to the extent of marking for life the child in its mother’s womb»la tesis principal del tratado de Thomas Fienus sobre las fuerzas de la imaginación: no puede afectar a un cuerpo externo y sí marcar de por vida al niño en el vientre materno

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 260»

«But Fienus denies that phantasy receives any operative power from the stars, or that demons and characters are affected by the stars»Fienus niega que la fantasía reciba de los astros poder operativo alguno y que los demonios y los caracteres estén afectados por ellos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 260»

«Nor will he admit a relation of sympathy between the human soul and the heavens as a consequence of which the sky acts in accord with human imagination»y no admite relación de simpatía entre el alma humana y los cielos por la que el cielo obre de acuerdo con la imaginación del hombre

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 260»

«He further declares that the notion of a world soul is false and damned»y declara falsa y condenada la noción de un alma del mundo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 260»

«He also condemns the explanation given by Pomponazzi that relics of the saints work miracles only by virtue of the imagination and confidence of the patient who is cured»y condena la explicación de Pomponazzi de que las reliquias de los santos obren milagros solo por la imaginación y la confianza del enfermo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 260»

«He regards as possible, for example, the case which he repeats at second or third hand,’”* of a girl who was born near Pisa covered with hair, because her mother at the time of conception had gazed at an image of Saint John the Baptist which hung by the bed»Fienus tiene por posible el caso de la niña nacida cerca de Pisa cubierta de pelo porque su madre miró al concebir una imagen de san Juan Bautista colgada junto al lecho

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 260»

«Libavius complained that the Ramist faction tried to overthrow the natural truth explained by Hippocrates, Galen, Aristotle and others»Libavio se queja de que el bando ramista intentara derribar la verdad natural explicada por Hipócrates, Galeno y Aristóteles

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 262»

«He regarded as unattainable their ideal of limiting each art to deduction from a set of homogeneous, self-evident and germane axioms, since he held that God alone knew all the details of art and nature well enough to lay down as a»y tiene por inalcanzable el ideal ramista de reducir cada arte a deducciones desde axiomas homogéneos y evidentes, porque solo Dios conoce el detalle del arte y la naturaleza lo bastante (el tramo se acorta para no arrastrar una palabra que el guion de fin de renglón fabricaría)

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 262»

«He felt that too much time was now spent on method, that real learning and science had fallen off in consequence, and that there were no great geniuses as of yore»Libavio sostiene que se gastaba demasiado tiempo en el método, que el saber real había decaído por eso y que ya no había grandes ingenios como antes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 263»

«The asserted cure of wounds by anointing the weapon with which the wound had been inflicted he pilloried as an imposture of the Paracelsists»Libavio denuncia como impostura de los paracelsistas la cura de heridas ungiendo el arma que las causó

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 263»

«Libavius contends that the wound heals naturally, while the ceremonies of weapon ointment are either diabolical magic, mere imposture, or a pretense to keep the patient’s courage up»y sostiene que la herida sana naturalmente, y que las ceremonias del ungüento de arma son magia diabólica, impostura o fingimiento para mantener el ánimo del enfermo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 264»

«Healing by weapon ointment can be explained neither by the influences of the stars, nor by magnetism, “that sheet anchor of Paracelsic stupidity,” nor by recourse to the Cabala such as Johannes Pistorius Niddanus made»y niega que esa cura se explique por influencias de los astros, por magnetismo, que llama áncora de salvación de la estupidez paracélsica, ni por la cábala de Johannes Pistorius

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 264»

«One combines two ounces of scrapings from a human skull with the same weight of human liver and half an ounce of human blood, pounded together in a mortar»una de las recetas de ungüento de arma que Libavio recoge: dos onzas de raspaduras de cráneo humano, otro tanto de hígado humano y media onza de sangre humana, majados en mortero

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 264»

«Incidentally Libavius opposes magic, which he will not grant a natural basis but regards as superstitious and worked by demon aid»Libavio se opone a la magia, a la que niega base natural y tiene por supersticiosa y obrada con auxilio de demonios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 264»

«Against astrology he objects that, since the earth is a Mere point compared to the vast extent of the heavens, it is impossible that a given constellation should affect a certain individual rather than the Indians or Antipodes»y objeta a la astrología que, siendo la tierra un mero punto frente a la vastedad de los cielos, no cabe que una constelación afecte a un individuo y no a los indios o a los antípodas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 264»

«The practice of boys foretelling from the salt on Christmas eve the lives and deaths of the ensuing year he declares a ridiculous procedure yet sometimes true to the event»y llama procedimiento ridículo la costumbre de que los muchachos anuncien por la sal en Nochebuena las vidas y muertes del año, y a la vez a veces acertado

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 264»

«So he argues that the blood, even after death, is a very sensitive part or fluid of the body»y lo explica argumentando que la sangre, aun después de la muerte, es parte o fluido sensibilísimo del cuerpo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 265»

«The guilty conscience of the murderer and his perturbation at the sight of the dead body of his victim raise his temperature, agitate his spirits and humors. These in turn, whether by radiation, evaporation or antipathy, affect the blood of the corpse and cause it to flow»con el mecanismo que propone: la mala conciencia del asesino y su turbación ante el cuerpo le suben la temperatura y agitan sus espíritus, que por radiación, evaporación o antipatía afectan la sangre del cadáver

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 265»

«This seemingly occult action Libavius supports by various analogous cases: the effect of fear and imagination in producing disease, the discord between drums of wolfskin and of sheepskin, the occult virtues of herbs and stones—some are magical, but not all are to be so rejected—the detection by the bezoar of the presence of poison, the perception by a sleeper of an enemy’s propinquity, an African animal called Catoplepa which kills by its glance like the basilisk, and the devil’s inability to endure the sign of the cross»y lo apoya en casos análogos: el miedo y la imaginación que producen enfermedad, la discordia entre tambores de piel de lobo y de oveja, el bezoar que detecta el veneno y el diablo que no soporta la señal de la cruz

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 265»

«He says that no one has ever tested by experiment whether a dog killed by another dog would so bleed in its presence»Libavio consigna que nadie ha probado por experimento si un perro muerto por otro perro sangraría ante él

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 265»

«He admits the force of another objection, namely that the corpse might also bleed at the approach of an innocent person, say an intimate friend between whom and the deceased there was close sympathy»y admite la fuerza de otra objeción: el cadáver podría sangrar también al acercarse un inocente con quien el difunto tuviera estrecha simpatía

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 265»

«He would not, it is true, put a man to death on this evidence alone, but he seems to hold it sufÏcient to justify the judge in proceeding to the application of torture to elicit further evidence or a confession of guilt»Libavio no condenaría a muerte a nadie por esa sola prueba y la tiene por bastante para que el juez pase a la tortura

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 266»

«Bad beliefs seldom remain isolated in some purely intellectual domain, they almost inevitably foment evil customs»con la tesis que saca de ese caso

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 266»

«he defined alchemy as the art of accomplishing masteries and extracting pure essences from compounds by separating the body, while Chymia or chemistry was the second part of Alchemia and concerned with making chemical species»Libavio define la alquimia como el arte de lograr maestrías y extraer esencias puras de los compuestos separando el cuerpo, y la *chymia* como su segunda parte, la que hace especies químicas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 266»

«Libavius still held to the doctrine of a fifth essence and quoted liberally from the alchemical works attributed to Arnald of Villanova and Raymond Lull»y conserva la doctrina de una quinta esencia y cita largamente las obras alquímicas adjudicadas a Arnaldo de Vilanova y a Raimundo Lulio

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 266»

«He defended the art of alchemy against the censure of the Parisian medical faculty»y defiende el arte de la alquimia contra la censura de la facultad de medicina de París

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 266»

«We know,” he says again, “that certain devotees of chemistry differ little from magicians and, like that impious Paracelsus, construct from the motion of the stars and from the constellations magic mirrors, gems, globes, and many similar devices for exploring the future and predicting the occurrence of disease»Libavio sostiene que ciertos devotos de la química difieren poco de los magos y, como Paracelso, construyen espejos mágicos, gemas y globos con las constelaciones para explorar el futuro

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 267»

«He has come to the conclusion that metals are species and that species cannot be transmuted. ‘‘From privation to possession [Aabitus|] there is no regress, and generation is not circular»Nicolas Guibert concluye, tras cuarenta años de experimentos, que los metales son especies y que las especies no se transmutan

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 268»

«Guibert rejects all such arguments from analogy for the transmutation of metals as the change from worm to butterfly, hatching eggs by heat, or alterations in plants»y rechaza los argumentos de analogía para la transmutación: el gusano que se hace mariposa, los huevos empollados por el calor y las alteraciones de las plantas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 268»

«Books of alchemy are of no authority and were not composed by their pretended authors but by the most sordid and abject impostors»Guibert niega autoridad a los libros de alquimia y sostiene que no los compusieron sus pretendidos autores sino impostores sordidísimos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 268»

«but he discredits them as quacks, deluded by demons, and heretics. His ignorance concerning them is shown by his making Lull flourish about 1254»y desacredita a Arnaldo y a Lulio como charlatanes engañados por demonios y herejes, con un desliz que Thorndike señala: hace florecer a Lulio hacia 1254

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 268»

«That the corpse does resume bleeding in the presence of the murderer he accepts as an indisputable fact»Libavio da por hecho indisputable que el cadáver vuelve a sangrar ante el asesino

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 264»

«The Emerald Tablet is not by Hermes»Guibert niega que la Tabla Esmeralda sea de Hermes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 268»

«Paracelsus is cursed even more violently as a limb of Satan and the world’s worst liar— which is, however, repaying him in his own coin»Guibert maldice a Paracelso como miembro de Satanás y peor embustero del mundo, lo que Thorndike comenta como pagarle con su propia moneda

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 269»

«Marcus Bragadinus, after deceiving many eminent men at Venice, came to the duke of Bavaria but in 1591 confessed to fraud in order to escape torture»entre los impostores alquímicos que Guibert nombra: Marco Bragadino, que tras engañar a muchos en Venecia confesó el fraude en 1591 para escapar de la tortura

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 269»

«Angelus Siculus by sleight of hand feigned transmutation before the very eyes of Gregory XIII. Later he went to Spain, where Philip II would have nothing to do with him, and to Naples, where he died in extreme poverty»y Angelus Siculus, que fingió una transmutación de mano ante los ojos de Gregorio XIII y acabó muriendo en pobreza extrema en Nápoles

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 269»

«In this work Guibert says that he was told, both by Battista Porta at Naples and by Domenico Pizzimenti at Rome under Gregory XIII that they had once succeeded in converting quicksilver into silver by heating a toad with it in an earthen pot over a slow fire, until the parched toad absorbed a good part of the mercury and finally was consumed by the fire»Guibert cuenta que Porta y Pizzimenti le dijeron haber convertido una vez azogue en plata calentando con él un sapo en olla de barro a fuego lento

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 269»

«Guibert recognizes that Porta had greatly altered it in subsequent editions, “but it still requires expurgation»Guibert reconoce que Porta alteró mucho esa obra en las ediciones siguientes y sostiene que aún necesita expurgo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 270»

«Hoghelande accused Guibert of repeating Eymeric’s false statements concerning Lull, and further objected to Guibert’s strictures against Arnald of Villanova and Roger Bacon. He asserted that, although Guibert had spent some forty years studying chemistry with all his might and main, he had failed to grasp even its elements»Hoghelande objeta a Guibert repetir las falsedades de Eymerich sobre Lulio y sostiene que en cuarenta años de química no llegó a captar ni sus elementos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 270»

«The chief purpose of the first section is to show that there is no support for alchemy in the Bible»el propósito de la primera parte del *De interitu alchemiae* de Guibert

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 270»

«Other passages of Scripture are cited against alchemy, while those which the alchemists adduce from Scripture in their favor are refuted. So is their interpretation of the Sibylline books, and it is denied that alchemy is to be accepted as divinely revealed»y lo que hace con las Escrituras: aduce pasajes contra la alquimia, rebate los que los alquimistas alegan y niega que la alquimia se acepte como divinamente revelada

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 270»

«The Argonautic expedition and garden of the Hesperides should not be so interpreted. Pliny and other authors are examined and held to give no indication of the existence of alchemy in their own or more remote times»Guibert niega que la expedición de los argonautas y el jardín de las Hespérides se lean como alquimia, y no halla indicio del arte en Plinio ni en los antiguos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 270»

«A passage mentioning the art in the astrological work of Julius Firmicus Maternus is declared to be a later interpolation»y declara interpolación posterior el pasaje que menciona el arte en la obra astrológica de Julio Fírmico Materno

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 270»

«in which he maintained the truth of the three principles, salt, sulphur and mercury, and, according to his opponents, opposed the fundamental doctrines and accustomed remedies of Hippocratic medicine»Joseph Duchesne sostiene en 1603 la verdad de los tres principios, sal, azufre y mercurio, y según sus adversarios se opuso a las doctrinas y remedios de la medicina hipocrática

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 271»

«whose court seems to have been a haven for fugitive fakirs or storm-tossed scientists from the continent»el juicio de Thorndike sobre la corte de Jacobo I, adonde fue a parar Turquet de Mayerne

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 272»

«Duchesne wrote another afÏrming that salt, mercury and sulphur were not only in all inferior elements and compounds but also in the heavens»Duchesne sostiene en su segundo libro que la sal, el mercurio y el azufre están no solo en todos los elementos y compuestos inferiores sino también en los cielos; el OCR imprime *afÏrming* con la ligadura fi vuelta Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 272»

«Riolan in yet another publication of 1606 expressed his amazement that Libavius should dare to resist the opinions of so many select doctors, adding that the school of Paris out of fifty doctors could select at least ten any one of whom could completely overwhelm Libavius in debate»Riolan se asombra de que Libavio se atreva a resistir a tantos doctores selectos y dice que la escuela de París podría escoger diez capaces de arrollarlo en debate

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 273»

«In his preface he added to the three sects of Empirics, Methodics and Dogmatics a fourth called Spagiric, which he said was new to some persons but to followers of the Hermetic art was most ancient»Duchesne añade a las tres sectas de empíricos, metódicos y dogmáticos una cuarta llamada espagírica, nueva para algunos y antiquísima para los seguidores del arte hermética

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 273»

«He further dilated upon a medicinal fifth essence present in all things. Although it was a spiritual, celestial, invisible and occult substance, more subject to reason than to the senses»y se extiende sobre una quinta esencia medicinal presente en todas las cosas, sustancia espiritual, celeste, invisible y oculta, más sujeta a la razón que a los sentidos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 273»

«The Apology then denies that Hermes or Democritus was an alchemist, while it asserts that Paracelsus admitted that alchemy was an invention of the devil»la *Apologia* anónima niega que Hermes o Demócrito fueran alquimistas y afirma que Paracelso admitió que la alquimia era invención del diablo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 274»

«that Chymia is not an independent art or science but subordinate to pharmacy as pharmacy is to medicine»y sostiene que la *chymia* no es arte ni ciencia independiente sino subordinada a la farmacia como la farmacia a la medicina

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 274»

«Chemists can amplify pharmacopias by many formulae of distillations but such new preparations alone do not constitute a new art or science»y concede que los químicos pueden ampliar las farmacopeas con muchas fórmulas de destilación sin que esas preparaciones nuevas constituyan arte ni ciencia nueva

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 274»

«Objection is made to the Spagirists’ practice of preparing their remedies at home on the grounds that the professions of physician and pharmacist should be kept distinct»y objeta la costumbre espagírica de preparar los remedios en casa, porque las profesiones de médico y de boticario deben mantenerse distintas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 274»

«Gold-making and the transmutation of metals are denied and condemned. Each metal is perfect in its species and not a crude imperfect form of gold»la *Apologia* niega y condena la crisopeya y la transmutación de los metales, y sostiene que cada metal es perfecto en su especie y no forma cruda e imperfecta del oro

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 274»

«The art of the fifth essence and of the philosophers’ stone are not the same, and there is no fifth essence in this sublunar world»y niega que el arte de la quinta esencia y el de la piedra filosofal sean el mismo, y que haya quinta esencia en este mundo sublunar

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 274»

«In the former he held that he had never departed from the dogmatic school of Hippocrates, that he condemned the Paracelsists, but had imitated such good old authors as Raymond Lull, Roger Bacon, Ripley, Rupescissa and Christopher of Paris»Duchesne responde que nunca se apartó de la escuela dogmática de Hipócrates, que condena a los paracelsistas y que imitó a Raimundo Lulio, Roger Bacon, Ripley, Rupescissa y Cristóbal de París

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 274»

«His second book was then devoted to the tenet derived from John of Rupescissa that, as the philosophers’ stone transmutes metals, so the fifth essence transmutes the diseased human body to a healthy condition»la tesis que Duchesne toma de Juan de Rupescissa: como la piedra filosofal transmuta los metales, la quinta esencia transmuta el cuerpo humano enfermo en sano

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 275»

«He argued that the old medicines no longer sufÏced for the many new diseases prevalent today, that in the past medicine had taken new ideas from the Arabs and others, and should not hesitate to expand now»Israel Harvet sostiene que las medicinas viejas ya no bastaban para las muchas enfermedades nuevas y que la medicina, que antes tomó ideas de los árabes, no debía dudar en ampliarse

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 275»

«Diagnosis was not the sum total of medicine, and the safer remedy was not always the better one»y objeta dos supuestos: que el diagnóstico sea toda la medicina y que el remedio más seguro sea siempre el mejor

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 275»

«Finally, contending that Riolan did not understand the dispute as to cure by like or contraries, Harvet afÏrmed that one should use like remedies if one wished to preserve the nature of a part of the body, but contrary medicines to expel a disease which one was fighting»y distingue en la disputa sobre curar por lo semejante o por lo contrario: remedios semejantes para conservar la naturaleza de una parte del cuerpo, contrarios para expulsar la enfermedad

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 275»

«He believed that the superior world rules the inferior by motion, influence and light»Petrus Palmarius sostiene que el mundo superior rige al inferior por movimiento, influencia y luz

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 276»

«The simple remedies and regimen of Hippocrates he believed no longer adequate in these degenerate days when human nature is weakened by luxury and intemperance»y tiene por ya insuficientes los remedios simples y el régimen de Hipócrates en unos días degenerados en que la naturaleza humana está debilitada por el lujo y la intemperancia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 276»

«If Paracelsus’s remedies were so efÏcacious, why did he himself fail to reach old age»y objeta a los remedios de Paracelso con una pregunta sobre su propia vejez; el OCR imprime *efÏcacious* con la ligadura fi vuelta Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 276»

«Palmarius cited the case of a leprous woman whom three years’ treatment by Hermetic and Libavian drugs failed to benefit and whom he cured by giving her potable gold on the first day and antimony, but not the vulgar variety, on the second day»Palmario alega el caso de una leprosa a quien tres años de drogas herméticas y libavianas no aprovecharon y a quien él curó con oro potable el primer día y antimonio, no el vulgar, el segundo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 276»

«charging that he really condemned Parisian pharmacy and medicine, that he made alchemy as old or older than medicine, that he usurped the name of Galenochymicus, and that, while he reproved common alchemists for their obscurity, he was in reality even obscurer himself»los adversarios de Palmario le imputan condenar en realidad la farmacia y la medicina parisinas, hacer la alquimia tan vieja o más que la medicina y ser él mismo más oscuro que los alquimistas que reprueba

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 276»

«It grieved him that men should pay more attention to a new comet than to the marvelous everlasting stars and heavens»y le pesa que los hombres atiendan más a un cometa nuevo que a las estrellas y los cielos maravillosos y perpetuos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 277»

«He contended that, if the star of 1604 was not a comet, astrologers should not predict from it as they would from a comet»y sostiene que, si la estrella de 1604 no era cometa, los astrólogos no debían predecir desde ella como desde un cometa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 277»

«He predicted happy events from that of 1604, while others foretold nothing but evil from it»con el desacuerdo que consigna entre astrólogos: Roeslin anunciaba sucesos felices por la estrella de 1604 y otros solo males

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 277»

«Libavius objects to astrologers pretending to read in the stars what “we have already read in the prophecy of Carion»Libavio objeta a los astrólogos que pretendan leer en los astros lo que ya se había leído en la profecía de Carion

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 277»

«Jacques Fontaine in his medical works printed in 1613 quoted Libavius extensively against the Paracelsists, although he thought that Libavius was at times too favorable towards alchemy»Jacques Fontaine cita largamente a Libavio contra los paracelsistas y lo halla a veces demasiado favorable a la alquimia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 277»

«Interest in natural history appeared in the first part of the sixteenth century chiefly in connection with herbals and with commentaries on Dioscorides which also dealt mainly with plants»según Thorndike, en la primera mitad del siglo XVI el interés por la historia natural se manifestó sobre todo en herbarios y comentarios a Dioscórides

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 278»

«Dryander in an oration of 1536 at Marburg remarked on the amazing fact that today the schools were at swords’ points concerning any little herb whose name had been incorrectly rendered by this or that author»Dryander se asombra en 1536 de que las escuelas anduvieran a cuchilladas por cualquier hierbecilla cuyo nombre hubiera rendido mal este o aquel autor

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 278»

«Few new works on animals, and those of a slight character, were printed during the first half of the sixteenth century»la medida que Thorndike toma del campo: pocas obras nuevas sobre animales, y de poca sustancia, se imprimieron en la primera mitad del siglo XVI

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 279»

«Figulus complained that the senate of Cologne paid Longolius only forty gold pieces annually, and that he was too occupied with care of the sick to finish a work on herbs which would obscure all those of his predecessors»Figulus se queja de que el senado de Colonia pagara a Longolio solo cuarenta piezas de oro al año y de que la atención a los enfermos le impidiera acabar una obra sobre hierbas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 279»

«Turner said that recently Ruelle, Fuchs, Brasavola, Cordus and Gesner had written on herbs, while Paolo Giovio, Massarius of Venice,’? and Pierre Gilles had aided one in comprehending what Aristotle and Pliny had to say of fish. But concerning birds, so far as Turner knew, no modern except Pierre Gilles had written anything until Longolius»William Turner consigna que sobre hierbas habían escrito Ruelle, Fuchs, Brasavola, Cordus y Gesner, y que sobre aves no había escrito ningún moderno salvo Pierre Gilles hasta Longolio

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 280»

«Longolius himself complained that Aristotle and Aelian among the Greeks, Pliny and Nemesius of the Romans, had described birds more meagerly than any other phase of nature»y Longolio se queja de que Aristóteles, Eliano, Plinio y Nemesio describieran las aves con más escasez que ninguna otra parte de la naturaleza

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 280»

«but rejected “Albertus monachus” as a barbarian who wrote much which neither he nor anyone else had seen»Longolio rechaza a Alberto como bárbaro que escribió mucho de lo que ni él ni nadie había visto

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 280»

«Longolius replies that Carus indulged in travellers’ yarns. When asked point-blank if he deems him not worth reading, he says that many who seek after novelty would approve of him, if he did not along with his barbarian birds speak a barbarous tongue»y despacha a Carus por contar cuentos de viajero, y dice que muchos amigos de la novedad lo aprobarían si no hablara lengua bárbara junto con sus aves bárbaras

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 280»

«Ursinus in his Prosopoeia animalium made a number of familiar animals, about the same group as were included in the bestiaries, speak of themselves in the first person in verse recounting especially their medicinal virtues»Ursinus hace hablar en primera persona y en verso a los animales de los bestiarios, sobre todo de sus virtudes medicinales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 281»

«He said that, while many had written on herbs, no one had told how they were to be sought and recognized»Figulus dice que muchos habían escrito sobre las hierbas y nadie había dicho cómo buscarlas y reconocerlas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 283»

«Herbs are distinguished as wild or found in gardens, in swamps or on mountains, annual or perennial, as flowering at different seasons, as named after their inventors or other persons, by their size, figure, color, odor, taste, and virtue or degree of hot, cold, dry and moist»las distinciones del método de Figulus: silvestres o de huerto, de pantano o de monte, anuales o perennes, por estación de floración, por inventor, tamaño, figura, color, olor, sabor y grado de las cuatro cualidades

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 283»

«The botany of Figulus remained markedly Christian. He declared Christ the author of the world and of herbs»y el marco en que las pone: una botánica marcadamente cristiana, con Cristo por autor del mundo y de las hierbas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 283»

«Nor is He like a ship-builder who gives the vessel over to sailors and the mercy of the waves. He preserves and sustains the things created by him and still daily creates»Figulus niega que Dios sea como un constructor de naves que entrega el barco a los marineros, y sostiene que conserva lo creado y sigue creando a diario

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 283»

«Nor are those to be heeded who ascribe the origin of things to secondary causes and assert that species are propagated only by their kind»y desatiende a quienes adjudican el origen de las cosas a causas segundas y sostienen que las especies solo se propagan por su semejante

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 283»

«Herbs were created before the stars. Hence they grow from earth not by the influence of the stars but by the power of the divine Word»con el argumento que da: las hierbas fueron creadas antes que los astros, de modo que no brotan de la tierra por influencia de las estrellas sino por el poder del Verbo divino

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 283»

«Many old wives know herbs better than many members of the medical profession do»y sostiene que muchas viejas conocen las hierbas mejor que muchos miembros de la profesión médica

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 284»

«His three standards for classification were nomenclature, delineation and properties, to which his division into three books corresponds»los tres criterios de clasificación de Bartolomeo Maranta: nomenclatura, delineación y propiedades

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 284»

«He felt that ignorance concerning simples was largely due to lack of perseverance and iteration in their employment as medicaments, and that preparing medicaments was the best way to become acquainted with simples»Maranta adjudica la ignorancia sobre los simples a la falta de perseverancia en su empleo, y tiene el preparar medicamentos por el mejor modo de conocerlos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 284»

«Yet we find him chiding Aldrovandi for preferring a chair on medicinal simples to one in philosophy»Falopio reprende a Aldrovandi por preferir una cátedra de simples medicinales a una de filosofía

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 290»

«In the former field he asserts that there is nothing to be done but to print figures of plants and to write a commentary on Theophrastus—which Scaliger has already done»y sostiene que en ese campo no queda nada por hacer sino imprimir figuras de plantas y comentar a Teofrasto, cosa que ya hizo Escalígero

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 290»

«A feature of natural studies which seems to become more prominent in the sixteenth than in preceding centuries is co-operation between different individuals»según Thorndike, un rasgo que se vuelve más notorio en el siglo XVI que en los anteriores es la cooperación entre naturalistas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 291»

«They send one another specimens or at least drawings or written descriptions of strange animals and unfamiliar herbs which they have run across»y en qué consiste: se envían ejemplares o al menos dibujos y descripciones de animales extraños y hierbas desconocidas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 291»

«The extent to which Aldrovandi observed nature may be illustrated by the case of an eagle which he watched for eight days in captivity, then killed and dissected»y el caso con que la ilustra: el águila que Aldrovandi observó ocho días en cautiverio, mató y disecó

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 293»

«Gesner justified the employment of an alphabetical order rather than some attempt at a more scientific classification of species on the ground that his work was “grammatical rather than philosophical»Gesner justifica el orden alfabético en vez de una clasificación de especies diciendo que su obra era gramatical antes que filosófica

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 294»

«Aldrovandi objected to an alphabetical order as separating related objects and bringing together dissimilar things»Aldrovandi objeta el orden alfabético por separar objetos afines y juntar cosas desemejantes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 295»

«We have preferred to describe herbs under their common names rather than rashly to ascribe ancient appellations to them»Dodoens declara en 1583 haber preferido describir las hierbas por sus nombres comunes antes que adjudicarles a la ligera denominaciones antiguas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 297»

«Some of the best works of the century, like the Kreutterbuch of Hieronymus Bock, appeared first in a vernacular language, and introduced something in the way of freshness of outlook and treatment lacking in Latin works dominated by the interest in classical authors, since the flora especially of central and northern Europe differed considerably from that of the Mediterranean world recorded by Dioscorides»y su razón: algunas de las mejores obras salieron primero en lengua vulgar y trajeron una frescura que faltaba en las latinas, porque la flora del centro y el norte de Europa difería de la mediterránea

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 297»

«often turned from learned authors to herbalists of his own time, who were not trained by books but by experience of things, for the name and description of an herb»Otho Brunfels acude a menudo de los autores doctos a los herbolarios de su tiempo, no formados por libros sino por experiencia de las cosas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 297»

«he preferred his evidence to that “of a hundred dreamers who pronounce concerning any herb without erudition or experience»Brunfels prefiere el testimonio de quien le mostró la planta al de cien soñadores que se pronuncian sobre cualquier hierba sin erudición ni experiencia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 298»

«could still speak—with some qualification it is true—of “schiopodes” (i. e. skiapodes)*? with a single foot so large that they used it as a sunshade, and who were swifter than a hare, or of men with the heads of dogs or with eight toes»Gemma Frisius, tenido por uno de los primeros partidarios de Copérnico, habla todavía de los esciápodos de pie único que les servía de sombrilla y de hombres con cabeza de perro

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 299»

«He also came very near the attribution of human qualities to animals, stating that each has its own ingentum»Aldrovandi roza la adjudicación de cualidades humanas a los animales al decir que cada uno tiene su propio ingenio; el troceo imprime *ingentum*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 301»

«Some are illiberal, perfidious, and treacherous, like serpents. Some are liberal, brave, and generous, like lions. Some are astute and malicious, like foxes»con el reparto de caracteres: pérfidas las serpientes, generosos los leones, astutas y maliciosas las zorras

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 301»

«Aelian is cited that even beasts guard against the glances of fascinators, the eagle employing the stone aetites for this purpose»Aldrovandi cita a Eliano para decir que hasta las bestias se guardan de las miradas de los fascinadores, y que el águila usa para eso la piedra *aetites*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 301»

«This does not involve reasoning on its part but is the result of some occult natural sympathy»y explica el uso de remedios por los animales no por razonamiento suyo sino por alguna simpatía natural oculta

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 301»

«Paracelsus applied it to sal ammoniac because of its volatility in sublimation, while Hortulanus used the name now for sulphur, now for arsenic, and now for gold»entre los usos alquímicos de la palabra águila que Aldrovandi enumera: Paracelso la aplicó al sal amoniaco por su volatilidad en la sublimación, y Hortulano al azufre, al arsénico y al oro

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 302»

«passed unheeded by a Cardan who accepted the existence of mermaids on faith because he felt sure that Greek scholars like Theodore Gaza and George of Trebizond would not have lied about it»Cardano acepta por fe la existencia de sirenas porque le parece que helenistas como Teodoro Gaza y Jorge de Trebisonda no habrían mentido

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 303»

«or a William Turner who was convinced of the generation of barnacle geese from rotting ships by the afÏdavit of an Irish theologian that he had seen and touched them»y William Turner se convence de la generación de los gansos percebe a partir de barcos podridos por el testimonio jurado de un teólogo irlandés que decía haberlos visto y tocado

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 303»

«Some liquor prepared alchemically occurred to Guilandinus as the probable explanation of such prolonged combustion»y a Guilandinus se le ocurre como explicación probable de esa combustión prolongada algún licor preparado alquímicamente

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 303»

«the text proceeds to cite John de Mandeville, Solinus, Augustine and Isidore for the existence of men without mouths who live on odors alone»el volumen de monstruos de 1642 cita a Mandeville, Solino, Agustín e Isidoro para la existencia de hombres sin boca que viven solo de olores, con lámina de uno oliendo una manzana

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 305»

«While rejecting the fable of the phoenix, he accepted the notion that lions are afraid of a cock, and that the latter seems to know the stars from its discerning the hours by threes»Aldrovandi rechaza la fábula del fénix y acepta a la vez que los leones teman al gallo y que este parezca conocer los astros por discernir las horas de tres en tres

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 305»

«Rondelet tested whether this fish by some secret antipathy would keep ants from a tree as a suspended crab protects trees from cattle, found that it did not, and therefore concluded that pitch was the correct reading»Rondelet probó si el pez *coracinus* apartaba las hormigas de un árbol por alguna antipatía secreta, halló que no y concluyó que la lectura correcta era la pez

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 306»

«Porta tried this out and found that the magnet rather lost its attractive power entirely. He further found false the statement that the magnet will not attract iron if anointed with garlic or in the presence of a diamond, unless the latter be counteracted by the blood of a goat»Porta probó lo que Paracelso decía del imán templado en aceite de acero y halló que más bien perdía del todo su fuerza, y halló falso también que el ajo o el diamante le impidan atraer el hierro

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 306»

«Porta further stipulated that one must anger the toad by blows before it would void the gem»y Thorndike acota el crédito que cabe darle: Porta añadió por su cuenta que había que enfurecer al sapo a golpes para que soltara la gema

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 307»

«But so many very learned men, including Levinus Lemnius, not merely believed it but afÏrmed it from their own experience, that Aldrovandi, who had been shown eggs purporting to be those of cocks, was inclined to concede that in its old age a cock might void something resembling an egg»Aldrovandi concede, ante el testimonio de tantos doctos, que un gallo viejo pueda soltar algo semejante a un huevo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 307»

«That, however, this substance had no shell, yet a skin so tough that it could not easily be broken by violence, or that a basilisk could be generated from it, he refused to believe»y se niega a creer que esa sustancia carezca de cáscara con una piel dificilísima de romper ni que de ella pueda engendrarse un basilisco

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 307»

«Scaliger, however, still accepted spontaneous generation, showers of frogs, and that the eel and purpura generated by their saliva, “non e coitu»Escalígero objeta a Cardano la generación espontánea de las abejas desde la miel y acepta con todo la generación espontánea, las lluvias de ranas y que la anguila engendre por su saliva

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 307»

«Scaliger could, however, be quite wrong. After Cardan had correctly contended that usually rain was sufÏcient to account for rivers, Scaliger held that the pressure of the sea—which was raised above its natural place by the fact that mountains and highlands obtruded into this—upon small apertures at the bottom of the sea drove the water by subterranean channels up inside the mountains to a height above sea level, whence it descended in rivers»y Thorndike consigna dónde erró Escalígero: hacía subir el agua del mar por canales subterráneos hasta dentro de las montañas para explicar los ríos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 308»

«Cardan would have stigmatized as fabulous the statement that a goose lived sixty years, even though this was said by Albertus Magnus, had he not known of a goldfinch, a much smaller bird, which survived in a cage for thirteen years»Cardano habría tenido por fabuloso que un ganso viviera sesenta años, aun dicho por Alberto Magno, de no conocer un jilguero que sobrevivió trece años en jaula

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 309»

«with the supplementary statement from Gratarolus that a goose had been known to live for two hundred years, but this last assertion Aldrovandi said he would not accept even if it were made under oath»y Aldrovandi repite de Gratarolo que se supo de un ganso que vivió doscientos años, cosa que dice no aceptaría ni bajo juramento

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 309»

«only two chapters later on he censured Albertus Magnus for sometimes repeating things said by others as if experienced by himself»Cardano censura a Alberto Magno por repetir a veces cosas dichas por otros como si las hubiera experimentado él

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 309»

«Gesner at least had already depicted a sea-serpent coiling itself about a sailing vessel, and had cited those who averred that the serpent often raised its coils so high above the waves that a ship could pass under one of them»Gesner había pintado ya una serpiente marina enroscada en un velero y citado a quienes decían que alzaba sus anillos tan alto sobre las olas que un barco podía pasar por debajo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 310»

«Mattioli (1500-1577) in his commentaries on Dioscorides had denied that the basilisk could kill by its mere glance, but Aldrovandi or his editor of 1640 replied that the spirits from the eyes of old women could injure tender children»Mattioli niega que el basilisco mate con la sola mirada, y el editor de 1640 le replica que los espíritus de los ojos de las viejas pueden dañar a los niños tiernos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 310»

«was impressed by the bizarreness and extravagance of nature,’ as manifested in such matters as mutation of sex, the discovery of a wild man in the forests of France in 1599, the antipathies between things, stones that seem to have sense, cruel animals that turn kind, the bizarre production of certain animals and plants, strange wounds and their marvelous cures, madness and dreams, and the fact that often our names bear some presage of prosperity»Pierre de L'Ancre se impresiona con lo bizarro y extravagante de la naturaleza: mutación de sexo, el hombre salvaje hallado en los bosques de Francia en 1599, las antipatías entre las cosas y las piedras que parecen tener sentido

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 311»

«Already in 1592, however, Colonna decided that the story of geese or ducks growing out of shells which were the fruit of trees had developed from finding in the water or cast up on the shore branches of trees to which shellfish had attached themselves»Fabio Colonna adjudica el origen de esa historia a las ramas de árbol con conchas pegadas que se hallan en el agua o llegan a la orilla

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 313»

«It was considered a fortunate circumstance, which had probably prevented the dragon from attacking the oxen and teamster first, that the cart was made of ash, a wood well known for its antipathy to every variety of serpent»del dragón de dos patas hallado cerca de Bolonia en 1572 se tuvo por fortuna que la carreta fuera de fresno, madera de conocida antipatía con toda clase de serpiente

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 313»

«Where had this strange creature come from? Had it migrated from distant regions? Had it fallen from the sky? Was it the product of miscegenation between two different species? Or had it been generated from putrefaction like the barnacle geese»las cuatro preguntas que se hicieron sobre ese dragón: si migró de regiones lejanas, si cayó del cielo, si era cruce de dos especies o si se generó de putrefacción

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 313»

«came to the conclusion that none of the above explanations was satisfactory, and that the two-footed dragon must be classed as a monstrosity»y la conclusión a que Bartholomaeus Ambrosinus llegó tras consultar a sus colegas de Bolonia: ninguna explicación bastaba y el dragón bípedo había que clasificarlo como monstruosidad

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 314»

«He had not yet observed butterflies in the act of intercourse but had watched the cohabitation of silkworms»y declara no haber observado aún la cópula de las mariposas y sí la de los gusanos de seda

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 314»

«One may doubt if any other book was ever printed, or even written in any age, in which there find expression so many whimsical and superstitious fancies about seeds»Greene dice de la obra de Tragus que cabe dudar de que se haya impreso otro libro con tantas fantasías caprichosas y supersticiosas sobre las semillas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 314»

«Instead he argued that, if the Giver of forms can produce fish and frogs in the air, mice and worms from mud, then shells may be produced on mountains and far inland»Aldrovandi razona que, si el Dador de las formas puede producir peces y ranas en el aire y ratones y gusanos del lodo, también pueden producirse conchas en los montes y tierra adentro

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 315»

«He afÏrmed that wasps and flies were produced both from putrefaction and by sexual intercourse»Aldrovandi sostiene que las avispas y las moscas se producen tanto por putrefacción como por cópula; el OCR imprime *afÏrmed* con la ligadura fi vuelta Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 314»

«Whatever their merit and standing in these respects, it did not keep the one from using human blood, seven times distilled to free it from all water, in resolution of the nerves, nor the other from advising the wearing of an umbilicus in a silver ring as an amulet against colic»y lo apoya en dos casos: Cardano usando sangre humana destilada siete veces y Falopio aconsejando llevar un ombligo en anillo de plata como amuleto contra el cólico

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 316»

«Bock, for instance, showed commendable reticence in this regard, referring the reader to Pliny and Dioscorides for further details concerning the mandragora, and to the alchemists for their use of the herb lunaria, while he contented himself with remarking that vervain was still today employed more in magic than in medicine»Bock remite a Plinio y a Dioscórides sobre la mandrágora y a los alquimistas sobre la *lunaria*, y se limita a anotar que la verbena seguía usándose más en magia que en medicina

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 316»

«Aldrovandi regularly included under each animal treated a section on its antipathies and sympathies; less regularly, a section on presages from it other than through augury and auspices»Aldrovandi incluye regularmente bajo cada animal una sección de antipatías y simpatías y, con menos regularidad, otra de presagios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 316»

«The fourth order of faculties, on the other hand, did not depend from the previous orders but were knowable only from experience. They were occult, specific and latent, following the property of the substance or essence itself»el cuarto orden de facultades de las plantas según Dodoens: no depende de los anteriores y solo se conoce por experiencia, oculto, específico y latente, según la propiedad de la sustancia misma

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 317»

«noted that recent writers, who detested occult properties and called them the asylum of ignorance, said that the blood acted on the diamond because of an analogy between them which existed in a common principle»Escalígero consigna que los escritores recientes, que detestaban las propiedades ocultas y las llamaban asilo de la ignorancia, explicaban por analogía en un principio común que la sangre de cabra ablande el diamante

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 317»

«Scaliger was unable to see that this was any improvement upon, or essentially different from, the conception of occult virtue»y objeta que eso no mejora ni difiere esencialmente de la noción de virtud oculta

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 317»

«The doctrine of signatures in plants, that their external appearance bore indications of their curative properties, especially of their occult virtues, had spread with the Paracelsan revival and continued in favor during the course of the seventeenth century»la doctrina de las signaturas en las plantas, que Thorndike sigue desde su difusión con el renacer paracelsista

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 318»

«Dodoens spoke of it as a recent invention not mentioned by the ancients, and as so variable and uncertain that it could not be accepted as a part of science»Dodoens la llama invención reciente no mencionada por los antiguos y tan variable e incierta que no cabe tenerla por parte de la ciencia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 318»

«Nature by the signature of this stone taught men that it was beneficial for small-pox»y la lectura que de ahí se sacaba: la naturaleza enseñaba por la signatura de esa piedra que era buena para la viruela

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 319»

«Similarly Tragus tells how for four years in succession he and three companions kept watch all through that night to see if ferns would shed seeds at that time»Tragus cuenta que él y tres compañeros velaron cuatro años seguidos la noche de San Juan para ver si los helechos soltaban semilla

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 319»

«He assures us that he employed no incantations or other superstitious observances, and in general magic procedure in the plucking of herbs is not found in the writings of sixteenth century naturalists»y asegura no haber usado encantamientos ni observancias supersticiosas, cosa que Thorndike halla general entre los naturalistas del siglo XVI

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 319»

«Le Gendre confessed himself unable to discern the true from the fabulous in Aldrovandi’s volumes, and so set forth the opinions of the naturalists in a topical order, treating first of sympathy, then of human beings, then of other animals, plants, stars, waters and minerals»le Gendre confiesa no poder discernir lo verdadero de lo fabuloso en los volúmenes de Aldrovandi

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 321»

«the researches of the naturalists, full of uncertainties, make it plain to us that while nature serves our needs, it equally balks our curiosity»y concluye que las investigaciones de los naturalistas, llenas de incertidumbres, dejan ver que la naturaleza sirve a nuestras necesidades y estorba igualmente nuestra curiosidad

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 321»

«Camillo justified the writing of it by the assertion that he had not found the subject treated completely by any previous author, although it had been touched on by divers doctors, both ancient and modern»Camillo Lunardi justifica su *Speculum lapidum* diciendo que no halló la materia tratada completamente por ningún autor anterior

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 323»

«Brasavola, writing in 1534, said that he knew of no one who had written more ineptly on any subject than Lunardi on stones. He thought that cyaneus and coeruleus were two different stones yet had used the same words in describing both»Brasavola dice no conocer a nadie que haya escrito con más ineptitud sobre materia alguna que Lunardi sobre las piedras

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 323»

«More than a third of the space is devoted to an alphabetical listing and description of particular stones, while another third is occupied with astrological and magic images carved on gems and is in large part made up of chapters drawn from various books of magic»el reparto del *Speculum lapidum*: más de un tercio para la lista alfabética de piedras y otro tercio para las imágenes astrológicas y mágicas grabadas en gemas, sacado en gran parte de libros de magia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 323»

«In both cases it is the occult virtues of gems or of images engraved upon them that especially attract the author’s attention»y lo que en ambos casos atrae al autor: las virtudes ocultas de las gemas o de las imágenes grabadas en ellas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 323»

«Lunardi also takes magic images from Raziel in the Book of Wings»y toma imágenes mágicas de Raziel en el *Libro de las alas*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 325»

«lest his account of them seem to conflict with the Catholic faith, Lunardi warns Caesar Borgia not to believe that their virtues operate necessarily upon man, since his will is free»y advierte a Cesare Borgia, para que su relato no parezca chocar con la fe católica, que las virtudes de esas imágenes no obran necesariamente sobre el hombre, cuya voluntad es libre

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 325»

«Nor when I say that the image makes the wearer of it an emperor, potent, victorious, and so on, do you understand that I say this absolutely, since that too would be false. For if a person of low rank or a woman should wear it, this would seem not to be true. But interpret what I say with common sense. For in whatever condition it finds a man, it extols him in that and in others makes him more powerful. So should my words be understood and not otherwise»y acota el modo de leer sus fórmulas: la imagen no hace emperador en absoluto a quien la lleva, sino que lo ensalza en la condición en que lo halla

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 325»

«He subjects stones completely to the influence of the heavens but grants that man by his free will may resist that influence»Lunardi sujeta las piedras por completo a la influencia de los cielos y concede que el hombre pueda resistirla por su libre albedrío

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 325»

«In the matter of fascination he asserts that he has personally experienced the power of Italian wolves by their glance to make a man hoarse and unable to shout for aid»y en materia de fascinación dice haber experimentado en persona el poder de los lobos italianos de enronquecer con la mirada a un hombre

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 325»

«In another passage he ridicules the idea that it is perilous for vessels with iron nails or parts to navigate in the vicinity of regions where the stone magnet abounds»y ridiculiza la idea de que sea peligroso navegar con naves de clavos de hierro cerca de las regiones donde abunda el imán

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 325»

«He admits that there are many evil characters employed in magic, and that the characters carved on stones have no power or significance, but he approves of Hebrew characters and of the sign of the cross»y admite que hay muchos caracteres malos en la magia y que los grabados en las piedras no tienen poder ni significación, y aprueba en cambio los caracteres hebreos y la señal de la cruz

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 326»

«Knowledge of natural magic, he says, is “the contemplation of secret things in their natures, properties, powers, qualities, substances and virtues»y define el conocimiento de la magia natural como la contemplación de las cosas secretas en sus naturalezas, propiedades, poderes, cualidades, sustancias y virtudes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 326»

«But also like Pliny he still ascribes many powers to gems and an occult force»y consigna que, como Plinio, Stella adjudica todavía muchos poderes y una fuerza oculta a las gemas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 327»

«He further makes the Plinian excuse that if he has repeated any too extreme powers of gems, he has done so merely in order to illustrate what former writers thought of them and not because he believes or asserts such himself»con la excusa pliniana que da: si repitió poderes demasiado extremos fue para ilustrar lo que pensaron los antiguos y no porque él lo crea o lo afirme

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 327»

«This attitude, however, led to the deletion by the censor of a passage in which de la Rue asserted that all those skilled in the lore of the stars, and many medical practitioners who had tested it, agreed that the image of a lion carved on gold when the sun occupied the first degree of the sign of Leo was an amulet against the stone»el censor suprimió el pasaje en que François de la Rue decía que todos los peritos en los astros y muchos médicos tenían por amuleto contra la piedra la imagen de un león grabada en oro con el sol en el primer grado de Leo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 327»

«Rueus introduced the passage in question by saying that he would omit magic images, since many were terrified by the very name of magic, and would give this example of an astrological image»de la Rue introduce ese pasaje diciendo que omitirá las imágenes mágicas, porque a muchos los aterra el solo nombre de magia, y dará este ejemplo de imagen astrológica

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 328»

«he added the qualification that he would not have the reader interpret his remarks, as the censor of the first edition had, to mean that those philosophers or Rueus himself thought that there was such virtue in a mere image»y en la segunda edición añade que no quiere que se le lea, como hizo el censor, atribuyendo tal virtud a una mera imagen

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 328»

«The healing virtue resides in the gold thus carved, and the carving merely made the gold more ready to receive the influence of the stars»y traslada la virtud curativa al oro así labrado, quedando el grabado como lo que lo dispone a recibir la influencia de los astros

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 328»

«Gesner pointed out that the citations from Bonaventura merely recognized the influence of the stars on nature, not on images»Gesner objeta que las citas de Buenaventura solo reconocen la influencia de los astros sobre la naturaleza y no sobre las imágenes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 328»

«His own attitude, however, was against such images. On the other hand, that the heavens and stars influenced all inferior bodies, even subterranean ones, he held that there was no need for de la Rue to demonstrate, since practically no one denied it»y consigna su propia posición contra esas imágenes, mientras tiene por innecesario probar que los cielos influyen en todos los cuerpos inferiores, cosa que casi nadie negaba

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 328»

«It is true that Rueus repeatedly states that he omits or passes over the properties ascribed to the gem under consideration by the superstitious vanity of magicians»Rueus dice una y otra vez que omite las propiedades que la vanidad supersticiosa de los magos adjudica a la gema de que trata

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 329»

«Thus he denies that a diamond will reveal a wife’s unfaithfulness or that it will attract the virtues of other gems to itself as it attracts iron»y niega que el diamante revele la infidelidad de la esposa o que atraiga hacia sí las virtudes de otras gemas como atrae el hierro

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 329»

«But he repeats without criticism many of the marvelous virtues assigned to gems by such past writers as Thetel,” Marbod and Albert, nor are these confined to medical and physical properties»y repite en cambio sin crítica muchas de las virtudes maravillosas que Thetel, Marbodo y Alberto adjudican a las gemas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 329»

«To charchedon is ascribed force against evil demons as well as against atrabile. Nor are authorities wanting “who dare to promise victory to its wearer»al *charchedon* se le adjudica fuerza contra los demonios malos y contra la atrabilis, y no faltan autoridades que se atrevan a prometer victoria a quien lo lleve

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 329»

«Yet he confirms the belief that a turquoise loses its beauty when its owner dies but recovers it when worn by the new owner, by telling his personal experience in failing to buy a turquoise which had belonged to a fellow townsman because of its poor appearance when put up at auction after its owner’s death, only to find to his chagrin that it cleared up when worn by another man who purchased it»Rueus da por buena la creencia de que la turquesa pierde su hermosura al morir su dueño contando su propia experiencia en una subasta

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 330»

«I find too that this gem is potent against injuries from enemies and against sloth, sharpens one’s natural talent, and conciliates married pairs»y una vez habla en su propio nombre: halla esa gema potente contra las injurias de los enemigos y contra la pereza, aguza el talento natural y reconcilia a los casados

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 330»

«It had the more serious purpose of inciting persons interested in mineralogy to send him specimens or drawings of those species which he still lacks, as they have communicated such to him in the past»Gesner declara el propósito serio de su tratado: incitar a los interesados en la mineralogía a enviarle ejemplares o dibujos de las especies que le faltan

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 331»

«Gesner classifies stones according as they are marked on their surfaces by lines, points and figures; as they have something in common with the sun, moon, stars and elements; as they resemble meteors, or inanimate terrestrial objects; as they resemble artificial objects by nature, or by art; and as they are like herbs, fruit or trees»y su clasificación de las piedras por lo que llevan marcado o por lo que se parecen: al sol, la luna y los elementos, a los meteoros, a objetos artificiales, a hierbas, frutos o árboles

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 331»

«He suggests that Albert gave too ready ear to chemists (chimisti) and was not diligent enough in scrutiny of mines and ores»Encelius objeta a Alberto Magno haber dado oído fácil a los químicos y no haber escudriñado bastante las minas y los minerales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 333»

«Encelius adds that the property of conferring grace and love which Albert and others ascribe to jasper “‘is, I believe, magic, which you can read for yourself»y despacha como magia la propiedad de conferir gracia y amor que Alberto y otros adjudican al jaspe

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 333»

«He still believes in the formation of a stone from the urine of the lynx, in a bezoar stone from the tears in a deer’s eyes, in chelidonia red and black found in swallows’ gizzards, in the toad stone which changes color in the presence of poison»Encelius cree todavía en la piedra formada de la orina del lince, en el bezoar de las lágrimas del ciervo, en las *chelidonias* de la molleja de las golondrinas y en la piedra de sapo que muda de color ante el veneno

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 334»

«Encelius mentions the use in occult arts of the hoopoe and a stone which is found in its nest. “But we will not treat of magic: let us proceed»y menciona el uso en las artes ocultas de la abubilla y de una piedra hallada en su nido, y corta diciendo que no tratará de magia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 334»

«In the field of alchemy and metallurgy Encelius holds to the old view that all metals are generated from sulphur as their father and mercury as their mother»Encelius se atiene en alquimia y metalurgia a la vieja doctrina de que todos los metales se generan del azufre como padre y del mercurio como madre

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 334»

«It was the opinion of Menabenus that Ricardus had not praised the bezoar enough»Menabenus juzga que Ricardus no alabó bastante el bezoar

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 335»

«He makes such afÏrmations as that it is attested by experience that emeralds comfort the stomach, that they relieve apoplexy, if suspended about the neck, and, if held in the mouth, soothe the teeth»y afirma por atestiguado por la experiencia que las esmeraldas confortan el estómago, alivian la apoplejía colgadas al cuello y calman los dientes si se tienen en la boca; el OCR imprime *afÏrmations* con la ligadura fi vuelta Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 335»

«But since—listen, please—there were some of you who said that I was dwelling too much on universals, therefore, if it please you, I will omit what remains concerning universals to another time and I will take up particulars. Do you want me to or not»el pasaje en que Falopio interrumpe su lección sobre los minerales para preguntar a los alumnos si prefieren que pase a los particulares

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 336»

«Farewell and love me as you have done hitherto. In the university of Padua, the twentieth day of July, 1557»y la despedida con que cierra el curso, fechada en la universidad de Padua

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 336»

«He holds that mountains are formed and kept in repair—which is too gradual for us to notice—by exhalations from earth. An indication of this is the pyramidical shape of mountains like that of a flame»Falopio sostiene que las montañas se forman y se reparan por exhalaciones de la tierra, y ve indicio de ello en su forma piramidal, como la de una llama

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 336»

«He does not believe that the fossilized sea shells found on mountains were left by the deluge or by the water of the sea, since a mountain is very high and far removed from the sea»y no cree que las conchas fosilizadas de los montes las dejara el diluvio ni el agua del mar

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 336»

«He rejects as a fable the story that cinnabar is a by-product of the struggle between the dragon and the elephant»Falopio rechaza por fábula que el cinabrio sea subproducto de la lucha entre el dragón y el elefante

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 337»

«Against Conciliator, Avicenna and Mattioli, he contends that mercury can be taken through the mouth in small doses»y sostiene contra el Conciliator, Avicena y Mattioli que el mercurio puede tomarse por la boca en dosis pequeñas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 337»

«He advises, however, those who are anointed with it for syphilis to suck a gold ring so that the mercury will collect on it and not penetrate too far and corrupt the bones»y aconseja a los untados con él contra la sífilis chupar un anillo de oro para que el mercurio se junte allí y no corrompa los huesos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 337»

«Garcia recognized that “he who speaks against common beliefs is detested,” but uttered his criticisms nevertheless»Garcia da Orta reconoce que quien habla contra las creencias comunes es detestado, y hace sus críticas de todos modos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 338»

«He held that diamonds were neither poisonous nor medicinal. This did not mean that he denied medicinal virtues to all gems, since he admitted that the carnelian staunched the flow of blood, and apparently had no objection to the use of pearls as an ingredient in cordials»y sostiene que los diamantes no son venenosos ni medicinales, sin negar por eso virtud medicinal a todas las gemas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 338»

«He also rejected as an absurd fiction the notion that the magnet would not attract iron in the presence of a diamond, or that putting a diamond under a wife’s pillow would test her fidelity»y rechaza por ficción absurda que el imán no atraiga el hierro ante un diamante, o que poner un diamante bajo la almohada de la esposa pruebe su fidelidad

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 338»

«Coming to the magnet, he denied that it was poisonous or would make a man a lunatic, or that Indian ships had wooden nails because of magnetic mountains near Calicut, or that a magnet supporting several pieces of iron would weigh no more than one with a single bit attached»y niega del imán que sea venenoso, que vuelva lunático a un hombre y que los barcos indios llevaran clavos de madera por las montañas magnéticas cerca de Calicut

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 338»

«he asserted that, if it is placed on top of an open cloth, no fire will make it burn, as he had convinced himself by applying a candle to it»y dice del ojo de gato que puesto sobre un paño abierto ningún fuego lo quema, de lo que se convenció acercándole una vela

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 338»

«It is called the gem of reconciliation because it mitigates wrath and discord»y lo llama la gema de la reconciliación porque mitiga la ira y la discordia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 339»

«After eating a poisonous herb, Zoar put one emerald in his mouth and another on his stomach and made a quick recovery»y cita al médico árabe Zoar, que tras comer una hierba venenosa se puso una esmeralda en la boca y otra en el estómago y se repuso pronto

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 339»

«He also tells in his chapter on the bezoar of a stone which congeals from the humor distilled from the eyes of deer when they stand in water up to their lips in order to suffer no ill effects from the © poison of the snakes which they have eaten in order to renew their youth or to free themselves from worms»y cuenta de una piedra cuajada del humor que destilan los ojos de los ciervos cuando se meten en el agua hasta los labios tras comer serpientes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 339»

«This book contained such assertions as that chrysolite would preserve one from fascination, especially if worn on the left arm»Andrea Bacci sostiene que el crisólito preserva de la fascinación, sobre todo llevado en el brazo izquierdo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 339»

«To the argument against its existence that it was unknown, he replied that so were spices. To the argument that accounts of it were confused and conflicting, he responded that its nature was marvelous in very varied ways. To the objection that excessive virtues were ascribed to it, he retorted that occult virtues could not be denied. To the objection that unicorns were never seen in the Roman amphitheaters, his answer was that the Romans had not penetrated to its habitat»las cuatro réplicas de Bacci a los argumentos contra la existencia del unicornio: también lo eran las especias, su naturaleza es maravillosa de modos variados, las virtudes ocultas no se pueden negar y los romanos no llegaron a su hábitat

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 340»

«His notes contain such statements as that it has been shown by frequent experience that the stone allectory held under the tongue checks thirst and heartburn»Wolfgang Gabelchover anota como mostrado por frecuente experiencia que la piedra *allectoria* bajo la lengua ataja la sed y la acidez

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 340»

«Lang declares against the magic virtues of gems but afÏrms their medicinal properties which he attributes to occult virtues or the influence of the stars»Johann Lang se declara contra las virtudes mágicas de las gemas y afirma sus propiedades medicinales, que adjudica a virtudes ocultas o a la influencia de los astros; el OCR imprime *afÏrms* con la ligadura fi vuelta Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 340»

«Many of the medicinal properties attributed to the magnet by past writers Gilbert rejected as figments and absurdities, together with such assertions of the ancients as that a magnet rubbed with garlic would not attract iron»Gilbert rechaza por fingimientos y absurdos muchas de las propiedades medicinales que se adjudicaban al imán, y también que frotado con ajo deje de atraer el hierro

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 341»

«He declared that it had no medical efÏcacy powdered in plasters and would no more cure headache than would a steel helmet. Nor would it move the bowels»y declara que en polvo, dentro de emplastos, no tiene eficacia médica y no cura el dolor de cabeza más que un yelmo de acero; el OCR imprime *efÏcacy* con la ligadura fi vuelta Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 341»

«Gilbert denied the doctrine of the chemists and alchemists that the metals are composed of quicksilver and sulphur, which he regarded as substances of a different order»Gilbert niega la doctrina de químicos y alquimistas de que los metales se componen de azogue y azufre, que tiene por sustancias de otro orden

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 341»

«Gilbert also held that within the earth were hid germs (primordia) of metals and stones, just as on its periphery were the seeds of herbs and plants»y sostiene que dentro de la tierra se esconden gérmenes de metales y piedras como en su superficie las semillas de hierbas y plantas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 341»

«but retained the time honored hypothesis of form and matter»Gilbert conserva con todo la hipótesis venerable de forma y materia (el tramo se corta en la llamada de nota que el OCR imprime con asteriscos)

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 342»

«He was aware that “from fables and lies false and idle conjectures arise in philosophy»y sabía que de las fábulas y las mentiras nacen en la filosofía conjeturas falsas y ociosas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 342»

«He afÏrmed, however, that diamonds were marvelously generated within two or three years’ time only a cubit beneath the surface of the soil»Garcia da Orta afirma en cambio que los diamantes se generan maravillosamente en dos o tres años a solo un codo bajo la superficie del suelo; el OCR imprime *afÏrmed* con la ligadura fi vuelta Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 338»

«Even Marbod is cited but in order to reject the magical and psychological effects which he ascribed to the magnet»de Boodt cita a Marbodo solo para rechazar los efectos mágicos y psicológicos que adjudicaba al imán

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 343»

«He complains that all previous works on the subject have admitted foreign, magical, superstitious and false matter, and even intentional fictions»de Boodt se queja de que todas las obras anteriores sobre gemas admitieran materia extraña, mágica, supersticiosa y falsa, y aun ficciones deliberadas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 344»

«Some would reject them entirely; others would limit them to elemental powers; others, influenced by the example of the magnet, would concede them more occult powers from their form and essence; others would grant them supernatural force»las cuatro posiciones que de Boodt enumera sobre las virtudes de las gemas: rechazarlas del todo, limitarlas a poderes elementales, concederles poderes ocultos por su forma y esencia, o darles fuerza sobrenatural

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 344»

«De Boodt denies the first and last of these four positions, and accepts the second and third»y la suya: niega la primera y la última y acepta la segunda y la tercera

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 344»

«Such are riches, eloquence, favor with kings, detection of adultery, and divination of the future»y lo que deja fuera por pedir el concurso de seres animados: riquezas, elocuencia, favor de los reyes, descubrimiento del adulterio y adivinación del futuro

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 344»

«Supernatural effects are to be ascribed to divine or demonic influence, not to stones. Nor can gems receive such virtues from the stars, whose influence is a constant force and never contrary to nature»de Boodt adjudica los efectos sobrenaturales a influencia divina o demoníaca y no a las piedras, y niega que las gemas reciban tales virtudes de los astros, cuya influencia es fuerza constante y nunca contra la naturaleza

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 344»

«In general he afÏrms the physical and medical properties of gems but denies them influence on the human intellect or morals except indirectly and to a slight degree»de Boodt afirma en general las propiedades físicas y medicinales de las gemas y les niega influencia sobre el intelecto o la moral salvo indirecta y en grado leve; el OCR imprime *afÏrms* con la ligadura fi vuelta Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 345»

«They have all the force of light, and in their tiny bodies God seems to have concentrated the beauty of the universe and all the virtues of other things»y sostiene que las gemas tienen toda la fuerza de la luz y que Dios parece haber concentrado en sus cuerpecillos la belleza del universo y las virtudes de las demás cosas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 345»

«He had experimented with a marvelous jasper which checked a flow of the menses from which a maid had suffered for days, also prevented a foot from bleeding, and cured a virgin of Prag of haemorrhages from which she had suffered weekly for six years»de Boodt cuenta su experimento con un jaspe maravilloso que atajó flujos de sangre y curó a una doncella de Praga de hemorragias semanales de seis años

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 345»

«As soon as the gem was removed, the haemorrhages recurred. So de Boodt kept repeating the experiment. After a while the haemorrhage did not recur until some time after the jasper was left off, while it stopped at once when the gem was again applied. Finally he was able to dispense with the applications of the jasper entirely: the patient was cured»y describe el protocolo que siguió: quitada la gema volvían las hemorragias, con la gema cesaban, hasta que pudo prescindir de ella del todo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 345»

«De Boodt grants that this property exceeds reason, but has a supporting experience to relate concerning a turquoise which he has long worn in a gold ring»de Boodt concede que la propiedad de la turquesa de recibir en sí el daño de una caída excede la razón, y cuenta una experiencia propia con una que llevó mucho tiempo en anillo de oro

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 346»

«De Boodt was uninjured, but the turquoise broke in two»y el desenlace de su caída del caballo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 346»

«He recognizes that a gem cannot naturally transfer the injury from a fall to itself, and that this must be the work of angels or demons, God willing or permitting»de Boodt reconoce que una gema no puede trasladarse naturalmente el daño de una caída y que eso habría de ser obra de ángeles o demonios, queriéndolo o permitiéndolo Dios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 346»

«But he did not cease wearing the stone lest he become the debtor of demons and thereby imperil his soul»y dice por qué siguió llevándola de todos modos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 346»

«Hours were instituted by man, not by nature, and de Boodt is sure that the hand of the holder regulates the number of swings, whether consciously or not»y se muestra más escéptico con la turquesa colgada de un hilo que señalaría la hora oscilando: las horas las instituyó el hombre y no la naturaleza, y es la mano del que sostiene la que regula los vaivenes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 346»

«He advises against giving the patient anything else before or after administering it, lest some occult antipathy between them impair the action of the bezoar»de Boodt aconseja no dar al enfermo ninguna otra cosa antes ni después del bezoar, por si alguna antipatía oculta estorbara su acción

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 347»

«Virtues indeed not to be contemned, if they possess them, but faith often exceeds the truth»y el comentario templado con que despacha las virtudes de la piedra de sapo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 347»

«Despite the other work’s rejection of them, Albinius gave various rings of the planets, seals of the twelve signs, and other images, which he assured the reader were strictly astrological, not magical»Albinius da anillos de los planetas, sellos de los doce signos y otras imágenes que asegura al lector estrictamente astrológicas y no mágicas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 348»

«He also associated hierarchies of angels with different stones and colors for magical purposes»y asocia jerarquías de ángeles con distintas piedras y colores con fines mágicos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 348»

«Andreas Caesalpinus or Andrea Cesalpino (1519-1603) seems to have been esteemed in his own day more as an Aristotelian philosopher and medical man than as a botanist»y consigna que en su tiempo se estimaba a Cesalpino más como filósofo aristotélico y médico que como botánico

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 349»

«The Peripatetic Questions of Cesalpino differ from the ordinary commentary upon Aristotle in that they try to bring out something new rather than to follow in the beaten track»las *Quaestiones peripateticae* de Cesalpino se apartan del comentario ordinario a Aristóteles por intentar sacar algo nuevo antes que seguir el camino trillado

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 350»

«He even goes the Ptolemaic system one better by not merely accepting the demonstration of the “‘astrologi’’ that six planets have epicycles, but by afÏrming that the sun and all the fixed stars are borne by epicycles too»Cesalpino va más allá del sistema ptolemaico al sostener que también el sol y todas las estrellas fijas son llevados por epiciclos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 350»

«Cesalpino also accounted for the tides by this slight movement of the earth rather than by the attraction of the moon»Cesalpino explica las mareas por ese movimiento leve de la tierra antes que por la atracción de la luna

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 351»

«He held that heat was produced on earth by the motion westward of the entire heavens, while the movement of the planets in the opposite direction tempered this heat by a refrigerating influence»y sostiene, en lo astrológico, que el calor se produce en la tierra por el movimiento de todo el cielo hacia el oeste y que el de los planetas en sentido contrario lo templa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 351»

«In biology Cesalpino not only admitted spontaneous generation but contended that whatever species were generated from seed could also be produced without it. According to Aristotelian principles even man, he maintained, might be born from putrid matter, although it would be foolish to think that the rational soul could be so produced»en biología Cesalpino admite la generación espontánea y sostiene que toda especie engendrada de semilla puede producirse sin ella, hasta el hombre, aunque tenga por necio pensar que el alma racional se produzca así

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 351»

«Furthermore, despite his familiarity with dissection, he still argued that the heart was the source not only of the arteries and of the veins, which Galen had associated with the liver, but also of the nerves»y sostiene, pese a su trato con la disección, que el corazón es origen no solo de las arterias y las venas sino también de los nervios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 351»

«Cesalpino, for instance, held that the imagination could be affected by external objects without movement of the senses, and that future events were often thus revealed»Cesalpino sostiene que la imaginación puede ser afectada por objetos externos sin movimiento de los sentidos, y que así se revelan a menudo los sucesos futuros

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 352»

«But the spirits were thought of as so rarefied that they could penetrate almost anywhere and did not need to follow a defined path or orbit in their rapid diffusion and circulation»y la diferencia que importa: los espíritus se tenían por tan rarificados que penetraban casi en cualquier parte sin necesitar camino definido

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 354»

«Therefore continual movement is produced from the heart in all parts of the body, because there is continual generation of spirits. Moreover, it simultaneously brings nutritive aliment and elicits auctive from the veins by communion of openings which the Greeks call anastomosis»el pasaje de Cesalpino que Taurellus comenta: del corazón se produce movimiento continuo a todas las partes porque hay generación continua de espíritus

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 356»

«culty of identifying the old Greek, Arabic and Latin names for plants and the need of classifying the new flora since the voyages of discovery further served to convince Cesalpino of the crying need for some afrangement other than the alphabetical»lo que convenció a Cesalpino de la necesidad de otra ordenación que la alfabética: la dificultad de identificar los nombres antiguos y la necesidad de clasificar la flora nueva de los descubrimientos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 356»

«Those which carry four seeds in the common seat, in all cases that I have observed to date, include the seeds in a sort of low leaflet covering the flower, nor is any vessel suitable»una muestra de la descripción botánica de Cesalpino, con la observación personal que sostiene su clasificación

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 357»

«Cesalpino nevertheless recognized the contributions to botany of other recent writers: Ruelle, Ermolao Barbaro, Brasavola, Mattioli of Siena, Luca Ghini his own preceptor at Pisa, Aloysius Anguillara, Garcia da Orta on simples of India, and Monardes on the flora of the New World»Cesalpino reconoce los aportes de Ruelle, Ermolao Barbaro, Brasavola, Mattioli, Luca Ghini, Anguillara, Garcia da Orta y Monardes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 357»

«Cesalpino claimed no originality for his De metallicis, which he represented as a useful compendium especially for those not in a position to do wide reading»Cesalpino no reclama originalidad para su *De metallicis* y lo presenta como compendio útil para quienes no pueden leer mucho

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 358»

«They smear a thread with poison such as the juice of white hellebore and draw it with a needle through the foot of a dog or other part of an animal, leaving the thread in the wound»la prueba del bezoar persa que Cesalpino describe: untan un hilo con veneno y lo pasan con aguja por la pata de un perro, dejándolo en la herida

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 359»

«But to-day merchants refuse this test, apparently because few specimens come up to the promised effects»y el dato que Cesalpino añade: los mercaderes rechazan hoy esa prueba, al parecer porque pocos ejemplares cumplen lo prometido

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 359»

«In treating of metals proper Cesalpino sets forth the views of the alchemists but does not have much sympathy with them»Cesalpino expone las opiniones de los alquimistas sin mucha simpatía por ellas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 359»

«What ever was more marvelous in all nature,”’ says Cesalpino in his preface to Ioannes de Tonsis, a patrician of Milan, “than the invention of the magic arts»la pregunta con que Cesalpino abre su prefacio

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 360»

«This question has puzzled and even now perplexes the greatest philosophers, how at a mere nod divers kind of witchcraft are brought on or dissolved, or how human bodies are transported in a twinkling to most distant regions without any visible carrier»y lo que en ella desconcierta a los mayores filósofos: cómo a una seña se producen o se deshacen brujerías y cómo los cuerpos humanos se trasladan en un instante a regiones lejanísimas sin portador visible

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 360»

«Avicenna ascribed such phenomena to the divinity of the human mind; the theologians, to demons; while Peripatetic philosophers, persuaded that Aristotle did not admit demons in the realm of nature, have devised various explanations, some ascribing these arts and other miracles to vehement fixed imagination, some to occult virtues, some to the celestial influence of the stars»y el reparto de explicaciones que hace: Avicena a la divinidad de la mente humana, los teólogos a los demonios, y los peripatéticos a la imaginación fija vehemente, a las virtudes ocultas o a la influencia celeste

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 360»

«Others, finding no probable explanation, have not feared to deny miracles and to condemn as fabulous anything exceeding the natural order»y los que, no hallando explicación probable, no temieron negar los milagros y condenar por fabuloso todo lo que excede el orden natural

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 360»

«Since Cesalpino has always held that the truth revealed in holy theology never is contrary to the truth based on scientific principles, he proposes in the present work to give a natural explanation of demons, something which no one, so far as he knows, has done before»Cesalpino declara haber sostenido siempre que la verdad revelada en la teología no es contraria a la fundada en principios científicos, y se propone dar una explicación natural de los demonios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 360»

«Cesalpino therefore tries to make out that Aristotle did not deny but even conceded the existence of demons (in nature)»y para eso intenta mostrar que Aristóteles no negó la existencia de los demonios sino que la concedió

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 360»

«Cesalpino, on the contrary, asserts that there are nine orders of angels and nine orders of demons»y afirma que hay nueve órdenes de ángeles y nueve de demonios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 360»

«From which,” he continues, “no mediocre knowledge is had towards certification of those things which we are now investigating»Cesalpino dice sacar de las confesiones de las brujas examinadas bajo tortura un conocimiento nada mediocre para certificar lo que investiga

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 361»

«A young husband in San Gimignano, infatuated by a witch, left his wife and children. His spouse discovered a toad with its eyes sewn up in the pot under the bed. When this was removed, the toad’s eyes freed, and the toad cremated, the husband came back to her»uno de los casos que Cesalpino recoge: el marido de San Gimignano que volvió con su mujer cuando ella halló bajo la cama un sapo con los ojos cosidos, se los descosió y lo quemó

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 361»

«Witches condemned to be burned alive continue to deny their guilt until the instrument of their sorcery is found under the skin. It has been found by experience that witches cannot weep before the judge, no matter what torture is applied»y dos reglas que consigna: las brujas condenadas niegan su culpa hasta que se halla bajo su piel el instrumento de su hechicería, y la experiencia enseña que no pueden llorar ante el juez

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 361»

«Natural signs of demoniac possession are the speaking of unknown tongues, a movement under the skin to another part of the body, and abstention from divine worship»las señales naturales de posesión demoníaca que Cesalpino da: hablar lenguas desconocidas, un movimiento bajo la piel hacia otra parte del cuerpo y la abstención del culto divino

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 361»

«As positive procedure Cesalpino puts faith in amulets and alexipharmaca, aromas and suffumigations»y pone su fe, como procedimiento positivo, en amuletos y alexifármacos, aromas y sufumigaciones

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 362»

«A wreath of rue defends a child from fascination, as is known today to the populace, especially to those dwelling in the woods»y consigna que una guirnalda de ruda defiende al niño de la fascinación, como lo sabe hoy el pueblo y sobre todo quienes viven en los bosques

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 362»

«but before he finishes we find Bigot expressing his belief in varying degrees of intelligence among the orders of the angelic hierarchy and among demons»Guillaume Bigot abre su *Praeludium* con la discusión del quilo y acaba expresando su creencia en grados diversos de inteligencia entre los órdenes de la jerarquía angélica y entre los demonios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 364»

«He held that all things are made mobile in Christ, but are immobile in God; that the power of the Father unites at the center, while the wisdom of the Son tends towards the circumference, with the Holy Spirit in between; and that first matter correspondingly originates from a central atom»Postel sostiene que todo se hace móvil en Cristo e inmóvil en Dios, que el poder del Padre une en el centro y la sabiduría del Hijo tiende a la circunferencia, con el Espíritu Santo en medio

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 365»

«For example, heavy snows fell in the polar regions during the night of six months, although there was no sunshine then and hence no evaporation to supply the clouds to account for such precipitation»y el argumento con que Postel da por probadas las aguas sobre el firmamento: las nieves abundantes de las regiones polares durante la noche de seis meses, sin sol ni evaporación que forme nubes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 366»

«Postel thought that there were four regions of air rather than three and that in one of these, the penultimate, many living creatures were generated, like calves, and ferruginous rocks of great weight, all which were put together by force of intelligence and not instantaneously»Postel pone cuatro regiones del aire y sostiene que en la penúltima se generan muchas criaturas vivas y rocas ferruginosas de gran peso, armadas por fuerza de inteligencia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 366»

«But he explains all such phenomena as miracles of Jesus Christ»y el marco en que Postel los mete

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 366»

«Beyond the four elements were ten celestial spheres, each with its moving Intelligence by whose will the influence of the heavens was made varied, thus accounting for the diversity between regions of the globe situated on the same parallel»Postel pone diez esferas celestes, cada una con su inteligencia motriz, por cuya voluntad la influencia del cielo se hace variada y se explica la diversidad entre regiones del mismo paralelo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 366»

«The four colors seen in combustion were also those of the four elements: black for earth, red for water, blue for air, and white for fire»y hace de los cuatro colores de la combustión los de los cuatro elementos: negro la tierra, rojo el agua, azul el aire y blanco el fuego

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 367»

«Unless the natural order by which the earth was enclosed by a sphere of water had been altered by divine wisdom, “man would either never have been or would be a fish»y sostiene que, de no haber alterado la sabiduría divina el orden natural por el que la tierra quedaba envuelta en una esfera de agua, el hombre o no habría existido o sería un pez

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 367»

«In his treatise on causes or principles and origins Postel was concerned to vindicate natural philosophy from the charge of impiety and to show that, although Aristotle had neglected the supreme scope of truth which is the glory and love of the First Cause, nevertheless from his words rightly understood the providence of God and immortality of the soul could be demonstrated»en su tratado de las causas Postel se propone vindicar la filosofía natural del cargo de impiedad y mostrar que de las palabras de Aristóteles bien entendidas se siguen la providencia de Dios y la inmortalidad del alma

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 367»

«Against the old view that the polar zones were uninhabitable because of cold and the torrid zone because of heat, however, he asserts that all land everywhere is inhabitable, as there is nothing that men do not become used to»Postel objeta la vieja opinión de que las zonas polares y la tórrida sean inhabitables y sostiene que toda tierra lo es, porque no hay nada a lo que el hombre no se acostumbre

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 369»

«He saw that canals at Panama and Suez would greatly shorten the circumnavigation of the globe»y le acredita haber visto que unos canales en Panamá y en Suez acortarían mucho la circunnavegación del globo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 369»

«he had argued that the Holy Land and Gaul were both under the influence of the sign Aries, and hence were respectively destined to religious empire and temporal monarchy»Postel argumenta que la Tierra Santa y la Galia están ambas bajo el signo de Aries y destinadas por eso al imperio religioso y a la monarquía temporal

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 368»

«Daneau’s chief concern is to show the Bible and science in agreement. He asserts that the world was divinely created but maintains that visible creatures are subject to scientific knowledge»el empeño principal de Lambert Daneau, según Thorndike: mostrar el acuerdo de la Biblia y la ciencia, con el mundo divinamente creado y las criaturas visibles sujetas al conocimiento científico

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 371»

«He repeats the patristic argument that the celestial bodies were created later than plants in order to demonstrate that they were not their cause»Daneau repite el argumento patrístico de que los cuerpos celestes fueron creados después que las plantas para mostrar que no son su causa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 371»

«lest they should be thought to have been produced by God in vain,” they were put by divine providence and ordination in charge of producing and conserving all inferior creatures including plants»y los pone luego, por providencia divina, al cargo de producir y conservar todas las criaturas inferiores, plantas incluidas, para que no se los tuviera por hechos en vano

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 371»

«Daneau also feels it incumbent upon him to tell why poisonous and harmful things exist in nature, why the Mosiac account of creation says nothing of the creation of metals, how all the terrestrial animals could get into the ark»las tres preguntas que Daneau se siente obligado a responder: por qué hay cosas venenosas y dañinas, por qué el relato mosaico calla la creación de los metales y cómo cupieron todos los animales terrestres en el arca

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 371»

«he replies that their natural place is where God put them»la respuesta de Daneau a por qué las aguas sobre el firmamento no caen a su lugar natural

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 372»

«But the master terms the belief in sexual intercourse between plants an error and says that not all species of plants can be separated into males and females. Moreover, many of those which are called males emit no seed. This function in many cases is limited to the female plants, and the males are so called merely because more robust»Daneau llama error la creencia en el comercio sexual entre plantas y sostiene que no todas las especies se separan en machos y hembras y que a muchos machos se los llama así por más robustos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 372»

«He holds that while some frogs are procreated from seed, others fall from the sky»y sostiene que unas ranas se engendran de semilla y otras caen del cielo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 373»

«Daneau recognizes the influence of the heavenly bodies over inferior nature and the processes of generation and corruption, but holds that the stars have no influence on the human mind and will»Daneau reconoce la influencia de los cuerpos celestes sobre la naturaleza inferior y la niega sobre la mente y la voluntad humanas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 373»

«He opposes judicial astrologers, charging them with making dependent upon the stars things done privately or publicly either by human deliberation or the sole will of God»y objeta a los astrólogos judiciarios que hagan depender de los astros lo que se hace por deliberación humana o por sola voluntad de Dios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 373»

«The star of Bethlehem was neither an ordinary star nor the sole inspiration of the three Magi, who were also moved by the Spirit»Daneau sostiene que la estrella de Belén no fue estrella ordinaria ni única inspiración de los tres Magos, movidos también por el Espíritu

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 373»

«As six, for example, is three plus or times two, plus or times one, so the universe proceeds from the Trinity, consists of matter designated by duality, and tends towards the divine unity, the Summum bonum»con el argumento que da: como el seis es tres por dos y por uno, el universo procede de la Trinidad, consta de materia designada por la dualidad y tiende a la unidad divina

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 374»

«Contareni also believes in relations of sympathy and antipathy between things, but regards these terms as inapplicable to such relationships as that of attraction between the magnet and iron, or the fear of a lion at the sight of a cock»Contareni cree en las relaciones de simpatía y antipatía entre las cosas y tiene por inaplicables esos términos a la atracción del imán o al miedo del león ante el gallo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 374»

«Contareni feels certain that sympathy and antipathy between human beings are produced by the stars»y tiene por cierto que la simpatía y la antipatía entre seres humanos las producen los astros

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 375»

«Often at the mere mention of a name we fall in love and frequently we hate persons whom we have never seen. “For there is between the sky and mortal affairs a certain assent of nature in many parts sublimer than is seen between mortals themselves»con la formulación que le da: al solo oír un nombre nos enamoramos y odiamos a menudo a quienes nunca vimos, porque hay entre el cielo y las cosas mortales cierto asentimiento de naturaleza

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 375»

«He rejects the argument of Plotinus that the stars are merely signs and insists that the motion of the heavens is the source and cause of all other motion»Contareni rechaza el argumento de Plotino de que los astros sean meras señales e insiste en que el movimiento del cielo es fuente y causa de todo otro movimiento

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 375»

«But he denies that they coerce intellect and will, or that divine providence acts by no other medium»y niega que coaccionen el intelecto y la voluntad y que la providencia divina obre sin otro medio

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 375»

«fend the superstitious test of persons suspected of being witches by casting them bound into cold water and seeing whether they floated or sank»Scribonius defiende la prueba supersticiosa de echar atadas al agua fría a las sospechosas de brujería para ver si flotan o se hunden

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 376»

«He tried to find a natural explanation of this in the loss by the witches of their human form and their assumption of the aerial or ethereal nature of evil demons, which made them very light and buoyed them up in the water so that their bodies did not sink like those of other human beings»y busca explicación natural en que las brujas pierden la forma humana y toman la naturaleza aérea o etérea de los demonios malos, lo que las hace muy ligeras

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 376»

«In it Scribonius declares that God did not create the world indirectly through angels, virtues or other secondary causes infinite ages ago, but created it directly just 5544 years since»Scribonius declara que Dios no creó el mundo por ángeles ni causas segundas ni hace edades infinitas, sino directamente y hace justo cinco mil quinientos cuarenta y cuatro años

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 376»

«This Assyrian school of physics was given to astronomy, augury, interpretation of dreams, and astrology»y sus materias: astronomía, augurio, interpretación de sueños y astrología

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 377»

«This school excelled in natural magic, and discovered the twelve hours from the urinating of the sacred animals»la segunda escuela, la de los egipcios, sobresalió en magia natural y descubrió las doce horas por el orinar de los animales sagrados

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 377»

«They were fine astrologers and magicians who still today, if we believe Portuguese travelers, communicate at will with separate intelligences»y de los brahmanes o gimnosofistas de las Indias, que Scribonius mete en la tercera escuela, dice que eran buenos astrólogos y magos que aún hoy se comunican a voluntad con las inteligencias separadas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 377»

«Turning to material things, he considers first and second qualities, colors, tastes and odors, and then occult qualities which are known only by daily experience»y en las cosas materiales trata las cualidades primeras y segundas, los colores, sabores y olores, y luego las cualidades ocultas, conocidas solo por experiencia diaria

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 378»

«They proceed from the form and whole essence of the thing and so are called specific qualities. Plainly they are celestial and ruled by the positions of the stars and are found more efÏcacious in matter which has been subjected to certain times and duly prepared in certain ways»Scribonius hace proceder esas cualidades de la forma y la esencia entera de la cosa, las llama celestes y regidas por las posiciones de los astros, y más eficaces en materia debidamente preparada

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 378»

«Scribonius next asserts the existence of sympathy and antipathy in nature, and ascribes thereto the bleeding of a corpse in the presence of the murderer»y adjudica a la simpatía y la antipatía de la naturaleza el sangrar del cadáver ante el asesino

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 378»

«Scribonius holds that the sky is made of water, thus saving the biblical waters above the firmament»y sostiene que el cielo está hecho de agua, con lo que salva las aguas bíblicas sobre el firmamento

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 378»

«Like Cardan and other writers of the sixteenth century he criticizes and alters the old doctrine of four elements. He rejects fire as an element, holding that the upper air has been wrongly regarded as a region of elemental fire, that fire is merely a state of heat and extreme dryness in combustible bodies, and that its flame is only kindled air»Scribonius rechaza el fuego como elemento y sostiene que es un estado de calor y sequedad extrema en los cuerpos combustibles y que su llama es solo aire encendido

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 379»

«Christ’s sweating blood is adduced as a physical phenomenon, due in His case to sadness over the sins of mortals but found in others suffering from some disease affecting the blood»Scribonius aduce el sudor de sangre de Cristo como fenómeno físico, debido en su caso a la tristeza por los pecados de los mortales y hallado en otros por enfermedad de la sangre

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 379»

«Vallesius recognizes that the Bible was not written to teach us natural science. But he contends that when it does speak of nature, it does not mean to deceive us and, as the inspired word of God, may be confidently relied upon»Francisco Valles reconoce que la Biblia no se escribió para enseñar ciencia natural y sostiene que, cuando habla de la naturaleza, no pretende engañarnos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 380»

«His previous philosophical works have been matters of opinion: what he now writes—with the assistance of the natural sciences—will be true»y traza el corte entre sus obras: las filosóficas anteriores fueron materia de opinión y lo que escribe ahora será verdadero

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 380»

«we find that he accepts the spontaneous generation of certain forms of animal life from putrefaction, that he believes in the perfection of certain numbers, like seven and one hundred and twenty, in climacteric years, in the activity of demons as incubi and succubi»Valles acepta la generación espontánea de ciertos animales por putrefacción, la perfección de ciertos números, los años climatéricos y la actividad de los demonios como íncubos y súcubos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 381»

«But in discussing whether fascination is naturally possible, he states that if it is explained as the action of demons, this does not concern him or his book, since such a cause is not physical»y declara que, si la fascinación se explica por acción de los demonios, eso ya no le toca a él ni a su libro, porque tal causa no es física

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 381»

«Vallesius admitted that the star of 1572 was of first magnitude and had no parallax but he was unwilling to call it either a new star or a comet in celestial regions, lest he violate the doctrines of the incorruptibility of the heavens—not to mention their solidity—and of the completion of the work of creation in six days»Valles admite que la estrella de 1572 era de primera magnitud y sin paralaje y se niega a llamarla estrella nueva o cometa celeste para no violar la incorruptibilidad de los cielos y el cierre de la creación en seis días

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 382»

«He therefore held that this star had all along been in existence but by some change of intervening media now became visible for a time»y sostiene por eso que esa estrella existía desde siempre y se hizo visible un tiempo por algún cambio de los medios interpuestos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 382»

«Nothing was better known experimentally than that the parts of venomous animals were beneficial applications for their bites or stings»Valles adjudica la ceguera del padre de Tobías al calor manifiesto y no a virtud oculta, y alega que nada era más conocido por experiencia que la utilidad de las partes de los animales venenosos contra sus propias mordeduras

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 382»

«While Vallesius attributed force to numbers,* he denied power or secret significance to words and names»Valles adjudica fuerza a los números y niega poder o significación secreta a las palabras y los nombres

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 382»

«Fascination he regarded as a superstitious fear without physical basis. That the basilisk kills by its glance he termed a fable, and he asserted that we associate daily with menstruating women without suffering any harm»y tiene la fascinación por miedo supersticioso sin base física, llama fábula que el basilisco mate con la mirada y sostiene que tratamos a diario con mujeres menstruantes sin daño

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 382»

«On the other hand, he agreed that Samuel really appeared before the witch of Endor. But this was by divine provision and not by the witch’s own power»y concede en cambio que Samuel apareció de verdad ante la pitonisa de Endor, por disposición divina y no por poder de la bruja

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 383»

«Vallesius thought well in general of Pico della Mirandola’s attack upon astrology but believed that Pico gained nothing by reducing the effects of the sky to motion and light, since these contain or give rise to other virtues»Valles aprueba en general el ataque de Pico della Mirandola a la astrología y objeta que Pico no gane nada reduciendo los efectos del cielo a movimiento y luz, porque estos contienen otras virtudes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 383»

«Nevertheless he declared judicial astrology not a science or art but imposture or sortilege, since it dealt with chance matters»y declara la astrología judiciaria no ciencia ni arte sino impostura o sortilegio, por tratar de cosas de azar

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 383»

«All its predictions, whether of good or evil, had a bad effect on their hearers in his opinion. It was derided by learned men as inane, he afÏrmed, was exploded as useless, and was forbidden by divine legislators and prophets, by pontiffs and emperors»y sostiene que todas sus predicciones, de bien o de mal, obran mal sobre quienes las oyen, y que el arte fue derivado por inane y prohibido por legisladores divinos, profetas, pontífices y emperadores

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 383»

«He admitted the existence of a certain natural divination in brutes and uneducated men “by compassion with causes or by the preludes of future events»y admite cierta adivinación natural en los brutos y en los hombres sin letras, por compasión con las causas o por los preludios de los sucesos futuros

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 384»

«But the ancient oracles were false or ambiguous and most other divination was the deceptive work of demons»y tiene los oráculos antiguos por falsos o ambiguos y la demás adivinación por obra engañosa de los demonios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 384»

«Chiromancy he was inclined to recognize as natural in so far as it was a part of physiognomy, but he rejected the division of the palm of the hand according to astrological diagrams»Valles se inclina a reconocer la quiromancia como natural en cuanto es parte de la fisiognomía y rechaza la división de la palma según diagramas astrológicos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 384»

«But he also cites such diverse groups as the anatomists, the Jewish rabbis and cabalists, and the Protestants Marot, Calvin, de Béze, Sleidan and Melanchthon, the last-named with approval»y las enumera: anatomistas, rabinos y cabalistas judíos, y los protestantes Marot, Calvino, de Bèze, Sleidan y Melanchthon

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 385»

«Other opinions voiced by him seem less common: that fire is the only element suited to man, that our souls which are ideas of this divine fire act with the same velocity, that fire encircles the human brain and resides there, and that some philosophers, including Agrippa, have called the pia mater the soul»las opiniones menos comunes de Belot: que el fuego es el único elemento propio del hombre, que nuestras almas son ideas de ese fuego divino, que el fuego rodea el cerebro humano y reside allí

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 386»

«The brain, liver and heart are the first parts of the body to be formed and the principal seats of the soul and represent the Trinity»y su correspondencia: el cerebro, el hígado y el corazón son las primeras partes del cuerpo en formarse, asientos principales del alma, y representan la Trinidad

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 386»

«Angels are sent by God to reside in certain virtuous men. “Now this is not merely my opinion but that of many learned persons»Belot sostiene que Dios envía ángeles a residir en ciertos hombres virtuosos, y dice que no es solo opinión suya sino de muchos doctos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 386»

«He notes that there are religious deceivers who lead exemplary lives, and that an image of the Virgin was made to weep by a scheming priest»y anota que hay engañadores religiosos de vida ejemplar, y que un sacerdote tramposo hizo llorar una imagen de la Virgen

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 386»

«In another he accused Aristotle of being the most wicked man of his age, having shown ingratitude to Plato, been driven from Athens for his wrong doings, and poisoned Alexander»Ortensio Landi acusa a Aristóteles de ser el hombre más malvado de su tiempo, ingrato con Platón, expulsado de Atenas y envenenador de Alejandro

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 387»

«He said that Luther, armed only with the Bible, put all the Aristotelian theologians of Leipzig, Louvain and Cologne to rout. Why then should we endure the yoke of Aristotle longer»y pregunta por qué seguir soportando el yugo de Aristóteles, después de decir que Lutero, armado solo con la Biblia, puso en fuga a los teólogos aristotélicos de Leipzig, Lovaina y Colonia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 388»

«in a third place states that all Italy was convinced that Aristotle spoke through the mouth of Passerus»Joachim Cureus dice que toda Italia estaba persuadida de que Aristóteles hablaba por boca de Passerus, su maestro

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 388»

«He decides with Galen for the brain against Aristotle for the heart as the seat of the sensitive soul»Cureus se decide con Galeno por el cerebro contra Aristóteles por el corazón como asiento del alma sensitiva

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 389»

«But he thinks that Occam is “not to be listened to, who rashly departed from Aristotle and from his own master, John (Duns?) Scotus and would have it that bodies appear to our sight without any emission of species»y tiene por no escuchable a Occam, que se apartó temerariamente de Aristóteles y de su propio maestro y quería que los cuerpos se vieran sin emisión de especies

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 389»

«He characterized as superstitious the attempt of certain recent writers to distinguish alimentary, aqueous and radical humor in each animal»Cureus llama supersticioso el intento de ciertos autores recientes de distinguir humor alimentario, acuoso y radical en cada animal

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 389»

«He asserts that “all the mass of the inferior world would lie inert, opaque and cold,” were it not illuminated, heated and vivified by the celestial bodies»y sostiene que toda la masa del mundo inferior yacería inerte, opaca y fría si los cuerpos celestes no la iluminaran, calentaran y vivificaran

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 389»

«There are found tales of the freak action of lightning, fourteen prodigious kinds of rain which include stones, iron and flesh as well as fish, worms and frogs»en la obra de Meurer hay relatos del obrar caprichoso del rayo y catorce clases prodigiosas de lluvia, que incluyen piedras, hierro y carne además de peces, gusanos y ranas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 390»

«Among thirty signs of rain Meurer lists pigs with straws sticking out of their mouths and dogs eating grass»entre las treinta señales de lluvia de Meurer figuran los cerdos con pajas asomando del hocico y los perros comiendo hierba

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 391»

«Meurer gives four reasons why nature produces meteors: to declare the majesty of God, to adorn and variegate the world, to purify the air, and to announce and give warnings of future events»y da cuatro razones de que la naturaleza produzca meteoros: declarar la majestad de Dios, adornar y variar el mundo, purificar el aire y anunciar y avisar de sucesos futuros

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 391»

«Meurer refused to agree with Albertus Magnus that the Milky Way is part of the sky. He argued that it was not always visible and so must be an occasional apparition produced by the light of the stars»Meurer disiente de Alberto Magno sobre la Vía Láctea y la tiene por aparición ocasional producida por la luz de las estrellas, porque no siempre es visible

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 391»

«Speaking of the rainbow, he says that we who are church members know that it is the bow of promise that there shall not be another universal flood»y dice del arcoíris que quienes son miembros de la Iglesia saben que es el arco de la promesa de que no habrá otro diluvio universal

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 391»

«Vimercati contends that Aristotle thought that forms were educed from matter, and that those are mistaken who ascribe to him the view that forms come from the sky and are sent into matter which has been prepared extrinsically»Vimercati sostiene que Aristóteles tenía las formas por educidas de la materia y que yerran quienes le adjudican la opinión de que vengan del cielo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 392»

«Zabarella thinks that no one doubts that the heavens are animated and consist of a moving mind and moved body»Zabarella tiene por indudado que los cielos están animados y constan de una mente que mueve y un cuerpo movido

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 393»

«Furthermore all concede that this moving soul is not the form of the sky and does not give it being but only motion»y que todos conceden que esa alma motriz no es la forma del cielo ni le da ser, sino solo movimiento

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 393»

«Following Parmenides Telesio made heat and cold the two fundamental principles of nature. For him they were immaterial until joined with the third factor, matter»Telesio hace del calor y el frío los dos principios fundamentales de la naturaleza, inmateriales hasta unirse con el tercer factor, la materia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 394»

«such as a monk’s head or pig’s snout, are sometimes impressed on hailstones may be to warn men against living like swine»Meurer sugiere que las imágenes maravillosas impresas a veces en el granizo, como una cabeza de monje o un hocico de cerdo, podrían ser aviso a los hombres para que no vivan como puercos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 391»

«The soul informed the spirits in the brain and body. These spirits were Telesio’s great reliance in explaining bodily functions. He assigned to them an even greater part than they had had in medieval thought, in which he was to be followed by Francis Bacon»Telesio hace que el alma informe los espíritus del cerebro y el cuerpo, y Thorndike consigna que les dio parte aún mayor que el pensamiento medieval, con Francis Bacon detrás

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 395»

«He even explained intellectual and moral qualities by the difference between the spirits in heat, tenuousness and purity»y Telesio explica hasta las cualidades intelectuales y morales por la diferencia de los espíritus en calor, tenuidad y pureza

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 395»

«Another to essay a new philosophy of nature in opposition to Aristotle was Francesco Patrizi, Patrizio or Patricius»Francesco Patrizi, otro que ensayó una filosofía nueva de la naturaleza contra Aristóteles (el tramo se acorta para no arrastrar una palabra que el guion de fin de renglón fabricaría)

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 397»

«He also cited Zoroaster and the Chaldean Oracles a good deal. For example, even with regard to the position of the sun he preferred the authority of Plato or the Chaldean Oracles to that of recent astronomers»Patrizi cita mucho a Zoroastro y los Oráculos Caldeos, y hasta para la posición del sol prefiere la autoridad de Platón o de esos oráculos a la de los astrónomos recientes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 398»

«Patrizi in opening the work promised to prove his contentions by “divine oracles, geometric proofs, philosophical reasons, and the clearest experiments»Patrizi promete al abrir la obra probar sus tesis por oráculos divinos, demostraciones geométricas, razones filosóficas y los experimentos más claros

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 398»

«He spoke of light as the image equally of incorporeals and bodies and as a medium between divine incorporeal beings and the nature of bodies, which he distinguished as lucid, opaque and transparent»Patrizi habla de la luz como imagen por igual de lo incorpóreo y de los cuerpos, y como medio entre los seres divinos incorpóreos y la naturaleza de los cuerpos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 399»

«For the four traditional elements he substituted space, light, heat and humor»y sustituye los cuatro elementos tradicionales por espacio, luz, calor y humor

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 399»

«Although Patrizi noted the arguments of Plotinus, Ficino and Pico against astrology, he felt that such huge bodies as the stars must have some effect and would not have been created by God in vain or for man alone»Patrizi recoge los argumentos de Plotino, Ficino y Pico contra la astrología y sostiene con todo que cuerpos tan enormes como los astros han de tener algún efecto y no fueron creados en vano

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 399»

«For himself he would believe that seeds of life are scattered all through the stars and sky»y declara su propia creencia: hay semillas de vida esparcidas por todos los astros y por el cielo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 399»

«The stars act on themselves and on other stars and from the empyrean receive humor, heat, light, life, soul, mind and ideas»y su esquema de circulación: los astros obran sobre sí y sobre otros astros y reciben del empíreo humor, calor, luz, vida, alma, mente e ideas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 399»

«He still kept the earth at the center of the universe and took over from Copernicus, whom he called “the greatest astronomer of our age,” the idea of its revolving about its axis, carrying the air and water about with it»y precisa lo que Patrizi toma de Copérnico, a quien llama el mayor astrónomo de su edad: la rotación de la tierra sobre su eje, arrastrando consigo el aire y el agua, con la tierra aún en el centro

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 400»

«For, like Tycho, he held that the stars were not moved by spheres in which they were fixed but themselves moved»Patrizi sostiene con Tycho que los astros no son movidos por esferas en que estén fijos sino que se mueven por sí

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 400»

«he characterized them as deliriums of the astronomers and presently added concerning those of Tycho and Copernicus that none of the positions of older astronomers were so monstrous as these two»y llama delirios de los astrónomos a las hipótesis de Fracastoro, Copérnico y Tycho, y dice que ninguna posición de los astrónomos antiguos fue tan monstruosa como las dos últimas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 400»

«Janus Nicius Erythraeus in his PinacothecaTM felt that Patrizi was merely dashing his head against a wall, and that the authority of Aristotle would last so long as thought and philosophy should endure»y Jano Nicio Eritreo lo ve dándose de cabezazos contra un muro, con la autoridad de Aristóteles durando tanto como el pensamiento y la filosofía

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 401»

«Of magic Piccolomini distinguishes four varieties: divine, mathematical, physical and demonaical»Francesco Piccolomini distingue cuatro variedades de magia: divina, matemática, física y demoníaca; el troceo imprime *demonaical*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 402»

«The last is to be regarded as absolutely diabolical illusion, although Aristotle who did not recognize demons reduced it to the physical variety, stating that nature is demoniacal»y tiene la última por ilusión absolutamente diabólica, con la salvedad de que Aristóteles, que no reconocía demonios, la reducía a la variedad física diciendo que la naturaleza es demoníaca

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 402»

«Of physical magic Piccolomini approves as applied science, including medicine, agriculture, distilling and the like»y aprueba la magia física como ciencia aplicada, con la medicina, la agricultura y la destilación dentro

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 402»

«The Hebrews attribute great virtue to numbers, resolve names and letters into them, and base the Cabala largely upon them»Piccolomini consigna que los hebreos adjudican gran virtud a los números, resuelven en ellos nombres y letras y fundan en ellos gran parte de la cábala

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 402»

«But Aristotle, Metaphysics, XIV,5, denies that number is ever a cause. It is formed by human reason; virtue is from nature»y opone a eso que Aristóteles niega que el número sea causa: lo forma la razón humana, y la virtud viene de la naturaleza

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 402»

«onsius praised his diligence but thought that he lacked judgment and was too audacious»Ionsius alaba la diligencia de Patrizi y lo halla falto de juicio y demasiado audaz; el troceo imprime el nombre con T inicial

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 401»

«Instead he advances a fourth view that the celestial bodies act only by motion and light but in such a way that each has an influence peculiar to itself. Such influence is natural and does not violate human free will and may be legitimately utilized in physical and astronomical magic»Piccolomini propone una cuarta opinión sobre la influencia de los astros: obran solo por movimiento y luz, cada uno con influencia propia, natural y sin violar el libre albedrío, y lícita de usar en la magia física y astronómica

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 403»

«He held that only low, small and imperfect animals were generated from putrefaction; higher animals from seed; and mediocre forms of life from dew and the like. Those born from putrefaction were not of the same species as those born from seed»y sostiene que solo los animales bajos e imperfectos se generan de putrefacción, los superiores de semilla y los medianos del rocío, y que los nacidos de putrefacción no son de la misma especie

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 403»

«He agreed with the theologians that the sky would come to rest in due time and would not on that account be destroyed but preserved with a better disposition»y coincide con los teólogos en que el cielo llegará a su reposo a su tiempo y no será destruido por eso sino conservado con mejor disposición

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 403»

«Gilbert called the belief in four elements a fable.®’ Fire cannot be an element since it requires fuel»Gilbert llama fábula la creencia en los cuatro elementos y niega que el fuego lo sea, porque necesita combustible

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 404»

«He further rejected the conception of celestial spheres, holding that the heavenly bodies moved themselves” and that aside from their efÒuvia there were vacant spaces between them rather than either air or ether»y rechaza las esferas celestes, sosteniendo que los cuerpos celestes se mueven por sí y que entre ellos hay espacios vacíos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 404»

«All things placed in a vacuum are at rest, and this is the state of most of the stars, but the planets move about the sun or about the earth, the earth about its axis to (around?) the sun, the moon about the earth and so about the sun»Gilbert sostiene que todo lo puesto en el vacío está en reposo, y que los planetas se mueven alrededor del sol o de la tierra y la tierra alrededor de su eje

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 404»

«He regarded cold as mere privation or lack of heat, and so reduced the primary qualities to three»Gilbert tiene el frío por mera privación de calor y reduce a tres las cualidades primarias (el tramo se corta en la llamada de nota que el OCR imprime con asteriscos)

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 405»

«As in his work on the magnet, Gilbert held that the earth was a great magnet, magnetic in form, and probably in color inside, and that the magnetic core of the earth remained unaltered, while land and water changed on its surface like skin and hair»y sostiene, como en su obra del imán, que la tierra es un gran imán cuyo núcleo magnético queda inalterado mientras cambian en su superficie la tierra y el agua como piel y pelo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 405»

«Gilbert alluded to the Chaldeans and to the Magi, “who were Closely related to them,” as the first of all in the disciplines»Gilbert nombra a los caldeos y a los magos, estrechamente emparentados con ellos, como los primeros de todos en las disciplinas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 406»

«Primitive man, he held, lived a simple life in ignorance of science and mechanical arts. The savages of the West Indies now lived the same life as early man»y sostiene que el hombre primitivo vivía simplemente, ignorante de la ciencia y de las artes mecánicas, y que los salvajes de las Indias Occidentales vivían entonces esa misma vida

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 406»

«He holds that the world lives and has a soul. All the forms of sublunar things are contained in the form of the world»Chassinus sostiene que el mundo vive y tiene alma, y que todas las formas de las cosas sublunares están contenidas en la forma del mundo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 407»

«He believes that there is no sphere of fire, and that the sky is not composed of a fifth essence but of form and matter like earth, water and air»y sostiene que no hay esfera de fuego y que el cielo no se compone de una quinta esencia sino de forma y materia como la tierra, el agua y el aire

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 408»

«The sympathy existent between superiors and inferiors shows that they are alike»con el argumento que da: la simpatía entre superiores e inferiores muestra que son semejantes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 408»

«The world therefore is the first and last and greatest and most perfect of living beings, the immediate work of an infinite cause,” and itself the cause of all things which are born and die»y la fórmula con que resume su cosmología: el mundo es el primero y el último y el mayor y el más perfecto de los vivientes, obra inmediata de una causa infinita

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 408»

«Chassinus states that Copernicus in the endeavor to avoid old errors fell into new aberrations, making some parts of the universe immobile contrary to the highest reason of living nature which suffers nothing immobile»Chassinus objeta a Copérnico haber caído en aberraciones nuevas al querer evitar los errores viejos, dejando inmóviles partes del universo contra la razón de la naturaleza viviente

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 408»

«Even demons probably have to have some sustenance, but exhalations and vapors sufÏce for some of them, thin air for others»y su nota sobre el sustento de los demonios: a unos les bastan exhalaciones y vapores y a otros el aire delgado

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 409»

«Sympathy was implanted in things by the First Cause when He made the world, and exists between genera, species, and according to the occult qualities of individual things»Chassinus hace implantar la simpatía en las cosas por la Causa Primera al hacer el mundo, entre géneros, entre especies y según las cualidades ocultas de los individuos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 409»

«Chassinus distinguishes twenty kinds of sympathy up and down his Ladder of Nature and afÏrms that those who know the forms and qualities of things can by means of sympathy and antipathy achieve operations and effects, the sight of which will arouse wonder and the hearing thereof, incredulity»y distingue veinte clases de simpatía en su escala, y sostiene que quien conozca las formas y cualidades de las cosas puede lograr por simpatía y antipatía efectos que asombren a quien los vea

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 409»

«In the preface Basso justifies his criticism of Aristotle by the fact that Aristotle himself sharply attacked all previous philosophers, not sparing even his master Plato, and the further circumstance that there are so many contradictory passages in the traditional text of Aristotle that there is great dissent among his followers»Sébastien Basso justifica su crítica de Aristóteles por haber atacado este a todos los filósofos anteriores sin perdonar a Platón, y por las contradicciones del texto que dividen a sus seguidores

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 410»

«He explains the great ascendancy of Aristotle by the loss of other books of the ancients on natural philosophy, a gap which the works of Aristotle served to fill»y explica el gran ascendiente de Aristóteles por la pérdida de los demás libros antiguos de filosofía natural

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 410»

«He denies that the tides are caused by the moon and ascribes them to the vital motion of the world soul which moves the ocean in as close an approach to circular motion as it can»Chassinus niega que la luna cause las mareas y las adjudica al movimiento vital del alma del mundo, que mueve el océano acercándose cuanto puede al movimiento circular

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 407»

«discards other explanations why the sea is salt and contents himself with the sole reason that such is its nature»Chassinus desecha las demás explicaciones de la salinidad del mar y se contenta con la sola razón de que esa es su naturaleza

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 408»

«His natural order or Scala naturae is: the supreme cause, God; nothing; first matter; a positive degree of life; potentiality; the motive function of minerals»el arranque de la escala de la naturaleza de Chassinus: la causa suprema, Dios; la nada; la materia primera; un grado positivo de vida; la potencialidad; la función motriz de los minerales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 408»

«But he still believes that the planets exert most diverse effects on mortals through the very varied spirits which they have»Basso sostiene con todo que los planetas ejercen efectos diversísimos sobre los mortales por los espíritus muy variados que tienen

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 411»

«The body of the mother protects the foetus from the action of these celestial spirits, but the moment the tender body is exposed to them at birth, they take effect»y hace que el cuerpo de la madre proteja al feto de esos espíritus celestes hasta el parto, cuando el cuerpo tierno queda expuesto a ellos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 411»

«He further stated that the worst poisons made the best cures for other poisons. Dried toads applied to the region of the heart would draw out all the poison»Basso sostiene que los peores venenos dan las mejores curas de otros venenos, y que sapos secos aplicados sobre el corazón sacan todo el veneno

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 412»

«Esse autem Magiam quandam naturalem quae est secretior guaedam et abstrusior sapientiae pars et quae occulta quadam cognitione et usu quarundam rerum naturalium mira perfictt, nullo modo viris doctis dubitandum est»el epígrafe del capítulo XLIII, tomado del *De magia* de Pererio: que hay cierta magia natural, parte más secreta y abstrusa de la sabiduría, no debe dudarlo en modo alguno ningún hombre docto

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 414»

«Spirits and demons are located in the regions midway between heaven and earth, and tempests are produced by bad demons who dwell in the humid regions»y sitúa a los espíritus y demonios en las regiones intermedias entre cielo y tierra, con las tempestades producidas por los demonios malos que habitan las regiones húmedas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 415»

«The demons do not know the future or our thoughts, but work miracles by applying seminal virtues and impeding motion. But they cannot impede the regular processes of nature such as the courses of the heavenly bodies»y niega que los demonios conozcan el futuro ni nuestros pensamientos: obran maravillas aplicando virtudes seminales e impidiendo el movimiento, sin poder estorbar los procesos regulares de la naturaleza

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 415»

«Maddalena della Croce of Cordova performed miracles by the aid of demons, but Pharaoh’s magicians generated serpents naturally by the application of seminal virtue and not by force of demons»y distingue dos casos: Magdalena de la Cruz de Córdoba obró milagros con auxilio de demonios, y los magos del faraón engendraron serpientes naturalmente por aplicación de virtud seminal

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 415»

«The author says that in matters touching the Catholic Faith a sinner like himself has no license to dispute the conclusion of the Venerable Bede or of any other holy doctor, but that concerning natural phenomena he ventures to disagree with Bede»Fuentes dice que en lo tocante a la fe católica un pecador como él no tiene licencia para disputar la conclusión de Beda, y que en lo natural se atreve a disentir de él

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 415»

«Every thing and place in the world radiated force to all the other parts and received rays from them»según Thorndike, Dee hace que cada cosa y cada lugar del mundo irradie fuerza a todas las demás partes y reciba rayos de ellas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 416»

«Species, both spiritual and natural, flowed off from objects with light or without it, impressing themselves not only on the sight but the other senses, and especially coalescing in our imaginative spirit and working marvels in us»y que las especies, espirituales y naturales, fluyan de los objetos con luz o sin ella, imprimiéndose en la vista y en los demás sentidos y coalesciendo en nuestro espíritu imaginativo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 416»

«Moreover, the human soul and the specific form of every thing has many more and more excellent virtues and operations than has the human body or the matter of the thing in question»y que el alma humana y la forma específica de cada cosa tengan virtudes y operaciones más numerosas y más excelentes que el cuerpo o la materia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 416»

«Similarly the invisible rays of the planets or their secret influence surpass their sensible rays or light»y que los rayos invisibles de los planetas, o su influencia secreta, superen a sus rayos sensibles o luz

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 416»

«In the text he notes that the astrologers had failed to predict either an epidemic of a cardiac sweating sickness in 1529 or the more recent bursting of the dykes and inundation by the ocean of a large part of the Low Countries»Lemnius anota que los astrólogos no predijeron ni la epidemia de sudor cardiaco de 1529 ni la rotura reciente de los diques y la inundación de gran parte de los Países Bajos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 418»

«He nonetheless afÏrms that no one is more studious of the art and more addicted to it than himself»y afirma con todo que nadie es más estudioso del arte ni más adicto a él que él mismo; el OCR imprime *afÏrms* con la ligadura fi vuelta Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 418»

«but holds that food, exercise, medicines and education have a greater immediate influence than the stars»y sostiene que el alimento, el ejercicio, las medicinas y la educación tienen influencia inmediata mayor que los astros

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 418»

«Consequently a physician should not let an unfavorable aspect of the constellations cause him to delay the application of a medical treatment that seems urgently called for»de donde saca que el médico no debe dejar que un aspecto desfavorable de las constelaciones le haga aplazar un tratamiento urgente

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 418»

«He had warned against being deceived by mathematical conceptions and had emphasized the need of always understanding natural things»y advierte contra dejarse engañar por las concepciones matemáticas y por la necesidad de entender siempre las cosas naturales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 419»

«He afÏrmed that a person skilled in catoptric could by art impress the rays of each star more strongly than nature can, and that this was the main feature of the natural magic of the ancient sages»Dee afirma que un perito en catóptrica puede por arte imprimir los rayos de cada astro con más fuerza que la naturaleza, y que en eso consistía lo principal de la magia natural de los sabios antiguos; el OCR imprime *afÏrmed* con la ligadura fi vuelta Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 416»

«Earlier in the same work he had raised the question whether the truth of the mind was always consonant with the truth of nature»Nicolaus Biesius se pregunta si la verdad de la mente es siempre consonante con la verdad de la naturaleza

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 419»

«He states that we see a certain perpetual vicissitude of all things, that in many regions there is now deep sea where there once was cultivated land, that areas now desert were once fertile and densely populated»Biesius sostiene que vemos una vicisitud perpetua de todas las cosas: donde hubo tierra cultivada hay hoy mar profundo, y donde hoy hay desierto hubo tierras fértiles y pobladas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 420»

«Indeed, nothing in nature can be constant, for the celestial bodies themselves continually slip and draw these inferiors into unceasing vicissitudes»y remata que nada en la naturaleza puede ser constante, porque los propios cuerpos celestes se deslizan sin cesar y arrastran a estos inferiores

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 420»

«He is as certain that the rule of the ethereal region extends to the innermost parts of the earth as he is that all things are full of divine providence»y tiene por igual de cierto que el imperio de la región etérea llega a las partes más internas de la tierra y que todo está lleno de providencia divina

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 420»

«The chemists, he says, strive to render matter apt to the form of a better metal by subjecting it to suitable fires, places and celestial influence, and now reducing it to vapor, now to a powder»Biesius describe con favor el trabajo de los químicos, que buscan hacer la materia apta a la forma de un metal mejor sometiéndola a fuegos, lugares e influencia celeste convenientes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 421»

«Biesius further lists various kinds of divination and occult arts, and observes that they all seem to have originated in the idea that all things, even the least, are bound in an inevitable series of causes, and that all bodies are governed by incorporeal forces»y observa que todas las artes adivinatorias parecen nacer de la idea de que todo, hasta lo mínimo, está atado en una serie inevitable de causas y de que los cuerpos son gobernados por fuerzas incorpóreas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 421»

«He himself, however, would draw a line between natural and voluntary causes»y traza por su cuenta una línea entre causas naturales y voluntarias

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 421»

«In it he accepts the “incredible sympathy of all things, especially those which are most closely joined by Nature»Biesius acepta la increíble simpatía de todas las cosas, sobre todo de las que la naturaleza une más estrechamente

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 421»

«Magic at best is mixed with inane superstitions, illusion, and the activity of evil spirits»y sostiene que la magia, en el mejor de los casos, está mezclada con supersticiones inanes, ilusión y actividad de espíritus malos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 421»

«Biesius finally concludes that, if there be any natural virtue in magic, it is too obscure for the human mind to discover and reduce to an art»y concluye que, si hubiera alguna virtud natural en la magia, sería demasiado oscura para que la mente humana la descubriera y la redujera a arte

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 421»

«these properties are generally constant: the experiments of magic are inconstant and of no avail unless one puts faith in them»y marca la diferencia con el imán y la escamonea: esas propiedades son constantes, y los experimentos de la magia son inconstantes y no sirven de nada si no se les tiene fe

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 422»

«Therefore by artificial figures no natural force either of celestial or inferior bodies is set in motion»y la conclusión que saca: por figuras artificiales no se pone en movimiento fuerza natural alguna, ni celeste ni inferior

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 422»

«Even less is this the case with characters and words, which must owe to demons any virtue that they may seem to possess. But the demons are not compelled by them»y menos aún con caracteres y palabras, que cualquier virtud aparente habrían de deberla a los demonios, sin que estos queden compelidos por ellas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 422»

«The rungs in Maffei’s natural ladder are the successive spheres of the four elements and ten heavens»los peldaños de la escala natural de Giovanni Camillo Maffei: las esferas sucesivas de los cuatro elementos y los diez cielos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 423»

«In his pages we still meet the barnacle geese and such incredible stories as the bearing in the year 1314 by Margarita, countess of Holland, at the age of forty-two, of 364 infants at one birth»entre las historias increíbles que Pictorius trae: los gansos percebe y el parto de trescientos sesenta y cuatro criaturas de la condesa Margarita de Holanda en 1314

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 425»

«Soon we come to eyesight and the old query why the glance of a menstruating woman spots a clean mirror, or why eunuchs have weak sight»entre las cuestiones de Pictorius: por qué la mirada de una mujer menstruante mancha un espejo limpio y por qué los eunucos tienen la vista débil

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 426»

«Astrology enters into the explanation why the child born in the eighth month rarely lives, but we are informed that there are those who reject the dominance of cold, slow Saturn over that month as the cause»la astrología entra en la explicación de por qué rara vez vive el niño nacido en el octavo mes, aunque haya quienes rechacen el dominio del frío y lento Saturno sobre ese mes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 426»

«In the third century it is explained that diseases are sometimes cured by incantations through strong mental application and imagination on the part of both the enchanter and the enchanted»Pictorius explica que las enfermedades se curan a veces por encantamientos, por la fuerte aplicación mental e imaginación del que encanta y del encantado

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 427»

«One is struck by fear and trembling when crossing ground where a man has been slain or a corpse recently buried, because one’s spirits are affected by the air there, which is filled with horrible species of homicide»y adjudica el miedo que da cruzar un lugar donde mataron a un hombre a que los espíritus se ven afectados por el aire de allí, lleno de especies horribles del homicidio

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 427»

«A corpse weighs more than a living body, because its celestial heat has exhaled with the soul, just as lead gains weight when turned into ceruse»y sostiene que el cadáver pesa más que el cuerpo vivo porque su calor celeste exhaló con el alma, como el plomo gana peso al volverse albayalde

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 427»

«Here we may notice the plucking or digging of magic herbs at a given time with certain ceremonies, or the curing of toothache by saying “Anasageus” thrice, touching the aching tooth with a spear and driving the spear into the pavement of the baptistery»entre las especies de magia ceremonial que Pictorius enumera: coger las hierbas mágicas a hora dada con ciertas ceremonias, y curar el dolor de muelas diciendo tres veces *Anasageus* y clavando una lanza en el pavimento del baptisterio

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 428»

«When he was a boy, Pictorius saw on St. John the Baptist’s day before dawn a root of chicory dug from the ground on bended knee with a sword of gold, silver and iron, and exorcized with many ceremonies»y el recuerdo de infancia que refiere: vio antes del alba, el día de San Juan Bautista, arrancar de rodillas una raíz de achicoria con una espada de oro, plata y hierro

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 428»

«Pictorius also mentions magical measures to protect domestic animals and such popular superstitions as that miscarriage will result if a tripod is left standing idle in the fire, that the infant will sicken if its cradle is moved often while empty, that one will be defeated who receives his arms from a woman, and will be killed if one descends into the arena to fight in woman’s clothing»y entre las supersticiones populares que recoge: que habrá aborto si se deja un trípode ocioso en el fuego, que el niño enfermará si se mueve a menudo su cuna vacía y que será vencido quien reciba sus armas de una mujer

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 428»

«Such precautions against witchcraft are mentioned as not throwing away any of one’s hair that has been combed out without first spitting on it, and breaking eggshells with a knife thrice after eating eggs»y las precauciones contra la brujería: no tirar el pelo que se ha peinado sin escupir antes en él, y romper las cáscaras de huevo con un cuchillo tres veces después de comerlos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 428»

«Pictorius distinguishes northern and southern sublunar demons, also “criminatores et exploratores” and “tentatores vel insidiatores” who accompany individual men as evil geniuses»Pictorius distingue demonios sublunares del norte y del sur, y los acusadores y exploradores y los tentadores o asechadores que acompañan a cada hombre como genios malos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 429»

«He believes that they have flexible bodies of fire, air or water»y les da cuerpos flexibles de fuego, aire o agua

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 429»

«But he does not approve of the Pentagon ascribed to Solomon being used against them»y desaprueba en cambio el pentágono adjudicado a Salomón

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 429»

«He twice quotes Averroes against Algazel to the effect that magic characters and signs are of no avail except in conjunction with pacts with demons»y cita dos veces a Averroes contra Algazel para decir que los caracteres y signos mágicos no valen sino junto con pactos con demonios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 429»

«As for witches, Pictorius would put them to death not only as non-Christian and as injuring others but as guilty of the worst form of bestiality in having carnal intercourse with the devil»Pictorius quiere dar muerte a las brujas no solo por no cristianas y por dañar a otros, sino por la peor forma de bestialidad, el comercio carnal con el diablo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 429»

«he still argues that the rapidly growing number of these furies needs to be checked by burning them, if anyone is to remain free from their incantations»y argumenta que el número creciente de esas furias pide atajarlas quemándolas si alguien ha de quedar libre de sus encantamientos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 429»

«It emphasized the analogy of the external senses to the internal faculties, the ascent and descent of the soul»el arte ciclognómico de Gemma subraya la analogía de los sentidos externos con las facultades internas y el ascenso y descenso del alma

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 430»

«It sought suggestions as to method from the philosophy of Plato and Zoroaster, which it recognized was “utterly confused and hitherto undigested»y busca sugerencias de método en la filosofía de Platón y de Zoroastro, que él mismo reconocía del todo confusa y hasta entonces indigesta

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 430»

«Cornelius treats of the species of divinity diffused throughout the world, of ideas and celestial rays, of the intricate form of mixture and proportions which produces occult virtues, of microcosm and macrocosm, of the sacred science of true magic, and of the order of relationship and similitude which is the bond of the universe»Gemma trata de las especies de divinidad difundidas por el mundo, de las ideas y los rayos celestes, de las virtudes ocultas, del microcosmo y el macrocosmo, de la ciencia sagrada de la magia verdadera y del orden de semejanza que ata el universo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 431»

«He concludes that there is one art of curing bodies, souls and the entire state, that meteors in the universe are like diseases in man, and that a single method applies to signs in the air of storm or tranquillity, to signs in the body of health or illness, to signs of war and peace in the state»y concluye que hay un solo arte de curar cuerpos, almas y el estado entero, que los meteoros del universo son como las enfermedades en el hombre y que un mismo método vale para las señales del aire, del cuerpo y del estado

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 431»

«As from some defect in the blood of the mother the spirits of her body paint some enormous appetites in the foetus, or it is affected by the mother’s imaginative faculty, so vicious concepts pass from human lust to the spirit of the universe, which imprints corresponding characters upon the elements and through them on the state and politics»y la analogía con que cierra: como los antojos se pintan en el feto por defecto de la sangre materna, los conceptos viciosos pasan del apetito humano al espíritu del universo, que imprime caracteres en los elementos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 431»

«Although Cornelius has attacked the vanity of astrology, he defends astrological medicine and hints that the disappearance of ancient diseases and coming of new maladies are caused by the stars and especially by their conjunctions»Gemma ataca la vanidad de la astrología y defiende a la vez la medicina astrológica e insinúa que los astros causan la desaparición de las enfermedades antiguas y la llegada de las nuevas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 432»

«From the universal cataclysm and confusion after the tower of Babel were born such beings as fauns, satyrs, androgyni, “sclopodes”’ (i.e. skiapodes), cyclopes, centaurs, pygmies, giants, headless men, dog-headed men and cannibals»Gemma hace nacer del cataclismo y la confusión tras la torre de Babel a los faunos, sátiros, andróginos, esciápodos, cíclopes, centauros, pigmeos, gigantes, acéfalos, cinocéfalos y caníbales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 432»

«But Gemma would adduce more potent causes in our sins and the harmony of nature with the sky and the divine»y frente a los médicos que adjudican esos monstruos a los astros o a la simiente, aduce causas más potentes en nuestros pecados y en la armonía de la naturaleza con el cielo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 432»

«he asserts that seers and workers of incredible things and rulers of the elements are produced naturally by certain genitures, although they may be unjustly suspected of necromancy and pacts with demons»Gemma sostiene que los videntes, los obradores de cosas increíbles y los dueños de los elementos se producen naturalmente por ciertas genituras, aunque se los sospeche injustamente de nigromancia y pactos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 432»

«Before the German war in 1546 they say that a child was born in Franconia with a knife stuck in its belly, a clear sign of intestinal wars»uno de los ejemplos históricos del arte cosmocrítica de Gemma: antes de la guerra alemana de 1546 nació en Franconia un niño con un cuchillo clavado en el vientre, señal clara de guerras intestinas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 433»

«Pererius admits the existence of natural magic, which is the noblest part of physical science, medicine and mathematics»el jesuita Benito Pereira admite la existencia de la magia natural y la llama la parte más noble de la ciencia física, la medicina y las matemáticas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 434»

«For scarcely any mortal or certainly very few indeed, and those men of the keenest genius who have employed diligent observation for a long time, can attain to such natural magic»y acota quién puede alcanzarla: apenas algún mortal, y esos de ingenio agudísimo y tras larga observación diligente

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 435»

«On the other hand, Pererius rejects the attempt of Peter of Abano, Cardan, and Pomponazzi in his book De incantationtbus to reduce all works of magic to natural causes and to exclude any influence of demons»Pereira rechaza el intento de Pedro de Abano, Cardano y Pomponazzi de reducir todas las obras de magia a causas naturales y excluir la influencia de los demonios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 435»

«While Pererius admits the validity of natural magic, he denies any validity to either astronomical magic which employs astronomical images or to cabalistical magic»y niega validez tanto a la magia astronómica de las imágenes como a la magia cabalística

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 435»

«It is that there is no philosophical argument which is decisive against transmutation, since animals are produced by incubators, while drugs and many other things are made artificially»la opinión de Pereira sobre la transmutación: ningún argumento filosófico la decide en contra, pues los animales se producen por incubadoras y las drogas se hacen artificialmente

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 435»

«But the failure of the alchemists to succeed is against them and leads to such evils as poverty, counterfeiting, and harmful medicines»y lo que pesa en contra: el fracaso de los alquimistas y los males que de ahí nacen, pobreza, falsificación y medicinas dañinas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 435»

«Even natural magic may with some reason be forbidden in the state, since its occult character readily lends it to abuse»y concede que aun la magia natural pueda prohibirse con alguna razón en el estado, porque su carácter oculto se presta al abuso

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 435»

«In his second book on dreams Pererius holds that many are vain and idle, but many also true»Pereira sostiene que muchos sueños son vanos y ociosos y muchos también verdaderos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 435»

«Those which incite to lust are probably from the evil one, while those which instigate to alms, celibacy and taking religious vows should be carefully weighed as possible divine messages»y da la regla de discernimiento: los que incitan a la lujuria vienen probablemente del malo, y los que mueven a la limosna, al celibato y a los votos hay que pesarlos como posibles mensajes divinos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 436»

«But Pererius would reject as superstitious and worse than astrology any art of interpreting dreams in which all were included without distinction and interpreted by fixed rules»y rechaza por supersticioso y peor que la astrología todo arte de interpretar sueños que los incluya todos sin distinción y los lea por reglas fijas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 436»

«He argues that the art is contrary to the Christian religion, that astrologers do not understand the heavens, that their rules are unreasonable, that the stars are neither signs nor causes of future events, and that the realization of certain predictions is to be assigned rather to demon aid, human shrewdness and other causes»los cargos de Pereira contra la astrología: contraria a la religión cristiana, los astrólogos no entienden los cielos, sus reglas no son razonables y los astros no son señales ni causas de los sucesos futuros

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 436»

«The author maintained that much reading and the best masters would not make a person proficient in a study for which he had no natural aptitude»Juan Huarte de San Juan sostiene que ni mucha lectura ni los mejores maestros hacen diestro a nadie en un estudio para el que no tiene aptitud natural

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 437»

«Aevolus declares them due to contrary qualities in natural bodies which may be both from the stars and from the qualities of the elements»Cesare Evoli adjudica la simpatía y la antipatía a cualidades contrarias en los cuerpos naturales, venidas tanto de los astros como de las cualidades de los elementos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 438»

«Natural magic is the application of true and natural causes to produce rare and unusual effects by methods neither superstitious nor diabolical»la definición de magia natural que Mairhofer propone en sus tesis de Ingolstadt

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 439»

«Although all natural science might be called magic, the name natural magic is in fact applied only to what resembles diabolical magic in the effects produced and which is more highly regarded by the common run of men than other sciences»y la razón que da del nombre: aunque toda ciencia natural pudiera llamarse magia, el nombre se aplica solo a lo que se parece a la magia diabólica en sus efectos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 439»

«Originally the Persian word for wisdom, as men fell off into judicial astrology and worse superstitions, it became confused with sorcery, goetia and infamous magic worked by invocation of demons»y traza la historia de la palabra: voz persa para sabiduría, se confundió con la hechicería y la goecia conforme los hombres cayeron en la astrología judiciaria y en supersticiones peores

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 439»

«When anything is accepted as a certain or probable cause by prudent and circumspect men who are not misled by their emotions or by devotion to suspect arts but have knowledge and experience in natural science, the same should be accepted by less prudent and expert persons, or at least they should not deny that it is a cause»el primer criterio de credibilidad de Mairhofer: lo que hombres prudentes y peritos en ciencia natural admiten como causa cierta o probable deben admitirlo también los menos expertos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 439»

«Nor should it be accepted as a cause if it fails to work at another time with like conditions prevalent. Nor if it lacks that afÏnity with its supposed effect which other causes commonly have. Nor when it never produces the effect by itself but only in conjunction with other factors which might be the true cause»y los criterios negativos: no se acepta como causa lo que falla en otra ocasión con las mismas condiciones, ni lo que carece de la afinidad que las demás causas tienen con su efecto, ni lo que nunca obra por sí solo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 439»

«But Mairhofer rejects this explanation and also that of Avicenna that the human imagination by the influence of the stars acquires the power to work wonders such as Catholic doctors deem miraculous»Mairhofer rechaza la explicación de los milagros por virtud oculta impresa por los astros y la de Avicena por la imaginación humana

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 440»

«Indeed Mairhofer denies any operative force to imagination or figure and characters or voices and words»y niega fuerza operativa a la imaginación, a las figuras y caracteres y a las voces y palabras

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 440»

«The wonders seemingly effected by such methods are really the work of demons, of diabolical rather than natural magic»y adjudica a los demonios, esto es a la magia diabólica, las maravillas que parecen obrarse por esos medios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 440»

«Mairhofer admits that there is great virtue in the stars and in many inferior objects. But he holds that not all the occult virtues attributed to plants and stones are true»Mairhofer admite gran virtud en los astros y en muchos objetos inferiores y niega que sean verdaderas todas las virtudes ocultas adjudicadas a plantas y piedras

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 440»

«He accepts such antipathies for the lion and cock, elephant and mouse, bull and fig, snake and ash-tree, man and the hyena, the lamb and wolf, eagle and other birds, and such sympathies between man and the dolphin, the viper and murena, snake and eel, crocodile and golden-crested wren, naphtha and fire, heliotrope and sun, elm and poplar, myrrh and pumice stone»y la lista de simpatías y antipatías que sí acepta: el león y el gallo, el elefante y el ratón, el toro y la higuera, la serpiente y el fresno, el hombre y el delfín, el heliotropo y el sol, el olmo y el álamo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 440»

«But some supposed sympathies and antipathies are false, such as that men by antipathy with the stars can calm storms, tame wild beasts, produce gold from the vilest substances in short order, or find hidden treasure»y las que tiene por falsas: que los hombres puedan por antipatía con los astros calmar tormentas, amansar fieras, hacer oro de las sustancias más viles o hallar tesoros escondidos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 440»

«There are three modes of magical illusion. The spectators may be deceived by “indisposition of the object according to place and site,”’ or by “indisposition of the medium, especially by interruption of its continuity, condensation, figuration, mixture of exhalations, or undue illumination.”” Human art can induce error by these two methods. But the third method, where a phantastic body is formed, is possible only for demons»los tres modos de ilusión mágica de Mairhofer: por indisposición del objeto, por indisposición del medio, y la formación de un cuerpo fantástico, posible solo para los demonios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 441»

«Even the powers of the demons are restricted to the virtue of moving and applying active to passive; they cannot produce anything immediately»y el límite que pone al poder de los demonios: mover y aplicar lo activo a lo pasivo, sin poder producir nada de modo inmediato

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 441»

«Turning from magical operations and illusions to divination of the future, Mairhofer allows weather prediction, medical prognostication, astronomical forecast of the future positions of the heavenly bodies, and any inference from previous experience»y lo que permite en materia de adivinación: predicción del tiempo, pronóstico médico, cálculo astronómico de las posiciones futuras y toda inferencia desde la experiencia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 441»

«Joseph and Daniel interpreted dreams by special gift of God and may not be adduced as proving an art of divination from dreams»y sostiene que José y Daniel interpretaron sueños por don especial de Dios y no prueban un arte de adivinación por sueños

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 441»

«if the quality of the seed and parents is known beforehand, and their mode of life on which the quality of the seed depends not a little, one can predict something with some degree of probability, especially when the constellation is noteworthy according to the temperament of the quality, from the position of the stars at the moment of origin»y la única predicción que concede: algo probable, si se conocen de antemano la calidad de la semilla y de los padres y su modo de vida

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 441»

«The first book, which remained essentially the same in all editions, discussed the chief causes, manifest and occult, of natural marvels and marvelous artificial operations: the elements and their qualities, forms, celestial influence, sympathy and antipathy, likeness and occult virtue, with some attention to time and place, to methods of preparing and mixing compounds, and to the properties of fountains»el primer libro de la *Magia natural*, igual en todas las ediciones, trata de las causas manifiestas y ocultas de las maravillas naturales: elementos y cualidades, formas, influencia celeste, simpatía y antipatía, semejanza y virtud oculta

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 443»

«Porta further insists that he has never treated anything here or elsewhere, unless a natural explanation could be given for it»Porta insiste en no haber tratado nunca nada, aquí ni en otra parte, que no admitiera explicación natural

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 444»

«He has not merely exploited past writings and personally tested those statements which seemed incredible, but has also collected much new material by travel and correspondence»y dice haber probado por sí mismo lo que parecía increíble en los escritos pasados y haber reunido mucho material nuevo por viajes y correspondencia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 444»

«the attractive force of the magnet. He denies the remedies ascribed to it, that anointing it with garlic nullifies its power, or that goat’s blood increases it»Porta halla por experimento que el diamante no contrarresta la fuerza del imán, y niega los remedios que se le adjudican, que el ajo lo anule y que la sangre de cabra lo acreciente (el tramo se acorta para no arrastrar una palabra que el guion de fin de renglón fabricaría)

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 444»

«He believes in fascination and the use of amulets against it. He would wear a bezoar stone from the West Indies over the heart as a safeguard against the pest»Porta cree en la fascinación y en los amuletos contra ella, y llevaría sobre el corazón una piedra bezoar de las Indias Occidentales como resguardo contra la peste

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 444»

«But he attributes the effect to the fat of hares burned in the lamp rather than to the magic characters with which the lamp is engraved»y adjudica el efecto de la lámpara mágica que hace bailar desnudas a las mujeres a la grasa de liebre quemada en ella y no a los caracteres mágicos grabados

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 445»

«In his PhytognomonicaTM of 1588 Porta especially developed the doctrine of signatures by which the occult virtues of plants— and other things—could be recognized from their external appearance»en la *Phytognomonica* de 1588 Porta desarrolla la doctrina de las signaturas, por la que las virtudes ocultas de las plantas se reconocen por su apariencia externa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 446»

«Plants which resemble parts of animals have similar virtues. By their likeness to human members they indicate what diseases they will heal»y su regla: las plantas que se parecen a partes de animales tienen virtudes semejantes, y por su semejanza con los miembros humanos indican qué enfermedades curarán

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 446»

«In their movement, color and figure, plants are associated with different stars, metals and gems, and share their respective virtues»y las liga por movimiento, color y figura con distintos astros, metales y gemas, cuyas virtudes comparten

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 446»

«Plants of yellow color purge of bile. Those of black color and likewise black animals generate melancholy and the worst diseases and are harbingers of death»entre las correspondencias de Porta: las plantas amarillas purgan la bilis, y las negras, como los animales negros, engendran melancolía y las peores enfermedades y anuncian la muerte

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 446»

«Milky plants are good for the milk; bony plants heal the bones; animals with big ears are remedial for deafness; digitated and articulated herbs are good for the fingers and gout»y más: las plantas lechosas para la leche, las huesudas para los huesos, los animales de orejas grandes contra la sordera y las hierbas digitadas para los dedos y la gota

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 446»

«Vigilant animals make man wakeful, and eating sleepy animals is a soporific. Animals that dream make men dream, and plants also have influence on dreams»y las del sueño: los animales vigilantes desvelan, comer animales dormilones da sueño, los animales que sueñan hacen soñar y las plantas influyen también en los sueños

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 447»

«assures us that wherever there is any ill, in that place there also grows a remedy for it»y la regla con que cierra: dondequiera que hay un mal crece en ese mismo lugar su remedio

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 447»

«He was impressed by natural marvels and believed in the existence of occult qualities and more profound impressions in nature»Bruno se impresionaba con las maravillas naturales y creía en las cualidades ocultas y en impresiones más profundas en la naturaleza

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 448»

«Moreover, he held that the least thing in nature may work the greatest operations»y sostenía que la cosa más pequeña de la naturaleza puede obrar las mayores operaciones

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 448»

«But mere body would be insensible, and according to Bruno body does not act directly on body, but all action is produced by quality, by form, and finally by soul»y que el cuerpo por sí sería insensible, de modo que ningún cuerpo obra directamente sobre otro cuerpo, sino que toda acción se produce por la cualidad, por la forma y al fin por el alma

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 448»

«Moreover, every soul and spirit has a certain continuity with this spirit of the universe, which explains why we can see distant objects without anything going out from the eye to them»Bruno hace que toda alma y todo espíritu tengan cierta continuidad con el espíritu del universo, lo que explicaría que veamos objetos lejanos sin que nada salga del ojo hacia ellos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 449»

«In addition to water, which he also called the abyss or styx, and earth, to which he gave the other names of atis and atom, he enumerated as the third, spirit or air or soul, and light rather than fire as the fourth and last»la variación de Bruno sobre los cuatro elementos: el agua, que llama también abismo o Estigia, la tierra, a la que da los nombres de *atis* y átomo, el espíritu o aire o alma, y la luz en vez del fuego

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 449»

«Bruno believed not only in a world soul but in various orders of invisible spiritual beings in the sense of demons. Besides the _ higher orders there are those which inhabit the bodies of men or of other animals, or plants, stones and minerals, including the spirits in mines»Bruno creía en un alma del mundo y en varios órdenes de seres espirituales invisibles, con los que habitan cuerpos de hombres y animales, plantas, piedras y minerales, incluidos los espíritus de las minas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 449»

«He cites the Neo-Platonists Porphyry and Plotinus on the subject of spirits and holds it very probable that all diseases are evil demons»y cita a Porfirio y a Plotino sobre los espíritus y tiene por muy probable que todas las enfermedades sean demonios malos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 449»

«Certain men have the gift of dominating over certain spirits of disease, as we see in the cure of scrofula by royal touch or the healing virtue of the spittle of a seventh son»y sostiene que ciertos hombres tienen el don de dominar sobre ciertos espíritus de enfermedad, como se ve en la cura de la escrófula por el toque real o en la saliva de un séptimo hijo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 449»

«Just as men ignorant of each other’s language must communicate by signs, so we are able to communicate with demons only by figures, characters, seals, ceremonies and the like devices»y compara: como los que no saben la lengua del otro se comunican por señas, con los demonios solo cabe comunicarse por figuras, caracteres, sellos y ceremonias

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 449»

«in which, however, he afÏrmed that images, seals and characters contributed to action as well as perception and signifying, and did so physically as well as mathematically and logically»Bruno afirma en su obra sobre la composición de imágenes, signos e ideas que las imágenes, sellos y caracteres contribuyen a la acción además de a la percepción, y físicamente además de matemática y lógicamente; el OCR imprime *afÏrmed* con la ligadura fi vuelta Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 450»

«In magic Bruno expounds the following scale or ladder of interaction and influence between God and the inferior world. God acts upon the gods—who are presumably roughly equivalent to the Intelligences of Aristotle and medieval philosophy, although we may perhaps detect here Neo-Platonic influence—the gods upon the celestial bodies or stars, the stars on the demons, who are inhabitants of the stars—of which the earth is one—the demons act upon the elements, the elements act on compounds, compounds act upon sense, sense on soul, the soul on the whole animal»la escala de influencia que Bruno expone en la magia: Dios sobre los dioses, estos sobre los astros, los astros sobre los demonios, los demonios sobre los elementos, los elementos sobre los compuestos, estos sobre el sentido, el sentido sobre el alma y el alma sobre el animal entero

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 450»

«By magic the attempt is made to ascend this ladder in the opposite direction from animal to God»y define la magia como el intento de subir esa escala en sentido inverso

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 450»

«First is magic in the sense of wisdom; second, natural magic caused by active and passive qualities; third, sleight-of-hand and deceit; fourth, the relationship of sympathy and antipathy resulting from the soul or spirit in things; fifth, mathematical magic employing figures, characters, words, numbers, etc.; sixth, theurgy or invocation of demons»las primeras seis de las diez variedades de magia de Bruno: la sabiduría, la magia natural por cualidades activas y pasivas, el juego de manos, la simpatía y antipatía por el alma o espíritu de las cosas, la magia matemática de figuras y caracteres, y la teurgia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 450»

«He thought that the virtues of the seven planets had been noted by the ancient Chaldaeans’” and that it had been experimentally verified that persons born under the influence of Venus were disposed to oratory, love and peace; those under Mercury, to deception, fraud and theft; those under Mars, to strife and hate»Bruno tenía por notadas por los antiguos caldeos las virtudes de los siete planetas y por verificado por experiencia que los nacidos bajo Venus se inclinan a la oratoria, al amor y a la paz, los de Mercurio al engaño y los de Marte a la contienda

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 451»

«Of magic Obicius distinguishes three varieties: evil (malefica), superstitious, and natural»Obicius distingue tres variedades de magia: maléfica, supersticiosa y natural

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 454»

«Under the first category come pyromancy, aeromancy, geomancy, hydromancy, captromancy, aruspicium, lecanomancy, capnomancy, necromancy, and praestigium»bajo la maléfica pone la piromancia, la aeromancia, la geomancia, la hidromancia, la catoptromancia, el aruspicio, la lecanomancia, la capnomancia, la nigromancia y la *praestigium*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 454»

«Under the seond are chiromancy, physiognomy, such geomancy as is not evil, augury, auspices, horospicium, sortilegium, nomantia, ars motoria, ars Almadel, the Pauline art, and the Cabala»y bajo la supersticiosa la quiromancia, la fisiognomía, cierta geomancia, el augurio, los auspicios, el sortilegio, la *nomantia*, el arte notoria, el arte de Almadel, el arte paulina y la cábala; el troceo imprime *seond*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 454»

«Obicius believes that the magnet attracts iron by sympathy, and that poison kills by antipathy»Obicius pone por ejemplo de magia natural la química y cree que el imán atrae el hierro por simpatía y que el veneno mata por antipatía

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 454»

«If this were true, continue our authors, chiromancy would be a natural science and above suspicion, but it had been condemned outright by the bull of Sixtus V»y la consecuencia que sacan: de ser así la quiromancia sería ciencia natural y estaría fuera de sospecha, pero la bula de Sixto V la condenó de plano

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 455»

«But Passi prefers to carry the war into the enemy’s camp and charge that Aristotle did not even treat all parts of natural philosophy completely and that he made mistakes»ante el argumento de que Aristóteles no menciona las virtudes ocultas, Passi prefiere llevar la guerra al campo enemigo y acusar a Aristóteles de no tratar completa la filosofía natural y de errar

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 456»

«He goes farther and afÏrms the existence of one spirit or sense diffused through the universe and found even»Bruno afirma un solo espíritu o sentido difundido por el universo y hallado hasta en los objetos inanimados; el OCR imprime *afÏrms* con la ligadura fi vuelta Ï y el tramo se corta antes de las notas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 448»

«eighth, maleficia or use of the parts of things to bind; ninth, divination; and last, vulgar witchcraft, of which Bruno had a very poor opinion»las últimas variedades de magia de Bruno: los *maleficia* que usan partes de cosas para ligar, la adivinación y la brujería vulgar, de la que tenía muy mala opinión

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 451»

«Laying down the axiom that the seven planets were rulers of all bodies, Alsted argued that all fixed stars, herbs and animals should be reduced to seven classes, or no progress worth while could be made in philosophy»Alsted sienta como axioma que los siete planetas rigen todos los cuerpos y sostiene que las fijas, las hierbas y los animales deben reducirse a siete clases so pena de no avanzar en filosofía

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 458»

«The third column was experience and that by hand and fire. The fourth was the physiognomy of all things and involved the doctrine of signatures in plants and animals»y las otras dos columnas de la ciencia física que enumera: la experiencia por mano y fuego, y la fisiognomía de todas las cosas con la doctrina de las signaturas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 458»

«Similarly in the Encyclopedia among thirty-seven disciplines are included magic, cabala, enigmatic writing, paradoxes, hieroglyphics, the Lullian art, polygraphy, sacred physics, theosophy and the philosophy of Solomon»entre las treinta y siete disciplinas de la *Encyclopaedia* de Alsted figuran la magia, la cábala, la escritura enigmática, las paradojas, los jeroglíficos, el arte luliana, la poligrafía, la física sagrada, la teosofía y la filosofía de Salomón

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 458»

«Or among twenty-four marvels of natural and mathematical magic are enumerated medical and metallic tinctures, perpetual motion, accelerating the growth of vegetables, arcane virtues in stones, plants and animals, gathering various animals in one place or dispelling them, long preservation or sudden corruption, marvelous fires and candles, marvelous waters, optical illusions and fallacies of colors, sympathies and antipathies, removal of fascination, polygraphy, steganography, tricks with mirrors, automata moved by the spirit of the world included in them, and magnetic operations»y entre las veinticuatro maravillas de la magia natural y matemática: tinturas medicinales y metálicas, movimiento perpetuo, virtudes arcanas en piedras, plantas y animales, remoción de la fascinación, esteganografía, autómatas movidos por el espíritu del mundo y operaciones magnéticas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 458»

«Magic, in Alsted’s definition, produces marvels by a secret method unknown to the vulgar and is either divining or operative, licit and philosophical or illicit and diabolical»la definición de magia de Alsted: produce maravillas por un método secreto ignorado del vulgo, y es adivinatoria u operativa, lícita y filosófica o ilícita y diabólica

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 458»

«Against diabolical magic lawful remedies are prophylactics or analeptics, while exorcisms and the use of the name of Jesus or sign of the cross are forbidden»y sus remedios lícitos contra la magia diabólica: profilácticos y analépticos, con los exorcismos y el uso del nombre de Jesús o de la señal de la cruz prohibidos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 458»

«To work philosophical magic the operator must be pious and acquainted with nature, especially with the influences of the stars»y las condiciones del operador de la magia filosófica: ser piadoso y conocer la naturaleza, sobre todo las influencias de los astros

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 459»

«The heavens act on these inferiors by light, by motion, and by occult influence. They act immediately on all sublunar bodies, indirectly upon the soul of man»Alsted hace obrar los cielos sobre los inferiores por luz, por movimiento y por influencia oculta, inmediatamente sobre los cuerpos sublunares e indirectamente sobre el alma del hombre

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 459»

«He repeats the theory found in Peucer’s work on divination that every five hundredth or seven hundredth year is fatal to states, or at least that they do not commonly endure longer»y repite de Peucer la teoría de que cada quinientos o setecientos años es fatal para los estados, que no suelen durar más

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 459»

«More than seven hundred years have elapsed since Charlemagne, and seven centuries since Otto III’s institution of the electoral college will soon be run, so that it is no wonder that the Holy Roman Empire is hastening to its doom»y la aplica a su presente: pasados más de setecientos años desde Carlomagno, no es maravilla que el Sacro Imperio corra a su ruina

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 459»

«As the sun is the chief planet, man the highest animal, wine the best product of vegetation, so gold holds first place in the mineral kingdom»la correspondencia de Alsted: como el sol es el planeta principal, el hombre el animal más alto y el vino lo mejor de lo vegetal, el oro ocupa el primer lugar del reino mineral

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 459»

«Gems exert their virtues worn in rings, suspended about the neck, taken in drink, or reduced to shavings and filings, or resolved into their fifth essence»y los modos en que las gemas ejercen su virtud: en anillos, colgadas al cuello, tomadas en bebida, en raspaduras y limaduras o resueltas en su quinta esencia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 459»

«just as in the case of the stars, that they merely incline the soul of man by their action on the humors and spirits of his body»y la reserva que pone a sus efectos morales: como en el caso de los astros, solo inclinan el alma del hombre por su acción sobre los humores y los espíritus de su cuerpo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 460»

«In these he spoke of himself as “Lodovicus Enoch Lazarellus Septempedanus, once a poet but now by new rebirth the son of true wisdom»en sus prefacios a escritos herméticos Lazzarelli se llama a sí mismo antes poeta y ahora, por nuevo renacimiento, hijo de la verdadera sabiduría

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 462»

«In reply Trithemius quoted at length the Emerald Tablet of Hermes and expounded alchemy mystically in terms of unity and the numbers two and three»Tritemio responde a Germain de Ganay citando largamente la Tabla Esmeralda de Hermes y exponiendo la alquimia místicamente en términos de unidad y de los números dos y tres

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 462»

«Study generates knowledge; knowledge bears love; love, likeness; likeness, communion; communion, virtue; virtue, dignity; dignity, power; and power performs the miracle»la cadena de Tritemio: el estudio engendra conocimiento, el conocimiento amor, el amor semejanza, la semejanza comunión, la comunión virtud, la virtud dignidad, la dignidad poder, y el poder obra el milagro

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 463»

«This is the unique path to the goal of magic perfection, divine as well as natural, from which all superstitious and diabolical wizardry is totally separated and confounded»y la llama la única senda al fin de la perfección mágica, divina y natural, de la que queda separada toda hechicería supersticiosa y diabólica

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 463»

«Trithemius continues that by magic he understands nothing else than wisdom. He further adds a few wise words concerning the stars, stating that they rule only bodies and not our minds»Tritemio añade que por magia no entiende otra cosa que sabiduría, y que los astros rigen solo los cuerpos y no nuestras mentes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 463»

«Bouelles found Trithemius to be not a philosopher but a magician. When the abbot proudly showed him his Steganographia, Bouelles was shocked at the barbarous and strange names of spirits, not to say demons, which met his eye and at the innumerable characters and adjurations»Charles de Bouelles halló que Tritemio no era filósofo sino mago y se escandalizó ante los nombres bárbaros de espíritus y los innumerables caracteres y adjuraciones de la *Steganographia*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 463»

«Bouelles states that when Trithemius wishes to communicate with a distant friend, he will send him a prayer and a character instead of an epistle. Using this clue the friend will turn in his copy of the Steganographia to the designated point of the compass and invoke a spirit who will inform him as to all Trithemius’s secret doings and thoughts»y Bouelles cuenta cómo funcionaba: Tritemio mandaba al amigo lejano una oración y un carácter en vez de carta, y el amigo invocaba por la *Steganographia* al espíritu que le diría todo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 464»

«Bouelles further noticed love incantations in the volume, and asserts that it teaches so many other shameful things that in his judgment it deserves to be burned»Bouelles halló además encantamientos de amor en el volumen y lo juzgó digno de la hoguera

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 464»

«But Bouelles is convinced that such feats as Trithemius boasts of having performed can be accomplished only through demon assistance»y quedó convencido de que las proezas de que Tritemio se jactaba solo cabía hacerlas con auxilio de demonios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 464»

«Gabriel in our time will preside over the moon. Hence it comes about that under his government the sciences of the liberal arts revive again, heresies pullulate, unjust wars and robberies are carried on, women dominate, magic arts, sorceries and other crimes everywhere reign with impunity»la fórmula de Tritemio para su propio tiempo: bajo Gabriel y la luna reviven las artes liberales, pululan las herejías, dominan las mujeres y reinan impunes las artes mágicas y las hechicerías

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 465»

«Hitherto he had regarded five as alone “without mystery” of all the numbers from one to ten. But recently it had occurred to him that it signified the union of form—represented by unity— with matter—represented by the four elements»Bouelles cuenta que tenía el cinco por el único número sin misterio del uno al diez hasta que se le ocurrió que significaba la unión de la forma, la unidad, con la materia, los cuatro elementos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 465»

«gested that it was at the basis of alchemy, which strives to separate the four elements and to reach the quintessence»y lo puso en la base de la alquimia, que se afana por separar los cuatro elementos y llegar a la quintaesencia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 466»

«He had made the great discovery that six circles exactly enclose one circle of like diameter, and that twelve spheres completely surround one sphere of equal size with them»el hallazgo de Bouelles sobre el seis y el doce: seis círculos encierran exactamente uno de igual diámetro y doce esferas rodean por completo una esfera de su tamaño

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 466»

«In it he avers that the number one differs from other numbers as much as God differs from the multitude of creatures»en su *Libro de los doce números* Bouelles sostiene que el uno difiere de los demás números tanto como Dios de la multitud de las criaturas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 466»

«The triangle is the figure suited to the intellect; the circle, to memory»Bouelles asigna el triángulo al intelecto y el círculo a la memoria

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 467»

«The heart is at the center of the body, as the orbit of the sun is in the middle of the universe. The brain corresponds to the firmament; the belly, to the elements»y desarrolla el macrocosmo y el microcosmo: el corazón en el centro del cuerpo como la órbita del sol en medio del universo, el cerebro correspondiendo al firmamento y el vientre a los elementos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 467»

«As the sun in the zodiac visits both hemispheres of our globe, so the heart at night turns to the inferior organs and produces sleep»y la analogía del sueño: como el sol en el zodiaco visita los dos hemisferios, el corazón de noche se vuelve a los órganos inferiores y produce el sueño

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 467»

«There are two rational heavens: of the intellect and angels, of the mind and God. The soul is invested and walled about by three orbs: its own, that of the body, and that of the world»Bouelles pone dos cielos racionales, el del intelecto y los ángeles y el de la mente y Dios, y hace al alma vestida y amurallada por tres orbes, el suyo, el del cuerpo y el del mundo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 467»

«He was so given to contemplative philosophy and geometrical abstractions that he would often lean against the trunk of a tree for nine hours without moving an eye-lash»Gesner cuenta que Bouelles era tan dado a la filosofía contemplativa que se recostaba nueve horas contra el tronco de un árbol sin mover una pestaña

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 467»

«Lorenz Beheim, in a letter of July 20, 1515, reminded Reuchlin that they had searched together at Rome in 1498 for Jewish books and the secrets of the Cabala»Lorenz Beheim recuerda a Reuchlin en 1515 que habían buscado juntos en Roma, en 1498, libros judíos y los secretos de la cábala

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 468»

«In it we find discussed the Tetragrammaton and the name of forty-two letters, numbers, seals, characters and voices, the pronunciation of the names of seventy-two angels and their distribution in the nine choruses, the fifty gates of Intelligence, and the ter steps by which we ascend to the knowledge of things»en el *De arte cabalistica* de Reuchlin se discuten el Tetragrámaton y el nombre de cuarenta y dos letras, los números, sellos, caracteres y voces, la pronunciación de los nombres de setenta y dos ángeles, las cincuenta puertas de la Inteligencia y los diez grados de ascenso

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 468»

«Also such topics and propositions as that there is a terrestrial and a celestial Adam, that the Cabala is loftier than the Talmud, that Pythagoras was the father of cabalistic philosophy,-that there is naught better for the soul than symbolic theology, that divine things are not learned by demonstration, that barbaric names are to receive honor in sacred rites, and that that cabalist is stupid who attributes miracles to figures or words alone»y entre sus proposiciones: que hay un Adán terrestre y otro celeste, que la cábala es más alta que el Talmud, que Pitágoras fue el padre de la filosofía cabalística y que es estúpido el cabalista que adjudica milagros a solas figuras o palabras

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 468»

«Yet there is a multiplex distinction and virtue in the letters of the alphabet, a multiple diversity in the heavens, and all inferiors tend towards superior perfection»y con todo hay distinción y virtud múltiples en las letras del alfabeto, diversidad múltiple en los cielos, y todos los inferiores tienden a la perfección superior

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 468»

«Galatinus explains that in times past it was secretly and orally transmitted, but that recent Jews such as rabbi Simeon have written more about it, lest it be lost entirely, but still in veiled terms»Galatino responde a la objeción de que la palabra cábala no se halle en los padres ni en los escolásticos: antaño se transmitía en secreto y de viva voz, y los judíos recientes han escrito más para que no se pierda

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 469»

«it is held that the Talmudic traditions sometimes enable one to piece out gaps or corrupt passages in the text of Holy Scripture»y en la obra se sostiene que las tradiciones talmúdicas permiten a veces suplir lagunas o pasajes corruptos del texto de la Escritura

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 469»

«The fourth book was largely devoted to a defense of Aristotelian dialectic, syllogistic reasoning and scholastic theology against the attacks of the cabalists»el cuarto libro de Hochstraten contra Reuchlin defiende la dialéctica aristotélica, el razonamiento silogístico y la teología escolástica contra los ataques de los cabalistas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 470»

«In the preface he says that Eck both verbally at a meeting of learned men at Ingolstadt and in writing in his work on predestination declared it execrable and contrary to the Faith to hold that the celestial bodies were animated»Paul Riccio cuenta que Eck declaró execrable y contrario a la fe sostener que los cuerpos celestes están animados

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 470»

«First, that to call the celestial bodies animated or inanimate is a matter of indifference so far as orthodoxy is concerned. Second, that the afÏrmative position seems more in accord with the utterances of saints and prophets than the negative. Third, that reason and the sensible order of things show that the celestial bodies are animated by a soul which informs the sky itself»y sus tres conclusiones en réplica: que llamar animados o inanimados a los cuerpos celestes es indiferente para la ortodoxia, que lo afirmativo se aviene más con santos y profetas, y que la razón muestra que un alma informa el cielo mismo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 470»

«In it Riccio says that by meditation, figure, number and position of letters and adapting these to nature and the ideas which exist in the Divine mind we grasp the Tetragrammaton by reason or sincere faith»Riccio sostiene que por meditación, figura, número y posición de las letras, adaptadas a la naturaleza y a las ideas de la mente divina, se capta el Tetragrámaton por razón o por fe sincera

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 470»

«The operation of imagination fixes in a stable concept the characters of the Tetragrammaton with their points. The external operation of the body proceeds with a certain moderation of the voice and gesticulation of head and hands»y describe la operación: la imaginación fija en concepto estable los caracteres del Tetragrámaton con sus puntos, y la operación externa del cuerpo procede con cierta moderación de la voz y gesticulación de cabeza y manos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 470»

«In a preface to Leo X, Franciscus Roseus of Ravenna says that, when he was in Damascus (in 1516), he found the work there in Arabic and had an Italian rendering made by a Jew of Cyprus, Moses Arovas or Rova or Rouas, from which Pietro Niccolo made his Latin version»Francesco Rosso de Rávena cuenta que halló en Damasco la *Teología de Aristóteles* en árabe y la hizo verter al italiano por un judío de Chipre, de donde Pietro Niccolò hizo la versión latina

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 473»

«The author tells how through created things and their consonance with the archetype we can “come to knowledge of His fecundity,” defends God and creation against the Peripatetics, and points out that, while philosophers disagree, Catholics are in agreement»Francesco Giorgio dice cómo por las cosas creadas y su consonancia con el arquetipo se llega al conocimiento de la fecundidad divina, y señala que los filósofos discrepan y los católicos concuerdan

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 474»

«He investigates why the number six was associated with the process of creation, and seven with the day of rest, how one is distended by twenty-seven, and that it is clear to all sages that the monad is diffused into multitude»y averigua por qué el seis se asoció a la creación y el siete al día de reposo, cómo el uno se distiende en veintisiete, y da por claro a todos los sabios que la mónada se difunde en multitud

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 474»

«The influence of the stars is accepted, but it is denied that Saturn and Mars are evil planets»Giorgio acepta la influencia de los astros y niega que Saturno y Marte sean planetas malos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 475»

«The cherubim are associated with the eighth sphere of the fixed stars, the Thrones with Saturn, Dominions with Jupiter»y liga los querubines con la octava esfera de las fijas, los tronos con Saturno y las dominaciones con Júpiter

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 475»

«Man is represented as a microcosm, and Moses by sacred artifice describes in the ark of Noah that all things are contained in man»y hace del hombre un microcosmo, con Moisés describiendo por artificio sagrado en el arca de Noé que todas las cosas están contenidas en el hombre

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 475»

«Nicolas Guibert, writing against alchemy in 1603, called Giorgio’s theory of a spirit of metals delirious but more against transmutation than for it, since Giorgio said that this spirit could never or only with great difÏculty be separated from the metals»Nicolas Guibert llama delirante la teoría del espíritu de los metales de Giorgio y la halla más contraria que favorable a la transmutación

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 475»

«We are told that Thomas Aquinas, while deep in thought on sublime subjects, was levitated above the ground a cubit»Giorgio cuenta que Tomás de Aquino, absorto en asuntos sublimes, fue levantado un codo del suelo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 475»

«Tenaud himself expresses scepticism as to the CabalaTM and is careful to put his account of it in the mouth of a Jew»el abate Tenaud, que escribe sobre la cábala a petición de Francisco I, expresa su propio escepticismo y pone con cuidado el relato en boca de un judío

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 477»

«The Cabala is defined as science and knowledge of God and of the-separate substances of the spiritual world and its secrets which cannot be known by the external senses, experience, reason, demonstration, syllogism, study or other human and rational method but only by faith, illumination and celestial revelation which moves the free will to believe that which is inspired and to know the aforesaid secrets by the holy written law of God and also by figures, names, numbers, symbols and other ways revealed to the patriarchs, prophets and doctors of the Hebrews»la definición de cábala que Tenaud da: ciencia y conocimiento de Dios y de las sustancias separadas del mundo espiritual, no alcanzable por sentidos, razón ni demostración, sino por fe, iluminación y revelación celeste

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 477»

«There are set forth the three worlds, elemental, celestial and spiritual, and their union in man; the power of soul over body; the goddess of necessity and the three fates and three infernal judges»y lo que la obra expone: los tres mundos elemental, celeste y espiritual y su unión en el hombre, el poder del alma sobre el cuerpo, la diosa de la necesidad, las tres parcas y los tres jueces infernales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 477»

«He regarded the original Cabala as divine and holy and transmitted by God to Moses by word of mouth only but the recent Cabala as corrupted by impostors and so worthless»Robert Constantinus tiene la cábala original por divina y santa, transmitida de viva voz por Dios a Moisés, y la cábala reciente por corrompida de impostores y sin valor

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 478»

«In his De orbis terrae concordia Postel offers proof of the Trinity from Cabala and Talmud as well as from the Old Testament»Postel prueba la Trinidad desde la cábala y el Talmud además de desde el Antiguo Testamento

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 478»

«In the same work he asserts that the harmony of the universe and of particular things is placed in the number four, whence the greatest light of knowledge of the Trinity arises»y sostiene en la misma obra que la armonía del universo y de las cosas particulares está puesta en el número cuatro, de donde nace la mayor luz del conocimiento de la Trinidad

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 478»

«These 1553 conclusions he characterized as “divine, angelic, celestial, elemental, human, Christian, philosophical, metaphysical, physical, moral, rational, doctrinal, secret and infernal»Paul Skalich llama a sus mil quinientas cincuenta y tres conclusiones divinas, angélicas, celestes, elementales, humanas, cristianas, filosóficas, metafísicas, físicas, morales, racionales, doctrinales, secretas e infernales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 479»

«Loyola described him in a letter of June 26, 1554, as having “little learning, less judgment, but plenty of vanity»y Loyola lo describe en carta de 1554 con poca ciencia, menos juicio y mucha vanidad

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 479»

«Paul passes on to the arcana of mystic thought, to the separate soul and its passion, the sympathy and antipathy of things, barbarism, and the praestigiae of Johann Wier»Skalich pasa de su resumen de las ciencias a los arcanos del pensamiento místico, al alma separada y su pasión, a la simpatía y antipatía de las cosas y a las *praestigiae* de Johann Wier

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 480»

«In it he accused Paul of copying Pico della Mirandola for nearly eight pages and Agrippa verbatim for ten pages»Wier acusa a Skalich de copiar cerca de ocho planas de Pico della Mirandola y diez palabra por palabra de Agrippa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 480»

«Taking the character which stands for the planet Mercury, Dee strives to show that it is a mystical representation of all truth, combining the symbols of direct and circular motion, sun and moon, the cross—denoting the four elements—and so on»en la *Monas hieroglyphica* John Dee toma el carácter de Mercurio y se afana por mostrarlo representación mística de toda verdad, con los símbolos del movimiento recto y circular, el sol y la luna y la cruz de los cuatro elementos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 481»

«The text includes such dicta as that the letters of the alphabet embody great mysteries, that medicine is contained in our monad, and that we should raise cabalistic eyes to the sky»y entre sus dichos: que las letras del alfabeto encierran grandes misterios, que la medicina está contenida en la mónada y que hay que alzar al cielo ojos cabalísticos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 481»

«After declaiming about mysteries which are not for the vulgar, he closes with a request to the printer not to offer the work for sale promiscuously»y Dee cierra pidiendo al impresor que no ofrezca la obra a la venta promiscuamente, tras declamar sobre misterios que no son para el vulgo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 481»

«Nine kinds of magic are listed: Isagogic, Microcosmic, Olympic, Hesiodic and Homeric, Roman or sibylline, Pythagorean, Apollonian, Hermetic, and»las nueve clases de magia que el *Arbatel* enumera: isagógica, microcósmica, olímpica, hesiódica y homérica, romana o sibilina, pitagórica, apoloniana, hermética y profética

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 481»

«With the pentad, for example, he associated the shield of the magi, the key of Zoroaster, a figure of the hand with five lines and five montes, a sign to protect the theurgist from violent spirits, and various groups of five, with citation of Paracelsus, Talmudists and cabalists»Bruno asocia a la péntada el escudo de los magos, la llave de Zoroastro, una figura de la mano con cinco líneas y cinco montes y un signo que protege al teurgo de los espíritus violentos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 483»

«He accepts all past reports concerning Zoroaster as of equal validity and so distinguishes different bearers of that name: including a Persian, a Bactrian, an Armenian or Pamphilian, and a Medo-Persian»Patrizi acepta por igual todas las noticias antiguas sobre Zoroastro y distingue por eso varios portadores del nombre: un persa, un bactriano, un armenio o panfilio y un medopersa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 484»

«He much regrets that by his time many of the Chaldean Oracles which Pico discovered have been lost, and that Pico’s commentaries on them are not extant»y lamenta que en su tiempo se hubieran perdido muchos de los Oráculos Caldeos hallados por Pico y que no se conserven sus comentarios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 484»

«A second part of magic is knowledge of the movements of the heavens and the influence they exert upon inferiors»la división de la magia de Patrizi: la primera parte el culto divino, la segunda el conocimiento de los movimientos del cielo y de la influencia que ejerce sobre los inferiores

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 484»

«A third division of magic is knowledge of natural forces, not slavishly following Aristotle as present Peripatetics do, but bringing to light the virtues scattered in hiding throughout the world and noting the sympathy between the parts of the universe»y la tercera, el conocimiento de las fuerzas naturales, sin seguir servilmente a Aristóteles, sacando a luz las virtudes escondidas por el mundo y notando la simpatía entre las partes del universo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 484»

«Goetia and divination are not true magic at all»y lo que Patrizi deja fuera de la magia verdadera

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 484»

«Finally Patrizi expresses the opinion that it would be much better for Christians to study Hermes than Aristotle, whose works reek with impiety»Patrizi sostiene que a los cristianos les valdría mucho más estudiar a Hermes que a Aristóteles, cuyas obras le huelen a impiedad

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 485»

«He argued that as the ancients in their day had advanced natural science, so modern men were not so weak-minded that they could make no further new discoveries»Johann Pistorius objeta la veneración ciega de Hipócrates, Galeno y la antigüedad y argumenta que los modernos no son tan débiles de mente que no puedan hacer descubrimientos nuevos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 485»

«In the text he recommended metallic and alchemical medicines, the bezoar stone, occult medicaments, the bone from the heart of a stag, the stone from the head of an asp, and the chick of a stork, not yet able to fly but already feathered, burned alive to ashes in an earthen pot, taken with wine, as most ef»y recomienda en el texto medicinas metálicas y alquímicas, la piedra bezoar, medicamentos ocultos, el hueso del corazón del ciervo, la piedra de la cabeza del áspid y el polluelo de cigüeña quemado vivo hasta hacerse ceniza

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 485»

«He also afÏrms that Aristotle translated the Chaldean astronomy and philosophy into Greek»Patrizi afirma que Aristóteles tradujo al griego la astronomía y la filosofía caldeas; el OCR imprime *afÏrms* con la ligadura fi vuelta Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 484»

«Heilbronner declares that all pious men believe that good and holy angels of God lend no aid to magical and theurgical incantations, characters, words, names and letters, even the Tetragrammaton»Heilbronner declara que todos los piadosos creen que los ángeles buenos y santos de Dios no prestan auxilio a encantamientos, caracteres, palabras, nombres y letras mágicos y teúrgicos, ni siquiera al Tetragrámaton

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 487»

«To the three chief parts of medical cure—diet, drugs and surgery—he would add a fourth, the power of certain words»Pistorius añade a las tres partes principales de la cura médica, dieta, drogas y cirugía, una cuarta: la fuerza de ciertas palabras

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 487»

«Nature first exercised magic in the voice. Therefore magic resides especially in words»con la fórmula que le adjudican: la naturaleza ejerció primero la magia en la voz, y por eso la magia reside sobre todo en las palabras

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 487»

«in which he contended that the human head alone is the microcosm and not the vile human body as a whole, which furthermore is not spherical like the head and the universe»Pistorius sostiene en su obra sobre el microcosmo que la cabeza humana sola es el microcosmo y no el cuerpo entero, que además no es esférico como la cabeza y el universo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 487»

«He represented the Greeks, influenced by the devil who tries to obfuscate the light of nature as worst he may, as the first corruptors of all arts who substituted superstition for religion, necromancy for magic, and idolatry for astronomy»Albinius hace de los griegos, movidos por el diablo, los primeros corruptores de todas las artes, que sustituyeron la religión por la superstición, la magia por la nigromancia y la astronomía por la idolatría

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 488»

«Albinius defines magic as an art by which one comes to know elements and compounds, their properties and abstruse operations, while the Cabala shows the way to God and is as full of divine mysteries as magic is of natural secrets»y define la magia como arte de conocer los elementos y los compuestos, sus propiedades y operaciones abstrusas, y la cábala como el camino a Dios, tan llena de misterios divinos como la magia de secretos naturales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 488»

«Jean Bodin in his Republic discoursed on the influence of number and music upon the destiny of states, stressed the importance of squares, cubes and multiples of seven and nine in determining periods in the life either of individuals or of nations, but held that there were only four perfect numbers between 1 and 10,000, namely, 6, 28, 496 and 8128»Bodin discurre en la *República* sobre la influencia del número y la música en el destino de los estados y sostiene que entre uno y diez mil solo hay cuatro números perfectos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 489»

«According to the Roman Fasti, “which cannot lie’—a choice bit of historical criticism—729 years elapsed between the founding of Rome and the battle of Actium, and 729 years had also intervened between Charlemagne’s conquest of the Lombards and Louis XII’s defeat of Sforza and the Venetians»y el cómputo con que ilustra el cubo del nueve: setecientos veintinueve años de la fundación de Roma a la batalla de Accio y otros tantos de Carlomagno a la derrota de Sforza por Luis XII

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 489»

«Nemo hactenus divinationes has revocavit ad artem sicut olim astromantia chiromantia physiognomia geomantia nomantia et aliae revocatae fuerunt»el epígrafe del capítulo XLV, tomado de Giorgio de Ragusa: nadie ha reducido hasta ahora estas adivinaciones a arte como se hizo con la astromancia, la quiromancia, la fisiognomía, la geomancia y la nomancia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 490»

«it seemed worth inquiring whence this power of vaticination came to men, whether by nature or by art. If by art, by what aids and means it was acquired. If by nature, whether from within or without us. If from within, why we do not all have such foresight. If from without, whether from celestial or infernal parts»Melchior Guilandinus se pregunta de dónde viene a los hombres la facultad de vaticinar: por naturaleza o por arte, desde dentro o desde fuera, y de partes celestes o infernales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 490»

«Guilandinus did not regard terrestrial exhalations as a sufÏcient explanation of pagan oracles and concluded that they were the work of demons»y no tiene las exhalaciones terrestres por explicación bastante de los oráculos paganos, que adjudica a los demonios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 490»

«Prophecy and revelation are distinguished by Francesco from natural foreknowledge or divination. They are to be had neither from the stars, as Roger Bacon and Artephius erroneously contended, nor by nature and study, as various writers in Arabic have held»Gianfrancesco Pico distingue la profecía y la revelación del conocimiento natural del futuro, que no cabe sacar de los astros, como pretendían Roger Bacon y Artefio, ni de la naturaleza y el estudio, como los árabes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 491»

«Most arts of divination are superstitious and involve pacts with demons»y tiene por supersticiosas la mayoría de las artes adivinatorias, con pactos demoníacos de por medio

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 491»

«Geomancy, augury and auspices, omens, signs, lots and superstitious dreams are singled out for particular attack, as is the magic of Proclus, Alkindi, Roger Bacon, certain Hebrews, the Brahmans and gymnosophists, and Apollonius of Tyana»y ataca en particular la geomancia, el augurio y los auspicios, los presagios, las señales, las suertes y los sueños supersticiosos, y la magia de Proclo, Alkindi, Roger Bacon, ciertos hebreos, los brahmanes y Apolonio de Tiana

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 491»

«Francesco further supplies a bit of information concerning the relations of Peter of Abano with the inquisition, stating that he had seen in the records of the inquisition that Peter, when accused of denying the existence of demons, cleared himself of this charge by bringing forward two of his students to testify that during his stay in Constantinople he had consulted a woman who practiced necromancy»Gianfrancesco Pico refiere haber visto en los registros de la inquisición que Pedro de Abano se libró del cargo de negar los demonios llevando a dos alumnos suyos a atestiguar que había consultado en Constantinopla a una nigromante

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 492»

«He objects that a certain Arab had extended the scope of the word necromancy to include astronomical magic, and that Picatrix had further stretched it to cover the divination of all hidden things whose causes and mode of production are unknown»y objeta que un árabe extendiera la palabra nigromancia a la magia astronómica y que el *Picatrix* la estirara hasta cubrir la adivinación de todo lo escondido

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 492»

«Depending on the hour of the day or the throw of the dice, one obtains a number of reference to answer any one of seventy-two questions as to the future»y así funciona: según la hora del día o la tirada de los dados se obtiene un número de referencia para responder a una de setenta y dos preguntas sobre el futuro

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 494»

«One is referred first to a Fortuna, of which there are twelve named after the winds and points of the compass, then to a Casa, named after twelve Italian families, then to a wheel, then to a sphere, and finally to a sibyl or an astrologer, each with twenty-two astrological figures and answers»y la cadena de remisiones: primero una Fortuna de las doce nombradas por los vientos, luego una Casa nombrada por familias italianas, luego una rueda, luego una esfera y al fin una sibila o un astrólogo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 494»

«His Nomanita at least is preserved in manuscript in Italian. It uses numerical values for the letters in proper names to determine such questions as which of two combatants will win»la *Nomandia* de Gaudenzio de Treviso usa los valores numéricos de las letras de los nombres propios para decidir cuál de dos combatientes vencerá; el troceo imprime *Nomanita*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 495»

«In the dedication to her majesty, the queen of Navarre, the author numbers among the great inventions of antiquity the numerous arts of divination, which he says compare favorably with our evil modern inventions of gunpowder and artillery»la Tayssonnière cuenta entre las grandes invenciones de la antigüedad las numerosas artes de adivinación, que compara favorablemente con las malas invenciones modernas de la pólvora y la artillería

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 496»

«Indeed, he is not certain that the invention of printing may not have brought more evil than good»y ni siquiera tiene por seguro que la imprenta haya traído más bien que mal

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 496»

«It sets forth the same method of divination by names, the letters of which are given numerical values. The planets and signs of the zodiac are again assigned numbers and related to letters of the alphabet»la *Nomandia* de Annibale Raimondo adivina por los nombres dando valores numéricos a sus letras, y asigna números a los planetas y los signos y los liga con las letras del alfabeto

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 497»

«A patrician of Verona, as a boy he could run and jump like a deer. Engaging in military activities, he suffered many wounds and imprisonments which Gaurico specifies in detail. He had been more than once charged with homicide and put to torture»Gaurico refiere de Annibale Raimondo que de niño corría y saltaba como un ciervo y que sufrió heridas, prisiones, cargos de homicidio y tortura

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 498»

«He held that it was not a new star but the eleventh in the constellation of Cassiopeia, thereby exciting the wrath of Tycho Brahe*? and Thaddeus Hagecius»y Raimondo sostuvo que la estrella de 1572 no era nueva sino la undécima de Casiopea, con lo que provocó la ira de Tycho Brahe y de Thaddeus Hagecius

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 498»

«Moreover, images are not formed in the same way by different persons; external influences such as climate and the aspects of the stars vary; and the words by which ideas are expressed are not the same among different peoples»y las demás dificultades que enumera: las imágenes no se forman igual en todos, las influencias externas varían y las palabras con que se expresan las ideas no son las mismas en todos los pueblos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 501»

«The interpretation of dreams cannot approach in certainty such sciences as grammar and medicine, and even in these mistakes are made»y pone la interpretación de los sueños por debajo de la gramática y la medicina en certeza, y aun en estas se yerra

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 501»

«Nevertheless Ponzetti felt that what had been observed and found true over long stretches of time could not be ignored»y con todo tiene por imposible ignorar lo observado y hallado verdadero a lo largo de mucho tiempo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 501»

«Characters and unguents are deceptive, not producing the effects attributed to them except by aid of evil spirits»Ponzetti tiene por engañosos los caracteres y los ungüentos, que no producen los efectos adjudicados sino con auxilio de espíritus malos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 501»

«But he believes, like Pomponazzi, that certain persons, whose organs and spirits are better composed and proportioned and clearer than those of a normal healthy being, can rise above man’s usual physical powers, acquire some similitude to the celestial bodies or union with God and other separate substances, and predict the future by instinct or goodness of nature or by power bestowed on them by the stars at the time of their generation»y cree, como Pomponazzi, que ciertas personas de órganos y espíritus mejor compuestos pueden alzarse sobre las fuerzas humanas comunes y predecir el futuro por instinto o por poder dado por los astros

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 501»

«Such natural divination, however, is not to be confused with divine prophecy»y separa esa adivinación natural de la profecía divina

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 501»

«He accepted prophetic dreams sent by God but completely rejected “that divination which is made by some instinct of nature or power of the rational soul when free from cares»Sebastián Fox Morcillo acepta los sueños proféticos enviados por Dios y rechaza del todo la adivinación por instinto de la naturaleza o poder del alma racional

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 502»

«But Gesner protested that as here set forth it was not superstitious»Gesner prevé que el título sobre la adivinación por sueños ofenderá a muchos por parecer prohibida en el Antiguo Testamento, y protesta que tal como allí se expone no es supersticiosa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 502»

«A young Portuguese student at Toulouse resorted to captromancy and had a young girl gaze into her finger nails. She said that she saw a woman richly clad holding a torch near a pillar»Bodin cuenta que un estudiante portugués en Tolosa recurrió a la catoptromancia y una muchacha, mirándose las uñas, dijo ver a una mujer ricamente vestida con una antorcha junto a una columna

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 503»

«But when he did so, a whirlwind put out the light, burst forth from the cellar, and brought down the eaves on the adjoining house, breaking a pitcher of water which a woman was carrying»y lo que siguió cuando Ferrier cavó allí en busca del tesoro: un torbellino apagó la luz, salió de la bodega y derribó los aleros de la casa contigua

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 503»

«Ferrier classifies dreams as of either divine, natural or diabolical origin. Natural dreams of patients are useful for their physicians to know. Diabolical dreams have natural significance in part but in part are treacherous»Oger Ferrier clasifica los sueños por su origen en divinos, naturales y diabólicos, y tiene los naturales de los enfermos por útiles a sus médicos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 504»

«Divining dreams do not occur often, and one should pay heed only to those dreams which remain impressed upon the mind after one wakes»y sostiene que los sueños adivinatorios no son frecuentes y que solo hay que atender a los que quedan impresos en la mente al despertar

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 504»

«Ferrier believes, however, that there is a correct and by no means superstitious art of interpreting dreams, partly from a divine force affecting our minds, partly from a certain convenience and conjunction of nature, and based and built up further upon constant daily observation»y cree que hay un arte correcto y nada supersticioso de interpretar sueños, en parte por una fuerza divina sobre nuestras mentes, en parte por cierta conveniencia de naturaleza, y edificado sobre observación diaria constante

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 504»

«In closing he states that learned friends have advised him to omit, as not proper for vulgar ears, certain doctrines which he had taken from the Platonists, Chaldeans and Indians. He has consequently expunged these passages and committed them “to burning flames»y cuenta al cerrar que amigos doctos le aconsejaron omitir ciertas doctrinas tomadas de platónicos, caldeos e indios, que él expurgó y entregó a las llamas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 504»

«The others are accounted for primarily by the strength of imaginative virtue which cdn act by its intrinsic nature without the external senses Just as the earth can produce plants by putrefaction without seed»Ioannes Benedictus explica las visiones y revelaciones por la fuerza de la virtud imaginativa, que obra por su naturaleza intrínseca sin los sentidos externos, como la tierra produce plantas por putrefacción sin semilla

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 505»

«He purposely remains silent as to a celestial cause because it is universal and remote, and because God shuts up the stars as with a seal»y calla a propósito sobre una causa celeste por ser universal y remota, y porque Dios encierra los astros como con un sello

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 505»

«But he holds that the pagan sibyls attained the spirit of prophecy by their adherence to virginity»y sostiene que las sibilas paganas alcanzaron el espíritu de profecía por su apego a la virginidad

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 505»

«Carreri used the De somno et vigilta of Aristotle and contended that the heart and not the brain was the seat of the sentient soul, imaginative virtue, and of dreams»Alessandro Carreri sostiene, con el *De somno et vigilia*, que el asiento del alma sensitiva, de la virtud imaginativa y de los sueños es el corazón y no el cerebro

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 505»

«Carreri also rejects the doctrine of certain Arabs that Intelligences which they call forms of the world not only assist the heavens and impart some perfection to them but pour out a virtue like light through the universe and reveal the future to the rational soul in dreams and prophecy»y rechaza la doctrina de ciertos árabes de que unas inteligencias llamadas formas del mundo derramen por el universo una virtud como luz y revelen el futuro al alma racional en sueños y profecía

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 506»

«Carreri concludes with the theologians that God can act either through media or directly on anything, and with Aristotle that God excites dreams by alterations depending on the heavens, received in the air, and impressed on the humors and spirits of the body»Carreri concluye con los teólogos que Dios puede obrar por medios o directamente, y con Aristóteles que excita los sueños por alteraciones que dependen del cielo, se reciben en el aire y se imprimen en los humores y los espíritus del cuerpo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 506»

«He notes that some thought that dreams came from the Intelligences; others, from species derived from some influence; others from idols cast off from ob»Ferdinando Ponzetti recoge las opiniones sobre el origen de los sueños: de las inteligencias, de especies venidas de alguna influencia y de ídolos desprendidos de los objetos; el tramo se corta antes de las notas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 500»

«He recognizes that the interpretation of dreams is a complicated and difÏcult matter, since the senses even while awake are deceived by hallucinations and much more so in sleep»y reconoce lo complicado y difícil de la interpretación de los sueños, porque los sentidos se engañan con alucinaciones aun despiertos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 501»

«the concourse of all cabalists” as well as Augustine for the opinion that an angelic power is set over every visible thing in this world»Benedictus cita el concurso de todos los cabalistas, con Agustín, para la opinión de que una potencia angélica está puesta sobre cada cosa visible de este mundo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 505»

«In the preface Mancini warns the reader not to take offense when he hears him asserting that dreams are not sent by God. The Bible of course states that they are, but in the present disputation Mancini intends not to mix the sacred with the profane»Celso Mancini avisa al lector que no se ofenda al oírle decir que los sueños no los envía Dios, porque no quiere mezclar en esa disputa lo sagrado con lo profano

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 508»

«In short, if he wears the Peripatetic wolfskin for the moment, let the reader remember that beneath it he is at heart a Christian lamb»y con la imagen con que se cubre: si por el momento viste la piel de lobo peripatética, bajo ella es de corazón un cordero cristiano

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 508»

«He thinks of such images as sprinkled through the spirits in the blood as stars are scattered through the eighth sphere»Mancini concibe las imágenes de los sueños esparcidas por los espíritus de la sangre como las estrellas por la octava esfera

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 508»

«Anent the Aristotelian attribution of divination to melancholy, Mancini adds that this may be either from some occult property, or because that humor acts as a bridle or»y añade tres explicaciones a la adivinación por melancolía de Aristóteles: alguna propiedad oculta, el humor que hace de freno o resorte del alma racional, o los espíritus sutilísimos que de él se engendran, según Ficino (el tramo se acorta para no arrastrar una palabra que el guion de fin de renglón fabricaría)

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 508»

«Nifo states that Aristotle and many others put faith in auguries, and that he composes two books on the subject lest their examiple lead others astray. In the first book he will narrate all the vanities they handed down. In the second he will disprove the reasons they gave for trusting auguries and will show in what auguries one may put faith and how far augury may go»Nifo dice componer dos libros sobre los augurios para que el ejemplo de Aristóteles y otros no extravíe a nadie: el primero narrará las vanidades transmitidas y el segundo mostrará en qué cabe dar fe

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 509»

«The first book includes such topics as augurific sneezes, jumpings and tremors, and the opinions of Pliny, Plutarch and the astronomers as to auguries, with tables of the moon in the twelve signs of the zodiac»el primer libro trata de estornudos, saltos y temblores augurales y de las opiniones de Plinio, Plutarco y los astrónomos, con tablas de la luna en los doce signos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 509»

«Like dreams, auguries may be classed as divine, natural and fortuitous»Nifo clasifica los augurios, como los sueños, en divinos, naturales y fortuitos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 510»

«But most sneezes, tremors, flight and singing of birds Nifo dismisses as fortuitous, and hence divination therefrom is nugatory and superstitious»y despacha como fortuitos la mayoría de los estornudos, temblores, vuelos y cantos de aves, con lo que adivinar por ellos es nulo y supersticioso

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 510»

«He then concludes that the true cause of superstitious auguries is the demon. He denies that a good demon moves auguries by intervention of the moon, as recent writers (¢uniores) think. But it is true that evil demons concur with the observance of certain stars, especially the moon, in order to lead men into error»y concluye que la causa verdadera de los augurios supersticiosos es el demonio, con los demonios malos concurriendo con la observación de ciertos astros para llevar a los hombres al error

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 510»

«Nifo stating that he is wont to joke with his students and say that his rectum is an astronomer because its actions indicate the coming of rain, while ‘we have observed in our much beloved dog, Falcon, in fair weather rumblings of the belly paining him so that he would not eat. When rain came and the pain ceased, he would be ravenously hungry»la broma que Nifo dice gastar a sus estudiantes sobre su propio recto como astrónomo, y la observación de su perro Falcón, con retortijones en tiempo despejado y hambre feroz al llover

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 511»

«he states that it is the common opinion of men “in our locality” that they cannot last more than thirty years, and that the astronomical explanation is that Saturn causes fertility or paucity of crops and that its revolution in its orbit is completed in thirty years»y la opinión común de su tierra sobre la escasez y la fertilidad, que no durarían más de treinta años, con la explicación astronómica en la revolución de Saturno

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 511»

«He accepted the influence of the stars and astrological weather prediction and noted the rains and floods which followed the conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter in Pisces in 1583 while he was going from Milan to Bologna as a student in September, 1587»Paul Minerva acepta la influencia de los astros y la predicción astrológica del tiempo, y recuerda las lluvias e inundaciones que siguieron a la conjunción de Saturno y Júpiter en Piscis de 1583

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 512»

«Each star, he afÏrmed, had its particular influence fixed by divine decree at creation»y afirma que cada estrella tiene su influencia particular fijada por decreto divino en la creación; el OCR imprime *afÏrmed* con la ligadura fi vuelta Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 512»

«He says that prediction from the weather on January 25 of the year has prevailed since antiquity. If that day is clear, there will follow abundance. If it is windy, wars are denoted. The reason for this, he admits, is occult and hidden from us»Minerva consigna que la predicción por el tiempo del 25 de enero viene de antiguo, con abundancia si el día es claro y guerras si hay viento, y admite que su razón es oculta

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 512»

«Some argue that the clouds are invested with such forms by the imaginations of the beholders, but Stanhufius rejects this explanation and holds that these phantasms appear contrary to the natural order as signs of divine wrath at human sin»Stanhufius rechaza que las nubes tomen esas formas por la imaginación de quienes las miran y tiene esos fantasmas por señales, fuera del orden natural, de la ira divina ante el pecado

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 513»

«The prodigies begin with Noah’s flood and come down to 1562, including earthquakes, comets, swarms of locusts, eclipses, pests, falls of buildings, two-headed calves, and planetary conjunctions»el catálogo de prodigios de Marcus Frytschius va del diluvio de Noé a 1562 e incluye terremotos, cometas, plagas de langosta, eclipses, pestes, derrumbes, terneros de dos cabezas y conjunciones planetarias

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 514»

«He details such events as a rain of grain in Carinthia near Klagenfurt and Villach in March, 1548, or the birth in Meissen in the same year of a child with a divided forehead and cranium, and without lips, right ear, hands or feet, or the hatching of a chick at Paris with four wings and four feet»entre los prodigios que de Thou refiere: una lluvia de grano en Carintia en 1548 y el nacimiento de un pollo en París con cuatro alas y cuatro patas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 514»

«He doubts, however, whether marvels which are entirely natural, like the magnet attracting iron or the salamander living in fire, can be signs of the future, since they always act in the same way and therefore cannot be special signs of unusual events»Frederick Nausea duda de que las maravillas del todo naturales, como el imán que atrae el hierro o la salamandra que vive en el fuego, puedan ser señales del futuro, porque obran siempre igual

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 515»

«These included three suns which are a sign of prolonged rain, the image of the upper half of a man holding in his hand a bloody sword which was probably a sign of sanguinary strife, a fiery citadel, an army with.the implements of war, a prodigious birth in Germany, a girl of seven or eight years at Rome from whose breasts spouted limpid water, bloody crosses in the sky, a shower of black bread in Apulia, and a comet»entre las maravillas de 1531 que Nausea recoge: tres soles como señal de lluvia prolongada, un medio hombre con espada ensangrentada, una ciudadela de fuego, cruces sangrientas en el cielo y una lluvia de pan negro en Apulia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 515»

«After giving historical examples to show what has followed when such phenomena appeared before, Nausea comes to the conclusion that the end of the world is near, although he refuses to try to set a definite date for it»y la conclusión a que llega tras los ejemplos históricos: el fin del mundo está cerca, aunque se niegue a fijarle fecha

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 515»

«He omitted from consideration auguries and auspices as too superstitious and passed over dreams as signs of the future in the present work because he had already composed a separate treatise on them which he might sometime publish»y lo que Nausea deja fuera: los augurios y auspicios por demasiado supersticiosos, y los sueños porque ya había compuesto un tratado aparte

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 515»

«Gesner, writing in the same year, noted that some of the verses were corrupt and that others did not scan»Gesner anota de los oráculos sibilinos impresos en 1545 que algunos versos estaban corruptos y otros no escandían

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 516»

«Natural divination Peucer in general regards as licit. He recognizes, however, that the Bible sometimes seems to forbid it, while in other passages it appears to encourage divination from natural causes»Peucer tiene por lícita en general la adivinación natural y reconoce que la Biblia a veces parece prohibirla y a veces alentarla

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 520»

«The explanation of this apparent contradiction is that natural divination is permissible, if it is not admixed with superstition, if due order is observed, and if divine power is duly kept in mind»y resuelve la contradicción aparente con tres condiciones: que no se mezcle con superstición, que se guarde el debido orden y que se tenga presente el poder divino

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 520»

«While permissible, natural divination may fail because matter is in a state of flux and instability, the mixtures of the primary qualities keep changing and forms alter, so that the outcome varies»y explica por qué la adivinación natural puede fallar: la materia está en flujo e inestabilidad, las mezclas de las cualidades primeras cambian y las formas se alteran

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 520»

«Furthermore, in natural divination the person essaying to predict must not only observe the rules of the art but should be born with a natural talent for it»y añade que quien intente predecir debe no solo observar las reglas del arte sino haber nacido con talento natural para ello

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 521»

«They have power especially in the air where they congregate the clouds to produce marvelous phenomena, and they know the science of astrology down to the last detail»Peucer da a los demonios poder sobre todo en el aire, donde juntan las nubes para producir fenómenos maravillosos, y les adjudica la ciencia de la astrología hasta el último detalle

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 521»

«As a Protestant, Peucer attributes the frequent success of invocation of the saints and the working of cures and other marvels by relics to the fraud of demons, whose purpose in this is to keep men from calling directly upon God»y adjudica al fraude de los demonios el éxito frecuente de la invocación de los santos y de las curas por reliquias, con el fin de apartar a los hombres de llamar directamente a Dios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 521»

«Witches have simply been deluded in their imaginations by demons, when they assert that they have travelled hundreds of miles in a moment»y sostiene que las brujas están simplemente engañadas en su imaginación por los demonios cuando dicen haber recorrido cientos de millas en un instante

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 521»

«He holds, however, that the oldest oracles, such as those of Jupiter Ammon in Egypt and of Dodona, were perversions affected by the devil from the domestic school which Noah established after the flood for his children and grandchildren who set up similar schools when they scattered over the face of the earth. These schools were then gradually perverted into the seats of oracles which owed their efÏcacy to demons»Peucer hace de los oráculos más antiguos perversiones que el diablo obró sobre la escuela doméstica que Noé fundó tras el diluvio para sus hijos y nietos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 522»

«In another passage Peucer states that the ancient Chaldeans converted religion into philosophy, that the Egyptians converted religion into superstition, that the Greeks converted it into disputations and allegories, while the Romans turned it into monarchy and papacy»y su fórmula sobre los pueblos: los caldeos convirtieron la religión en filosofía, los egipcios en superstición, los griegos en disputas y alegorías y los romanos en monarquía y papado

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 522»

«He further asserts that as the pagan oracles ceased to function at the coming of Christ, so when Luther purged the church, many deceits and illusions of the demons were done away»y sostiene que, como los oráculos paganos cesaron con la venida de Cristo, al purgar Lutero la Iglesia cesaron muchos engaños e ilusiones de los demonios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 522»

«He further asserted that the dreams and silly fables of the monks were now a thing of the past, that bells were no longer consecrated, adjured, baptized and anointed as they once were, that no one today suspended verses of the Gospels from his neck or wore wax consecrated by the pope»Johannes Rivius sostiene que los sueños y fábulas necias de los monjes son cosa del pasado, que ya no se consagran, adjuran, bautizan y ungen las campanas y que nadie cuelga de su cuello versículos del Evangelio

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 522»

«Rivius admitted, however, that a few vestiges of superstition remained even among Protestants, some of whom still sought hidden treasure by crystal-gazing or employed incantations and arts of divination»y admite que quedan vestigios de superstición aun entre los protestantes, algunos de los cuales buscaban tesoros por cristalomancia o usaban encantamientos y artes adivinatorias

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 522»

«Finally, fifty years after that came a third inundation and a third war»con el ejemplo de Peucer sobre las crecidas del Pegnitz y las guerras con el margrave, a cincuenta años de distancia cada vez

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 523»

«It was for him the part of physical science which investigated the celestial causes of the alterations of inferior bodies»Peucer define la astrología como la parte de la ciencia física que investiga las causas celestes de las alteraciones de los cuerpos inferiores

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 523»

«He held that critical days were governed by the moon, that fixed stars as well as planets gave significations for the future, that a conjunction of Saturn and Mars was almost invariably unlucky, that the relation of the planets to the eighth sphere was important, and that the customs and morals of different peoples corresponded to the stars to which they were subject»y sostiene que la luna gobierna los días críticos, que las fijas dan significaciones como los planetas, que una conjunción de Saturno y Marte casi siempre es aciaga y que las costumbres de los pueblos corresponden a los astros a que están sujetos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 524»

«Peucer’s faith in astrology stopped short of astrological images. He reasoned that there was no force from the stars in objects fabricated by human art because in such no new combination of qualities is instituted and no new form is given to matter»y el límite de su fe astrológica: niega fuerza de los astros en los objetos fabricados por arte humano, porque en ellos no se instituye nueva combinación de cualidades ni se da nueva forma a la materia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 524»

«Such sympathies and antipathies between things in nature come from their forms and qualities, whether first, secondary, or occult. The force of the occult qualities is greatest, since they are closest akin to the forms themselves»Peucer hace venir las simpatías y antipatías de las formas y las cualidades, primeras, segundas u ocultas, y da la mayor fuerza a las ocultas por su cercanía con las formas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 524»

«For example, if under certain conditions worms are generated, this is a sign of abundant crops. But if flies are produced, wars are portended, while spiders indicate pestilence»el pronóstico que Peucer saca de la generación espontánea: gusanos anuncian cosechas abundantes, moscas guerras y arañas pestilencia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 525»

«He asserts that the transmutation of metals is not possible by any human art, since the transmutation of species is reserved to God alone»y Peucer se muestra hostil a la alquimia: la transmutación de los metales no es posible por arte humano, porque la transmutación de las especies está reservada a Dios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 525»

«In a digression on climacteric years we are reminded of the fact that Luther and Melanchthon both died at the age of sixty-three»en su digresión sobre los años climatéricos Camerario recuerda que Lutero y Melanchthon murieron ambos a los sesenta y tres

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 526»

«Necromancy Pictorius subdivided into necyomantia which actually raises the corpse and scyomantia which merely evokes the shade»Pictorius subdivide la nigromancia en *necyomantia*, que levanta el cadáver, y *scyomantia*, que solo evoca la sombra

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 526»

«Anthropomancy is divination by the entrails of boy victims. Lecanomancy, gastromancy and captromancy seem much alike»y define la antropomancia como adivinación por las entrañas de niños víctimas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 526»

«Onimancy is when the boy gazes into his fingernail or palm which has been oiled»y la onimancia como el mirar del niño su uña o su palma untada de aceite

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 526»

«Capnomancy is divination by smoke, caeromancy by dripping wax from Turkey, ichthiomancy with fish, onomancy by names —a Pythagorean table is given. Thephramancy is by ashes, botanomancy by the leaves of sage, sycomancy by fig-leaves, axiomancy by driving an axe into wood or casting it into water, libanomancy by casting incense into the fire»y la lista sigue: capnomancia por el humo, ceromancia por la cera goteada, ictiomancia con peces, onomancia por los nombres, tefromancia por las cenizas, botanomancia por hojas de salvia, sicomancia por hojas de higuera y libanomancia por el incienso en el fuego

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 527»

«Pictorius himself over thirty years ago had three times tried coscinomancy or divination by a sieve but then had abandoned the practice lest demons seduce him»y Pictorius confiesa haber probado tres veces, treinta años antes, la coscinomancia o adivinación por la criba, y haberla dejado por temor de que los demonios lo sedujeran

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 527»

«He still accepted the Aristotelian doctrine of comets and thought that one could predict to a certain extent from them. But he regarded most divination as diabolical»Hieronymus Zanchius conserva la doctrina aristotélica de los cometas, cree posible predecir algo de ellos y tiene por diabólica la mayor parte de la adivinación

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 527»

«Fairly early in life the idea occurred to him that, if prediction was possible by chiromancy from the lines in the hand, one’s character and destiny might equally well be read in the lines of the forehead, especially if one joined genethlialogy with this art of metoposcopy»a Thaddeus Hagecius se le ocurre que, si cabe predecir por las líneas de la mano, también cabría leer el carácter y el destino en las líneas de la frente

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 528»

«Hagecius waited some time for Cardan to publish the treatise on metoposcopy which he had announced, but Cardan would not even show him the manuscript of it»Hagecius esperó un tiempo a que Cardano publicara su tratado de metoposcopia, y Cardano ni siquiera quiso mostrarle el manuscrito cuando lo visitó en Milán

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 529»

«partly because with advancing years his curiosity as to methods of divination had waned—not so much, he adds, because of uncertainty of the arts of divination as because some curious men carried them too far and claimed too much for them»y Hagecius dice que su curiosidad por los métodos de adivinación menguó con los años, no tanto por la incertidumbre de esas artes como porque algunos curiosos las llevaban demasiado lejos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 529»

«Of this sort of lying diviners and seers this age of ours has many»y remata que de esa especie de adivinos y videntes mentirosos su edad tiene muchos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 529»

«second, a series of pictures of faces showing various lines in the forehead and each accompanied by a legend such as “Fall from a height,” or “Peril in water,” indicating the fate or character of the type in question»la segunda parte del tratado de Hagecius es una serie de rostros con las líneas de la frente y una leyenda cada uno, como caída desde lo alto o peligro en el agua

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 530»

«In the dedication of his treatise to a quartet of most illustrious men Rothmann expresses his belief in the doctrine of signatures in plants and in the influence of the stars»Johann Rothmann declara en su dedicatoria su creencia en la doctrina de las signaturas de las plantas y en la influencia de los astros

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 531»

«He further holds that the influence of the planets can be judged from the condition of certain parts of the hand which are assigned to each»y sostiene que la influencia de los planetas se juzga por el estado de las partes de la mano asignadas a cada uno

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 531»

«If there is divergence between the signs of the hand and the horoscope, it is due to some impediment to the influence of the stars, inherited from the parents»y explica la divergencia entre las señas de la mano y el horóscopo por algún impedimento a la influencia de los astros heredado de los padres

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 531»

«Back in the dedication he had stated, probably with regret, that the name of magic is now in disrepute»y consigna, probablemente con pesar, que el nombre de la magia estaba entonces desacreditado

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 531»

«We are also told that in the Jewish Cabala twelve anagrams of the Tetragrammaton are engraved on as many stones of different colors, and that the future is judged according to their changing order»Belot consigna que en la cábala judía doce anagramas del Tetragrámaton van grabados en otras tantas piedras de colores distintos y que el futuro se juzga por su orden cambiante

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 532»

«The fourth chapter treats of sacred letters found in the lines of the hand, their association with the heavenly bodies, and divination from them»y dedica un capítulo a las letras sagradas halladas en las líneas de la mano, a su asociación con los cuerpos celestes y a la adivinación por ellas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 532»

«the tenth instructs how to find one’s genius or governing angel by engraving astrological figures on metal plates, as directed by Paracelsus in Archidoxes magiques»y otro a hallar el genio o ángel gobernador grabando figuras astrológicas en planchas de metal, como indica Paracelso en los *Archidoxes magiques*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 532»

«This method, of which Belot hopes to treat more fully elsewhere, he regards as wholly natural and involving neither pacts with demons, nor other illicit practices, nor anything against the honor of God and the Christian religion»y Belot tiene ese método por del todo natural, sin pactos con demonios ni prácticas ilícitas ni nada contra el honor de Dios y la religión cristiana

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 532»

«In onimancy one invokes the angel Uriel and oils the nail of the right hand of a young virgin girl»en la onimancia se invoca al ángel Uriel y se unta la uña de la mano derecha de una doncella joven

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 532»

«Coscinomancy, for which Pictorius is cited, detects a thief by poising objects on the thumbs or fingernails of two persons and then repeating the names of suspects until the objects tumble off at mention of the»y la coscinomancia descubre al ladrón haciendo equilibrio con objetos sobre los pulgares o las uñas de dos personas y repitiendo los nombres de los sospechosos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 532»

«In alectromancy grains of corn are placed on the letters of the alphabet while the moon or sun is in Aries»en la alectromancia se ponen granos de trigo sobre las letras del alfabeto con la luna o el sol en Aries

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 533»

«An entirely white cock is then selected, its nails are cut, and it is ticketed with a cabalistic prayer and 72 verses from the Psalms»y se escoge un gallo enteramente blanco, se le cortan las uñas y se lo marca con una oración cabalística y setenta y dos versículos de los Salmos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 533»

«Returning to alectromancy, we note that an answer to the question put is spelled out by writing down the letters in the order in which the cock eats the grains of corn»y la respuesta se deletrea anotando las letras en el orden en que el gallo come los granos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 533»

«Yet in the same chapter Belot voices a somewhat sceptical attitude as to statements of the Bible, representing Vadianus in his commentaries on the Pentateuch as saying that the water of probation of the ancient Hebrews really possessed no such virtue but was merely a device to impress the simple»y en el mismo capítulo Belot deja oír cierto escepticismo bíblico al recoger de Vadiano que el agua de prueba de los hebreos no tenía tal virtud y era solo un recurso para impresionar a los simples

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 533»

«The twenty-fifth assures us that chiromancy comprehends all sciences of divination and magic, and that from the hand of the dead one can discover all that one could by necromancy»y Belot asegura que la quiromancia comprende todas las ciencias de adivinación y magia y que de la mano de un muerto cabe descubrir cuanto se descubriría por nigromancia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 533»

«But Belot soon lists seventy-two divining dreams which he associates not only with the twelve astrological houses but with the names of God and with the aforesaid seventy-two cabalistic verses from the Psalms»Belot condena a los autores recientes sobre los sueños y enseguida enumera setenta y dos sueños adivinatorios que liga con las doce casas, con los nombres de Dios y con los setenta y dos versículos cabalísticos de los Salmos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 534»

«In the preface to the reader he says that he does not write for tyros or those who are disturbed by philosophical heresy but for those who cherish true wisdom. What he says will perturb only monks and friars and those who ignorantly utter fallacies»Hieronymus Franzosius dice no escribir para novicios ni para quienes se turban con la herejía filosófica, y que lo suyo solo perturbará a monjes y frailes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 535»

«Cardan had said that no prophet is trained or erudite, that they ought to be free from all mental disturbance, and proceed from knowledge of universals, not of particular things»Franzosius cita de Cardano que ningún profeta es instruido ni erudito, que deben estar libres de toda perturbación mental y que proceden del conocimiento de los universales y no de las cosas particulares

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 535»

«Prophets are not found near the poles, where bodies are dense, but flourish in a land like Palestine, which is temperate and with favoring skies»y que no hay profetas cerca de los polos, donde los cuerpos son densos, y sí en una tierra como Palestina, templada y de cielos favorables

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 535»

«For then the intellect already has begun to separate from the body and from the rest of the soul, and hence soul and body are aware of this separation not as some object but as the eye feels darkness and blindness»y la explicación de Cardano de que los moribundos lo presientan: el intelecto ha empezado a separarse del cuerpo y del resto del alma

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 535»

«Franzosius holds that divination from dreams is sometimes true, often false»Franzosius sostiene que la adivinación por sueños es a veces verdadera y a menudo falsa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 536»

«But he thinks that objects entering the soul often contain in themselves some indication of the order of things to come, and that the soul, led by a certain connection of things and events, may divine the future»y cree que los objetos que entran en el alma contienen a menudo alguna indicación del orden de las cosas por venir, y que el alma, llevada por cierta conexión de cosas y sucesos, puede adivinar el futuro

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 536»

«Prophecy, like dreams, is entirely a matter of the imagination and not of the intellect»y hace de la profecía, como de los sueños, cosa enteramente de la imaginación y no del intelecto

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 536»

«Men of profound phantasy so alter the blood that they effect changes in near-by objects, as old-wives fascinate children»y sostiene que los hombres de fantasía profunda alteran la sangre de tal modo que producen cambios en los objetos cercanos, como las viejas fascinan a los niños

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 537»

«Prophets also require faith in those whom they heal, and in this one thing is founded the force of incantations, if they have any»y que los profetas requieren fe en aquellos a quienes curan, y en esa sola cosa se funda la fuerza de los encantamientos, si alguna tienen

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 537»

«Wier did not question the existence of demons: rather he attributed the witchcraft delusion to their activity. He contended that the so-called lamiae or witches were persons whose minds had been deranged and imaginations corrupted by demons, but that they were not responsible for their actions and confessions any more than the insane, and that they were guilty neither of heresy nor entering voluntarily into pacts with the devil»Thorndike expone la posición de Johann Wier: no ponía en duda la existencia de los demonios y adjudicaba a su actividad el delirio de la brujería, teniendo a las brujas por mujeres de mente trastornada e imaginación corrompida y no por responsables

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 539»

«Wier distinguished sharply between these lamiae and criminal poisoners or infamous magicians. The latter wilfully consulted magic books and employed superstitious procedure, and in Wier’s opinion were more blameworthy than the lamiae who did neither but merely suffered from delusions. Yet the lamiae were put to death while the magicians found praise and frequent employment»y Wier distingue netamente esas *lamiae* de los envenenadores criminales y los magos infames, que consultaban libros de magia y a quienes en cambio se alababa y empleaba

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 539»

«He opposed the employment of incantations and strange words, which he held did not possess celestial virtue or concur with the images of the sky»Wier se opone al uso de encantamientos y palabras extrañas, que a su juicio no tienen virtud celeste ni concurren con las imágenes del cielo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 540»

«But Wier praised natural magic as contrasted with the diabolical variety and with goetia or theurgy. Natural magic was most profound speculation into abstruse natural things, true knowledge and a holier philosophy»y alaba en cambio la magia natural frente a la diabólica y a la goecia, llamándola especulación profundísima sobre las cosas naturales abstrusas, conocimiento verdadero y filosofía más santa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 540»

«Slowly,” says Burr, “here and there, the burning words of Weyer stirred up a disciple, more or less ardent: Ewich and Neuwaldt and Witekind and Loos and Godelmann and Anten in Germany, Reginald Scot and Gifford and Harsnet and Cotta in England. But,” Burr adds, “they stirred up adversaries tenfold more numerous and influential»George Burr consigna que las palabras ardientes de Wier fueron suscitando discípulos aquí y allá, y adversarios diez veces más numerosos e influyentes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 541»

About the work

540 entries — what the apparatus and scholarship say about it

«MANUFACTURED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA»y el pie de manufactura de la misma plana, bajo la lista de agentes en Londres, Bombay y Tokio

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 10»

«No correlation or inverse ratio between science and superstition»el índice de capítulos condensa así una de las tesis del capítulo sobre los naturalistas del siglo XVI: entre ciencia y superstición no hay correlación ni razón inversa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 14»

«Comparison of things and topics mentioned in our different volumes: their number and classification»y anuncia que el capítulo de resumen compara por número y clasificación las cosas y los asuntos mencionados en los distintos volúmenes de la serie

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 17»

«Genitures of Men of Learning. . . ....-.- - 595 5. Zimara and the Trinum magicum. . ..--. + 599 6. Printers of the Sixteenth Century»el índice enumera los tres apéndices del volumen, numerados del 4 al 6 porque los tres primeros van en el volumen V; el tramo conserva los puntos guía y los folios impresos que el OCR arrastra entre entrada y entrada

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 17»

«Lynn Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science, New York, 1923 and 1934, 4 vols»la lista de abreviaturas, que hace a la vez de bibliografía, remite con la sigla T a los cuatro volúmenes anteriores de la propia serie

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 23»

«Lynn Thorndike and Pearl Kibre, A Catalogue of Incipits of Medieval Scientific Writings in Latin»y con T (1937) al catálogo de incipits que firma con Pearl Kibre

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 23»

«Pierre Duhem, Etudes sur Léonard de Vinci: les précurseurs parisiens de Galilée, Paris, 1913»entre las abreviaturas figuran cinco entradas de Duhem, que es el historiador con quien más discute el volumen

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 20»

«Lazarus Zetzner, Theatrum chemicum, Strasburg, 1659-1661, 6 vols., is the edition usually cited»y declara qué edición del *Theatrum chemicum* cita de ordinario, la de Estrasburgo de 1659 a 1661 en seis volúmenes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 24»

«HISTORY OF SCIENCE SOCIETY PUBLICATIONS NEW SERIES IV A HISTORY OF MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE VOLUMES V AND VI THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY»la portadilla de serie sitúa el par de volúmenes dentro de las publicaciones de la History of Science Society y declara su materia, el siglo XVI

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 7»

«By LYNN THORNDIKE PROFESSOR OF HISTORY, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY VOLUME VI NEW YORK : MORNINGSIDE HEIGHTS COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS»la portada declara autor, cátedra y pie de imprenta; el renglón del año, 1941, va en la línea siguiente

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 9»

«COPYRIGHT 1941 BY COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS, NEW YORK»la página de derechos, que es de donde sale el año de la ficha

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 10»

«After examination of such textbooks had given me this idea, I found my impression confirmed by Hortensius in the preface to his Latin translation of Blaeu’s Inststutio astronomica in 1668»Thorndike declara el orden en que le vino la idea: primero el examen de los manuales y después su encuentro con el prefacio de Hortensius; el troceo imprime *Inststutio* por Institutio

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 31»

«I shall now illustrate in some detail the attitude—favorable, hostile or negligent—towards the Copernican theory in the half century or so following its enunciation. This will be done by a survey, primarily chronological, of a number of books and authors»el plan que Thorndike anuncia para el resto del capítulo: un repaso primordialmente cronológico de libros y autores para ilustrar la actitud favorable, hostil o negligente ante la teoría copernicana

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 32»

«An exhaustive survey is not attempted either of such literature or of allusions to Copernicus. Many works of which I have the titles have become rare and inaccessible»y su límite declarado: no intenta un repaso exhaustivo, y de muchas obras de las que tiene el título solo tiene el título, por raras e inaccesibles

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 32»

«Also that the picture thus offered of the spread or failure to spread of the Copernican theory is fuller and more accurate than any hitherto attempted»con la pretensión que sí sostiene: que el cuadro de la difusión o no difusión de la teoría copernicana que ofrece es más pleno y más exacto que ninguno intentado hasta entonces

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 32»

«A recent sales catalogue, in which de Mesmes’ work is listed, makes the questionable statement that he “is the first French astronomer who dealt with Copernicus’s new theory of the movement of the earth»Thorndike objeta a un catálogo de venta reciente que haga de Mesmes el primer astrónomo francés que se ocupó de la nueva teoría copernicana

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 45»

«Houzeau and Lancaster (No. 2723) ascribe to A. Leoninus or van Leeuwen a Theory of the Celestial Motions According to the Doctrine of Copernicus, published in octavo at Cologne in 1578 and again in 1583, but I have not found the work»una búsqueda negativa que Thorndike declara como tal: la *Theorica* copernicana que Houzeau y Lancaster adjudican a Leoninus no apareció

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 69»

«further ascribe to M. A. Lonicerus a Theory of Celestial Motions According to the Hypothesis of Copernicus, Cologne, 1583, in quarto, of which I have found no other trace»y otra igual con la obra adjudicada a Lonicerus, de la que no halló rastro

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 69»

«Dreyer, on the other hand, afÏrms that Raymarus not only published as his own those prosthaphaeretic formulae which Paul Wittich had discovered in 1580, but, what was much more serious, claimed and published the Tychonian system as his own»el desacuerdo entre estudiosos que Thorndike consigna sin arbitrar: Dreyer adjudica a Raymarus Ursus haber publicado como suyas las fórmulas de Paul Wittich y el sistema tychónico; el OCR imprime *afÏrms* con la ligadura fi vuelta Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 79»

«who has even credited Raymarus Ursus with a fourth system of the world to rank with the Ptolemaic, Copernican and Tychonian»y el otro lado del desacuerdo: Grant McColley acredita a Raymarus Ursus un cuarto sistema del mundo (el tramo se corta en la llamada de nota que el OCR imprime con asteriscos)

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 79»

«Will represented Praetorius as a foe of astrology, but Hellmann counts twenty annual predictions by him in German for the years 1578-1598»el desacuerdo que Thorndike consigna sin arbitrar: Will hace a Praetorius enemigo de la astrología y Hellmann le cuenta veinte predicciones anuales en alemán

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 84»

«We suggested earlier in this chapter that Galileo might better have written a systematic textbook setting forth the Copernican theory than his provocative dialogues»Thorndike retoma su propia propuesta sobre Galileo al llegar al tratado de la esfera que este compuso para sus discípulos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 86»

«Our survey has revealed a frank recognition—though seldom acceptance—of the main contentions of Copernicus in the years immediately following the publication of De revolutionibus»el primer tramo del balance del capítulo: en los años inmediatos a la publicación del *De revolutionibus* hubo reconocimiento franco, y pocas veces aceptación, de las tesis principales de Copérnico

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 88»

«on the part of many to associate Copernicus with their findings, to praise him in vague, general terms and to specify one or two minor points based upon his observations, but to forget, ignore, or remain blind to the major conclusions and implications of the Copernican theory»el segundo tramo: tras las Tablas Prusianas, muchos asocian a Copérnico con sus resultados y lo alaban en términos vagos, pero olvidan o ignoran las conclusiones mayores de su teoría

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 89»

«We have further seen that a chief reason for turning to the Prutenic Tables was dissatisfaction with the Alfonsine Tables or what then passed for the Alfonsine Tables, not with the observations or hypotheses of Ptolemy»y la razón principal del paso a las Tablas Prusianas, que Thorndike separa con cuidado: el descontento con las alfonsíes, no con las observaciones ni las hipótesis de Ptolomeo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 89»

«This dissatisfaction with the Alfonsine Tables was not merely because they had gotten out of date and no longer corresponded to the observed position of the stars and planets, but because they had presumed to correct Ptolemy, to amend his estimate for the precession of the equinoxes, to imagine a ninth sphere beyond his eighth»y precisa en qué consistía ese descontento: no solo en que las tablas estuvieran anticuadas, sino en que se hubieran atrevido a corregir a Ptolomeo e imaginar una novena esfera

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 89»

«It was Copernicus’s solution of it by a combination of his observations with those of Ptolemy and the Arabs and Alfonso, and his theory of an anomaly in the precession of the equinoxes and in the distance between sun and earth through the ages, which attracted their attention and appealed to many of them far more than the Copernican theory as we understand it»la tesis que Thorndike pone en el centro del capítulo: lo que atrajo a esos autores fue la solución copernicana de la precesión de los equinoccios, mucho más que la teoría copernicana tal como hoy la entendemos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 89»

«They turned in many cases to Copernicus and the Prutenic Tables for a vindication of Ptolemy against the more recent medieval hypothesis of a ninth sphere, not for their own hypotheses which were tantamount to a serious modification of the Ptolemic system, if not to that complete overthrow of it which some modern historians have supposed»y su objeción a los historiadores modernos: muchos acudieron a Copérnico para reivindicar a Ptolomeo contra la novena esfera medieval, no por sus hipótesis propias ni por el derrocamiento completo del sistema

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 89»

«Also when astronomers like Tycho Brahe and physical scientists like William Gilbert face the full meaning of De revolutiontbus but make modifications or new hypotheses and systems of their own, combining Ptolemaic and Copernican features»y la vuelta que cierra el esquema: astrónomos como Tycho y hombres de ciencia como Gilbert encaran el sentido pleno del *De revolutionibus* y arman sistemas propios que combinan rasgos ptolemaicos y copernicanos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 90»

«Finally, the effect produced upon some of the more scientifically inclined minds of the time by the Copernican and Tychonian systems, as by the earlier homocentric system of Fracastoro, was one of reaction against hypotheses and of insistence upon limiting oneself to observation of the actual positions and movements of the heavenly bodies»el último efecto que Thorndike registra: una reacción contra las hipótesis y la insistencia en limitarse a observar las posiciones y los movimientos reales de los cuerpos celestes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 90»

«The whole matter was much slower of settlement than one might think»y la advertencia con que cierra el capítulo sobre los tiempos del asunto

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 90»

«It seems safe to say that to the scientific world of the sixteenth century, and probably to the religious world also, this new star of 1572 came as a greater shock than the publication of the Copernican theory in 1543»la comparación que Thorndike hace entre los dos acontecimientos: la estrella nueva de 1572 fue mayor sacudida para el mundo científico que la publicación de la teoría copernicana en 1543

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 92»

«Men had been prepared for and looking forward to the printing of the work of Copernicus, but the brightly shining apparition of 1572 flashed upon them like a thief in the night»y la razón de la diferencia: se esperaba la impresión de la obra de Copérnico, mientras que la aparición de 1572 cayó sobre ellos como ladrón en la noche

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 92»

«Moreover, Copernicus had merely added another hypothesis and calculation in the attempt to explain observed and well-known facts. The star of 1572 was a new and indisputable fact which upset more than one hoary and hallowed theory»y la otra mitad del contraste: Copérnico añadió una hipótesis más para explicar hechos conocidos, mientras que la estrella de 1572 era un hecho nuevo e indisputable

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 92»

«Then comes a third stage, when the Prutenic Tables are also found to correspond none too well to the observed positions of the stars, when the sufÏciency of even the observations of Copernicus is questioned by Tycho Brahe on the basis of fuller observations, when the Alfonsine Tables are vindicated by the judgment of the Gregorian calendar reformers as to the length of the year, but when philosophers who are intent on attacking»la tercera etapa del esquema: las Tablas Prusianas también dejan de corresponder a las posiciones observadas, Tycho pone en duda la suficiencia de las observaciones de Copérnico y las alfonsíes quedan reivindicadas por los reformadores del calendario gregoriano; el tramo se corta en el cambio de plana

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 89»

«Thus for Roeslin, instead of any warfare between science and religion such as some modern writers have tried to see everywhere in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the two fields are not yet even separated»la objeción de Thorndike a los escritores modernos que ven guerra entre ciencia y religión por todas partes: en Roeslin los dos campos ni siquiera están separados todavía

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 100»

«To us they seem confused in his thought; to him they seemed most happily harmonized»y el giro con que la formula: lo que a nosotros nos parece confusión, a él le parecía armonía felicísima

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 100»

«This statement gives the impression that Sordi thought of comets as heavenly bodies with regular orbits whose re-appearance could be astronomically calculated. On turning to Sordi’s own text we discover that he believed nothing of the sort»Thorndike objeta a Libri la impresión que deja su noticia sobre Pietro Sordi, y la mide contra el texto

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 117»

«Moreover, there is neither astronomical observation nor numerical calculation shown in Sordi’s treatise»y la otra mitad de la objeción: en el tratado de Sordi no hay observación astronómica ni cálculo numérico

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 117»

«I have dwelt upon the matter in some detail because it supplies an excellent illustration of the perils of writing a history of the mathematical sciences without taking the constant presence of astrology into account during the centuries in question»y dice por qué se detuvo en el caso: le sirve de ilustración de los peligros de escribir historia de las ciencias matemáticas sin contar con la presencia constante de la astrología

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 118»

«and because it further shows the faultiness of an historical method which endeavors to pick out from the writings of past authors sentences or passages in which they are supposed to have marked the first appearance of a fruitful idea or to have heralded the development of some future discovery, without estimating the meaning and value of this utterance in relation to its context and to the main aims and totality of the author’s work»y la segunda razón, que es una regla de método: el defecto de entresacar de un autor pasajes donde se supone que anunció una idea fecunda, sin medir su sentido dentro del contexto y del conjunto de su obra

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 118»

«These genitures are not a mere copy of a portion of those given by Gaurico or Garcaeus, since the order is different and some names are given of persons born too late to have been noted by those authors»Thorndike coteja las cincuenta y dos genituras manuscritas añadidas al final de un ejemplar de Albohali y descarta que sean copia de Gaurico o de Garcaeus

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 129»

«This may be true of the solar eclipses, but past comets had often been reviewed, while Tannstetter’s pupil Perlach had enumerated previous conjunctions»y Thorndike acota la pretensión: valdrá para los eclipses de sol, pero los cometas pasados se habían repasado a menudo y Perlach ya había enumerado conjunciones anteriores

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 141»

«Some of these criticisms of Leowitz had been made by his fellow astrologers before they were repeated by Bodin»y consigna que varias de esas críticas ya las habían hecho sus colegas astrólogos antes que Bodin

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 142»

«The story that he died from the fall of his books or ruin of his library, although he had predicted a different form of death for himself, is probably apocryphal, since we have heard the same tale told of StoefÒer earlier in the century, and repeated by Wolf»y desconfía de la historia de su muerte por el derrumbe de su biblioteca, porque el mismo cuento se contaba de Stöffler; el troceo imprime *StoefÒer* con la ligadura fl vuelta Ò

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 154»

«Most of the names are familiar,’°? though some are badly misdated, like Witelo in 981, Campanus in 1030, and Thebit in 1198»Thorndike coteja la lista de autoridades del *Speculum astrologiae* y anota las fechas erradas: Witelo en 981, Campano en 1030, Thebit en 1198

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 154»

«Here we have again the germ of Gabriel Naudeé’s book on great men falsely suspected of magic, which was written and published in the next century»Thorndike liga ese pasaje con el germen del libro de Gabriel Naudé sobre los grandes hombres falsamente sospechosos de magia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 156»

«The work is of interest chiefly for naming along with more familiar authors a number of astrologers concerning whom it is difÏcult to find notices elsewhere»Thorndike declara qué le interesa del catálogo de Ranzovius: que nombra astrólogos de los que cuesta hallar noticia en otra parte

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 159»

«That these recollections of Ranzovius are not very accurate may be inferred from the report of one hundred thousand slain, and from another passage in which John of Legnano is said to have foreseen by the stars in the time of pope Martin V»y coteja su exactitud: la cifra de cien mil muertos y el caso de Juan de Legnano, muerto en 1383, a quien Ranzovius hace prever bajo Martín V la ejecución de su hijo (el tramo se acorta para no arrastrar una palabra que el guion de fin de renglón fabricaría)

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 160»

«one suspects that Ranzovius has confused the names of the two founders of the friar orders and that Dominicus Maria Novara de Ferraria is meant»y sospecha una confusión de nombres entre los dos fundadores de órdenes mendicantes y Dominicus Maria Novara de Ferrara

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 160»

«This chapter will consider the effect of the Catholic or Counter Reformation upon scientific activity and the occult sciences»el plan del capítulo XXXIV, que Thorndike declara al abrirlo: el efecto de la Contrarreforma sobre la actividad científica y sobre las ciencias ocultas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 169»

«Even in Italy it is important to inquire to what extent these agencies against the publication and spread of superstition acted as deterrents or ofÏcial expressions of policy, and to what extent they were actually operative against magic and divination in their various forms, most of which had long since been forbidden by canon law»la pregunta que se propone: hasta qué punto esas medidas fueron disuasorias o expresión oficial de política, y hasta qué punto operaron de hecho contra la magia y la adivinación

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 169»

«It is probable that some of these authors are forbidden for their Protestant afÏliations rather than their writings on the occult»y la cautela que Thorndike introduce al leer esas listas: es probable que a algunos de esos autores se los prohíba por su filiación protestante y no por sus escritos sobre lo oculto

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 171»

«and also the fourteenth century book of judgments of the stars of John of Saxony, which is surprising since he was careful to make no statements to which religious objection might be taken»y Thorndike se extraña de que figure el libro de juicios de los astros de Juan de Sajonia, cuidadoso de no dar pie a objeción religiosa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 172»

«The history of the papal inquisition in the sixteenth century has remained obscure because of the refusal to open the archives of the Holy OfÏce even to a Catholic historian of the papacy like Pastor»Thorndike declara el muro de la fuente: la historia de la inquisición papal del siglo XVI quedaba oscura por la negativa a abrir los archivos del Santo Oficio ni siquiera a un historiador católico como Pastor

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 173»

«In two out of three manuscripts astrology was one of the captions under which Pastor found the decrees of the Inquisition alphabetically arranged. But with one exception and that not from these manuscripts, astrologers are not mentioned in any of the decrees between 1555 and 1597 which he published, even the bull of Sixtus V being described as “against diviners»y hace el censo negativo: en dos de los tres manuscritos la astrología es rúbrica del índice de decretos, y aun así los astrólogos no aparecen en los decretos publicados de 1555 a 1597

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 173»

«From these decrees one rather gets the impression that occult arts were regarded by the Inquisition as a side issue and secondary matter which should not be allowed to clog its procedure»la impresión que Thorndike saca de los decretos: la Inquisición tenía las artes ocultas por asunto lateral que no debía entorpecer su procedimiento

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 174»

«Both Peucer and Camerarius, for example, condemned the arts of divination, and the work of the latter on this theme was not yet printed»con el dato que lo apoya: Peucer y Camerario condenaban las artes adivinatorias, y la obra del segundo sobre el tema no estaba impresa todavía

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 171»

«The last part of the sentence was probably merely held over his head, since it was further decreed that he must keep holy water in his room as a defense against infernal spirits»Thorndike lee la prisión de la sentencia como amenaza pendiente, porque se le mandaba además tener agua bendita en su cuarto como defensa contra los espíritus infernales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 178»

«Libri said that the name of Barozzi would today be forgotten but for his trial»Libri sostiene que el nombre de Barozzi estaría hoy olvidado de no ser por su proceso

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 179»

«It is impossible even to suggest in the case of Barozzi, as some have done in the case of Giordano Bruno, that advocacy of the Copernican theory was a reason for his plight with the Inquisition»y la negativa que Thorndike deja asentada: en el caso de Barozzi no cabe siquiera sugerir que la defensa de la teoría copernicana le causara el problema con la Inquisición

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 179»

«Hellmann in his elaborate census of extant annual predictions during the course of the sixteenth century notes a gradual increase in the number of authors in Germany, Austria and Switzerland from 17 in the opening decade to 62 in either of the closing decades, while the Italian peninsula shows a falling off from 17 in the first decade to only two in the closing decade of the century»la medida que Thorndike toma del censo de Hellmann: los autores de predicciones anuales crecen en Alemania, Austria y Suiza de diecisiete a sesenta y dos por década, y en la península italiana caen de diecisiete a dos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 181»

«It might, however, be argued that annual Almanachs and Ephemerides, which limited themselves to predicting the weather and telling what days were favorable for planting and bleeding, were predicting only in connection with agriculture, navigation and medicine and so did not contravert the bull»y la objeción que se hace a sí mismo: almanaques y efemérides limitados al tiempo, la siembra y la sangría entraban en lo permitido por la bula

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 182»

«Therefore it would seem that other factors than ecclesiastical prohibition must have contributed to the great falling off in such literature in Italy, or that fewer specimens have survived there, or that Hellmann’s search was less thorough for that region than for Germany»con las tres salidas que deja abiertas: otros factores además de la prohibición eclesiástica, menos ejemplares conservados en Italia, o una búsqueda de Hellmann menos completa para esa región

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 182»

«Pércopo probably goes too far in calling Luca Gaurico the last of the astrologers»Thorndike objeta a Pércopo que llame a Luca Gaurico el último de los astrólogos, aun leyéndolo como el último de los astrólogos italianos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 181»

«Despite the author’s professed experience in chiromancy, less than two pages are given to the hand»y mide la desproporción del libro: pese a la experiencia que el autor declara en quiromancia, menos de dos planas van a la mano

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 184»

«probably because he would not have been allowed to print either in Italy»Thorndike conjetura por qué Rizza Casa imprimió en Lyon sus predicciones y su astrología natural

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 185»

«But under this guise of reinterpretation he appears to be offering the reader a series of systematic extracts from astrological authors, reading of whom might otherwise be taboo»la lectura que Thorndike hace de esa maniobra: bajo capa de reinterpretación, Porta ofrece al lector extractos sistemáticos de autores astrológicos cuya lectura estaría vedada

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 187»

«That not much attention was paid to the bull of Sixtus V in Spain, and that the Spanish inquisition was less strict than the Roman with regard to subjects bordering upon the field of divination, is further indicated by a volume by Gerénimo Cortés printed at Cordova in 1601»y otro indicio del mismo orden: la Inquisición española era menos estricta que la romana en lo que bordeaba la adivinación, según lo muestra el volumen de Gerónimo Cortés

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 190»

«He cites “Cardan, skilled astronomer,”’* apparently oblivious to the fact that some of Cardan’s works were on the Spanish /ndex of 1559»Cortés cita a Cardano como astrónomo hábil, al parecer sin reparar en que algunas obras suyas estaban en el Índice español de 1559; el troceo imprime */ndex* con barra por I

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 191»

«Yet now the things signified by the spots on the nails are matters of fortune and not merely of health, character and ability, as in his Physiognomy»Thorndike señala el desplazamiento: en el tratado de las manchas de las uñas lo significado son cosas de fortuna, y no solo de salud, carácter y aptitud como en la fisiognomía

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 192»

«Cortés introduces an account of the Agnus Dei,"* which constitutes an instructive bit of ecclesiastical magic to set over against the ecclesiastical prohibitions of occult arts»Thorndike llama al relato del Agnus Dei una muestra instructiva de magia eclesiástica para poner al lado de las prohibiciones eclesiásticas de las artes ocultas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 192»

«Like the astrological publications of Rizza Casa at Lyons, this of Taxil suggests that it was possible to print books in France which would have hardly been allowed in Italy after 1586»la inferencia de Thorndike: en Francia se podían imprimir libros que en Italia difícilmente se habrían permitido después de 1586

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 194»

«That astrology did not entirely disappear even from the papal court after the bull of Sixtus V, is indicated by an astrological discourse on the year 1618 addressed by Gioanni Bartolini to one of the cardinals»el indicio que Thorndike aduce de que la astrología no desapareció ni de la corte papal tras la bula: un discurso astrológico sobre el año 1618 dirigido a un cardenal

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 195»

«From this one is inclined to infer that the decree against astrologers had not been well enforced in the interim»y la inferencia que Thorndike saca de ese endurecimiento sobre el cumplimiento del decreto en el intervalo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 195»

«Moreover, the fact that Urban VIII in particular forbids predictions concerning political and ecclesiastical matters, especially the life of the pope or of relations of the present pope to the third degree, makes one suspect that it was the boldness of the astrologers in forecasting such matters which elicited the bull, and that it was such predictions which would actually be most likely to be punished»y la sospecha que añade: lo que provocó la bula sería la audacia de los astrólogos al pronosticar sobre la vida del papa y sus parientes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 195»

«He does not, however, invariably interpret their views correctly. Thus he represents Aquinas as a supporter of astrological images and accepts De fato as a genuine work of Aquinas»Thorndike objeta que Campanella no siempre lee bien a sus autoridades: hace de Tomás un partidario de las imágenes astrológicas y toma el *De fato* por obra suya

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 198»

«From which it might seem that Campanella, while professing complete adherence to the bulls, is trying to restrict their scope and force as much as possible»la lectura que Thorndike hace de esa obediencia: profesando adhesión completa a las bulas, Campanella intenta restringir cuanto puede su alcance y su fuerza

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 201»

«It also appears that he had totally ignored the bull of 1586 until that of 1631 brought it to his attention»y añade que Campanella parece haber ignorado por completo la bula de 1586 hasta que la de 1631 se la puso delante

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 201»

«How dangerous it is to infer a person’s attitude towards astrology from a single passage in his works may be shown by the case of the geographer Mercator»la advertencia de método con que Thorndike abre el capítulo XXXV: es peligroso inferir la actitud de alguien ante la astrología de un solo pasaje de su obra

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 203»

«In the closing decades of the sixteenth and early decades of the seventeenth century a number of treatises were written and published against astrology. As we shall see, this does not always mean that their authors rejected the influence of the stars. But it does suggest an increasing opposition to astrological prediction»la medida que Thorndike toma del periodo: se escriben y publican varios tratados contra la astrología, lo que no siempre significa que sus autores rechacen la influencia de los astros

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 203»

«At least he showed no prejudice against Arabic astrology»el comentario de Thorndike a la larga lista de autoridades de esa introducción de Maurolico

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 204»

«Since the names mentioned are mainly those of popular and sensational rather than learned and would-be scientific astrologers, perhaps his objection was more to such practitioners than to the art»Thorndike lee el *Antiprognosticon* de William Fulke por los nombres que ataca, populares y sensacionalistas antes que doctos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 204»

«The climax of nonsense is reached, when it is afÏrmed that, if the sun is always in the other hemisphere at night, the moon should always be there while we have day, but that actually we often see it while the sun is shining»el juicio de Thorndike sobre el segundo tratado adjudicado a Adam ab Invidia, que niega el paso nocturno del sol bajo la tierra; el OCR imprime *afÏrmed* con la ligadura fi vuelta Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 206»

«of this second tract seems distinctly more modern, and probably the work is a hoax by some later writer»y su conjetura sobre la autoría: la letra parece más moderna y la obra probablemente sea una broma de un escritor posterior (el tramo se acorta para no arrastrar una palabra que el guion de fin de renglón fabricaría)

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 206»

«Yet, if the comet is a celestial and superior body, as he contends, is would seem that it should influence inferiors all the more potently»Thorndike le objeta que, siendo el cometa cuerpo celeste y superior como él sostiene, debería influir en los inferiores con más fuerza aún

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 208»

«This was a trenchant criticism and shows not only that it was easier to find fault with astrologers than to make a constructive contribution to astronomy, but that opponents of astrology might be less scientific in other respects than many of its practitioners»la tesis que Thorndike saca de esa objeción: era más fácil hallar faltas en los astrólogos que aportar algo a la astronomía, y los adversarios del arte podían ser menos científicos que muchos de sus practicantes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 209»

«Repeating such an exaggerated figure gives us an unfavorable impression of Dudith’s scientific capacity»y Thorndike mide la capacidad científica de Dudith por la cifra de más de cien mil muertos en la peste de Venecia que repite

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 209»

«Such a natural astrology would not seem to differ from astronomy»que a Thorndike no le parece distinta de la astronomía

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 210»

«Finally Dudith rather weakened his case by arguing that portents must be events contrary to the course and order of nature, a view which the astrologers, with such theories as that of great conjunctions of the planets which occur at regular intervals, would hardly accept»y señala dónde Dudith se debilita: al exigir que los portentos sean sucesos contra el curso y el orden de la naturaleza, cosa que los astrólogos de las grandes conjunciones no aceptarían

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 210»

«That he could not find any heavier ammunition to offer learned readers of Latin against astrology than the popular, religious and insufÏcient work of Savonarola goes to show that foes of astrology were often not animated by any more critical and scientific intelligence than the astrologers themselves»la tesis que Thorndike repite a propósito de la traducción latina de Savonarola contra la astrología: los enemigos del arte no solían moverse por una inteligencia más crítica ni más científica que los astrólogos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 211»

«While it is thus entitled, Against the Astrologers, the work rather afÏrms the influence of the stars, although Fontaine subjects this to considerable discussion and some qualification and limitation»Thorndike coteja el título del discurso de Jacques Fontaine con su contenido: pese a llamarse contra los astrólogos, el texto más bien afirma la influencia de los astros

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 212»

«So far Fontaine would seem to have made very little headway against the astrologers»el balance de Thorndike sobre ese primer discurso de Fontaine

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 213»

«That the argument is not always impeccable is shown however by the assertion in the dedication to the duke of Saxony that king Alphonse of Aragon (sic), after whom the astronomical tables are named, would not tolerate the presence of an astrologer at his court»Thorndike mide el rigor de Frischlin por el yerro de su dedicatoria, que hace de Alfonso de Aragón el rey de las tablas alfonsíes y lo pone contra los astrólogos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 216»

«He had the bright idea of putting astrology’s own procedure to a practical test»lo que Thorndike halla nuevo en Sixto ab Hemminga: someter a prueba práctica el procedimiento mismo de la astrología

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 217»

«proceed mainly from religious motives»el resorte que Thorndike adjudica a la oposición de Frischlin a la astrología, cuya frase arranca en la plana anterior

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 217»

«But he fails to explain a statement which he repeats from the historian Sleidan that the duke had received letters from his father to beware of that day, “for the stars threatened him with some marked disaster»Thorndike señala lo que Sixto deja sin explicar: la noticia de Sleidan de que el duque había recibido carta de su padre para guardarse de aquel día porque los astros lo amenazaban

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 219»

«This influence, however, I believe he does not dispute»y la reserva que Thorndike deja anotada sobre el alcance de esa crítica

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 220»

«Naudé represented pope Sixtus V as assailing the art of astrology with dire execrations as if he wished to cast it down to hell, which would seem something of an exaggeration»Thorndike objeta a Gabriel Naudé haber pintado a Sixto V arremetiendo contra la astrología con execraciones como para hundirla en el infierno

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 220»

«In general, Casmann’s arguments against astrology seem neither novel nor effective»el juicio de Thorndike sobre la obra de Otto Casmann contra la astrología

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 222»

«But his motive was classical reaction, not scientific advance»el juicio de Thorndike sobre el móvil de esa conversión

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 224»

«Nor did he stop there but became a devotee of the Lullian art—a fact which tends to devaluate somewhat his opposition to astrology»Thorndike anota que Ragusa acabó devoto del arte luliana, cosa que a su juicio le resta valor a su oposición a la astrología

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 225»

«In his five books de Angelis gives an elaborate rehearsal of past arguments against astrology, but there is little or nothing new said»el juicio de Thorndike sobre esos cinco libros

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 227»

«It is well to remark before leaving de Angelis that his criticism did not extend from astrology to occult virtues»la distinción que Thorndike marca en ese adversario: su crítica no pasó de la astrología a las virtudes ocultas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 228»

«It cannot be said that Giannini is always either convincing or consistent in maintaining his position»el juicio de Thorndike sobre la coherencia de Giannini

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 229»

«He rejects the occult influence of the stars but often falls back on occult virtue to explain inferior phenomena»y la incoherencia que le señala: rechaza la influencia oculta de los astros y recurre a menudo a la virtud oculta para explicar los fenómenos inferiores

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 229»

«But he does not explain why the womb should be more susceptible to disease in the eighth month than in the ninth, or why innate heat should be weaker in the sixty-third year than in the sixty-second or sixty-fourth»y Thorndike le objeta lo que deja sin explicar en esas sustituciones

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 230»

«For the most part the arguments against astrology noted in this chapter repeat those already worn threadbare in previous centuries. Sixtus ab Hemminga, George of Ragusa, and Alexander de Angelis, however, show something of an advance, and their attitude holds out hope for the future»el balance con que Thorndike cierra el capítulo: los argumentos repiten lo ya gastado en siglos anteriores, salvo en Sixto ab Hemminga, Giorgio de Ragusa y Alexander de Angelis

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 230»

«This may result in a somewhat discursive and scattering presentation and of course means that the present single chapter does not stand by itself as a unified and complete picture of medical theory and practice at the time»Thorndike declara el límite del capítulo XXXVI: la presentación quedará discursiva y dispersa y no será un cuadro unificado de la teoría y la práctica médicas de la época

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 231»

«displays no medical advance over the pest tracts of the fourteenth century»el juicio de Thorndike sobre esos tres tratados de peste frente a los del siglo XIV

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 235»

«Nothing is said by Campi of its being associated with the sign of the ram in the zodiac»Thorndike anota lo que Francesco Campi calla sobre la enfermedad del carnero: nada dice de que se ligue con el signo del zodiaco

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 236»

«These instances warn us that Joubert’s treatment of popular errors was not likely to result in much scientific advance or diminution of interest in the occult and marvelous»la advertencia de Thorndike sobre el género de los errores populares: el tratamiento de Joubert no prometía mucho avance científico ni menos interés por lo oculto y lo maravilloso

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 244»

«We have seen him on the one hand open-minded enough to admit chemical remedies, although himself a commentator on Dioscorides, but on the other hand narrowly enough attached to classical pharmacology to deplore the lack in his day of herbs mentioned by Galen, in seeming blindness to the new flora of America and increasing materia medica from the Far»el balance de Thorndike sobre Mattioli: abierto para admitir remedios químicos y a la vez tan atado a la farmacología clásica que deplora la falta de hierbas de Galeno sin ver la flora nueva de América

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 249»

«It is less, however, a rebuttal of particular popular errors and superstitions, than it is a general invective against the stupidity and wrong-headedness of the crowd, populace and Philistines, and a vague defense of letters, learning and astrology»Thorndike coteja el *Discorso contro il volgo* de Cosimo Aldana con su título: es menos un alegato contra errores populares determinados que una invectiva general contra la estupidez del vulgo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 246»

«Whereas de Thou looked back on Argenterius as an Aristotelian, Gryllus praised him as neither an Arabist nor too conservative a classicist in medicine, and as one who had ventured to strike out for himself»el desacuerdo entre testimonios que Thorndike consigna sin arbitrar: de Thou recuerda a Argenterio como aristotélico y Gryllus lo alaba por no ser arabista ni clasicista conservador

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 251»

«Despite this breadth of interest, he seems not to have entered the fields of astrology, alchemy or demonology, although his compound medicines border upon magic. He thus serves to remind us that there were physicians who did not concern themselves with occult sciences»Thorndike usa a Salomo Alberti para recordar que hubo médicos que no se ocuparon de las ciencias ocultas, aunque sus medicinas compuestas rocen la magia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 254»

«I cannot say, however, that I found any ideas concerning occult virtues in the treatises of Olmo which I had not repeatedly encountered before in the works of other authors»y Thorndike declara no haber hallado en sus tratados ninguna idea sobre virtudes ocultas que no hubiera encontrado ya repetidamente en otros autores

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 255»

«This rather strange outburst of Olmo may perhaps be accounted for by the fact that the bull of Sixtus V against astrology had appeared since the treatise of 1576 and by the further ‘fact that the text of 1597 was printed at Brescia, “superiorum permissu,” and not at Augsburg as was that of 1576»la explicación que Thorndike arriesga de ese giro: entre los dos textos había salido la bula de Sixto V, y el de 1597 se imprimió en Brescia con permiso de los superiores

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 256»

«But after he has adduced various examples, Olmo suddenly shifts his attitude, saying that these are what deceive many into thinking that there are natural powers in words against all diseases»Thorndike marca el viraje brusco de Olmo tras esos ejemplos, que pasa a decir que son ellos los que engañan a muchos haciéndoles creer que hay en las palabras poderes naturales contra toda enfermedad

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 258»

«The language here employed by Olmo suggests that there had been some recent ecclesiastical pronouncement or definition of policy akin to the bull of Sixtus V with reference to divination and astrology»la conjetura de Thorndike sobre ese lenguaje: sugiere alguna declaración eclesiástica reciente semejante a la bula de Sixto V

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 258»

«Libavius complains that men consult theologians concerning physical and medical questions, but he himself is guilty of importing a great deal of theology into his physics»Thorndike señala la incoherencia: Libavio se queja de que se consulte a los teólogos en cuestiones físicas y médicas y él mismo mete mucha teología en su física

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 263»

«Thus it is not merely occult doctrine which Libavius defends but a life and death matter of legal practice and criminal procedure»y Thorndike subraya lo que está en juego: no una doctrina oculta sino una práctica legal de vida o muerte

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 266»

«This does not mean that he was opposed to alchemy or to iatrochemistry. His position was rather about half way between that of Paracelsus and his oppo»la posición que Thorndike adjudica a Libavio frente a la alquimia y la iatroquímica: a medio camino entre Paracelso y sus adversarios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 266»

«In his professed opposition to Paracelsus it is doubtful how far Libavius correctly represents the ideas of Paracelsus. He calls him impious, whereas he was actually devout. He keeps imputing fantastic and magical notions to him, giving at best an extreme and one-sided picture of his doctrine»Thorndike pone en duda que Libavio represente bien las ideas de Paracelso: lo llama impío cuando era devoto y le imputa nociones fantásticas y mágicas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 267»

«The third section on the detection of the legerdemain and impostures of the alchemists (chymicorum) attributes their occasional seeming successes to demon aid and repeats, chiefly at third hand, a number of stories which suggest that it was no lack of credulity that led Guibert to attack alchemy»Thorndike lee la tercera parte de Guibert como prueba de que no fue falta de credulidad lo que lo llevó a atacar la alquimia, pues adjudica los éxitos aparentes al auxilio de demonios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 271»

«Since Nemesius was a Christian writing in Greek about 400 A.D., and the sole extant work by him is on human physiology and psychology (pert physeos anthropou), this allusion to him by Longolius seems more pretentious than accurate»Thorndike coteja esa remisión a Nemesio con lo que de él se conserva y la halla más pretenciosa que exacta

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 280»

«Scaliger accused Rondelet, Scévola de Sainte Marthe accused Belon, and the historian de Thou charged both Belon and Rondelet with having attached their names to the work of others»los cargos de plagio que Thorndike consigna sin arbitrar: Escalígero contra Rondelet, Sainte-Marthe contra Belon y de Thou contra ambos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 281»

«but the most notable omission is the name of Conrad Gesner, whose work on animals bore the closest resemblance to Aldrovandi’s and was most used by him»Thorndike señala el vacío de la lista de naturalistas de Aldrovandi: falta Conrad Gesner, cuya obra sobre los animales era la más parecida a la suya y la que más usó

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 283»

«His own essay towards a botanical method must be regarded as extremely elementary, not to say puerile, but he asserts that the matter is difÏcult, new and “recently born at our house»y Thorndike tiene por elemental, si no pueril, ese ensayo de método botánico, que su autor llamaba difícil y recién nacido en su casa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 283»

«As to what might happen, if they did so simultaneously, or if men ate the smaller root and women, the larger, Maranta betrayed no curiosity, though there might seem to be a fruitful field for speculation and experimentation in these directions»el comentario irónico de Thorndike sobre lo que Maranta no se preguntó

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 285»

«It must be kept in mind that the medieval background has not yet been sufÏciently studied or compared with the later works»la advertencia de método de Thorndike al medir los avances botánicos del siglo XVI: el trasfondo medieval no se ha estudiado ni comparado bastante con las obras posteriores

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 285»

«Thus the botanical researches of Rufinus in the thirteenth century seem to have extended to a number of plants which remained unknown to the naturalists of the sixteenth century»la conclusión de ese cotejo de índices: las investigaciones botánicas de Rufino en el siglo XIII alcanzaron plantas que los naturalistas del XVI no conocieron

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 287»

«On the other hand, the descriptions of plants by Tragus and Valerius Cordus, for instance, are fuller and sometimes show more minute examination of detail than did those of Rufinus, indicating that botanical research was becoming more intensive, if not extensive, than in the thirteenth century»y la otra mitad del balance: las descripciones de Tragus y Valerius Cordus son más plenas y más minuciosas, señal de una investigación más intensiva aunque no más extensiva

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 287»

«The evidence of Ruellius suggests that the men who gathered and sold herbs retained the medieval names and terminology more than did learned writers»la inferencia que Thorndike saca de Ruellius: quienes recogían y vendían hierbas conservaron los nombres medievales más que los escritores doctos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 288»

«Thus where the sixteenth century seems to add about 130 herbs to those known to medieval botanists, it fails to include some 330 names with which previous herbalists were familiar»y la cuenta con que lo mide: el siglo XVI parece añadir unas ciento treinta hierbas a las conocidas por los botánicos medievales y dejar fuera unos trescientos treinta nombres familiares a los herbolarios anteriores

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 288»

«It should further be stated that some of the herbs which Greene represented as new discoveries of Valerius Cordus had really been previously known»y objeta a Greene haber presentado como hallazgos nuevos de Valerius Cordus hierbas ya conocidas antes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 289»

«If the work of Rufinus remained in manuscript and was lost sight of for centuries, this was similarly the case with some of the best and most advanced botanical compositions of the sixteenth century»la salvedad que Thorndike concede al siglo XVI: también algunas de sus mejores obras botánicas quedaron manuscritas y perdidas de vista

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 289»

«That botanical studies did not rank very high at the universities in the sixteenth century or even in the opinion of men who have been considered most interested in natural and experimental science is shown by a letter to Aldrovandi written by Falloppia»la medida que Thorndike toma del rango de la botánica en las universidades del siglo XVI, por una carta de Falopio a Aldrovandi

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 290»

«This cooperation in science by men of diverse nationalities, professions, religions and even philosophies is indeed impressive»y el juicio que le merece esa cooperación entre hombres de naciones, profesiones, religiones y aun filosofías distintas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 291»

«At the same time it is well to remember that the specimens collected and sent, like those stored in the museums of that day, were often intended to confirm faith in the strange and marvelous»la reserva que Thorndike pone a esa red de intercambio: los ejemplares recogidos y enviados, como los de los museos de entonces, solían servir para afirmar la fe en lo extraño y lo maravilloso

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 293»

«Observation was apt to be somewhat cognately occasional and sporadic, not to say exceptional, rather than systematic and protracted»y la medida que hace de la observación de la época: ocasional y esporádica, cuando no excepcional, antes que sistemática y sostenida

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 293»

«It is a trifle misleading and something of a misnomer to speak of sixteenth century naturalists, since natural science in general or botany or zoology in particular was often not their sole or even primary aim, but was subsidiary to other interests: the grammatical, literary and antiquarian; or medical, practical and encyclopedic; even moral and religious, or marvel-mongering and magical»la objeción de Thorndike al propio rótulo del capítulo: llamar naturalistas a esos autores engaña, porque la ciencia natural solía ser en ellos subsidiaria de intereses gramaticales, médicos, religiosos o mágicos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 294»

«Gesner, for example, was a polyhistor and encyclopedist rather than a scientific specialist. Aside from varied editorial activities, his energies were devoted largely to compilation»y pone a Gesner por caso: polígrafo y enciclopedista antes que especialista, con energías dedicadas sobre todo a la compilación

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 294»

«This suggests that specific scientific research was then even less an interest of the reading public than it was of men of learning like Gesner»y saca de la suerte editorial de su botánica que la investigación científica específica interesaba entonces aún menos al público lector que a los propios doctos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 294»

«That is to say, it was primarily concerned with names and words, and with information and allusions connected with them, for the use and enjoyment of the classical scholar and literary reader rather than with the collection and presentation of facts for scientific purposes»y Thorndike glosa qué significa eso: una obra de nombres y palabras para el disfrute del lector clásico, y no de recolección de hechos con fines científicos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 294»

«The works on plants and animals printed during the sixteenth century may be regarded on the one hand as a continuation and outgrowth of previous medieval herbals and encyclopedias, and on the other hand as a product of further humanistic study of Aristotle, Theophrastus, Galen, Dioscorides, Pliny, and other classical authors»la doble raíz que Thorndike adjudica a las obras del siglo XVI sobre plantas y animales: continuación de los herbarios y enciclopedias medievales y producto del estudio humanístico de los clásicos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 295»

«In the latter case it was liable to be largely limited to a discussion of names and to the identification of those plants and animals mentioned in the classics»y el efecto del segundo cauce: quedaba limitado a discutir nombres e identificar las plantas y animales nombrados en los clásicos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 295»

«this means that he had failed to profit by the work of his medieval predecessors»y lo que Thorndike concluye del caso de Turner, que en 1538 no tenía más maestros que los clásicos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 295»

«Ryff criticized other suggested identifications without naming thelt authors, asserting vaguely, o Those are mistaken who.. .” or, “Those are hallucinated who .’ or, “Certain persons today ‘think 1in shameful error»Thorndike anota el modo vago en que Ryff criticaba identificaciones ajenas sin nombrar a sus autores

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 296»

«Doubtless such efforts at identification and disagreement over them led in some cases to closer observation, but the moot point also was apt to be a textual problem or a matter of opinion, and sometimes led nowhere»y pesa esos esfuerzos de identificación: en algunos casos llevaron a observar mejor, y el punto en litigio solía ser textual o de opinión y a veces no llevaba a ninguna parte

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 296»

«However, it also should not be overlooked that there was an interest in the flora or fauna of one’s own country and in the vernacular names for herbs, birds, and other animals»Thorndike señala el otro movimiento del periodo: el interés por la flora y la fauna del país propio y por los nombres vernáculos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 297»

«Such data, however, in part rested on unreliable tales of travelers or the narratives and specimens brought back by well-meaning but not especially scientific Jesuit fathers and missionaries»la reserva de Thorndike sobre los datos del Nuevo Mundo: en parte descansaban en cuentos de viajeros poco fiables y en relatos de padres jesuitas bienintencionados

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 298»

«The historical schoolbooks of our childhood used to give us the impression that the voyages of Columbus dispelled the fear of mythical sea-monsters which had hitherto kept sailors from venturing out of sight of land»Thorndike objeta a los manuales escolares la idea de que los viajes de Colón disiparan el miedo a los monstruos marinos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 299»

«As a matter of fact, such voyages rather confirmed the faith in and multiplied the number of such monsters. Now it was possible to believe Pliny’s assertions concerning monstrous races of men, or the tales of Solinus and John de Mandeville»y sostiene lo contrario: esos viajes afirmaron la fe en tales monstruos y multiplicaron su número, y volvieron creíbles las razas monstruosas de Plinio y los cuentos de Solino y de Mandeville

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 299»

«Indeed, some contemporaries would probably have said that the Copernican system was a greater absurdity than any of these»y el comentario de Thorndike sobre lo que sus contemporáneos habrían dicho del sistema copernicano

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 299»

«Despite the inspiration to be derived from new flora and fauna, names and regions, the method employed was still largely that of compilation and citation from past authors»el balance de Thorndike sobre el método: pese a la inspiración de la flora y la fauna nuevas, seguía siendo el de la compilación y la cita de autores pasados

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 300»

«There seems to have been a feeling, habitual or instinctive, that nothing said by them must be omitted. Even if the present writer branded it as false or superstitious, he nevertheless included it all»y el hábito que le adjudica: la sensación de que nada de lo dicho por los antiguos podía omitirse, aunque el autor lo tachara de falso o supersticioso

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 300»

«Elimination of deadwood was therefore not a characteristic of sixteenth century works on nature. What little new they may have to offer is smothered under a great mass of traditional lore, partly irrelevant and partly incorrect»con la consecuencia: la poda no fue rasgo de las obras del siglo XVI sobre la naturaleza, y lo poco nuevo queda sofocado bajo una masa de saber tradicional

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 300»

«Other medieval features—or what are usually so regarded—in Aldrovandi’s treatment are his noting the mystical and symbolical significance of each animal and the moral lessons that may be drawn from it, as well as its use for food, in medicine, in hunting, and in heraldry»los rasgos que Thorndike llama medievales en Aldrovandi: la significación mística y simbólica de cada animal, las lecciones morales que de él se sacan y su uso en la comida, la medicina, la caza y la heráldica

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 301»

«Such sections on Hieroglyphica throughout Aldrovandi’s works on animals are almost invariably simply excerpts from the books on that theme of Horapollo and Pierius Valerianus»Thorndike consigna de dónde salen las secciones de jeroglíficos de Aldrovandi: son casi siempre extractos de Horapolo y de Pierio Valeriano

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 302»

«but it must be evident that his account of their physical appearance and anatomy, generation, habits and ailments occupies a rather modest fraction of the space»y la medida que Thorndike hace de las ochenta planas de Aldrovandi sobre el águila: la apariencia física, la anatomía, la generación y los hábitos ocupan una fracción modesta

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 302»

«The criteria of truth and standards of scientific credibility applied in the sixteenth century were often, if not generally, far from satisfactory»la tesis que Thorndike enuncia sobre los criterios de verdad y de credibilidad científica del siglo XVI

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 302»

«Not only was there too much indiscriminate respect for the printed page or written word, but hearsay was accepted because of the moral, social, academic, or religious standing of one’s informant without taking into account the soundness or reliability of his organs of sense perception, his intellectual acumen, or his possession or lack of anything approaching scientific or historical training»y en qué consiste el defecto: demasiado respeto indiscriminado por la página impresa, y el rumor aceptado por la posición moral, social o religiosa del informante y no por la fiabilidad de sus sentidos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 302»

«Seldom was any distinction drawn as to scientific value and reliability between past authors, who were cited indiscriminately»otra medida de Thorndike sobre el método de la época: rara vez se distinguía el valor científico de los autores pasados, citados sin discernimiento

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 303»

«Most often it was because things had not been properly identified under their ancient names»y la razón más frecuente por la que se señalaban errores ajenos: no haberse identificado bien las cosas bajo sus nombres antiguos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 304»

«Thus is illustrated and demonstrated the prevalence of the old literary tradition and lore into the middle of the seventeenth century»Thorndike lee en la obra sobre serpientes y dragones editada en 1640 bajo el nombre de Aldrovandi la persistencia de la vieja tradición literaria hasta mediados del siglo XVII

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 304»

«Sometimes the old is rejected; more often it is accepted; in either case it is reiterated in detail and occupies a large share of the space»y el modo en que persiste: a veces se rechaza lo viejo, más a menudo se acepta, y en ambos casos se reitera con detalle

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 304»

«But the reason for thinking that Isidore was in error in stating that the cicada is born from the spittle of the cuckoo is that there is such an antipathy between the two animals that the cuckoo ceases to sing when the cicada begins to chirp»y Thorndike señala qué clase de razón se daba: que Isidoro erraba al hacer nacer la cigarra de la saliva del cuclillo se argumentaba por la antipatía entre los dos animales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 305»

«Such were the arguments and “proofs” into which the assumption of relationships of sympathy and antipathy led one»el comentario de Thorndike sobre las pruebas a que llevaba el supuesto de las relaciones de simpatía y antipatía

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 306»

«He does not appear to have demonstrated this experimentally, but occasionally a sixteenth century naturalist tested such a statement»y la excepción que consigna: de cuando en cuando un naturalista del siglo XVI sí ponía a prueba una afirmación de ese género

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 306»

«The entire episode is instructive, since it was a textual problem rather than any tendency to question antipathies that induced Rondelet to make the experiment, and since even the failure of his test does not seem to have led him to doubt or to verify that a crab would protect trees from cattle»la lectura que Thorndike hace del episodio: fue un problema textual y no una duda sobre las antipatías lo que movió el experimento, y el fracaso no lo llevó a dudar del cangrejo que protege los árboles del ganado

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 306»

«If in some respects the sixteenth century was less given to scientific scepticism than Albertus Magnus had been in the thirteenth century, yet some progress was being made in that direction»el balance de Thorndike sobre el escepticismo científico del siglo XVI frente al de Alberto Magno en el XIII

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 307»

«seem to have been less cautious and sceptical and more credulous than he»el juicio de Thorndike sobre los editores póstumos de Aldrovandi, profesores también en Bolonia y más crédulos que él

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 310»

«The authors of such works might better be called unnaturalists than naturalists»el juicio de Thorndike sobre los autores de tratados de monstruos y partos monstruosos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 311»

«With this estimate of the world of nature as odd and lawless went a belief in the action of spirits and witchcraft»y Thorndike liga esa estimación de la naturaleza como rara y sin ley con su creencia en la acción de los espíritus y la brujería

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 311»

«Modern historians, biographers and editors have too often failed to note all sides of the works of these sixteenth century naturalists, their weaknesses and superstition as well as their contribution towards future science»la objeción de Thorndike a los historiadores, biógrafos y editores modernos de esos naturalistas: no suelen anotar todos sus lados, la superstición junto con el aporte a la ciencia futura

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 311»

«he seems to have been convinced by an Irish theologian named Octavian who swore by the Gospel that he had seen and touched such barnacle birds while they were still growing out of rotten»Thorndike coteja el texto de Turner contra la glosa de su editor: lo convenció un teólogo irlandés que juró por el evangelio haber visto y tocado gansos percebe creciendo de madera podrida (el tramo se acorta para no arrastrar una palabra que el guion de fin de renglón fabricaría)

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 312»

«He was therefore hardly “most loth” to believe it. Evans even mistranslated Turner’s very words»y objeta a Evans dos cosas: que Turner fuera reacio a creerlo y su traducción de las palabras mismas de Turner

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 312»

«continued to vex the pages of supposedly scientific works as late as 1668, when it appeared once more in the posthumous edition of the work of Aldrovandi on trees by Ovidius Montalbanus, professor emeritus at Bologna»Thorndike sigue la fábula de los gansos percebe hasta 1668, cuando reaparece en la edición póstuma de la obra de Aldrovandi sobre los árboles

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 313»

«Writers on herbs were even more ready to believe in the spontaneous generation of plants»Thorndike consigna que los autores de herbarios eran aún más dados a creer en la generación espontánea de las plantas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 314»

«Interest in detailed demonstration of how marvelous are the works of God was still a leading motive in the study of natural phenomena»la tesis de Thorndike sobre el motivo que seguía mandando en el estudio de los fenómenos naturales: mostrar en detalle cuán maravillosas son las obras de Dios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 314»

«logically disposed Aldrovandi to account for fossils as incomplete animals whose spontaneous generation had failed of full accomplishment, rather than as fossilized remains of once living creatures»Thorndike liga las creencias de Aldrovandi con su explicación de los fósiles como animales incompletos cuya generación espontánea no llegó a cumplirse

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 315»

«But in the corresponding Latin text there is no justification for the words “are said to.”’ The spontaneous generation of these geese is stated as a fact without any such qualifying words»con el cotejo que aduce: el latín no autoriza el *se dice que* de la versión inglesa, y la generación espontánea de esos gansos queda enunciada sin esa reserva

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 312»

«In this way religion stimulated the study of nature and vice versa, instead of the warfare of science and theology which some have supposed»la objeción de Thorndike a la idea de una guerra entre ciencia y teología: así la religión estimulaba el estudio de la naturaleza y a la inversa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 314»

«It should be realized that there is no necessary correlation or variation in inverse ratio between an individual’s positive scientific achievement on the one hand and his acceptance or rejection of superstition, occult notions and trust in magical procedure on the other hand»una de las tesis mayores del volumen, que Thorndike enuncia aquí: no hay correlación necesaria ni razón inversa entre el logro científico de un individuo y su aceptación o rechazo de la superstición y lo oculto

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 316»

«The occult and magical still formed a considerable constituent in sixteenth century accounts of plants and animals, as it had done in the ancient and medieval writers from whom they quoted so extensively»la medida que Thorndike toma de lo oculto y lo mágico en las obras del siglo XVI sobre plantas y animales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 316»

«There appears, however, to be more of it in the works on animals than in those on plants»y la diferencia que registra entre unas y otras

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 316»

«The interpretations from animals seen in dreams which he repeated from Cardan and Artemidorus he generally condemned as nonsense, yet intermingled them with his science»Thorndike señala la mezcla: Aldrovandi condena por disparates las interpretaciones de animales vistos en sueños que repite de Cardano y Artemidoro, y las entrevera con su ciencia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 317»

«His use in medicine of plants and animals and their parts was also likely to include their occult virtues and employment of them as amulets»y consigna que su uso médico de plantas y animales solía incluir las virtudes ocultas y el empleo como amuletos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 317»

«it seems odd that he included nothing concerning the use of the iunx in Greek magic»y anota como rareza lo que Aldrovandi calla, dada su exhaustividad con los clásicos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 317»

«The relationship between the beginnings of scientific botany and the gathering of magic herbs by sorcerers may still be seen in the work of Tragus»Thorndike señala en Tragus la relación entre los comienzos de la botánica científica y la recolección de hierbas mágicas por los hechiceros

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 319»

«But, as Greene has remarked,*” it does not seem to have occurred to him to collect the seeds, or that these would fall to the ground, at any other time than during midsummer night»y la objeción que Greene le hace, y Thorndike recoge: no se le ocurrió recoger las semillas en otro momento que la noche de San Juan

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 319»

«The belief in demons in human form in deep wells, mines, and elsewhere underground, which Agricola had set forth in his book concerning subterranean animals, continued to appear in learned and scientific works from Pierre Belon’s discussion of a demon metallicus in 1553,'"* to the posthumous Musaeum Metallicum of Aldrovandi in 1648»Thorndike sigue la creencia en demonios de forma humana en pozos profundos y minas desde Agricola y Belon hasta el *Musaeum metallicum* póstumo de Aldrovandi

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 319»

«The naturalists of the sixteenth century can in only a few cases be said to surpass a thirteenth century botanist like Rufinus in observation of nature and descriptive ability. None of them is the equal of an Albertus Magnus in intellectual range and grasp, critical and logical power. None of them could write as directly and lucidly, or develop a subject as he could»el balance con que Thorndike cierra el capítulo: pocos de esos naturalistas superan a un botánico del siglo XIII como Rufino, y ninguno iguala a Alberto Magno en alcance intelectual y potencia crítica

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 319»

«Some of these advantages, however, seem at times to have been a little too much for them and to have constituted a load under which they staggered rather than a vehicle by which they progressed more rapidly»y la imagen con que mide sus ventajas: a veces fueron carga bajo la que tambalearon antes que vehículo con que avanzaran

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 320»

«New data were presented in the old patterns and»con la razón que lo explica: los datos nuevos se presentaban en los viejos moldes, se perdían de vista y, aislados o fuera de sitio, no alumbraban lo que debían (el tramo se acorta para no arrastrar una palabra que el guion de fin de renglón fabricaría)

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 320»

«Neither in tone nor content does Camillo make any noteworthy departure from the traditional treatment of gems common to previous authors. Indeed, his book is merely a compilation with little trace of independent or scientific observation»el juicio de Thorndike sobre ese libro: ni en tono ni en contenido se aparta del tratamiento tradicional de las gemas, y es mera compilación

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 323»

«It is a reasonably safe conjecture that the work owed its long continued popularity to its astrology, magic, and other superstition and not to its mineralogy»la conjetura de Thorndike sobre la larga popularidad del *Speculum lapidum*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 326»

«He was complimented by Christopher Scheurl for purging his account of gems from superstitious and magical vanity, whereas about all that he has done is to repeat Pliny as to the lies and vanity of the magi»Thorndike coteja el elogio de Christopher Scheurl a Erasmus Stella por purgar su relato de vanidad supersticiosa y mágica con lo que el texto hace: repetir a Plinio sobre las mentiras de los magos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 327»

«And the further question may well be asked why Gesner republished such a work at all»la pregunta que Thorndike deja planteada sobre Gesner y la reedición del tratado de gemas de Rueus

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 329»

«It may further be noted that Rueus attempted to recommend his work to Christian readers by emphasizing the gems mentioned in the Apocalypse, by afÏrming that marvelous occult virtues turn our minds Godward,” and by professing to reject anything that a Christian should not believe»Thorndike consigna los tres modos en que Rueus intenta recomendar su obra a lectores cristianos: las gemas del Apocalipsis, las virtudes ocultas que vuelven las mentes a Dios y el rechazo declarado de lo que un cristiano no debe creer

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 330»

«It is evident that his chief interest is in the virtues of gems and that he adds nothing of scientific importance to previous works»y su juicio sobre el valor del libro

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 330»

«Thus its appeal appears to have been especially to religious and marvel-loving readers»y la conclusión que saca de las obras con las que se lo reimprimía

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 330»

«These writings are purely descriptive and classificatory. They do not deal with the virtues of stones at all, whether occult or manifest, medical or more marvelous»Thorndike distingue el catálogo de minerales de Kentmann y la obra de Gesner sobre fósiles: puramente descriptivos y clasificatorios, sin tocar las virtudes de las piedras

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 331»

«It may be partly accounted for by the fact that fossilized remains of plants and animals were not then distinguished from stones, while stony growths in living beings had a greater medical interest than now»y la explicación que le da: los restos fosilizados no se distinguían entonces de las piedras, y las concreciones en los seres vivos tenían mayor interés médico que hoy

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 332»

«That this work was not very widely read is suggested not only by the rarity of the volume but by the fact that in the summer of 1935, almost four centuries after it was first published, I found some of the pages still uncut in the copy at the National Library in Munich»Thorndike mide la difusión del *De re metallica* de Encelius por un dato de su propio trabajo: halló planas sin cortar en el ejemplar de Múnich casi cuatro siglos después

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 332»

«The reason perhaps is that he is not primarily interested in metallurgy but in the medicinal use of metals, stones, gems, and other minerals»y la razón que arriesga de que Encelius cite más a Plinio que a Agrícola: no le interesa la metalurgia sino el uso medicinal de metales, piedras y gemas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 332»

«On the whole, however, it cannot be said that Encelius manifests any real advance over the work of Lunardi a half century before, either in accretion of new information, facts and correct scientific detail, or in the rejection of superstitious tradition and occult notions»el balance de Thorndike sobre Encelius frente a Lunardi medio siglo antes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 333»

«he says that the same property of gaining love and grace and that of making girls comely and curing their diseases is attributed to the stone, Umbilicus Veneris or Meerbonen, and that “our matrons” attach it to their children as an amulet and think highly of it»Thorndike apoya ese balance en que Encelius adjudique, seis planas después, esa misma propiedad a la piedra *Umbilicus Veneris*, que las matronas cuelgan a sus niños como amuleto

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 333»

«His discussion of this matter is vastly inferior to Leonardo da Vinci’s»el juicio de Thorndike sobre esa discusión de Falopio frente a la de Leonardo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 337»

«Since the attraction of iron by the magnet had long served as the stock example and unassailable argument of believers in occult virtue, and various other marvelous properties, medical or magical, had been ascribed to it in lapidaries from the time of Marbod»Thorndike sitúa la atracción del hierro por el imán como el ejemplo de cabecera y el argumento inexpugnable de los creyentes en la virtud oculta

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 340»

«If we closed this chapter here, it might seem that scepticism as to the lore of gems was at last in the ascendent. A glance at two works of the early seventeenth century will alter this impression»Thorndike advierte contra cerrar el capítulo en Gilbert, porque dos obras del siglo XVII temprano cambian esa impresión

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 342»

«The catalogue of authorities which de Boodt prefixed to his text is free from the names of supposititious and superstitious writers, particularly on astrological and magical images, which were noticeable in Lunardi’s list a century earlier, such as Hermes, Evax, Solomon, Kiranus and Thetel»y mide el cambio por la lista de autoridades de de Boodt, libre ya de los nombres supuestos y supersticiosos que traía la de Lunardi un siglo antes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 342»

«But while he discusses the magnet at length, he makes no reference to the recent work of Gilbert upon it, nor is any mention — made of it by the commentator in the edition of 1647»y Thorndike anota el silencio de de Boodt y de su comentarista sobre la obra reciente de Gilbert acerca del imán

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 343»

«It completely omits all matter concerning marvel-working images carved on gems»el avance que Thorndike reconoce en de Boodt frente a Lunardi: omite por completo lo tocante a las imágenes prodigiosas grabadas en gemas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 343»

«Of galactites, lac lunare, or Moon milch he tells us not merely that it is used to increase the flow of milk and to dry up ulcers, but also that the superstitious believe that it benefits a patient in whose name it is taken from the mountain caves where it is found»y Thorndike consigna que él tampoco lo omite del todo: de la *galactites* dice que los supersticiosos creen que aprovecha al enfermo en cuyo nombre se la saca de las cuevas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 344»

«These last words are scarcely consistent with his previous statement that many natural effects cannot be produced by stones»Thorndike señala la incoherencia entre esa frase y lo que de Boodt había dicho antes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 345»

«The reason for his scepticism in this case was not that he doubted the vast powers but because he was convinced that no such animal had yet been found»Thorndike precisa dónde estaba el escepticismo de de Boodt sobre el cuerno de unicornio: no dudaba de sus poderes vastos sino de que se hubiera hallado el animal

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 347»

«In general the mixture of scepticism and credulity in de Boodt’s pages suggests the reflection that, while mankind has always had on tap a certain amount of unbelief as well as faith, these have not always been respectively applied where it would have been most advantageous»la reflexión con que Thorndike cierra el caso de de Boodt: la humanidad siempre tuvo a mano incredulidad y fe, y no siempre las aplicó donde más convenía

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 348»

«Thus gems retained their magical associations into the seventeenth century»con lo que Thorndike cierra el capítulo de las gemas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 348»

«To avoid this scattering, to show how the same man might display a varying attitude in different fields, and to provide something approaching a complete picture in miniature of a particular sixteenth century naturalist in his strength and weakness»Thorndike declara el objeto del capítulo dedicado a Cesalpino: mostrar cómo un mismo hombre puede tener actitudes distintas en campos distintos y dar un cuadro en miniatura de un naturalista del siglo XVI

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 349»

«But while he does not mention Copernicus by name and denies his theory by implication, he takes a leaf out of his book by referring to the earth all apparent inequalities of motion of the heavens, such as have led men to suppose a ninth sphere, a tenth sphere, and an anomaly of the equinoxes»y Thorndike señala que, sin nombrar a Copérnico y negando su teoría por implicación, le toma prestado al referir a la tierra todas las desigualdades aparentes del movimiento del cielo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 350»

«Were this true, it would furnish a striking instance of a scientific discovery of first importance blossoming forth in a work not only based upon Aristotle and full of errors but not free from magical notions»la hipótesis que Thorndike plantea sobre la circulación de la sangre en Cesalpino: sería un caso notable de descubrimiento capital brotando en una obra aristotélica, llena de errores y no libre de nociones mágicas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 352»

«But I fear that the close association of science and magic in the past cannot be demonstrated from this particular point of the discovery of the circulation of the blood»y Thorndike retira la hipótesis: la asociación estrecha de ciencia y magia en el pasado no se prueba desde este punto

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 352»

«That he should still, twenty-four years after the dedication of his Pertpatetic Questions, regard this fact, readily observable in the blood-letting of medical practice as well as in surgical operations, as a matter for speculation would seem to indicate that he still had no very decided or definite views on the subject rather than that he had already promulgated the general circulation in unmistakable terms»y el argumento que aduce: que veinticuatro años después siguiera teniendo por materia de especulación un hecho observable en toda sangría indica que no tenía ideas decididas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 354»

«The circulation of the spirits through the body had long since been stated and may perhaps be regarded as by this time a generally accepted doctrine»Thorndike sitúa la circulación de los espíritus por el cuerpo como doctrina ya enunciada y aceptada por entonces

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 354»

«As we have seen or shall see in other chapters, it was more common in this period to explain physiological and psychological phenomena in terms of the spirits than it was from the blood»la medida que Thorndike toma del periodo: era más común explicar los fenómenos fisiológicos y psicológicos por los espíritus que por la sangre

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 355»

«Cesalpino does not seem to have been particularly interested in the blood. He failed to grasp the true character of the heart or satisfactorily to describe its action»y su diagnóstico del caso: Cesalpino no parece haberse interesado por la sangre y no captó el carácter verdadero del corazón

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 355»

«What a proof this would have been, not only that Cesalpino understood the general circulation long before Harvey, but that his explanation had been recognized by a contemporary and a hostile critic at that, and hence should have been known to Harvey too:—what a proof, I say, this would have been, had Taurellus only written “from the arteries to the veins” instead of “from the veins into the arteries»el giro con que Thorndike cierra la discusión, sobre lo que habría probado el texto de Taurellus si su frase fuera la inversa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 356»

«stated or even clearly understood the general circulation of the blood»la posición que Thorndike toma en la disputa de prioridad entre Cesalpino y Harvey, tras leer por sí mismo las *Quaestiones peripateticae*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 353»

«In these books on plants, then, the science of Cesalpino shows to the best advantage»y el juicio con que cierra esa parte

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 358»

«Cesalpino’s attempt at a generic classification is vitiated by being based upon the theory of four elements and four qualities»Thorndike señala qué vicia el intento de clasificación genérica del *De metallicis*: estar fundado en la teoría de los cuatro elementos y las cuatro cualidades

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 359»

«Also there seems to be more magic lore than in De plantis. Not only do we hear of a»y la comparación entre las dos obras: en la de los minerales hay más saber mágico que en la de las plantas (el tramo se acorta para no arrastrar una palabra que el guion de fin de renglón fabricaría)

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 359»

«If Cesalpino was somewhat more inclined to the marvelous and magical when treating of gems than when classifying herbs, he was vastly more so when he had to treat of demons»la gradación que Thorndike traza en Cesalpino entre las hierbas, las gemas y los demonios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 359»

«Cesalpino, like the others, decided that the infliction was supernatural and his Daemonum investigatio pertpatetica instead of being, as one might have inferred from the mere title, a work after the order of Pomponazzi’s De incantationibus, giving a natural explanation of the phenomena and denying, implicitly if not explicitly, the existence of demons, is a credulous acceptation of demoniac possession and of the testimony extorted at witch trials which would put many a primarily theological writer on such subjects to blush»y el desenlace que Thorndike consigna: Cesalpino decidió con los demás que el mal era sobrenatural, y su *Daemonum investigatio peripatetica* es una aceptación crédula de la posesión y de los testimonios arrancados en los procesos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 360»

«He then embarks upon a terrible sea of utterly foul and incredible stories»y el comentario de Thorndike sobre lo que sigue

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 361»

«But Cesalpino continued, “and much more so in the islands to the north of Britain,” which Fiorentino omits and which suggests that the marvels increased, as Aeneas Sylvius had said, with distance»Thorndike objeta a Fiorentino haber omitido la continuación de la frase de Cesalpino, que aumenta los casos en las islas al norte de Britania y muestra que las maravillas crecían con la distancia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 362»

«He was, however, the most distinguished Italian scientist to do so, and his entitling his deluded mixture of theology and gross superstition a Peripatetic investigation must be regarded as a blot upon the escutcheon of Aristotelianism»el juicio con que Thorndike cierra el capítulo sobre Cesalpino y su investigación peripatética de los demonios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 362»

«Some offer a Christian philosophy or physics; some are Aristotelian, while others oppose Aristotle; still others emphasize natural magic or the occult in nature»el reparto que Thorndike anuncia para este grupo de capítulos: filosofía o física cristiana, aristotélicos y antiaristotélicos, y quienes subrayan la magia natural o lo oculto en la naturaleza

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 363»

«Although these writings may seem more marked by a Christian bias and an interest in the occult, especially astrology and natural magic, than by any close approach to a modern scientific character, nevertheless by their very number and the many editions through which some of them ran, they testify to a widespread concern with the world of nature which prepared the ground for the development of modern science»y la tesis con que los justifica: por su número y por sus muchas ediciones, testimonian una preocupación difundida por el mundo natural que preparó el terreno a la ciencia moderna

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 363»

«They offer a desirable elementary modicum or minimum of knowledge concerning the universe rather than the maximum of natural philosophy which an educated person might then acquire»y lo que ofrecen: un mínimo elemental de conocimiento del universo antes que el máximo de filosofía natural que un hombre culto podía adquirir entonces

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 363»

«At the same time one suspects that they express about all that their several authors knew concerning the vast subject with which they attempted to grapple»con la sospecha que Thorndike añade sobre sus autores

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 363»

«Postel’s conception of the world of nature, as of everything else, was much affected by the Bible, religion and a mystical and fantastic turn of mind»la lectura de Thorndike sobre Guillaume Postel: su concepción del mundo natural la afectan la Biblia, la religión y un giro de ánimo místico y fantástico

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 365»

«Postel appears dimly to sense geologic processes in saying that places have receded from the sea with the passage of time, that antiquity located high mountains in regions which are now swamps under the rule of the Muscovites and Tartars, that there are veins of heavy metals such as gold and silver on the highest mountain ridges, or that mountains are suspended out of place and sometimes rest on water»Thorndike le concede un barrunto de procesos geológicos: lugares retirados del mar con el tiempo, montañas altas donde hoy hay pantanos y vetas de metales pesados en las cumbres

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 366»

«But his mind was equally obsessed by the thought of the Holy Land and of universal monarchy for the king of France»Thorndike describe la obsesión de Postel con la Tierra Santa y con la monarquía universal para el rey de Francia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 368»

«It may be added that other of his arguments for universal French monarchy were even more far-fetched than this astrological reason»y el comentario de Thorndike sobre sus demás argumentos a favor de la monarquía universal francesa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 368»

«he stated among other absurd names and etymologies that the Gauls were named from Gal which means a flood that they alone of all the world might preserve an undying memory of the great miracle of the deluge»entre las etimologías que Thorndike llama absurdas: Postel hace venir a los galos de *Gal*, que significa diluvio, para que solo ellos guardaran memoria imperecedera de aquel milagro

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 369»

«an argument which it is well to remember could be found in medieval writings since at least the thirteenth century»y Thorndike anota que el argumento sobre el calor tolerable en el ecuador ya estaba en escritos medievales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 369»

«Although Postel was a believer in astrological influence, he fails to inform us what signs and planets the newly discovered lands are under or to attempt any extension of Ptolemaic astrology to them»la negativa que Thorndike consigna: Postel creía en la influencia astrológica y no dice bajo qué signos y planetas caen las tierras recién descubiertas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 370»

«The Christian Physics of Lambert Daneau offers an example how science and Calvinism comported themselves when in close proximity»la *Physica christiana* de Lambert Daneau, que Thorndike toma por ejemplo de cómo se comportaban la ciencia y el calvinismo en vecindad estrecha

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 370»

«but his combination of interest in witchcraft and Christian physics should be noted now»y la combinación que pide anotar: el mismo autor escribe de brujería y de física cristiana

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 370»

«Daneau seems to have possessed no particular qualifications for writing on science and the world of nature. His book is not much above the level of Basil’s Hexaemeron and the early medieval bestiaries»con el juicio que hace de sus títulos para escribir de ciencia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 370»

«He discusses “the sun and its movement” without any reference to the Copernican theory»Thorndike mide el desfase de Daneau con su tiempo por lo que calla al tratar del sol y su movimiento

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 372»

«He tries to explain away the biblical passages which were commonly cited in favor of astrology»y busca desactivar los pasajes bíblicos que se citaban a favor de la astrología

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 373»

«A mystic attitude and one favorable to occult science is at times apparent. The perfection of the universe is demonstrated by the perfect numbers, six and nine»Thorndike señala en Nicolaus Contarenus una actitud mística y favorable a la ciencia oculta: la perfección del universo se muestra por los números perfectos, seis y nueve

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 374»

«Under the head of living natures he includes metals, gems, salts and earths as well as plants, trees, fruits, grains, and vegetables»y Thorndike consigna que Scribonius mete bajo naturalezas vivientes los metales, las gemas, las sales y las tierras junto con plantas, árboles, frutos y granos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 379»

«He does not always accept the literal sense, taking some things as parables” or explaining that “to eternity” in many places merely means a long time»Thorndike mide la latitud de su interpretación: no siempre acepta el sentido literal, toma algunas cosas por parábolas y lee *por la eternidad* como mucho tiempo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 380»

«But Belot’s censure has reference only to the spurious and extremely necromantic fourth book which was sometimes attached to Agrippa’s work on occult philosophy and to a similar extremely superstitious treatise ascribed only at a late date to Peter of Abano»Thorndike precisa el blanco de la censura de Jean Belot: el espurio cuarto libro que se añadía a veces a la *Filosofía oculta* de Agrippa y un tratado semejante adjudicado tarde a Pedro de Abano

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 384»

«In the Flowers of Christian and Moral Philosophy Belot manifests acquaintance with a wide range of authors»Thorndike consigna la amplitud de las autoridades de Belot en las *Fleurs de la philosophie chrestienne*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 385»

«Although Belot’s later writings show his interest in the occult, he denies in the Flowers of 1603 that the numerical value of the letters in a Greek name has any significance»Thorndike consigna el contraste entre los escritos posteriores de Belot y las *Fleurs* de 1603, donde niega significación al valor numérico de las letras de un nombre griego

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 386»

«The old armor of the stalwart Stagirite was still very much in the thick of the fight, whether one encased oneself in it for protection or broke spears against it»la imagen con que Thorndike abre el capítulo XLII sobre la posición de Aristóteles en el siglo XVI

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 387»

«Yet others, written professedly in revolt from Peripateticism and opposition to Aristotle, nevertheless are apt to attest his abiding influence, whether positive or negative, more than they do the originality of their authors»y su juicio sobre los antiaristotélicos declarados: atestiguan la influencia persistente de Aristóteles más que la originalidad de sus autores

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 387»

«These look like Lilliputians standing on the body of a fallen giant»con la comparación que les aplica

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 387»

«That the horoscope of Cureus himself had indicated that he would become a scholar of distinction was afÏrmed in 1601 by his biographer Ferinarius, who reproduced in detail the positions of the planets at the moment of his birth and the inferences to be drawn from them»Thorndike consigna que el biógrafo Ferinarius afirmó en 1601 que el horóscopo del propio Cureus anunciaba que sería un erudito de nota

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 390»

«Love of the marvelous in general and an inclination towards astrology in particular were apt to characterize works based upon the Meteorology of Aristotle»la tendencia que Thorndike adjudica a las obras fundadas en la *Meteorología* de Aristóteles: amor a lo maravilloso e inclinación a la astrología

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 390»

«In holding that specific form is the determining factor in the constitution of the individual, he adopts a position favorable to belief in occult and marvelous virtues»Thorndike señala que al hacer de la forma específica el factor determinante del individuo, Zabarella toma posición favorable a las virtudes ocultas y maravillosas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 393»

«If this be true, he showed a certain boldness in dedicating his thirty books on nature to Sixtus V only three years after that pope’s bull against astrologers»y Thorndike saca de ahí la audacia de dedicar sus treinta libros sobre la naturaleza a Sixto V tres años después de la bula contra los astrólogos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 394»

«This book was for the most part a theorizing about nature rather than the outcome of observation and experiment»el juicio de Thorndike sobre la obra de Bernardino Telesio

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 394»

«The antithesis, so favorable to astrology, of heavens and earth was still fundamental in Telesio’s thought. He associated heat with the sky and cold with the earth»y Thorndike subraya que la antítesis de cielo y tierra, tan favorable a la astrología, seguía siendo fundamental en su pensamiento

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 394»

«It would therefore seem that his view of nature would hardly have much effect, at least immediate, in hastening the discovery and application of broad general laws of nature, but would rather produce a confused and ad hoc outlook favorable to empiricism and occult science»la inferencia de Thorndike sobre el efecto de esa visión de la naturaleza: poco favorable a las leyes generales y más bien propicia al empirismo y a la ciencia oculta

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 395»

«But “even Homer nods,” and Benedetti gives the following explanation why a very cold winter follows a hot summer»Thorndike marca el desliz de Benedetti con la explicación que da de por qué a un verano caliente sigue un invierno muy frío

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 396»

«Donazzolo has criticized the New Philosophy as bizarre and leaving the mind of the reader confused, and, aside from its Alexandrian, Chaldean, Egyptian and Neoplatonic sources, drawing what little new it contained from Telesio»Donazzolo objeta a la *Nova philosophia* de Patrizi ser bizarra y dejar confusa la mente del lector, y tomar de Telesio lo poco nuevo que trae

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 398»

«My own impression of the New Philosophy is that, while Patrizi was too prone to extravagant and mystical views, he was an ingenious theorist and especially acute in refuting an opposing argument»y la impresión que Thorndike declara por su cuenta: Patrizi era demasiado dado a opiniones extravagantes y místicas, y a la vez teórico ingenioso y agudo para rebatir

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 398»

«Patrizi held with some reason that it was preferable to have the sun receive light from the stars than to assert that the stars received their light from it»y Thorndike le concede alguna razón al preferir que el sol reciba luz de las estrellas antes que las estrellas de él

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 399»

«To say, however, as Donazzolo does, that he defends Copernicus or teaches the Copernican system is to give a false impression»Thorndike objeta a Donazzolo decir que Patrizi defiende a Copérnico o enseña su sistema

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 400»

«or shows an interest in animate nature and occult virtues—much less occult philosophy»Thorndike consigna lo que Benedetti no hace: mostrar interés por la naturaleza animada y las virtudes ocultas, y menos por la filosofía oculta

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 396»

«Which shows that even as keen a mind as Gilbert’s had little notion of the transmission of light or the immense distance of some of the stars»el comentario de Thorndike sobre lo que Gilbert dice de la luz en el vacío

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 405»

«Gilbert seems to point towards Newton when he contends that there is no force in a place or places but only in bodies and that it is ridiculous to think that the globe of earth has gravity but that the other globes do not»Thorndike ve a Gilbert apuntando hacia Newton al sostener que no hay fuerza en un lugar sino en los cuerpos y que es ridículo dar gravedad al globo terrestre y no a los demás

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 405»

«He did not, however, believe in steady human progress and development, since he represented the medieval period as Dark Ages‘: and the schools as filled with most absurd doctrines, vanities and errors, and as holding Aristotle and Galen in veneration as if gods»y Thorndike consigna que Gilbert no creía en un progreso humano sostenido, pues pintaba la Edad Media como siglos oscuros y las escuelas llenas de doctrinas absurdas con Aristóteles y Galeno venerados como dioses

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 406»

«Indeed, his pages give evidence of far more meditation and internal reasoning than they do of observation of the external facts of nature»el juicio de Thorndike sobre la obra de Chassinus, que se anunciaba como fruto de siete años de observación

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 407»

«it is evident that the leading feature of the latter’s view of nature, his animism and vitalism and theory of a world-soul, sharply differentiates it from Descartes’ mechanical interpretation and associates Chassinus with the school of thought represented by Bruno and Campanella»el rasgo que Thorndike da por principal en Chassinus y que lo separa de Descartes: su animismo, su vitalismo y su teoría de un alma del mundo, que lo emparentan con Bruno y Campanella

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 410»

«In other words his book, like several others of which we have treated, is more in the nature of a critical commentary upon the Aristotelian philosophy as developed during the medieval and sixteenth centuries than it is a new departure in the direction of modern science»el juicio de Thorndike sobre la obra de Basso contra Aristóteles

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 411»

«But just as very fine spirits took the place for him of the occult influence of the stars, so he spoke of Democritus as most experienced in secrets of nature and poisons»Thorndike señala el canje en Basso: unos espíritus finísimos toman el lugar de la influencia oculta de los astros, y llama a Demócrito perito en los secretos de la naturaleza y de los venenos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 412»

«In short, criticism of Aristotle’s natural philosophy did not make Basso any more scientific or any less magical. He explained astrology and marvelous cures a little differently but he still clung to them both»la tesis que Thorndike saca del caso de Basso: criticar la filosofía natural de Aristóteles no lo hizo más científico ni menos mágico

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 412»

«there were yet others to whom the boundless possibilities of the physical universe itself appealed, who felt that nature had secrets to disclose and wonders to work surpassing those of necromancers and demons»el tercer grupo que Thorndike distingue en este capítulo: aquellos a quienes atraían las posibilidades sin término del universo físico y que sentían que la naturaleza tenía secretos y prodigios mayores que los de nigromantes y demonios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 414»

«These men not only fared forth, so to speak, on foot, where modern science, aided by telescope and microscope and a thousand other inventions, has built the double track railroad of experimental and mathematical method»y la imagen con que mide su distancia respecto de la ciencia moderna

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 414»

«They even failed to take advantage of trails which the science of the later middle ages had blazed for a way at least into the forest»con la objeción que les hace: ni siquiera aprovecharon los senderos que la ciencia de la baja Edad Media había abierto

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 414»

«For John Dee the world was a lyre from which a skilful player could draw new harmonies»la fórmula con que Thorndike resume la visión del mundo de John Dee en los *Propaedeumata*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 416»

«His attempted experiments with angels were in accord with his attributing greater operations to soul than body and with his semi-spiritual view of nature»y Thorndike liga los experimentos de Dee con los ángeles con esa atribución de mayores operaciones al alma que al cuerpo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 416»

«The title is the most significant feature of the book, which is a disorderly miscellany of little value, with entertainment rather than instruction the author’s aim»el juicio de Thorndike sobre los *Occulta naturae miracula* de Levinus Lemnius: lo más significativo es el título, y el libro es una miscelánea desordenada de poco valor

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 417»

«It will not do, however, to dismiss this farrago too cavalierly, since it was often cited by subsequent learned authors, and since the numerous editions and translations of it show that it well suited the taste of the century»y la razón por la que no lo despacha sin más: lo citaban autores doctos posteriores y sus muchas ediciones y traducciones muestran que convenía al gusto del siglo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 417»

«The abiding influence of Aristotle to which we referred was shown further three years later in 1624, when fourteen theses in opposition alike to the Paracelsists, cabalists, and dogmatic Peripatetic physicists, which had been issued by Iohannes Bitaudus, Antonius de Villon, and Stephanus de Claues, were censured by the Sorbonne and suppressed by the Parlement of Paris»y otro indicio de la influencia persistente de Aristóteles: la Sorbona censuró y el Parlamento de París suprimió catorce tesis contra paracelsistas, cabalistas y peripatéticos dogmáticos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 412»

«He takes up the somewhat peculiar position of granting the evil significance of comets, which he illustrates by the history of various past comets, and the dominion of the stars, to which the specific forms or occult virtues of matter are due and to which even man is in part subject, but of agreeing with Pico della Mirandola in assailing the art of astrology as false and at present impossible»la posición que Thorndike llama peculiar en Maffei: concede la significación maléfica de los cometas y el dominio de los astros, del que vienen las formas específicas o virtudes ocultas, y ataca con Pico el arte de la astrología como falso

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 423»

«Georg Pictorius von Villingen (c.1500-1569) provides a good example of the continuance in the sixteenth century of interest in medieval works of science and medicine, and of the taste for the curious and marvelous, the occult and superstitious, which marked that century»Thorndike presenta a Georg Pictorius como buen ejemplo de la persistencia del interés por las obras medievales y del gusto por lo curioso, lo maravilloso y lo oculto en el siglo XVI

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 423»

«The fact that Pictorius combined such matters in one volume with a treatment of animals, herbs, minerals and other natural phenomena is in itself of significance in the history of magic and science»y subraya el dato que le importa: que Pictorius juntara en un volumen los demonios y la magia ceremonial con animales, hierbas y minerales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 424»

«Indeed, the writings of Pictorius are chiefly important as illustrating the long survival and slow disappearance of such traditional and legendary lore»y dice para qué sirven sus escritos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 425»

«Against such an agreement of historical and epigraphic evidence Pictorius seems to have found it impossible to maintain such scanty scientific criteria and medical scepticism as he ordinarily possessed and exercised»la lectura de Thorndike sobre lo que venció el escepticismo médico de Pictorius: el acuerdo entre la autoridad histórica y la epigráfica

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 425»

«In view of such credulity and marvel-mongering on the part of Pictorius, his presumption in pointing out errors in other authors is rather ridiculous»y su comentario sobre que Pictorius se ponga a señalar errores ajenos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 425»

«The natural questions of Pictorius remind one more of those of Adelard of Bath in the twelfth century than one might expect in the age following Vesalius and Copernicus»y la comparación con que mide sus cuestiones naturales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 426»

«It may be doubted whether this citation correctly reflects Averroes’ attitude. He merely says that the “science of images,” which Algazel had listed among branches of natural science, is false and impossible, and mentions neither demons nor pacts in connection with it»Thorndike pone en duda que esa cita refleje bien la posición de Averroes, que llama falsa e imposible la ciencia de las imágenes sin nombrar demonios ni pactos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 429»

«Cornelius Gemma (1535-1579), son of Gemma Frisius and professor of medicine at Louvain, made desperate but ineffectual efforts to concoct a method and synthesis which should unify past teachings in one universal philosophy, combine inferiors and celestials, nature, soul and intellect, numbers, ideas and external objects»Thorndike describe el empeño de Cornelius Gemma por urdir un método y una síntesis que unificaran las doctrinas pasadas en una filosofía universal

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 430»

«Incidentally he accepts the notion that the corpse of the victim bleeds in the presence of the murderer, but denies operative force to words and characters»y Thorndike consigna que acepta el sangrar del cadáver ante el asesino y niega fuerza operativa a las palabras y los caracteres

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 432»

«At the end of the first book is a letter to the pious reader of eight unnumbered pages in which Gemma warns him to accept Platonism with caution, protests his own attachment to the Catholic church, and explains away his citations of Proclus, Iamblichus and Hermes Trismegistus»y Thorndike consigna la carta al lector piadoso con que Gemma cierra el primer libro: avisa que se tome el platonismo con cautela, protesta su apego a la Iglesia católica y explica sus citas de Proclo, Jámblico y Hermes Trismegisto

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 433»

«We must say in conclusion that Cornelius completely failed to attain the system and regular method at which he aimed. His book is a confused hodge podge, put together from many sources»el balance de Thorndike sobre la obra de Cornelius Gemma

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 433»

«but the favoring attitude to prediction from the stars of Aquinas and Albertus Magnus is veiled in a discreet silence»y Thorndike señala su silencio táctico: censura a Albumasar y a Pedro de Abano y calla la actitud favorable de Tomás de Aquino y de Alberto Magno

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 436»

«Pererius seems not to allude to the recent bull of Sixtus V of January 5, 1586, against judicial astrology, although his own attitude is similar and he has a chapter against astrologers’ predicting who will be the next pope»y consigna que Pereira no parece aludir a la bula de Sixto V pese a su actitud semejante y a su capítulo contra los astrólogos que predicen quién será el próximo papa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 437»

«This wholesome scepticism is extended to a practice generally accepted at that time, namely, weapon ointment which Mairhofer holds operates at too great a distance to be a natural»Thorndike llama escepticismo saludable el que Mairhofer extiende al ungüento de arma, que a su juicio obra a demasiada distancia para ser causa natural

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 440»

«As Mairhofer’s science is still Aristotelian, so his attitude towards astrology and other occult arts varies little from that of Thomas Aquinas»el balance de Thorndike sobre esas tesis

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 442»

«Although Porta makes much use of the words magic and magician, his book is rather strictly limited to the natural variety and is more prosaic and less sensational than might be expected»Thorndike consigna que la *Magia natural* de Porta, pese al uso constante de las palabras magia y mago, se ciñe estrictamente a la variedad natural y es más prosaica y menos sensacional de lo que cabría esperar

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 442»

«The original edition in four books is quite evidently a continuation and almost entirely a mere repetition and compilation of the medieval books of secrets and experiments»y la lee como continuación y casi mera repetición de los libros medievales de secretos y experimentos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 442»

«This enlarged version is somewhat more sober and less magical and probably a fairer picture of Porta’s mature attitude»y el juicio de Thorndike sobre la edición ampliada de veinte libros frente a la primera

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 443»

«How far these omissions are the result of more scientific experience on Porta’s part or of the repressive policy of the Catholic reformation towards occult arts is difÏcult to distinguish»y la pregunta que deja abierta sobre esas supresiones: si vienen de más experiencia científica en Porta o de la política represiva de la reforma católica; el OCR imprime *difÏcult* con la ligadura fi vuelta Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 443»

«Porta’s credulity far outran his scepticism. He lists herbs and drugs which will make a man think himself a bird or fish»el balance de Thorndike sobre Porta, que empieza por las hierbas y drogas con que un hombre se cree ave o pez

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 444»

«He still employs the word expertmentum as it was used in Pliny’s Natural History and during the middle ages»y consigna que usa la palabra *experimentum* como en Plinio y en la Edad Media, con experimentos médicos que son recetas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 445»

«It would seem probable that Francis Bacon owed something to Porta’s work on Natural Magic»la deuda que Thorndike tiene por probable entre Francis Bacon y la *Magia natural* de Porta

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 445»

«Giordano Bruno, although much belauded by recent historians as a martyr of science and free thought, in his earlier career, before the shades of the prison house of the Inquisition closed upon him, appears as an indiscreet intellectual vagabond and mauvats enfant who, like Servetus, had a faculty for getting into trouble wherever he went»el retrato que Thorndike hace del Bruno anterior a la Inquisición, contra la imagen de mártir de la ciencia que le daban los historiadores recientes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 447»

«Porta makes a close connection between experiments and natural magic: indeed, the two expressions are almost synonymous for him»Thorndike señala el lazo estrecho que Porta traza entre experimentos y magia natural, casi sinónimos para él

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 445»

«He continued the tradition of interest and belief in alchemy, astrology, magic and the cabala already manifested by men like Pico della Mirandola—although Pico had ended by attacking astrology— Trithemius, Paracelsus, Agrippa of Nettesheim, and Cardan»Thorndike sitúa a Bruno en la tradición de interés y creencia en la alquimia, la astrología, la magia y la cábala de Pico della Mirandola, Tritemio, Paracelso, Agrippa y Cardano

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 448»

«He especially esteemed the works attributed to Raymond Lull, for he accepted the alchemical and other spurious works ascribed to Lull as genuine»y consigna que Bruno estimaba en especial las obras adjudicadas a Raimundo Lulio y tenía por genuinas las alquímicas y las demás espurias

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 448»

«This rather spiritual and transcendental characterization of magic does not agree any too well with a passage in the valedictory oration at Wittenberg in which agriculture, medicine, chemistry and “magic in all its species” are subordinated to “Physics” or natural science»Thorndike señala que esa caracterización espiritual y trascendental de la magia no casa bien con la oración de despedida de Wittenberg, donde la magia en todas sus especies queda subordinada a la física

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 450»

«It does not appear that the ecclesiastical authorities objected to those statements of Bruno which we have just reviewed or that will be mentioned in the next chapter. It was not for such beliefs as these that he had fled from Naples and Rome, been denounced at Venice, and finally was burned at Rome»la negativa que Thorndike deja asentada: no consta que las autoridades eclesiásticas objetaran esas creencias de Bruno ni que fueran la causa de su proceso

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 451»

«Nor is it clear that advocacy of the Copernican system was charged against him. It is not mentioned in connection with the process of the inquisition against him in 1576, nor in the denunciation of him by Mocenigo at Venice in 1592»y otra: tampoco consta que se le imputara la defensa del sistema copernicano, que no figura ni en el proceso de 1576 ni en la denuncia de Mocenigo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 451»

«what counted most against him was his apostasy from his Order, his long association with heretics, and his questionable attitude as to the Incarnation and Trinity»y lo que a su juicio pesó más contra él: la apostasía de su orden, la larga convivencia con herejes y su actitud dudosa sobre la Encarnación y la Trinidad

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 451»

«And the Catholic church might never have been accused of putting Bruno to death for adherence to the Copernican theory, had it not in 1616 condemned that theory and later forced Galileo to disavow it»y la condición que pone al cargo de que la Iglesia matara a Bruno por copernicano

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 452»

«The resemblance to the medieval collections of marvelous experiments and secrets is evident»Thorndike señala el parecido de los secretos de Gerónimo Cortés con las colecciones medievales de experimentos y secretos maravillosos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 453»

«The main interest of his survey covering over 150 pages is that, while some recent authors are mentioned, the division into departments of the field of knowledge and superstition remains, at the opening of the seventeenth century, almost the same as in the thirteenth»y lo que le interesa del repaso de las ciencias y artes de Obicius: la división del campo del saber y de la superstición sigue siendo casi la del siglo XIII

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 453»

«Furthermore the treatise of Passi is mainly a mass of citations and quotations»el juicio de Thorndike sobre el tratado de Pietro Passi acerca de la magia natural

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 455»

«Thus for Alsted physical science seems largely a combination of magic—or at least, of alchemy, astrology and physiognomy—and experimental science»el balance de Thorndike sobre las cuatro columnas de Alsted

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 458»

«In such respects Alsted shows little or no advance on the calibre, scientific, superstitious or magical, of earlier writers»el balance de Thorndike sobre el calibre científico, supersticioso y mágico de Alsted frente a los autores anteriores

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 460»

«It is doubtful if works of theosophy, occult philosophy and mystical knowledge, such as the Pimander of Hermes Trismegistus, the so-called Theology of Aristotle, the Chaldean Oracles, and the Hebrew Cabala bear so close a relation to the history of magic as the latter does to the history of experimental science»la duda con que Thorndike abre el capítulo XLIV sobre la relación de la teosofía y la filosofía oculta con la historia de la magia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 461»

«Yet the name of Hermes cannot be disassociated from the history of chemistry, nor that of Aristotle from the course of biological science and natural philosophy, while Chaldea was the scene of the childhood of astronomy as well as of astrology»y la razón por la que las atiende igual: el nombre de Hermes no se separa de la historia de la química, ni el de Aristóteles de la biología, y Caldea fue escenario de la infancia de la astronomía y de la astrología

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 461»

«when their grandiose, oracular and enigmatic style was not infrequently carried over into books on other subjects such as Paracelsan treatises of alchemy and medicine»y consigna que ese estilo grandioso, oracular y enigmático pasó no pocas veces a libros de otras materias, como los tratados paracelsistas de alquimia y medicina

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 461»

«If our account seems cursory, this is partly because such works are so mystical and cloudy that a definite exposition of their contents is difÏcult, and that one does not care to stand for long on the quicksands of their reveries»y la razón que da de lo somero de su relato

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 461»

«Lazzarelli was also the author of a work on alchemy, thus illustrating the fact that theosophy and chemistry have been historically associated»Thorndike liga el *Crater Hermetis* de Lodovico Lazzarelli con su obra de alquimia como ilustración del enlace histórico entre teosofía y química

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 462»

«He therefore appears to be the author of a Letter of Enoch describing how Giovanni Mercurio rode through the streets of Rome on April 11, 1484, on horseback wearing a crown of thorns, and his appearance on another occasion before the college of cardinals»y Thorndike lo tiene por autor de una carta de Enoc que describe a Giovanni Mercurio cabalgando por las calles de Roma con corona de espinas el 11 de abril de 1484

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 462»

«More likely, as in books of divination, the key word or character led one to an answer given in the text itself»y Thorndike propone otra lectura: como en los libros de adivinación, la palabra clave o el carácter llevarían a una respuesta dada en el propio texto

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 464»

«Its first four sections are on the lion, elephant, bull and horse, and their moral and allegorical significance, and all its pictures are of animals not of hieroglyphs or characters»y consigna el contenido de los *Hieroglyphica* de Pierio Valeriano: sus cuatro primeras secciones tratan del león, el elefante, el toro y el caballo y su sentido moral y alegórico, y todas sus láminas son de animales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 471»

«Walter Scott in his edition of Hermetica attempted to restrict that appellation to “those Greek and Latin writings which contain religious or philosophic teachings ascribed to Hermes Trismegistus,”’ and to ignore as “masses of rubbish” and “of very different mental calibre” those “writings concerning astrology, magic, alchemy, and kindred forms of pseudo-science,” which are also ascribed to Hermes»Thorndike expone el corte que Walter Scott quiso hacer en los *Hermetica*, dejando fuera como montones de basura los escritos de astrología, magia y alquimia adjudicados a Hermes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 472»

«It is very doubtful if any such distinction can be drawn. Both sets of works involve much the same view of nature and astrological cosmology»y objeta que esa distinción no se sostenga: los dos conjuntos suponen casi la misma visión de la naturaleza y la misma cosmología astrológica

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 472»

«while to a person interested in experimental and practical science and not in Platonic reveries and moonings, the works called Hermetica by Scott, at least in the corrupt state of the extant texts, seem more nonsensical and removed from reality than those he chose to ignore»y añade su propio juicio: para quien se interesa por la ciencia experimental y práctica, los textos que Scott llama *Hermetica* resultan más disparatados que los que decidió ignorar

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 472»

«this work includes a discussion of the influence of the stars on the world of nature and the working of magic by utilizing this celestial force and the natural attraction which things have for one another»y Thorndike consigna lo que trae esa obra: la influencia de los astros sobre el mundo natural y el obrar de la magia aprovechando esa fuerza celeste y la atracción natural entre las cosas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 473»

«Hallam, on the other hand, a century ago dismissed our author with the caustic sentence, ‘A Venetian monk, Francis Georgius, published a scheme of blended Cabalistic and Platonic or Neo-Platonic philosophy in 1525; but, having no collateral pretensions to fame, like some other worshippers of the same phantom, he can only be found in the historians of obsolete paradoxes»Thorndike recoge el juicio cáustico con que Hallam despacha a Giorgio

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 476»

«As a matter of fact, Giorgio exerted a wider and longer influence than one might think»y lo objeta con la medida de la influencia real de Giorgio

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 476»

«Thus Giorgio’s fancies still found a place in the literature of modern science over a century after they were composed»y lo apoya en que la edición póstuma de Aldrovandi sobre los monstruos lo cite para la doctrina de que la fisiognomía dice bajo qué planeta nació un hombre

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 476»

«So with all due reverence to Hallam, we may question if there are any such things in history as “obsolete paradoxes.” Giorgio’s mysticism was as true to the age as was Aldrovandi’s science»la tesis con que Thorndike responde a Hallam: cabe dudar de que existan en la historia las paradojas obsoletas, y el misticismo de Giorgio era tan fiel a su época como la ciencia de Aldrovandi

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 477»

«Paul proposed to dispute 12,000 theses at Rome, but the Jesuits refused to countenance this after a preliminary hearing before a commission of five had convinced them that he was deficient in the fundamentals of theology, philosophy and even grammar»y Thorndike consigna que quiso disputar doce mil tesis en Roma y que los jesuitas lo impidieron tras hallarlo deficiente en teología, filosofía y aun gramática

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 479»

«At least he was much inclined to the mystical and cabalistic, and belonged to that class of men whom we have characterized as intellectual vagabonds and religious»el juicio de Thorndike sobre Skalich y la clase de hombres a la que lo adscribe (el tramo se acorta para no arrastrar una palabra que el guion de fin de renglón fabricaría)

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 481»

«The little book on the magic of the ancients issued under the name of Arbatel at Basel in 1575 in Latin®’ appears to have been a modern fabrication»el *Arbatel* sobre la magia de los antiguos le parece a Thorndike una fabricación moderna

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 481»

«Indeed, in it he treated of every number up to thirty except 26 and 29, while between 30 and 50 he omitted 31, 37, 39, 41, 43; 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49. Why he omitted some of these is hard to say, since the products of 4 and 7, or 6 and 8, and the square of 7 should hold their own with most perfect numbers. For two decades after fifty, he noted only sixty and seventy, but then discussed 72, 75, 77, 80, 81, 86, 90, 99, 100, 112, 120, 150, 153, 200 and others. He mentioned 1095 because the Egyptians signified taciturnity by it, while 5040 was highly commended by Plato in the partition of houses, fields and ofÏces»Thorndike recorre la selección de números de Pietro Bongo y anota que trató todos hasta el treinta salvo el veintiséis y el veintinueve, y que mencionó el mil noventa y cinco porque los egipcios significaban con él la taciturnidad

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 482»

«This work of Bungus is largely a network of quotations, especially from the Bible and poets. It does not stick very closely to numerical matters, under unity, for example, discussing the relative merits of marriage and single blessedness. Although many pages are often devoted to a number, they are neither divided into paragraphs nor characterized by any other perceptible arrangement»y el juicio que hace de su hechura

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 482»

«Thus a wide range of reading is indicated, but it might very possibly have been better employed»y su comentario sobre la lista de autores de Bongo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 483»

«The work of Bungus was approved by a representative of the Holy OfÏce at Bergamo in 1591 and is more concerned with the sacred than the magical significance of numbers»Thorndike consigna que la obra de Bongo la aprobó un representante del Santo Oficio en Bérgamo en 1591 y que atiende más a la significación sagrada de los números que a la mágica

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 483»

«In short, it is not even primarily an attack upon the cabalistic library of Pistorius but upon his pest tract»Thorndike coteja el título de la *Daemonomania Pistoriana* de Heilbronner con su objeto real

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 486»

«The animus of the attack, however, seems to be found in large measure in the fact that Pistorius had changed his religion and had written against Luther»y adjudica el encono del ataque, en gran medida, a que Pistorius hubiera cambiado de religión y escrito contra Lutero

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 486»

«Such was the effect of mixing too much Cabala with medicine»el comentario de Thorndike sobre ese caso

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 487»

«Number mysticism and the like were not confined in the sixteenth century to special works on such topics or to writers on occult and cabalistic philosophy»la tesis de Thorndike sobre la difusión del misticismo de los números en el siglo XVI

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 488»

«Modern historians have represented this as an aberration on Kepler’s part, but it was taken very seriously by his contemporaries»y su objeción a los historiadores modernos que tratan de aberración el intento de Kepler de ligar los cinco sólidos regulares con las órbitas de los planetas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 488»

«Although astrological predictions continued rife in the early years of the sixteenth century, while the works of Cocles and Indagine attested the vogue of chiromancy, other forms of divination seem not to have received much attention in print»la medida que Thorndike toma del comienzo del siglo XVI: predicciones astrológicas abundantes y quiromancia en boga, y poca atención impresa a las demás formas de adivinación

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 490»

«works on other methods of predicting the future than by the stars or the lines in the hand were now apt to be the result of classical scholarship and historical interest rather than of a superstitious demand for practical purposes»y la tesis de Thorndike sobre esas obras: solían ser fruto de erudición clásica e interés histórico antes que de una demanda supersticiosa de uso práctico

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 490»

«Its nine books cover more than three hundred folio pages and are an erudite but labored and confused medley from past literature on the subject, scholastic and Arabic as well as classical and patristic»el juicio de Thorndike sobre el *De rerum praenotione* de Gianfrancesco Pico: mezcla erudita, laboriosa y confusa de la literatura pasada

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 491»

«Francesco as a writer was well compared by Campanella a century later to a cuttle-fish which conceals itself with its inky fluid»y la comparación de Campanella que recoge: Gianfrancesco se oculta como la jibia con su tinta

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 491»

«Although Francesco rejected astrology and other arts of divination and was inclined to class almost all magic as diabolical rather than natural, he still believed in the occult virtues of inferior things like the peony and magnet” as well as in divine prophecy and revelation»Thorndike marca el límite del rechazo de Gianfrancesco: seguía creyendo en las virtudes ocultas de las cosas inferiores, como la peonía y el imán, y en la profecía y la revelación divinas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 492»

«It thus becomes apparent that Francesco did not oppose divination from any want of credulousness, but on religious grounds as the work of demons»la lectura que Thorndike hace del caso: Gianfrancesco no se oponía a la adivinación por falta de credulidad, sino por motivos religiosos, teniéndola por obra de demonios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 493»

«Geomancy was a type of divination with a medieval and recent rather than classical background»Thorndike sitúa la geomancia como adivinación de trasfondo medieval y reciente antes que clásico

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 493»

«Although the pretense is made that the method is that of natural science and astrology, it is really chance divination after the manner of Amalricus the king and the Experimentarius in the twelfth century»el *Triompho di Fortuna* de Sigismondo Fanti se pretende método de ciencia natural y astrología y es, según Thorndike, adivinación por azar al modo del *Experimentarius* del siglo XII

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 494»

«Tayssonniére’s dedication reinforces the impression given by the publication of geomancies in the vernaculars rather than in Latin, namely, that if the art was gaining more widespread popularity among laymen, it also had lost what standing it once possessed among the learned»la inferencia de Thorndike sobre la publicación de geomancias en lengua vulgar: el arte ganaba popularidad entre los legos y perdía el crédito que había tenido entre los doctos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 497»

«We now turn from geomancy and cognate methods to divination of the future by interpretation of dreams»el giro que Thorndike anuncia dentro del capítulo de la adivinación

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 499»

«While the Dream-Book of Daniel appears not to have been published in Latin again after this, its place among learned readers presumably being taken by the Oneirocritica, it continued to make an appeal in vernacular translations»y sigue la suerte del *Sueño de Daniel*: deja de imprimirse en latín, con los *Oneirocritica* de Artemidoro ocupando su lugar entre los doctos, y sigue vivo en las traducciones vulgares

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 499»

«To give some idea of the great vogue which this work had throughout early modern times without stopping to enumerate too many particular editions, we may simply note that the twentieth edition of it in English translation was reached in 1722 and the twenty-fourth in 1740»y mide la boga de Artemidoro por las ediciones inglesas: la vigésima en 1722 y la vigesimocuarta en 1740

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 500»

«It is hard to see, except that it is ascribed to Aristotle and mentions God, how this explanation is any different from the doctrine of the astronomers, earlier mentioned by Carreri, who ascribe dreams to the influence of the stars through the air upon our bodies and minds»la objeción de Thorndike a esa conclusión: cuesta ver en qué difiere de la doctrina de los astrónomos que adjudican los sueños a la influencia de los astros

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 507»

«Yet he had objected to it that in that case all men should have the same dream simultaneously»y lo apoya en que Carreri objetara a esa doctrina que entonces todos los hombres soñarían lo mismo a la vez

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 507»

«He did not do so, however, until relatively late in his career»Thorndike sitúa tarde en la carrera de Agostino Nifo su tratado *De auguriis*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 508»

«Belief in portents and prodigies had found frequent support in both ancient historians and medieval chroniclers, and continued to do so in sixteenth century historians»Thorndike sigue el apoyo que la creencia en portentos y prodigios halló en los historiadores antiguos, en los cronistas medievales y en los historiadores del siglo XVI

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 512»

«The theme of fate is closely related to that of divination, so that we may record the publication in 1508 of a Question Concerning Fate by Petrus Feltrus»Thorndike liga el tema del hado con el de la adivinación al pasar a la literatura *de fato*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 516»

«Peucer’s discussion of divination is colored by his classical scholarship and his Protestantism. He often indulges in snatches of Greek, although he usually gives immediately afterwards a Latin translation of the Greek words. These classical passages include the quotation of numerous ancient oracles. His Protestantism is shown in religious digressions and a hostile attitude to Roman Catholicism»la lectura de Thorndike sobre el tratado de la adivinación de Caspar Peucer: teñido por su erudición clásica y por su protestantismo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 519»

«After discussing divination in general, he turns to oracles and theomancy, then to magic—which he thus incorrectly implies is a»y la objeción que hace al orden del libro: Peucer pasa de los oráculos a la magia como si esta fuera una variedad de la adivinación, cuando es al revés

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 519»

«He is more credulous in describing the case of a girl who was supposed to be possessed by demons, and states that he himself saw the demon running to and fro under the skin in a form which looked like a mouse»y Thorndike lo halla más crédulo al describir el caso de una muchacha tenida por poseída, de la que dice haber visto él mismo al demonio correr bajo la piel con forma de ratón

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 521»

«Peucer declares himself in opposition to the Cabala, yet he was much impressed by the significance of numbers»Thorndike marca la incoherencia: Peucer se declara contra la cábala y le impresiona mucho la significación de los números

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 523»

«Taken together with his astrological publications and his book of 1532 on portents, these works illustrate the credulity and interest in the occult of a distinguished classical scholar who further possessed a wide acquaintance with almost all fields of learning that were then developed»el juicio de Thorndike sobre Joachim Camerario y su credulidad e interés por lo oculto

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 526»

«It is of little importance and in the main a stale farrago of bits from various past authors such as Trithemius, naming and defining different occult arts»el juicio de Thorndike sobre el tratado de adivinación y magia de Jean Jacques Boissard

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 528»

«And such was the curious mental outlook of Belot, who mingles a few bits of scepticism as to religion and the Bible with a great mass of occult science and superstition as to which his attitude often appears to be one of extreme credulity»el juicio de Thorndike sobre la disposición mental de Belot

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 534»

«While Wier opposed the witchcraft delusion and urged milder treatment of the so-called witches, he not only retained faith in the existence and activity of demons and in occult marvels of nature»Thorndike marca el límite de la posición de Wier: seguía creyendo en la existencia y la actividad de los demonios y en las maravillas ocultas de la naturaleza

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 540»

«Works on witchcraft and books on diabolical magic are difÏcult to separate and distinguish, while there is much disagreement between our writers as to the boundaries and ramifications of these subjects»y la dificultad que declara: las obras de brujería y las de magia diabólica son difíciles de separar, y sus autores discrepan mucho sobre los límites de esas materias

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 541»

«It was perhaps these features which won many readers for his book and insured a number of subsequent editions»Thorndike adjudica a los relatos de magia y a las cuestiones consabidas el número de lectores y de ediciones del libro de Wier

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 540»

«They form a sorry enough epilogue to our work but also a necessary one, with more cruel reality back of them than the academic discussions of divination»el juicio de Thorndike sobre la literatura de brujería que recorre en este capítulo, con más realidad cruel detrás que las discusiones académicas de la adivinación

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 541»

«I mention these other questions, although we are here primarily interested only in that concerned with demons, in order to show how the problem of their existence and activity could obtrude itself into medical and natural discussions»Thorndike dice por qué enumera las cuatro preguntas de Gentilis a Durastantes: para mostrar cómo el problema de la existencia y la actividad de los demonios se colaba en las discusiones médicas y naturales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 542»

«The foregoing allusion to Aristotle suggests the thought that it is rather odd that he should be held to have denied the existence of demons or their influence on nature on the one hand, yet be charged on the other hand with excessive influence upon scholastic theology»la paradoja que Thorndike anota de paso sobre Aristóteles: se lo tiene por negador de los demonios y a la vez por dueño excesivo de la teología escolástica

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 545»

«His medical experience and training did not lead him to any scepticism as to witchcraft. Rather he accused Paracelsus of being a magician and made all varieties of magic diabolical»Thorndike consigna que la experiencia médica de Francis Joel no lo llevó a escepticismo alguno sobre la brujería y que hizo diabólicas todas las variedades de magia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 549»

«In few persons did credulity as to the powers and attributes of witches take so extreme a form as in Jean Bodin»el juicio de Thorndike sobre la credulidad de Jean Bodin en materia de brujas (el tramo se acorta para no arrastrar una palabra que el guion de fin de renglón fabricaría)

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 549»

«He should perhaps be as infamous for his Démonomanie as he is famous for his Republic, Method in History, and Heptaplomeres, in which representatives of seven different viewpoints with reference to religion amicably discuss their varying opinions»y la tensión que señala entre la fama de Bodin por la *República* y el *Método* y lo que a su juicio debería costarle la *Démonomanie*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 549»

«The Démonomanie appeared in 15807 and may be described as a formless screed and dribbling mess»el juicio de Thorndike sobre la hechura de la *Démonomanie*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 550»

«It is noteworthy that both the question of Gentilis and the reply of Durastantes hold aloof from the question of witchcraft»y Thorndike subraya lo que ninguno de los dos toca: la cuestión de la brujería

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 543»

«Surely an altruistic and self-sacrificing sorcerer, though Bodin does not say so»el comentario irónico de Thorndike al relato del hechicero que tomó para sí la cuartana del enfermo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 550»

«In fine, while attacking the witchmongers, he still attempts to satisfy, not to say, panders to, the interest in occult arts and magic, which, although disapproving, he illustrates at length»y el juicio de conjunto sobre el libro de Scot: atacando a los traficantes de brujas, halaga el interés por las artes ocultas que dice desaprobar

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 554»

«But Godelmann credulously repeats tales of feats of magic in the same way as other writers. Such stories are told of Albertus Magnus, Trithemius and Faust, who is represented as living at Wittenberg in Luther’s time»Thorndike consigna que Godelmann repite crédulamente los prodigios que se cuentan de Alberto Magno, Tritemio y Fausto

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 560»

«If his work is a mixture of sanity and credulity, of religious prejudice and a feeling for law and nature, it was perhaps the more effective on that account than a more strictly rational and scientific work would have been then in doing something to check the excesses of the witchcraft delusion»el juicio de Thorndike sobre la obra de Godelmann: mezcla de cordura y credulidad que quizá por eso frenó los excesos del delirio de la brujería mejor que una obra más racional

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 561»

«Binsfeld is conscious of an insistent opposition to the witchcraft persecution. Many are asking when there will be an end to the burning of witches, but he has no sympathy with this at»Thorndike consigna que Binsfeld sabe de la oposición insistente a la persecución de brujas y no simpatiza con ella

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 562»

«where, perhaps without realizing it, he grants to astrologers almost the same powers as to demons»Thorndike señala que Binsfeld, quizá sin advertirlo, concede a los astrólogos casi los mismos poderes que a los demonios en punto a conocer el futuro

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 565»

«In foreknowledge and prediction strictly interpreted, astrology remains equipped with all the avenues and possibilities that are open to the demons»Thorndike enuncia la consecuencia de la escala de Binsfeld: en la presciencia estrictamente entendida, la astrología queda con todas las vías y posibilidades abiertas a los demonios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 566»

«conversely they attest the hold that belief in comets had-upon him and his age, if it could be maintained by such feeble props and supports»el juicio de Thorndike sobre esos ejemplos: poco convincentes para el lector moderno, atestiguan cuán firme era la creencia en los cometas si podía sostenerse con apoyos tan endebles

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 566»

«Its close relation to the occult arts and sciences in his mind is indicated by the fact that his treatment of it follows those of astrology and physiognomy and immediately precedes that of other arts of divination»Thorndike señala dónde coloca Binsfeld la alquimia: su exposición viene tras la astrología y la fisiognomía y precede a las demás artes adivinatorias

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 568»

«The talk of a new method and new remedies appears to be mere humbug intended to attract new readers to a time-worn but still vital theme»el juicio de Thorndike sobre el título de Codronchi: el hablar de método nuevo y remedios nuevos le parece embuste para atraer lectores a un tema gastado pero aún vivo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 569»

«This sceptical attitude and natural explanation by James is the more remarkable, because as a rule in the Daemonologie he accepts the extreme contentions and more superstitious beliefs of writers on witchcraft»Thorndike subraya el contraste: esa explicación natural es tanto más notable porque en la *Daemonologie* Jacobo I acepta por regla las tesis extremas y las creencias más supersticiosas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 572»

«Apparently James believed in vision by extramission of rays from the eye, an antiquated theory»Thorndike deduce de esa explicación del aire espesado que Jacobo I creía en la visión por extramisión de rayos desde el ojo, teoría ya anticuada

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 572»

«Except for an occasional lightness of tone, appropriate enough to the dialogue form but incongruous with the grimness of the subject, it is a serious piece of reasoned argument without any of the indecent and incredible stories that fill so many of the books on witchcraft»lo único que Thorndike concede al tratado de Jacobo I: es argumentación razonada y seria, sin las historias indecentes e increíbles que llenan tantos libros sobre brujería

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 573»

«Professor Kittredge has shown that James’s bark was much worse than his bite, that there were only about two executions a year in England during his reign there, that he personally exposed impostors who had pretended to be bewitched, and demonstrated that upon one occasion innocent persons had been executed»Thorndike remite a Kittredge para el contraste entre el ladrido y la mordida de Jacobo I: unas dos ejecuciones al año en Inglaterra durante su reinado, y él mismo desenmascarando impostores

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 574»

«The book on magic of Strozzi Cicogna is not much different from the many others on that theme which appeared during the period of the witchcraft delusion, and so is of more importance as attesting the popularity of the subject than for any new ideas or method of treatment and presentation»el juicio de Thorndike sobre Strozzi Cicogna: importa más como testimonio de la popularidad del tema que por ideas o método nuevos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 574»

«The work seems distinctly inferior to that of Binsfeld which it cites frequently along with Delrio and various other authors. It illuminates practice more than theory»el juicio de Thorndike sobre el *Discours des sorciers* de Henri Boquet: inferior al de Binsfeld, que cita con frecuencia, e ilustra más la práctica que la teoría

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 576»

«He wrote against the Paracelsists and, as we have seen in a previous chapter, against astrology»Thorndike sitúa a Jacques Fontaine como caso extremo de la opinión médica ante la magia: escribió contra los paracelsistas y contra la astrología

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 577»

«Fontaine had shown himself a credulous believer in the existence of signs elsewhere than in the sky by two books issued in the same year 1611»y señala la paradoja: en el intervalo entre esas dos obras, Fontaine se mostró crédulo en la existencia de signos fuera del cielo en dos libros del mismo año 1611

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 577»

«His reply was no credit to either profession. The opponent of alchemy, Paracelsanism and astrology now reveals himself as a supporter of demonology in one of its most debased details»el juicio de Thorndike sobre el dictamen que Fontaine dio al Parlamento de Aix en el proceso de Louis Gaufridy: el adversario de la alquimia, del paracelsismo y de la astrología se revela sostenedor de la demonología en uno de sus detalles más degradados

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 578»

«Codronchi afÏrms that the incubus of the theologians differs greatly from that of medical men, which is the first sane remark»Thorndike anota que Codronchi separa el íncubo de los teólogos del de los médicos; el OCR imprime la ligadura fi como Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 570»

«Such was the unscientific attitude and subservience to super-Stition of the royal physician and first professor of medicine at Aix»el juicio de Thorndike sobre el médico real y primer profesor de medicina de Aix: actitud acientífica y servidumbre a la superstición

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 579»

«Even more discouraging than to find writers at the beginning of the sixteenth century denying the existence of demons but accepting the influence of the stars and occult virtues, is it to find an opponent of astrological medicine at the beginning of the seventeenth century accepting the most super-Stitious details of the witchcraft delusion»y el contraste que le parece más desalentador: un adversario de la medicina astrológica a comienzos del siglo XVII que acepta los detalles más supersticiosos del delirio de la brujería

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 579»

«But this new telescopic way of looking at things came to him only late in life, when his ideas were set. Had he had the advantage of it earlier, perhaps he would have spent more of his time in looking at new-found things in the heavens, and less in searching with pins and needles for insensible spots on the bodies of those accused of witchcraft. In this new opportunity lay hope for the future»y la reflexión con que Thorndike cierra el caso: el telescopio le llegó tarde, con las ideas ya hechas, y en esa nueva oportunidad estaba la esperanza del porvenir

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 579»

«In connection with the belief in witchcraft and the activity of demons something should be said of the literature of exorcisms, which in printed form becomes especially noticeable in the last quarter of the sixteenth and first part of the seventeenth cen»Thorndike sitúa la literatura de exorcismos: en forma impresa se vuelve notoria en el último cuarto del siglo XVI y en la primera parte del XVII

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 580»

«The volume is full of prayers, exorcisms and blessings of water and other substances, and the use of oil, myrrh, vervain and the like in fumigations»Thorndike describe el *Thesaurus exorcismorum* de Colonia de 1608: lleno de oraciones, exorcismos y bendiciones de agua y otras sustancias, con aceite, mirra y verbena en sahumerios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 582»

«From the credulity evidenced as to witchcraft, demons and supernatural marvels we now turn to two representatives, the one of scepticism, the other of atheism, in the last quarter of the sixteenth and the early years of the seventeenth century»Thorndike anuncia el giro del capítulo XLVII: de la credulidad sobre brujería y demonios a dos representantes, uno del escepticismo y otro del ateísmo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 584»

«Gerkrath devoted a chapter to “The Struggle of Sanchez against Superstition,”* while he remained silent as to his hero’s belief in natural marvels and occult virtues, of which we shall presently have more to say»Thorndike objeta a Gerkrath que le dedicara un capítulo a la lucha de Sánchez contra la superstición callando su creencia en maravillas naturales y virtudes ocultas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 585»

«There is little discernible plan and order, much digression, reversion to a previous thought, and repetition. The text does not lead up cumulatively and progressively to a climax and conclusion. But these last are characteristics of sixteenth century learned works in general rather than of our author in particular»el juicio de Thorndike sobre la hechura del *Quod nihil scitur*: poco plan discernible, digresión y repetición, rasgos por lo demás de las obras doctas del siglo XVI en general

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 586»

«His first aim is to question the validity or certainty of all knowledge, after the fashion of Socrates’ claim to wisdom in knowing that he did not know, or the scepticism of Sextus Empiricus, or the more recent book of Agrippa on the Incertitude and Vanity of the Sci»Thorndike enuncia el primer propósito de Sánchez: poner en duda la validez o certeza de todo conocimiento, al modo de Sócrates, de Sexto Empírico o del libro de Agrippa sobre la incertidumbre y vanidad de las ciencias

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 586»

«Sanchez’s second aim, less pessimistic and more constructive, is to attack certain methods and aspects of the learning of the time and to urge more emphasis upon the study of nature and of things themselves»y el segundo: atacar ciertos métodos del saber de su tiempo y urgir el estudio de la naturaleza y de las cosas mismas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 586»

«As the reader may have by this time guessed, the thesis that nothing is known is something of a tour de force, developed to give room for the play of the author’s talents»el juicio de Thorndike sobre la tesis de que nada se sabe: una suerte de *tour de force* montada para dar juego al talento del autor

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 587»

«But Sanchez does not really mean that we know nothing. His scepticism is not so sweeping but that there are a number of things which he thinks he knows or at least assumes the truth of, and he sometimes goes to the length of dogmatic generalization»el juicio de Thorndike sobre el alcance del escepticismo de Sánchez: no es tan barredor, hay cosas que cree saber, y a veces llega a la generalización dogmática

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 588»

«He may ask, what do we know of sympathy and antipathy, but he has no doubt that there are such: relationships in nature or that they are of prime importance»y señala que, aunque pregunte qué sabemos de la simpatía y la antipatía, Sánchez no duda de que existan tales relaciones en la naturaleza ni de que sean de primera importancia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 588»

«Aristotle rather than Galen that the heart and not the brain was the center of the nervous and motor system»Thorndike deduce a quién seguía Porri en fisiología: a Aristóteles antes que a Galeno en poner el centro del sistema nervioso y motor en el corazón y no en el cerebro

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 582»

«such ecclesiastical censure seems quite belated, it is to be remembered that medical men continued to believe in demons and witchcraft into the seventeenth century»Thorndike enuncia por qué la censura eclesiástica de 1709 llega tarde: los médicos siguieron creyendo en demonios y brujería entrado el siglo XVII

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 583»

«Sanchez’s scepticism does not even extend to certain beliefs to which it might have been very profitably applied, such as spontaneous generation from corruption, the notion that nature ab»Thorndike señala hasta dónde no llega ese escepticismo: la generación espontánea de la corrupción y el horror de la naturaleza al vacío

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 588»

«licks its cubs into shape escapes without such qualification»y anota que Sánchez pone reparos al fénix y a los gansos percebe, pero no a que la osa lama a sus crías para darles forma

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 589»

«he does not in the present work elaborate any method of scientific research or systematic experimentation by which a better knowledge of things may be attained»Thorndike señala lo que falta en el *Quod nihil scitur*: ningún método de investigación científica ni de experimentación sistemática

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 590»

«For instance, he represents as inexplicable the bringing within the range of vision a coin which had previously been invisible at the bottom of a glass by filling the glass with water»y el ejemplo con que lo ilustra: Sánchez tiene por inexplicable que una moneda invisible en el fondo de un vaso se vea al llenarlo de agua

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 590»

«But surely it was explicable in terms of the laws of refraction and principles of optics already enunciated for centuries by Alhazen and Witelo»y Thorndike objeta que el caso era explicable por las leyes de la refracción ya enunciadas siglos antes por Alhacén y Witelo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 590»

«Sanchez proposed to take up the investigation of nature and scientific method in one or two further works, but of these no trace has come down to us. Probably they were never written. It was easier to criticize than to construct»Thorndike consigna que Sánchez prometió una o dos obras más sobre la investigación de la naturaleza y el método, de las que no queda rastro

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 590»

«In these works he shows flashes of his former scepticism and attacks certain superstitions, but he fails to evolve any new scientific method»y sobre las obras póstumas: muestran destellos del antiguo escepticismo y atacan supersticiones, pero no llegan a método científico nuevo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 590»

«Thus his method in teaching medicine is still largely one of compilation from authorities rather than the study of things them»y Thorndike consigna el saldo: su método de enseñar medicina sigue siendo en gran parte compilación de autoridades antes que estudio de las cosas mismas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 591»

«Such is the rather tame ending in the harness of medical tradition of the spirited and sceptical colt of Quod»y la imagen con que Thorndike cierra la carrera de Sánchez: final manso en los arreos de la tradición médica para el potro brioso y escéptico del *Quod nihil scitur*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 591»

«Or did Sanchez fail to develop his position further and more positively because of lack of encouragement from his contemporaries»y la pregunta que deja abierta sobre por qué Sánchez no llevó más lejos su posición

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 591»

«But the charges of Sanchez and Vanini were to be repeated and improved upon by others, until eventually, instead of their dropping dead or falling back into the ranks, a considerable section of the line moved forward and occupied the position at which they had aimed»Thorndike enuncia el destino de las cargas de Sánchez y de Vanini: repetidas y mejoradas por otros hasta que buena parte de la línea avanzó y ocupó la posición a que ellos apuntaron

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 592»

«These two works, however, contained little or nothing new, although Vanini asserts that his philosophy is superior to the scholasticism of the Sorbonne and to common opinions. They were even in many respects somewhat behind the times»el juicio de Thorndike sobre el *Amphitheatrum* y los *Dialogi* de Vanini: poco o nada nuevo, y en muchos respectos atrasados

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 592»

«Vanini seems to have been either quite unacquainted with or uninterested in the scientific activity of the last half century. He makes no reference to»y lo que echa de menos en él: desconocimiento o desinterés por la actividad científica del último medio siglo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 592»

«the recent discoveries of Galileo or Gilbert’s book on the magnet or the previous work of Tycho Brahe. He does not allude to the new star of 1572 or others since»*continuación del tramo anterior, cortado por el cambio de plana*: Vanini no menciona los descubrimientos recientes de Galileo, ni el libro de Gilbert sobre el imán, ni la obra de Tycho Brahe, ni la estrella nueva de 1572

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 593»

«It is against Cardan, not some later astronomer, that he defends the Aristotelian theory of comets. Indeed, he is more apt to cite sixteenth century astrologers, like Mizaldus and Iunctinus, than astronomers»y Thorndike señala contra quién defiende Vanini la teoría aristotélica de los cometas, y que cita más a astrólogos del siglo XVI que a astrónomos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 593»

«he hardly cites authors later than Fernel and Fracastoro, Pomponazzi and Cardan. It is from the last two that he derived most of his ideas and material»y de dónde sale casi todo lo suyo: apenas cita autores posteriores a Fernel y Fracastoro, Pomponazzi y Cardano, y de estos dos últimos deriva la mayor parte de sus ideas y materiales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 593»

«is it evident that his sympathies are really with Pomponazzi and Cardan, and that a main feature of these two works of his is to circulate their astrology and other occult science and their “natural” or magical explanation and substitute for miracles and demons»el juicio de Thorndike sobre lo que Vanini hace bajo sus aspavientos: sus simpatías están con Pomponazzi y Cardano, y su obra sirve para hacer circular la astrología de ambos y su explicación natural o mágica de los milagros y los demonios

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 594»

«In any truly scientific discussion Vanini is apt to choose the worse part and to defend an erroneous against the correct view. And this again is in large measure because he is behind the times and still adheres to some outworn doctrine found in or ascribed to Aristotle»y el diagnóstico general: en toda discusión propiamente científica Vanini escoge la peor parte por atraso y apego a alguna doctrina gastada de Aristóteles o atribuida a él

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 594»

«Some writers in speaking of opposition to new discoveries and scientific progress in early modern times have confused conservative adherence to Aristotle with conservative opposition on religious or theological grounds»Thorndike enuncia una distinción de método: algunos han confundido el apego conservador a Aristóteles con la oposición conservadora por razones religiosas o teológicas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 594»

«The atheist Vanini shows us that the two might be quite distinct and found in opposing camps, and suggests that much opposition»y usa el caso de Vanini para separarlas: el ateo muestra que las dos podían estar en campos opuestos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 594»

«Such scepticism in turn has its limitations»Thorndike anota el límite de ese escepticismo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 595»

«Belief in the all-encompassing and all-penetrating influence of the stars was a chief article in the creed of Vanini as of Pom»Thorndike enuncia el artículo principal del credo de Vanini: la creencia en el influjo omniabarcante y penetrante de los astros, como en Pomponazzi

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 595»

«The atheism of Vanini was based on occult science and astrology rather than the progress of modern science which he ignored and apparently had little interest in»el juicio de Thorndike sobre la raíz del ateísmo de Vanini: ciencia oculta y astrología antes que el progreso de la ciencia moderna, que ignoraba

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 596»

«These two cases lend support to the point which we have made more than once: that there was no regular correlation or variation in inverse ratio between theology and science, scepticism and the occult, or science and superstition. In one man’s mind they made one combination: in another, another»y la tesis que Thorndike dice haber sostenido más de una vez: no hubo correlación regular ni variación en razón inversa entre teología y ciencia, escepticismo y ocultismo, o ciencia y superstición

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 596»

«The hope lay in an increased positive attention to scientific problems, finding satisfaction in their solution, and thus negatively allowing the mind less time to occupy itself with, and more opportunity to forget, erroneous notions and methods»y dónde sitúa la esperanza de avanzar de la magia a la ciencia: en la atención positiva a los problemas científicos, no en bulas ni persecuciones ni escepticismo ni ateísmo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 597»

«The serpent does not shed its old skin until the new has grown»y la imagen con que cierra el capítulo XLVII

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 597»

«The intellectual drama of the interrelations between magic and science which we have been watching has in the present volumes assumed somewhat confusing proportions and multiplicity of detail»Thorndike enuncia el objeto declarado de la serie al abrir el capítulo de resumen: el drama intelectual de las relaciones entre magia y ciencia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 598»

«The dramatis personae in this last act of the sixteenth century have exceeded three thousand in number, of whom about twelve hundred were writers and men of learning of the period under consideration, not including a chorus of more than three hundred printers mentioned by name, and considerably over three hundred patrons, patients, princes, prelates and other lay figures and passive participants in the play of ideas»y el censo de personajes de estos volúmenes: más de tres mil, de los cuales unos mil doscientos escritores y hombres de letras del periodo, más de trescientos impresores nombrados y más de trescientos patrones, pacientes, príncipes y prelados

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 598»

«the number of ideas themselves may be roughly inferred from the fact that our index includes some seventeen hundred topics and names of things in addition to its more than three thousand names of persons»y el censo de ideas, inferido del índice: unos mil setecientos temas y nombres de cosas además de más de tres mil nombres de personas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 598»

«The latter may be further distinguished as comprising over thirty Jewish and Biblical authors, over a hundred Greek and Byzantine, nearly forty Latin classical writers, nearly sixty Arabic authors, a dozen church fathers, about twenty-five early medieval Latin writers and as many more of the twelfth century, about seventy each for the thirteenth and the fourteenth centuries, and approximately 130 from the fifteenth»y el desglose de esos nombres por procedencia, de los autores judíos y bíblicos a los ciento treinta del siglo XV

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 598»

«We have looked back upon our period through the eyes of some 140 writers of the later seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, 150 of the nineteenth century, and 190 of the twentieth»y por qué ojos posteriores dice haber mirado el periodo: unos 140 escritores de los siglos XVII tardío y XVIII, 150 del XIX y 190 del XX

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 598»

«The present volumes name about 130 classical authors as against some 230 in the first volume, about 198 in the second, and 58 and 509 in the third and fourth»el cotejo de autores clásicos nombrados por volumen, que Thorndike ofrece como medida

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 599»

«Thus the reading and citation of classical authors in science and occult science seems not to have increased until after the fifteenth century»y la conclusión que saca: la lectura y cita de autores clásicos en ciencia y ciencia oculta no parece haber crecido hasta después del siglo XV

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 599»

«On the other hand, the frequency with which a few much cited and commented ancient authorities like Aristotle, Pliny, Ptolemy, Galen and Dioscorides are mentioned is greatly increased in the present volumes, where we have so many more persons citing them»y el contrapeso: la frecuencia con que se mencionan Aristóteles, Plinio, Ptolomeo, Galeno y Dioscórides crece mucho en estos volúmenes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 599»

«The number of references to Hippocrates, Pliny, Dioscorides and Galen, however, declined steadily after the first volume until the present volumes, except for the controversy as to Pliny at the end of the fifteenth century and an improvement for Dioscorides with the fourth volume»y la curva contraria: las referencias a Hipócrates, Plinio, Dioscórides y Galeno declinan de manera sostenida tras el primer volumen

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 599»

«Although recognizing that any particular mention of a name may be partly or even largely a matter of accident»y la cautela con que Thorndike presenta esos recuentos: cualquier mención concreta puede ser en parte o en gran parte accidente

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 599»

«Apollonius of Perga, Apollonius of Tyana, Cicero, Democritus, Dorotheus the astrologer, Epicurus, Julius Firmicus Maternus, Ovid, Seneca, Theophrastus and Vergil»los nombres que, además de los ya dichos, aparecen en cada uno de los primeros cuatro volúmenes y en estos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 600»

«Several others are missing only from the third volume on the fourteenth century: Aesculapius, Alexander of Aphrodisias, Philostratus, Plotinus, Porphyry»y los que solo faltan en el tercer volumen, entre ellos Plotino y Porfirio

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 600»

«while Averroes after about the same number of citations in the second, third and fourth volumes—eleven, seven and ten—jumps to sixty odd in the present volumes, as might be expected from their attention to the Averroists of Padua»y el salto de Averroes en estos volúmenes, que Thorndike atribuye a su atención a los averroístas de Padua

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 601»

«That these figures have their significance may be seen by comparing them with those for a patristic writer like Augustine to whom there are 55 references in the index of our first volume, 27 in the second, only six in the third, but then 22 in the fourth, which in general cites church fathers more than the third volume does»y el contraste con que Thorndike defiende el valor de esas cifras: las referencias a Agustín por volumen

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 601»

«In the period covered by the present volumes the most striking fact is the prominence assumed by Germanic lands, including Germany, Austria, the German speaking cantons of Switzerland and the Dutch provinces of the Netherlands»el hecho que Thorndike halla más llamativo en el escenario de estos volúmenes: la prominencia de las tierras germánicas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 601»

«Somewhat similarly the British Isles, after slightly leading the Germanic lands in our first two volumes and falling somewhat behind in the third, fell far in the rear in the fourth and relatively even more so in the present volumes»y la curva de las islas británicas, que quedan muy atrás en el cuarto volumen y más aún en estos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 602»

«With the decline of scholasticism, the foundation of universities in Germany, the invention of printing there, the spread of humanism from Italy first to Germany, and the increased economic prosperity of the German cities, came a diffusion of culture there which flowered in the Age of the Reformation, just as Italy reached its highest point relatively in our rough statistics in the fifteenth century»la explicación que Thorndike da de esas cifras: decadencia de la escolástica, universidades alemanas, invención de la imprenta allí, difusión del humanismo y prosperidad de las ciudades alemanas, que florecen en la Edad de la Reforma

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 602»

«There is nothing new or startling in this interpretation»y el alcance que Thorndike le concede a esa interpretación

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 602»

«It even tends to support quantitatively, if not qualitatively, the belief in an Italian Renaissance and a German Reformation»y lo que a su juicio apoyan sus cifras: cuantitativamente, si no cualitativamente, la creencia en un Renacimiento italiano y una Reforma alemana

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 603»

«The next most notable point in the present volumes, after the prominence of German place names, is the mention of localities in the New World, Far East and southern part of Africa»y el segundo rasgo notable del escenario: la mención de localidades del Nuevo Mundo, del Extremo Oriente y del sur de África

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 603»

«The number of places mentioned seems a fair index of the diffusion of culture and distribution of scientific interest, indicating as it does where our authors came from, studied, taught, wrote, published, practiced, and died»y por qué toma el número de lugares como índice de la difusión de la cultura y del reparto del interés científico

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 603»

«On this basis there seem to be 415 place names which occur only once, 186 which occur between two and four times, 67 which are found from five to ten times, 23 between eleven and twenty times, and 37 that occur more than a score of times»el reparto de los topónimos por frecuencia que Thorndike da para estos volúmenes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 604»

«these places of most frequent mention are: Antwerp, Augsburg, Basel, Bologna, Cologne, Ferrara, Florence, Frankfurt on the Main, Heidelberg, Leipzig, London, Louvain, Lyons, Milan, Naples, Niirnberg, Padua, Paris, Pavia, Pisa, Rome, Strasburg, Tiibingen, Venice, Verona, Vienna, Wittenberg and Zurich»y la lista de los lugares más mencionados

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 604»

«These cities may be regarded as the leading intellectual centers and were in most cases either or both seats of universities and centers of printing. Twelve were German; eleven, Italian; four, French; one, English»y el juicio que hace de esa lista: son los principales centros intelectuales, sede de universidades o de imprentas, doce alemanas, once italianas, cuatro francesas y una inglesa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 604»

«The two last, which owed their prominence respectively to the presence of the papal court at Avignon and the prominence of Oxford dons in scholasticism, mathematics and astronomy in the first half of the fourteenth century, disappear from our list in the fourth and present volumes»y la desaparición de Aviñón y Oxford de la lista, cuya prominencia anterior adjudica a la corte papal y a los doctores oxonienses de la primera mitad del siglo XIV

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 605»

«the titles of our chapters, which suggest Italy or individual Italians about twice as often as they do Germany and Germans, indicate that Italy still leads in men of first prominence, although this appears truer of the first than the second half of the period, when the repressive influence of Index, Inquisition and Counter Reformation begin to be felt in Italy»y el matiz que añade: los títulos de sus capítulos apuntan a Italia el doble que a Alemania, señal de que Italia sigue llevando los hombres de primera fila, más en la primera mitad del periodo que en la segunda

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 605»

«It is perhaps fair to say that Italy still provides the more leading minds but that Germany now offers a greater number of followers and disseminators»y el balance con que lo cierra: Italia pone las mentes rectoras, Alemania el mayor número de seguidores y difusores

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 605»

«Paris, although no longer monopolizing so large a share of the learned world as it had from the twelfth to the fourteenth century, nor as yet such a center of courtly and mundane culture as it was to become under Louis XIV, was the chief printing place in France and still a magnet that attracted many a scholar and intellectual vagabond»y el sitio de París en el periodo: ya no monopoliza el mundo docto como del siglo XII al XIV, pero es el principal lugar de imprenta de Francia y un imán para eruditos y vagabundos intelectuales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 605»

«Men were drawn there not only to study the subjects for which the university was famous but to fill vacuums which seemed to exist in its curriculum, as we have seen in the case of mathematics and astrology»y qué llevaba allí a esos hombres: no solo las materias por las que la universidad era famosa, sino los vacíos de su plan de estudios, como en matemáticas y astrología

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 606»

«The theological faculty was hostile to astrology and other occult arts. The medical faculty not only opposed unlicensed practitioners but censured alchemy and Paracelsan medicine»y la postura de las facultades parisinas: la de teología hostil a la astrología y demás artes ocultas, la de medicina censurando la alquimia y la medicina paracélsica

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 606»

«It is a rather striking indication of the wide spread of medical practitioners, the learning and culture of members of that profession, and the continued prominence of local hearths of civilization, that we should have had occasion to mention physicians of no fewer than seventy towns and for the most part to have made such mention only once each for these places»y lo que halla llamativo del reparto de los médicos: haber mencionado médicos de no menos de setenta poblaciones, casi todas una sola vez

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 606»

«The influence of humanism upon the method of presentation has been attested by the fairly frequent employment of such literary forms as verse, the dialogue, the letter and the oration»y por dónde ve entrar el humanismo en la forma de exponer: verso, diálogo, carta y oración

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 607»

«There have been verses for and against alchemy, while geomancy and oracles have been expressed in verse. But these occult subjects had all been similarly treated in verse in the preceding medieval period»y consigna que hubo versos a favor y en contra de la alquimia y que la geomancia y los oráculos se pusieron en verso, como ya se hacía en el periodo medieval

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 607»

«But against seven cases each of treatises in dialogue in our third and fourth volumes, some twenty-six will be found in the present. The oration, which scarcely received recognition in our indices until the fourth volume on the fifteenth century, when there were ten entries, now receives about twice that number»y el salto del diálogo y de la oración en estos volúmenes frente a los anteriores

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 607»

«We have, however, seen the way prepared for such associations by the interchange of specimens between naturalists, the publication of medical letters like those of Manard, and the extensive scientific correspondence of men like Benedetti and Tycho Brahe»aunque señala cómo se preparó el camino a esas asociaciones: intercambio de especímenes entre naturalistas, cartas médicas y la correspondencia científica de hombres como Benedetti y Tycho Brahe

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 608»

«Venice was the leading center for the publication of volumes in the subjects of which we have treated. Fully a sixth of all those mentioned had their presses located there. Paris came second with almost one eighth of the total number and Lyons third with slightly less than a tenth»y el reparto de los más de trescientos impresores nombrados: Venecia a la cabeza con un sexto, París segunda con casi un octavo y Lyon tercera

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 608»

«A picturesque touch has been added to the sometimes dull tone and content of our authors by the signs of the shops where their books were sold or their drugs purchased»y el toque pintoresco que Thorndike rescata: las enseñas de las tiendas donde se vendían los libros o se compraban las drogas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 608»

«Whatever the reason, some three hundred things and topics are found only in the index of this first volume»el saldo del cotejo de índices: unas trescientas cosas y temas solo se hallan en el índice del primer volumen

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 609»

«while many—though not all—of the new things and topics which first appeared in the second, third or fourth volume, likewise continue in our present volumes, which thus constitute a sort of catch-all for the previous history of thought»y la figura con que Thorndike describe estos volúmenes: una suerte de cajón de sastre de la historia anterior del pensamiento

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 609»

«Indeed, the majority even of words which appear for the first time in the present index—some six hundred in all—designate classical and medieval matters which we had not happened to mention in previous volumes rather than new things and ideas»y la advertencia sobre las seiscientas voces nuevas del índice: la mayoría designa materias clásicas y medievales no mencionadas antes, no cosas ni ideas nuevas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 609»

«Our third volume on the fourteenth century, which embraces the smallest total of things and topics, takes the lead in the introduction of new conceptions and processes, reflecting—a little tardily perhaps—the development of scholastic and alchemical literature, although it contains the smallest number of names of plants, animals, gems and minerals»y lo que el recuento dice del siglo XIV: el tercer volumen, con el menor total de cosas y temas, lleva la delantera en conceptos y procesos nuevos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 610»

«This suggests a richness and originality in the intellectual life of the fourteenth century which has hitherto hardly been sufÏciently recognized»y la consecuencia que Thorndike saca de ello sobre la vida intelectual del siglo XIV; el OCR imprime la ligadura fi como Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 610»

«I have tried to subdivide and classify the things and topics mentioned under the following headings: animals and their products, vegetation, minerals, the human body’s parts, characteristics and processes, disease and ailments, medicine, celestial phenomena, inferior natural phenomena other than those already named, alchemical and chemical matters, art and technology, including utensils and instruments, mathematics and time (not including astronomy), linguistic and literary, other sciences and intellectual concerns, occult arts and sciences, religion, political, crime and penal, occupations, and other phases of human life»y las rúbricas con que clasifica las cosas y temas del índice, de los animales y la vegetación a las artes ocultas, la religión y las demás fases de la vida humana

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 610»

«It of course has often been difÏcult to tell in which of these compartments to shelf a topic, so that any figures I may give should be regarded as only roughly approximate»y la cautela con que ofrece esas cifras; el OCR imprime la ligadura fi como Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 610»

«In the present volumes the occult is second in the number of items to vegetation, while other intellectual is a close third, animals a good fourth, and religion fifth»y el lugar de lo oculto en estos volúmenes: segundo en número de entradas tras la vegetación, con lo intelectual tercero, los animales cuartos y la religión quinta

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 610»

«we find that of over three hundred and forty such»y el reparto de los temas presentes en todos los volúmenes: cuarenta y cinco ocultos, treinta y ocho de animales, treinta y seis de otras materias intelectuales (el tramo se acorta para no arrastrar una palabra que el guion de fin de renglón fabricaría)

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 611»

«A few random examples may be listed of these topics which run through the entire work: adamant, aerimancy, allegory, apoplexy, arithmetic, ashes, astrolabe, basilisk, brain, cock, corpse, cow, coral, creation, credulity, diet, dolphin, dropsy, earthquake, egg, emerald, empiricism, encyclopedia, form, fountain, furnace, glass, gold, heredity, heresy, humanism, imagination, intestines, laurel, logic, love, magnus annus, matter, melancholy, modern, name»y la muestra de temas que atraviesan toda la obra, de *adamant* a *Trinity* (el tramo se acorta para no arrastrar una palabra que el guion de fin de renglón fabricaría)

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 611»

«Far fewer in number are the topics not found in the first volume which begin with the second and occur throughout the others. But many of them signify an intellectual development or change in civilization»y los temas que empiezan en el segundo volumen y siguen en todos: pocos, pero muchos de ellos señal de un desarrollo intelectual o de un cambio de civilización

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 611»

«A different judgment must be passed upon those subjects which, first found in the third volume on the fourteenth century, continue in those on the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries»y la distinción que hace con los temas nacidos en el tercer volumen y continuados en los siguientes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 612»

«Of thirty-three topics which occur at least ten times in all six volumes under review, eight deal with the occult: alchemy, astrology, divination, image, incantation, magic, necromancy and occult virtue; only one with a science, astronomy»el recuento con que Thorndike cierra: de treinta y tres temas que aparecen al menos diez veces en los seis volúmenes, ocho son de lo oculto y uno solo de una ciencia

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 614»

«If we add nineteen more topics which occur with almost equally regular frequency in all volumes, we raise the occult to eleven by adding secrecy, sorcery and witchcraft; the intellectual to seven by music and observation; religion to eight by creation, miracle, prayer and prophecy; cosmic and celestial to six by the addition of day; inferior nature to six by earth and matter; animals to four by dog and dragon; minerals to three by gem and magnet; human to five by sex and woman»y cómo cambia ese reparto al añadir diecinueve temas más de frecuencia casi tan regular

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 614»

«Such is a very rough but objective enumeration and recapitulation of the subjects which have most persistently attracted our attention in this series of volumes»y el carácter que reclama para esa enumeración: muy tosca pero objetiva

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 614»

«In the accompanying table a considerable allowance should be made for possible error. The different volumes have not in every respect been indexed on quite the same basis, so that points indexed in one may sometimes have been omitted or overlooked in another, or noted under another caption»y los márgenes de error que declara para la tabla: los volúmenes no se indizaron en todo con el mismo criterio

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 614»

«Another person, or even I at another time, might make a different count or classify items under different headings»y la advertencia sobre la clasificación misma: otra persona, o él mismo en otro momento, contaría o clasificaría de otro modo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 614»

«The figures for the present volumes are even more liable to error than those for the preceding volumes, since they have necessarily been based upon a tentative index and not the final»y la razón de que las cifras de estos volúmenes sean aún más falibles: se basan en un índice provisional

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 614»

«In closing a point occurs to me which perhaps has as yet not been sufÏciently emphasized»Thorndike anuncia el punto con que cierra la obra; el OCR imprime la ligadura fi como Ï

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 615»

«These now take the lead over the Italian peninsula and islands in the number of places that we have had occasion to mention»y la razón: esas tierras toman ahora la delantera a la península italiana en el número de lugares mencionados

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 601»

«Another channel of intellectual activity and co-operation which was later to vie in importance with the universities, namely, the learned and scientific societies or academies»y el canal que apenas asoma: las sociedades y academias científicas, que después habían de rivalizar en importancia con las universidades

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 607»

«In the first column is given the page of Garcaeus or Hemminga where the geniture occurs, in the second column the person’s name, and in the remaining columns the year, day and hour of his birth»el apéndice 4 declara cómo se lee su tabla de genituras de hombres de letras, tomada de Garcaeus y de Sixtus ab Hemminga

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 619»

«Thus Zimara seems to envisage chemical change and union»la lectura que Thorndike hace de esa proposición

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 624»

«But there is nothing infernal or magical about these questions, nor about the problems of Alexander of Aphrodisias which follow them»y el juicio de Thorndike: nada hay de infernal ni de mágico en esas preguntas ni en los problemas de Alejandro de Afrodisia que las siguen

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 624»

«nor can it be called favorable to magic, since astrological images are said to have no efÏcacy, and imagination is thought to affect another body, if at all, only per accidens»Thorndike consigna que ese primer tratado no es favorable a la magia: niega eficacia a las imágenes astrológicas y solo concede a la imaginación afectar otro cuerpo *per accidens*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 625»

«As a specimen of the natural marvels and tricks contained in the appendix which follows this first treatise may be given the apparent raising of an egg in the air by emptying the shell, filling it with May dew and exposing it to the heat of the sun at noon»la muestra que Thorndike da de las maravillas y trucos del apéndice: el huevo que parece alzarse en el aire tras vaciarlo, llenarlo de rocío de mayo y exponerlo al sol de mediodía

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 626»

«PRINTERS OF THE SIXTEENTH AND EARLY SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES MENTIONED IN THESE VOLUMES»el rótulo del apéndice 6, que lista por nombre y plaza a los impresores mencionados en estos volúmenes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 627»

«So far there has been no suggestion of magic in the works published under the name of Zimara, but in 1609 at Frankfurt Longinus Caesar edited a volume entitled Trinum magicum’ in which he included Conclusions by Zimara which are described as “physical, metaphysical, elemental, celestial, infernal, moral and doctrinal»Thorndike consigna que nada de magia hay en lo publicado bajo el nombre de Zimara hasta que Longinus Caesar lo incluye en el *Trinum magicum* de 1609 con unas Conclusiones descritas como físicas, metafísicas, elementales, celestes, infernales, morales y doctrinales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 624»

«nec solum videri aliquibus parum rem advertentibus aut sctolis ingloriosum laborem Indices parare sed etiam superfluum .. . non illaudatum nec inuttlem esse laborem imo fere necessarium matoribus libris Indices apponere idque recte praestare non omnium esse sed solummodo ea in facultate peritorum et iudicio exercitatorum.—GRATAROLO»el epígrafe con que se abre el Índice general, adjudicado a Gratarolo: hacer índices parece a algunos trabajo sin gloria y superfluo, y él lo tiene por casi necesario en los libros mayores y propio solo de peritos en la materia y de juicio ejercitado

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 639»

«Bologna, Bibl. Comunale (no shelf-mark), VI, 150 Bologna, University, 27, V, 170»muestra del Índice de manuscritos, que remite por biblioteca y signatura a los dos volúmenes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 786»

«Academy, alchemical, V, 621; Animosi of Padua, VI, 481; Gelati of Bologna, V, 250; Old, VI, 228, 350, 378-9, 432; scientific, VI, 269; Secreti of Porta, VI, 156; Selvaggi, V, 250; Sodalitates of Rhine and Danube, V, 407; Umoristi of Rome, V, 250»la entrada *Academy* del Índice general, que muestra su hechura: un solo índice para los volúmenes V y VI, con el tomo en número romano antes de la página impresa

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 639»

«Ut de astrologiae antiquitate ............ 0.0. c ccc cece cee eee eeee VI, 172 Utrum stellarum et planetarum .............. 0... cee cee cece ere eneeeee V, 180 Verba Secretorum Hermetis»las dos últimas entradas del Índice de incipits, que ordena por sus primeras palabras los textos citados en los dos volúmenes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 790»

«Among the works elicited by the comet of 1577 were two which took that event as an occasion for hostile criticism of astrologers and astrology. Their authors were Marcellus Squarcialupus»Thorndike consigna que el cometa de 1577 provocó dos obras que lo tomaron por ocasión de crítica hostil a los astrólogos y a la astrología

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 207»

«The work by Frischlin which especially concerns us, on the congruence of the astronomical art with celestial doctrine and with natural philosophy, was printed already in his lifetime in 1586»Thorndike sitúa la obra de Frischlin que le interesa: la congruencia del arte astronómico con la doctrina celeste y la filosofía natural, impresa en vida del autor en 1586

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 215»

«It must be admitted, however, that the indices of these sixteenth century works with the exception of Ruellius De natura stirpium, which has an excellent index are often faulty»Thorndike consigna una dificultad de su cotejo: los índices de estas obras del siglo XVI suelen ser defectuosos, salvo el de Ruellius

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 286»

«Rondelet added to the ancient authors what he had observed and learned from experience and what learned friends had communicated»Thorndike consigna cómo trabajaba Rondelet: añadía a los autores antiguos lo observado, lo aprendido por experiencia y lo comunicado por amigos doctos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 292»

«In the present chapter we consider the lore of gems as illustrated by a number of representative works on that subject from that published in 1502 by Camillo Lunardi to that of Anselm de Boodt which first appeared in 1609. Metals and other minerals than gems will also receive some attention»Thorndike declara el objeto del capítulo XXXIX: el saber de las gemas de Camillo Lunardi en 1502 a Anselm de Boodt en 1609, con alguna atención a metales y otros minerales

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 322»

«In the same year Gassendi published his Exercitationes paradoxtcae adversus Aristoteleos, in which he criticized especially the Aristotelian dialectic and philosophy»Thorndike consigna las *Exercitationes paradoxicae adversus Aristoteleos* de Gassendi, dirigidas sobre todo contra la dialéctica y la filosofía aristotélicas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 413»

«He had intended to follow this up with a further onslaught upon the Physics, Metaphysics and Ethics, but abandoned his plan, according to Bayle because of the outburst of formidable indignation from the Peripatetic party»y consigna el desacuerdo sobre por qué abandonó la continuación, del que aquí se lee el lado de Bayle: la indignación de los peripatéticos (el tramo se corta en la llamada de nota que el OCR imprime con asteriscos)

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 413»

«The two chief general works on that subject during the sixteenth century were by the Protestant scholars of Wittenberg, Peucer and Camerari»Thorndike nombra las dos obras generales principales sobre adivinación en el siglo XVI, de los eruditos protestantes de Wittenberg Peucer y Camerarius

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 517»

«Thus it seems to have been the most influential of his numerous writings which were concerned with the varied fields of medicine, astronomy, mathematics, natural history, and psychology»y consigna que fue el más influyente de los muchos escritos de Peucer, que abarcan medicina, astronomía, matemáticas, historia natural y psicología

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 518»

«Argentinus lists and describes various occult and diabolical arts in about the usual manner and recounts a number of stock stories»Thorndike consigna que Richard Argentine enumera y describe las artes ocultas y diabólicas al modo corriente y repite historias manidas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 544»

«But there also are new astrological terms and absent treatment, prodigy, weapon ointment and Rosicrucian»y las que no: términos astrológicos nuevos, la cura a distancia, el prodigio, el ungüento de las armas y lo rosacruz

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 613»

«Martin Luther Caspar Crucigerus»y otra muestra de esa tabla, donde la genitura de Lutero va seguida de la de Caspar Cruciger

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 621»

«Hermolaus Barbarus 1453 21 May 5.10 ab occasu 150 Joachim Camerarius»muestra de la tabla de genituras del apéndice 4, que da por columnas la página de la fuente, el nombre, y el año, día y hora del nacimiento

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 620»

«camera obscura, circulation of the blood, sulphate of potash, voyages of discovery and several anatomical terms»Thorndike enumera las voces nuevas del índice que apuntan a progreso científico en otros campos: cámara oscura, circulación de la sangre, sulfato de potasio, viajes de descubrimiento y varios términos anatómicos

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 613»

«XXXI. POST-COPERNICAN ASTRONOMY The Prutentc Tables— Maestlin concerning them — Tables of Femelius — Attitude of elementary textbooks in»la tabla de contenidos abre el volumen por el capítulo XXXI, de astronomía poscopernicana, y desglosa sus epígrafes

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 11»

«Cabala — A cabalistic manuscript — Constantinus on the Cabala — Postel — Paul Skalich — John Dee, Hieroglyphic Monad — Arbatel — Bungus on numbers —|l’Apostre on the number seven — Bruno on numbers and figures — Prognostica of Orpheus or Hermes — Patritius, Magia philosophica — Jessenius, Zoroaster — Johann Pistorius — Attacked by Heilbronner — Albinius, 1611 — Rheticus and Kepler — Bodin»y el desglose del capítulo dedicado a la cábala y los números, que va de un manuscrito cabalístico y Postel a la *Mónada jeroglífica* de Dee, el *Arbatel*, Bungus, Bruno, Patrizi, Jessenius y Bodin

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 16»

«The remaining items are from 236 Viglius Zuichemus Frisius»la tabla de genituras del apéndice 4 declara el cambio de fuente antes de sus últimas entradas

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 622»

«XLIT. FOR AND AGAINST ARISTOTLE ....... . . 363 Alessandro Piccolomini— Landi, Paradosss — Cureus, Libellus physicus — Meurer, Meteorologia — Vimercati — Zabarella — Mercenarius — Telesio — Honoratus de Robertis—Benedetti—Francesco Patrizi— Zuccolo— Francesco Piccolomini— Gilbert, Nova philosophia — Chassinus, De natura, 1614 — Basso against Aristotle, 1621 — Abiding influence of Aristotle»y el desglose del capítulo XLII, a favor y en contra de Aristóteles; el OCR corrompe el número romano del rótulo

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VI (1941) · p. 15»

Concepts treated

Magia NaturalEl volumen la recorre por lo que cada voz declara de ella: Pererio la admite y la llama la parte más noble de la ciencia física, la medicina y las matemáticas, y acota que apenas algún mortal de ingenio agudísimo la alcanza; Mairhofer razona el nombre porque se parece a la magia diabólica en sus efectos; Patrizi la alaba frente a la diabólica y la goecia como conocimiento verdadero y filosofía más santa; Godelmann la tiene por lícita contra Erasto, que declaraba ilícita toda magia; y Thorndike cierra el volumen diciendo que sigue creyéndose en las virtudes ocultas mientras el procedimiento mágico se abandona.

thorndike-magic-experimental-6 · pp. 326, 434, 435, 439, 540, 560, 615

Daimon (entidad intermedia, ni ángel ni demonio)El estatuto de los demonios se disputa en el volumen: Giuntini sostiene que Aristóteles negó su existencia por contraria a los principios naturales y pregunta si magia y nigromancia no serán ciencias subordinadas a la astrología, ya que en ellas los demonios solo aplican fuerzas; Durastantes consigna que la metafísica aristotélica no les deja sitio; Vairo define el *fascinum* por pacto tácito o expreso con ellos; y Binsfeld les concede el mismo alcance de presciencia que a los astrólogos.

thorndike-magic-experimental-6 · pp. 155, 156, 158, 543, 552, 565

Necromancia (nigromancia)Mantice tiene por probada la verdad de la nigromancia por el episodio de la pitonisa de Endor y dice que negarlo sería peor que herejía; Scot sostiene en cambio que ni el diablo ni Samuel fueron levantados allí y que aquello fue pura superchería.

thorndike-magic-experimental-6 · pp. 131, 383, 553

Theurgia (obra divina)Le Loyer consigna que en la teurgia antigua se evocaba a demonios que fingían ser dioses o ángeles y que en la nigromancia se presentan con la apariencia de los muertos; Sixto ab Hemminga la alinea entre las artes falsas con la geomancia, la hidromancia, la piromancia y la quiromancia.

thorndike-magic-experimental-6 · pp. 217, 556

Tetragrammaton (el Nombre de cuatro letras)En el *De arte cabalistica* de Reuchlin se discuten el Tetragrámaton y el nombre de cuarenta y dos letras; Riccio sostiene que por meditación, figura, número y posición de las letras se capta el Tetragrámaton y describe la operación en que la imaginación fija sus caracteres con sus puntos; Belot consigna que en la cábala judía doce anagramas del Tetragrámaton van grabados en otras tantas piedras.

thorndike-magic-experimental-6 · pp. 468, 470, 532

Mónada (el glifo que condensa el esquema entero)En la *Monas hieroglyphica* John Dee toma el carácter de Mercurio y se afana por mostrarlo representación mística de toda verdad, y entre sus dichos figura que la medicina está contenida en la mónada.

thorndike-magic-experimental-6 · p. 481

Microcosmos (el hombre-mundo)Lindhout afirma que las leyes de la naturaleza son las mismas para el universo y para el hombre microcosmo; otro autor desarrolla el par poniendo el corazón en el centro del cuerpo como la órbita del sol en medio del universo, el cerebro correspondiendo al firmamento y el vientre a los elementos; Pistorius sostiene que solo la cabeza humana es el microcosmo y no el cuerpo entero.

thorndike-magic-experimental-6 · pp. 431, 467, 475, 487

Anima mundi (alma del mundo)Una voz del volumen declara falsa y condenada la noción de un alma del mundo; Chassinus adjudica a ella el movimiento vital que mueve el océano, y Thorndike da su animismo y su teoría del alma del mundo por el rasgo que lo separa de Descartes; Bruno creía en un alma del mundo y en varios órdenes de seres espirituales invisibles.

thorndike-magic-experimental-6 · pp. 260, 407, 410, 449

Quintaesencia (quinta essentia)Se la disputa a lo largo del volumen: una voz conserva la doctrina de la quinta esencia y cita las obras alquímicas adjudicadas a Arnaldo y a Lulio; otra la describe como sustancia espiritual, celeste, invisible y oculta presente en todas las cosas; Duchesne toma de Rupescissa que, como la piedra filosofal transmuta los metales, la quinta esencia transmuta el cuerpo enfermo en sano; y hay quien niega que su arte y el de la piedra sean el mismo y que haya quinta esencia en el mundo sublunar.

thorndike-magic-experimental-6 · pp. 266, 273, 274, 275, 466, 557

Piedra filosofal (lapis philosophorum)Thorndike la pone en fila con la cuadratura del círculo, el movimiento perpetuo y las fuerzas celestes como ejemplo de empeño perseguido sin término; Duchesne la usa como término de comparación de la quinta esencia.

thorndike-magic-experimental-6 · pp. 168, 274, 275

Cuatro elementos (fuego, aire, agua, tierra)Se los discute y se los sustituye: una voz los cambia por espacio, luz, calor y humor; Gilbert llama fábula la creencia en ellos y niega que el fuego lo sea porque necesita combustible; otra hace de los cuatro colores de la combustión los de los cuatro elementos.

thorndike-magic-experimental-6 · pp. 367, 399, 404

Materia primaUna voz concede que Dios, creado el mundo, dejó la operación posterior de la naturaleza a los cielos y a la materia primera; la escala de la naturaleza de Chassinus la pone tras la causa suprema y la nada.

thorndike-magic-experimental-6 · p. 408

Azufre (principio sulfúreo)Encelius se atiene a la vieja doctrina de que todos los metales se generan del azufre como padre y del mercurio como madre; Duchesne sostiene la verdad de los tres principios, sal, azufre y mercurio, y los pone no solo en los compuestos inferiores sino también en los cielos.

thorndike-magic-experimental-6 · pp. 268, 269, 334

Talismán (imagen astrológica)Las imágenes astrológicas se disputan: d'Anania las tiene por operativas solo con auxilio demoníaco, Pereira les niega validez junto con la magia cabalística, y el tratado anónimo del *Trinum magicum* de 1614 les niega toda eficacia.

thorndike-magic-experimental-6 · pp. 198, 323, 435, 552, 625

Imaginación (phantasia)Fienus cree que la imaginación del padre, y no solo la de la madre, puede marcar a la prole; Vairo niega la fascinación por fuerza de la imaginación; Vanini duda de que mueva a otros actos que los sexuales y niega que los estigmas de san Francisco se produjeran por imaginación; el tratado del *Trinum magicum* de 1614 solo le concede afectar otro cuerpo *per accidens*.

thorndike-magic-experimental-6 · pp. 261, 552, 595, 625

Prodigio (prodigium, portentum, ostentum)Binsfeld explica los cometas como exhalaciones terrestres y les adjudica sequía, pestilencia y guerra, y cuando aparecen por milagro divino, calamidad o muerte de reyes; Thorndike anota que esos ejemplos, poco convincentes hoy, atestiguan cuán firme era la creencia si podía sostenerse con apoyos tan endebles.

thorndike-magic-experimental-6 · pp. 512, 555, 560, 566, 613

Secreto (lo que se jura no fijar por escrito)Los libros de secretos son un género que el volumen sigue: Thorndike lee los *Secreti* como continuación y desarrollo de los manuscritos medievales de secretos y experimentos, y consigna el lazo estrecho que Porta traza entre experimentos y magia natural, casi sinónimos para él.

thorndike-magic-experimental-6 · pp. 239, 240, 241, 242, 442, 445

Crítica de fuentes (criterios de inclusión y descarte)Thorndike declara sus reglas de cotejo a medida que avanza: objeta a Gerkrath que dedicara un capítulo a la lucha de Sánchez contra la superstición callando su creencia en maravillas naturales y virtudes ocultas; advierte que los índices de las obras del siglo XVI suelen ser defectuosos; y declara para su propia tabla que otra persona, o él mismo en otro momento, contaría o clasificaría de otro modo.

thorndike-magic-experimental-6 · pp. 286, 585, 614

Ocultismo (occultisme)Thorndike enuncia la tesis que dice haber sostenido más de una vez: no hubo correlación regular ni variación en razón inversa entre teología y ciencia, escepticismo y ocultismo, o ciencia y superstición.

thorndike-magic-experimental-6 · p. 596

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