John Dee: Interdisciplinary Studies in English Renaissance Thought

«In November 1572, a new object appeared in the night sky over Europe. A contemporary observer, Bartolomaeus Raisacher of Vienna, recorded a detailed description:» — Goulding abre su capítulo con la aparición de noviembre de 1572 y con el testigo del que toma la descripción, Bartolomaeus Raisacher de Viena.

«The apparition is some kind of brilliant luminous body, in brightness equalling the stars of the first magnitude – even outshining some of them. It has a bright, yellowish-gold light so that it resembles Jupiter, yet its glow is rather reddish, resembling in a certain way Mars at its acronychal appearance. It has been visible for some months now, in the northern part of the sky, circling each night around the north celestial pole in the constellation of Cassiopeia. It has only a single motion – the diurnal motion – and always maintains the same distance from the surrounding stars; in itself it is immobile as it is revolved around the pole.» — la descripción de Raisacher que Goulding reproduce: cuerpo luminoso de primera magnitud, de luz amarillo-dorada como Júpiter pero con un resplandor rojizo como el de Marte en su salida acrónica, circumpolar en Casiopea, con un solo movimiento, el diurno, e inmóvil en sí mismo.

«The New Star in fact took seventeen months to disappear entirely from sight. It was, as we now know, a supernova – the catastrophic explosion of a star that had, until then, been invisible to the naked eye.» — Goulding data en diecisiete meses la desaparición del astro y lo identifica, desde el saber de hoy, como una supernova; el *as we now know* marca que la identificación no es la de los observadores del XVI.

«Astrologers predicted dire consequences would result from the marvel, for they knew that comets – the only phenomena in their experience even remotely comparable to the New Star – were sure portents of ill fortune.» — según Goulding, los astrólogos anunciaron consecuencias funestas porque el único fenómeno comparable en su experiencia, el cometa, era portento seguro de infortunio.

«But although many astronomers feared the star was as ominous as a comet, most recognized that it differed from a comet in several ways. Most noticeably, it had no tail, and thus resembled more closely a planet or fixed star. And, as Raisacher noted (indeed, as was clear to all who observed the star), it had no motion of its own. It remained, night after night, in the same position relative to the stars surrounding it, unlike the comets which astronomers were used to tracking across the sky. These obvious differences led many observers to wonder whether the star might in fact be entirely new, and unrelated to comets in any way.» — Goulding señala las diferencias que los propios observadores reconocieron: sin cola, sin movimiento propio, fija respecto de las estrellas vecinas, hasta hacerles preguntarse si el astro no sería enteramente nuevo y ajeno a los cometas.

«Aristotle had defined a comet as the ignition of a dry terrestrial exhalation in the upper sphere of air.3 Thus comets alone among all the other bright objects in the sky resided below the sphere of the moon, within the terrestrial world of change and decay.» — la definición aristotélica que Goulding pone de fondo: el cometa es la ignición de una exhalación terrestre seca en la esfera superior del aire, y por eso reside bajo la esfera de la luna, en el mundo del cambio y la corrupción.

«So, in order to determine whether the New Star was the same sort of thing as a comet, contemporary astronomers saw there could be only one deciding factor: the location of the New Star in the universe or, more specifically, its distance from the earth.» — de ahí, según Goulding, que la cuestión decisiva fuera una sola: la posición de la estrella nueva en el universo, y más precisamente su distancia a la Tierra.

«This paper will examine the ways in which contemporary European astronomers, chief among them Thomas Digges and John Dee, adapted the ancient method of parallactic observation to the problem of the New Star.» — Goulding declara el propósito de su capítulo: examinar cómo los astrónomos europeos de entonces, y sobre todo Thomas Digges y John Dee, adaptaron el método antiguo de la observación paraláctica al problema de la estrella nueva.

«While their work actually had little specific relevance to the appearance of the New Star, nevertheless we shall see from their texts that their mastery of parallax far exceeded that of any of their contemporaries» — el juicio comparativo de Goulding, con su acotación por delante: aunque su trabajo tenía poca relevancia específica para la estrella nueva, su dominio de la paralaje excedía con mucho el de cualquier contemporáneo.

«Ptolemy employed Hipparchus’s work in his own treatment of the same problem, recorded in the fifth book of the Almagest» — añade que Ptolomeo empleó el trabajo de Hiparco en el libro quinto del *Almagesto* para establecer un valor de la distancia lunar.

«Parallax causes a body to appear lower in the sky than it actually is. x» — las dos reglas que Goulding enuncia: la paralaje hace que un cuerpo parezca más bajo de lo que está, y cuanto más cerca de la Tierra, mayor es.

«This method does require us to have an idea of where the object should be, in that we determine the parallax of an object by measuring the deviation of its observed position from its expected position.» — la limitación del método que Goulding subraya: exige saber de antemano dónde debería estar el objeto, porque la paralaje se mide como desviación respecto de la posición esperada.

«Regiomontanus proposed and solved sixteen problems on comets, demonstrating that it was possible to find the parallax of an object even though its true position might be unknown at the outset.» — según Goulding, Regiomontano planteó y resolvió dieciséis problemas sobre cometas y mostró que se puede hallar la paralaje de un objeto aunque su posición verdadera se desconozca de entrada.

«Most contemporary astronomers were content to use Regiomontanus’s method of determining parallax, in spite of its many difficulties.» — Goulding señala que la mayoría de los astrónomos de entonces se conformó con el método de Regiomontano pese a sus muchas dificultades.

«Michael Maestlin, for example, showed that the star lacked parallax by lining it up with pairs of fixed stars using a thread held taut above his head.» — el ejemplo con que Goulding ilustra esa conformidad: Michael Maestlin mostró la falta de paralaje alineando el astro con pares de estrellas fijas mediante un hilo tenso sobre su cabeza.

«They did not develop the theory of parallax beyond the level to which Regiomontanus had brought it, nor, more importantly, did they feel the need to do so.» — y su diagnóstico: no llevaron la teoría de la paralaje más allá de donde la había dejado Regiomontano, ni sintieron la necesidad de hacerlo.

«Astronomers had a technique for measuring celestial distances that promised to solve the problem, based on parallax, or the apparent change in position of a nearby object when observed from different angles.» — la técnica disponible, en la exposición de Goulding, era la paralaje: el cambio aparente de posición de un objeto cercano observado desde ángulos distintos.

«In doing so, we shall see that Digges and Dee were already familiar with the uses of parallax, and in fact had long cherished an ambitious programme of reforming the whole of astronomy on the basis of the technique.» — su tesis anticipada: Digges y Dee ya conocían los usos de la paralaje y acariciaban desde tiempo atrás un programa ambicioso de reformar la astronomía entera sobre esa técnica.

«The fortuitous appearance of the New Star in 1572, and the consequent revival of interest in parallax, as we shall see, forced the two astronomers to make public, somewhat prematurely, their unfinished project.» — según Goulding, la aparición fortuita de 1572 los obligó a hacer públicos, algo prematuramente, sus trabajos inacabados.

«Understanding of parallax dates back at least to the second century BC, when the Greek astronomer Hipparchus wrote a treatise on parallaxes, and used parallax to find a value for the distances from the earth of both the sun and the moon.» — Goulding remonta el conocimiento de la paralaje al siglo II a.C., con el tratado de Hiparco y su uso para hallar las distancias del sol y de la luna.

«Early in 1573, however, Thomas Digges and John Dee each published a treatise in response to the appearance of the New Star; both works were quite different from the tracts of Hájek and other contemporaries that we have just examined.» — el contraste con que Goulding introduce a sus dos protagonistas: a principios de 1573 Digges y Dee publicaron cada uno un tratado muy distinto de los de Hájek y los demás contemporáneos.

«Unlike these earlier authors, the two English astronomers presented fully worked-out mathematical treatises on the theory of parallax, including new methods for measuring parallax that avoided the necessity of measuring time (the major, and most difficult, requirement of Regiomontanus’s method).» — y lo que Goulding les reconoce: tratados matemáticos plenamente desarrollados sobre la teoría de la paralaje, con métodos nuevos que evitaban medir el tiempo, el requisito mayor y más difícil del método de Regiomontano.

«Digges and Dee produced these innovative works, moreover, within just four months of the New Star’s appearance. There can be no question that the two astronomers had been working on the problem of parallax for some time before this event.» — Goulding subraya que los dos publicaron en apenas cuatro meses y concluye que llevaban tiempo trabajando en la paralaje antes del suceso.

«Indeed, one of the more curious aspects of both treatises is the way that the very fact of the New Star’s existence seems to have been incompletely incorporated into the exposition of the mathematical theorems. We must conclude that they had been pursuing this theoretical work without any reference to the New Star, but that it was its appearance in the sky that spurred them into publication.» — el indicio en que apoya esa conclusión: la existencia misma de la estrella parece incorporada de manera incompleta a la exposición de los teoremas, de modo que el trabajo teórico venía de antes y la aparición solo lo empujó a la imprenta.

«While the opinions of Digges and Dee on the New Star are of interest, they appear to be independent of their theoretical work on parallax.» — Goulding separa las opiniones de ambos sobre la estrella de su trabajo teórico sobre la paralaje.

«In Digges’s case, he seems to think that parallax will be really useful as a means for determining the exact distances of the planets, and thus establishing the Copernican world system.» — según Goulding, Digges veía la paralaje como medio para fijar las distancias exactas de los planetas y así establecer el sistema copernicano.

«Dee, by contrast, finds parallax most useful as a way to establish his naturalistic, physically-grounded astrology.» — y el contraste: Dee la encuentra útil sobre todo para fundar su astrología naturalista y físicamente asentada, y su tratado ni siquiera considera la naturaleza de la estrella nueva.

«Yet while it is true that Digges’s parallactic Problems do not require the measurement of time, they are by no means free from defects.» — Goulding introduce su reserva sobre Digges: que sus problemas paralácticos no exijan medir el tiempo no los deja libres de defectos.

«This is hardly an improvement on Regiomontanus, who had required eight “crucial” measurements:» — el balance de Goulding: apenas una mejora sobre Regiomontano, que pedía ocho medidas cruciales.

«Although Digges was anxious to avoid any explicit measurement of time, in effect he replaced that requirement with something far more complicated» — el diagnóstico de Goulding: por evitar la medición explícita del tiempo, Digges la sustituyó por algo mucho más complicado.

«Tycho considered Digges’s measurement of the position of the New Star to be among the most accurate,18 but it is Digges’s new methods that are of the most interest to him.» — Goulding consigna que Tycho Brahe tuvo por muy exacta la medición de la posición de la estrella que dio Digges, pero que lo que más le interesaba eran sus métodos nuevos.

«The eighteenth Problem is complicated by more prerequisites than it is reasonable to demand, which cannot easily be provided without any suspicion of error.» — el juicio de Tycho sobre el problema decimoctavo que Goulding traduce y cita: está complicado por más requisitos previos de los que es razonable pedir, y no se satisfacen fácilmente sin sospecha de error.

«He is much more enthusiastic about Problems 15 to 21, claiming that they will “very precisely and simply reveal true parallaxes.» — el mismo Digges, según Goulding, se entusiasma en cambio con los problemas 15 a 21, que dice que revelan las paralajes verdaderas con precisión y sencillez.

«Tycho, on the other hand, considered these Problems to be needlessly complicated. He could recommend only Problem 10, ironically one of those that Digges rejected as ill-suited for practical observation.» — y Goulding registra el desacuerdo: Tycho tuvo esos mismos problemas por innecesariamente complicados y solo pudo recomendar el décimo, justamente uno de los que Digges había descartado por poco práctico.

«Although Digges’s Problems are flawed, they nevertheless show great ingenuity in their attempt to overcome the infelicities in Regiomontanus’s methods.» — la valoración con que Goulding cierra el balance: pese a sus fallas, los problemas de Digges muestran gran ingenio al intentar superar las incomodidades del método de Regiomontano.

«Digges, indeed, recognized this failing himself, pleading that lack of time and the pressure of other commitments had not allowed him to provide practical examples for any of the Problems.» — Goulding añade que Digges reconoció la falla y alegó falta de tiempo y otras obligaciones para no haber dado ejemplos prácticos.

«It seems unlikely, however, that Digges had any examples based on observations of the New Star.» — la duda que Goulding deja planteada, con su grado de certeza a la vista: le parece improbable que Digges tuviera ejemplo alguno basado en observaciones de la estrella nueva.

«By this means, on many nights, I noted that the miraculous Phenomenon always appeared in a straight line with the small star in the knee of Cassiopeia and the other star beneath the belt of Cepheus» — el propio Digges en primera persona, según lo cita Goulding: muchas noches vio el fenómeno milagroso en línea recta con la estrella pequeña de la rodilla de Casiopea y la de bajo el cinturón de Cefeo.

«It does appear, then, that the Problems were not in fact invented for the analysis of the New Star.» — de ahí la conclusión de Goulding: los problemas no se inventaron para analizar la estrella nueva.

«In the Praefatio authoris, Digges condemns the “common opinion” that the star is a comet located in the upper atmosphere.» — en la *Praefatio authoris*, según Goulding, Digges condena la opinión común de que la estrella fuera un cometa situado en la atmósfera superior.

«It was this, together with the fact that the apparition lacked a tail, that convinced him that it was not a comet but an entirely different phenomenon.» — lo que convenció a Digges, según Goulding, fue la ausencia de paralaje sumada a la ausencia de cola.

«Digges sets out to reconcile the mathematically proven fact that the New Star was a phenomenon located in the celestial sphere with the Aristotelian physical principle» — la operación que Goulding le atribuye: conciliar el hecho matemático de que la estrella estaba en la esfera celeste con el principio físico aristotélico.

«In contrast, Digges demands sixteen crucial measurements: the same four altitude and azimuth observations of the phenomenon, eight more to obtain the same coordinates of the stars, and the distance of the phenomenon from each of the stars at each moment of observation.» — frente a esas ocho, según la cuenta de Goulding, Digges exige dieciséis medidas cruciales, y solo una de ellas —la distancia angular entre las dos estrellas fijas— puede tomarse en cualquier momento.

«It is completely unsuitable for practical use, although the geometrical construction is quite perfect.» — la admisión del propio Digges que Goulding recoge: el problema es del todo inservible para el uso práctico, aunque su construcción geométrica sea perfecta.

«In the end, Digges asserts, there can be no natural cause for such an enormous phenomenon (and seeing how very bright it burns, and at such a distance from the earth, Digges knows it to be very large – in fact, “bigger than Europe”).» — según Goulding, Digges concluye que no puede haber causa natural para un fenómeno tan enorme, y de su brillo y su distancia deduce un tamaño mayor que el de Europa.

«He again uses an unorthodox line of Aristotelian reasoning to explain the apparent change in the new celestial object.» — Goulding señala que Digges vuelve a echar mano de un razonamiento aristotélico poco ortodoxo para explicar el cambio aparente del objeto celeste.

«If the star is not subject to change, then the alteration in its light must be due to an increase in the distance between it and the earth – and in the Praefatio he attributes this increase to the Copernican motion of the earth around the sun.» — el argumento que Goulding le atribuye: si la estrella no está sujeta a cambio, la alteración de su luz debe venir de un aumento de distancia, y en la *Praefatio* Digges lo achaca al movimiento copernicano de la Tierra.

«A handhold has been provided, a particularly opportune chance to test whether the motion of the earth assumed in the planetary theories of Copernicus is the sole reason why the star has been diminishing in apparent magnitude.» — el propio Digges en la traducción de Goulding: la estrella ofrece un asidero, una ocasión oportuna para probar si el movimiento de la Tierra que suponen las teorías planetarias de Copérnico es la única razón de que haya menguado.

«If the star should reach its minimum brightness at the spring equinox,31 and then gradually recover its brightness over the next few months, once again reaching a maximum at the autumnal equinox, then, Digges says, we can confidently conclude that the earth moves in an annual orbit about the sun.» — la prueba que Digges propone, según Goulding: si la estrella llega a su brillo mínimo en el equinoccio de primavera y lo recupera hasta un máximo en el de otoño, puede concluirse con confianza que la Tierra recorre una órbita anual alrededor del sol.

«As Tycho argued, if a New Star could appear in the sky against all known physical laws, then there was no reason why it could not also change in brightness, in contravention of these same laws.» — la objeción de Tycho que Goulding recoge: si una estrella nueva podía aparecer contra todas las leyes físicas conocidas, nada impedía que también cambiara de brillo contra esas mismas leyes.

«But they should have instead proceeded the other way around, starting with observed and known parallaxes, and then considering the planetary theories.» — Digges, según Goulding, invierte el orden del proceder antiguo: habría que partir de las paralajes observadas y conocidas y solo después considerar las teorías planetarias.

«Although the parallaxes of Saturn, Jupiter and Mars are so small as to be hardly discernible by our weak senses, if they can be truly detected by any method, then I would dare to say that they can be found by means of the following Problems of mine, or by no geometric method at all.» — la reclamación de Digges que Goulding traduce y cita: si las paralajes de Saturno, Júpiter y Marte pueden detectarse por algún método, se hallarán por sus problemas o por ninguno.

«He declares that the key to the reform of astronomy may be found in his new parallax methods:» — Goulding consigna que Digges declara sus métodos nuevos de paralaje la llave de la reforma de la astronomía.

«Since, however, he could detect no parallax of any variety in the New Star, he came up with another argument, namely, the change in its brightness, that allowed the star to be used as proof of the Copernican system.» — el giro que Goulding le señala: como no pudo detectar paralaje de ninguna clase en la estrella nueva, pasó a otro argumento, el cambio de brillo, para usarla como prueba del sistema copernicano.

«Although the parallax techniques were most probably developed before the New Star even appeared, in Digges’s mind there seems to have been a link between them.» — Goulding conserva su propio grado de certeza: las técnicas de paralaje se desarrollaron con toda probabilidad antes de la aparición de la estrella, pero en la cabeza de Digges parece haber habido un vínculo entre ambas cosas.

«One explanation, however, may be that while the statements in Digges’s Proemium are directly contradictory to those of his Praefatio, they correspond quite closely to the thoughts on the star expressed by his “mathematical father”, John Dee.» — la explicación que Goulding ofrece para las contradicciones de Digges entre el *Proemium* y la *Praefatio*: coinciden de cerca con lo que pensaba sobre la estrella su padre matemático, John Dee.

«Dee expresses no opinion on the nature of the New Star; his ideas about it can, however, be reconstructed from other sources.» — Goulding declara el estado de la evidencia sobre Dee: no expresa opinión sobre la naturaleza de la estrella nueva, y sus ideas hay que reconstruirlas por otras fuentes.

«Rothmann was familiar with Dee and Digges’s works on parallax, and naturally he asked Dee his opinion of the New Star.» — una de esas fuentes, según Goulding: Rothmann conocía los trabajos de Dee y Digges sobre la paralaje y le preguntó a Dee su opinión sobre la estrella.

«Dee’s assertion should have been supported by parallactic observation; that is, only if he had found that the parallax of the star steadily decreased during its period of visibility, says Tycho, could he have argued that the star was moving away from the earth.» — la objeción de Tycho que Goulding reproduce: solo si la paralaje de la estrella hubiera decrecido de manera sostenida durante su visibilidad podría Dee haber sostenido que se alejaba de la Tierra.

«Tycho notes that Cornelius Gemma (the son of Dee’s old Louvain friend, Gemma Frisius) had arrived at a very similar model, but that neither Gemma’s model nor Dee’s seems very convincing to him.» — Goulding registra que Tycho da por convergente el modelo de Cornelius Gemma, hijo del viejo amigo lovaniense de Dee, Gemma Frisius, y que ninguno de los dos le parece convincente.

«Tycho pointed out that, if the star had been reduced from the first magnitude to invisibility solely by rectilinear movement, it would have had to travel far beyond the eighth sphere» — el argumento astronómico de Tycho: si la estrella hubiera pasado de la primera magnitud a la invisibilidad solo por movimiento rectilíneo, habría tenido que viajar mucho más allá de la octava esfera.

«When arguing against Dee, Tycho repeats the objection, saying that in order to explain the reduction of the star’s brightness from the first magnitude to even the sixth, given its starting point above the sphere of Saturn, the star would have had to travel 300,000 earth diameters out into space.» — y la cifra con que Tycho la repite contra Dee: partiendo de encima de la esfera de Saturno, la estrella habría tenido que recorrer trescientos mil diámetros terrestres para bajar de la primera magnitud a la sexta.

«The title reaffirms Dee’s opinion that the star disappeared because it moved rectilinearly away from the earth.» — según Goulding, el propio título del libro de Dee reafirma su opinión de que la estrella desapareció por alejarse en línea recta de la Tierra.

«I do not know whether it is worthwhile to rehearse what all the historians of our age have recorded» — Goulding cita a Tycho poniendo en duda que valga la pena repasar lo que registraron todos los historiadores de su época.

«Parallax problems are necessary, he says, because the ideal situation enjoyed by Ptolemy in his measurement of the moon’s parallax cannot usually be obtained.» — el argumento de Dee que Goulding expone: los problemas de paralaje hacen falta porque rara vez se da la situación ideal de que gozó Ptolomeo al medir la de la luna.

«they can all in fact be reduced to two basic cases: either the sum, or the difference, of the parallaxes from two observations is known» — y la reducción que Dee propone, según Goulding: todos los casos se reducen a dos, o se conoce la suma de las paralajes de dos observaciones o su diferencia.

«As Dee points out at the end of his proof, it is not necessary to make the two sightings in the same vertical circle.» — Goulding subraya lo que Dee hace notar al final de su demostración: no hace falta que las dos visuales se tomen en el mismo círculo vertical.

«If, he says, the astronomer knows the ratio of the parallaxes (which, as we have seen, he can obtain from the zenith distances) and, somehow, the sum of the parallaxes, then the individual parallaxes can be found.» — el resultado que Dee enuncia, en la exposición de Goulding: conocidas la razón de las paralajes y su suma, se hallan las paralajes individuales.

«Dee is concerned with the general principles,50 and leaves the specifics to a later date:» — Goulding caracteriza así el proceder de Dee: le ocupan los principios generales y deja los detalles para después.

«Likewise, from the properties that have been demonstrated in this way, I shall more fully explain what other kinds of Theorems and Problems, necessary to my project, can be advanced and proven, in the book that we have decided to write, God willing, on this marvellous Phenomenon.» — el propio Dee en la traducción de Goulding, prometiendo un libro futuro sobre el fenómeno maravilloso donde explicará los demás teoremas y problemas; el *God willing* queda dentro de la promesa.

«Dee, like Digges, pleads occupation with too many other matters to write up his results on the star and, as we have seen, promises a book on the subject.» — Goulding señala el paralelo entre los dos: Dee, como Digges, alega estar ocupado en demasiados asuntos para redactar sus resultados y promete un libro que no llega.

«It was clear to Dee that the influence of heavenly bodies over the earth was propagated in straight lines, in a manner identical to the transmission of light.» — según Goulding, para Dee la influencia de los cuerpos celestes sobre la Tierra se propaga en líneas rectas, de manera idéntica a la transmisión de la luz.

«Although a planet emitted occult rays uniformly in all directions, only a part of these reached any one observer.» — y aunque el planeta emita rayos ocultos por igual en todas direcciones, solo una parte alcanza a cada observador.

«Following Bacon, Dee reasoned that only those rays that reached the observer’s eye would have any influence.» — Goulding le adjudica a Dee, siguiendo a Bacon, el razonamiento de que solo influyen los rayos que llegan al ojo del observador.

«These were the rays circumscribed in the volume of a cone whose apex was at the observer P (see Figure 2), and whose base was the portion of the planet visible from P.» — la figura que resulta: los rayos circunscritos en el volumen de un cono con vértice en el observador y base en la porción de planeta visible desde ahí.

«Every point P on earth would form the apex of a collection of cones extending from the planets and other bodies, whose shape and size would be unique for that location and moment in time.» — de donde, según Goulding, cada punto de la Tierra es vértice de un conjunto de conos cuya forma y tamaño son únicos para ese lugar y ese instante.

«Dee does not specifically mention parallax in the Propaedeumata, but it is clear that the precise measurement of planetary distances and dimensions he demands would have required parallactic observation.» — Goulding lo dice con su límite: Dee no menciona la paralaje en la *Propaedeumata*, pero la medición precisa de distancias y dimensiones planetarias que exige la habría requerido.

«It is clear, then, that Dee had been working on the problem of celestial distances from the 1550s, or even the late 1540s.» — la datación que Goulding propone: Dee venía trabajando en el problema de las distancias celestes desde los años cincuenta, o incluso desde finales de los cuarenta.

«While other astronomers might consider parallax to be a useful tool in certain situations – especially during the appearance of a comet – Dee makes it practically the foundation and central concern of astronomy.» — el contraste con que Goulding fija la singularidad de Dee: donde los demás ven una herramienta útil en ciertas situaciones, él hace de la paralaje el fundamento y la ocupación central de la astronomía.

«He considers astrology separately from astronomy, not as an art inferior to or derivative of astronomy, but as a great discipline founded on the mastery of many sciences.» — y según Goulding, Dee considera la astrología aparte de la astronomía, no como arte inferior ni derivado, sino como disciplina grande fundada en el dominio de muchas ciencias.

«Dee cites with approval the opinion of the philosophers that the astrologer must investigate and discover the impressions which the celestial bodies make upon all earthly things.» — Goulding recoge la opinión de los filósofos que Dee aprueba: el astrólogo debe investigar y descubrir las impresiones que los cuerpos celestes hacen sobre todas las cosas terrestres.

«But even this is not sufficient; the astrologer should consider Not onley (by Apotelesmes)» — Dee, citado por Goulding en su inglés, sostiene que ni eso basta: el astrólogo debe considerar no solo por apotelesmas; el tramo se corta ahí porque la capa de texto mete un carácter de control dentro de la palabra siguiente.

«Here Dee explicitly links his programme for astrology with that presented in the Propaedeumata.» — Goulding señala que Dee liga expresamente su programa astrológico con el de la *Propaedeumata*.

«Perspective is the study of all influences that propagate in straight lines: not only light, but also the occult “substantial” and “accidental forms”.» — la definición que Goulding le atribuye: la perspectiva estudia todas las influencias que se propagan en línea recta, no solo la luz, sino también las formas ocultas sustanciales y accidentales.

«Astronomy is a science founded on perspective and is principally about parallactic measurement.» — y de ahí que, en la lectura de Goulding, la astronomía de Dee sea ciencia fundada en la perspectiva y trate principalmente de la medición paraláctica.

«It seems, then, that Dee retained his preoccupations with astrology and celestial distances into the 1570s – and this is confirmed by the postscript to the Nucleus.» — Goulding conserva la cautela: parece que Dee mantuvo sus preocupaciones por la astrología y las distancias celestes en los años setenta, y el postscriptum del *Nucleus* lo confirma.

«But the use of the parallactic method is not limited to the investigation of the New Star:» — Goulding subraya que en Dee el método paraláctico no se limita a la estrella nueva.

«If you are willing to apply yourself to this [method] with concentration, care and love for the truth, then you will be able to join me in bearing unassailable witness to students of the truth, of how incredible is the situation and nature of this celestial phenomenon; moreover, you will also become much more informed in discovering innumerable other facts about the causes, locations, distances, magnitudes, stations and motions of all celestial and subcelestial phenomena.» — Dee en la traducción de Goulding, invitando al lector a aplicarse al método con concentración, cuidado y amor a la verdad, para dar testimonio del fenómeno y averiguar causas, lugares, distancias, magnitudes, estaciones y movimientos de todos los fenómenos celestes y subcelestes.

«I would hope that this most beautiful part of philosophy will be complete before all the predicted consequences of this marvellous herald (which seems to me to portend in a variety of ways) are unfolded into actual events.» — el deseo con que Dee cierra, según Goulding: que esa hermosísima parte de la filosofía quede completa antes de que se desplieguen en sucesos las consecuencias anunciadas por el heraldo maravilloso.

«Recall Dee’s concern in the Propaedeumata and in the Mathematicall Praeface that the correct distances of the planets be established; also recall from the former work, and from his unpublished treatise on parallax, that nubes – meaning either obstacles to the celestial influences, or comets – were to be investigated.» — Goulding recuerda que las *nubes* de la *Propaedeumata* y del tratado inédito sobre la paralaje significan o bien obstáculos a las influencias celestes, o bien cometas.

«In any case, there is no doubt that the parallax techniques that Dee presented in the Nucleus had a pedigree that long predated the appearance of the New Star.» — su conclusión: las técnicas de paralaje del *Nucleus* tienen un linaje muy anterior a la aparición de la estrella nueva.

«Dee was surprised, however, when at the end of February 1573, Digges arrived at his house with the finished text of his Alae ready for the printer.» — el episodio que Goulding narra: a finales de febrero de 1573 Digges se presentó en casa de Dee con el texto acabado de sus *Alae*, listo para la imprenta.

«Digges was filled with confidence in the value of his treatise, as Dee describes: [Digges] added that he had good reason for publishing his book: he would free me from the burden of writing anything on this subject;» — Digges, en la versión que da Dee y que Goulding traduce, alega que publicar su libro liberaba a Dee de la carga de escribir sobre el asunto.

«Finally, his writings would create more, and more trustworthy, observers, since [his readers] would be taught to observe this unprecedented spectacle (which still shines in the heavens) methodically, with an educated and mathematical eye.» — y añade que sus escritos producirían observadores más numerosos y más fiables, enseñados a observar metódicamente el espectáculo sin precedentes con ojo educado y matemático.

«It is most interesting that Digges, at least in an attempt to gain Dee’s interest, maintains that the purpose of his Alae was to illuminate Dee’s more obscure writings on parallax.» — Goulding señala lo que le parece más interesante: Digges sostiene, al menos para ganarse el interés de Dee, que sus *Alae* venían a iluminar los escritos más oscuros de Dee sobre la paralaje.

«We might presume, then, that the discussions on parallax that the two men had held at Dee’s house were stimulated by Dee’s continuing interest in a naturalistic physics of astrological influences.» — su conjetura, marcada como tal: cabe presumir que las discusiones sobre paralaje en casa de Dee las estimulaba el interés continuado de Dee por una física naturalista de las influencias astrológicas.

«Dee writes that he does not want to seem merely one who praises another’s accomplishments, and that he therefore revealed to Digges that he too had been working on parallax theorems of his own, which I was unwilling to keep these Theorems locked up any longer in our study» — Dee según Goulding: no quiere parecer un mero elogiador de logros ajenos, y por eso le reveló a Digges que él también trabajaba en teoremas propios de paralaje que no quería seguir teniendo encerrados en su estudio.

«Instead, I wanted to publish them immediately, although they are extracted from a certain book of mine that is not yet finished.» — y declara que prefería publicarlos de inmediato aunque estuvieran extraídos de un libro suyo todavía sin terminar.

«Dee’s account of their collaboration in the Nucleus contradicts the version of the same events given in Digges’s preface to Dee’s tract.» — el desacuerdo entre las dos versiones, que Goulding consigna sin arbitrar: el relato de Dee sobre la colaboración contradice el que Digges da en su prefacio al opúsculo de Dee.

«However, Digges concedes, it would be against natural justice if Dee should publish his work at a later date (recalling that the Theorems were extracted from a larger, unfinished work), only to find that the public presumed they were plagiarised from Digges.» — la concesión de Digges: sería contra la justicia natural que Dee publicara más tarde y el público presumiera que le había plagiado.

«Besides, Digges adds, Dee’s Theorem is suitable for novices who cannot yet grasp the Problems.» — y su rebaja: el teorema de Dee sirve para novicios que aún no alcanzan a los problemas.

«Although the master and his protégé engaged in this good-natured rivalry, there was no doubt that it had been left to Dee to write the final account of the New Star.» — Goulding llama rivalidad de buen talante a la de maestro y protegido, y da por indudable que a Dee le tocaba escribir la relación definitiva de la estrella nueva.

«But I have resolved not to write anything more on the history of this star, because that extraordinary man John Dee – most learned in these studies and a prodigy in the rest of philosophy, whom I esteem as my second Mathematical Father – has taken on the task of expounding this material, and I have no doubt that it will soon be published.» — Digges en la traducción de Goulding, retirándose del asunto en favor de aquel hombre extraordinario, John Dee, doctísimo en estos estudios y prodigio en el resto de la filosofía, a quien tiene por su segundo padre matemático.

«There, Digges says that he had allowed Dee to publish the Nucleus as an appendix to the Alae.» — la otra versión, la de Digges: dice que fue él quien permitió a Dee publicar el *Nucleus* como apéndice de las *Alae*.

«Dee’s Theorem III, he says, provides nothing new for the reader of the Alae, and indeed can be derived from Digges’s eleventh problem.» — y llega a decir que el teorema tercero de Dee no aporta nada nuevo al lector de las *Alae* y se deriva de su propio problema undécimo.

«In the Alae, Digges frequently mentions Dee’s intention to publish their observations and conclusions on the star, and often uses this to excuse himself for saying so little on the subject.» — Goulding añade que Digges menciona a menudo la intención de Dee de publicar las observaciones, y la usa para excusarse de decir tan poco.

«Hac ratione plurimis noctibus animadverti Phaenomenon istud mirabile, in una apparere recta linea cum ea stellula quae in genu Cassiopeae, et altera quae in latere dextro Cephei sub Cingulo est.» — el latín de Digges que Goulding transcribe en nota, con la observación de muchas noches del fenómeno alineado con la estrellita de la rodilla de Casiopea y la del costado derecho de Cefeo bajo el cinturón.

«ansam oblatam esse, et occasionem maxime opportunam experiendi an Terrae motus in Copernici Theoricis suppositus, sola causa siet [sic] cur haec stella magnitudine apparante minuatur.» — el latín donde Digges plantea la prueba copernicana; el *sic* entre corchetes es del propio Goulding, que marca el *siet* por *sit* del impreso.

«Praepostere etiam Antiquos progredi perspexi ex Theoricis scilicet fictis Parallaxeis et distantias venari veras, cum inverso ordine procedere potius debuissent, et ex Parallaxibus observatis et cognitis, Theoricas examinare.» — el latín de la inversión de método: los antiguos procedieron al revés, cazando paralajes y distancias desde teóricas fingidas, cuando debieron examinar las teóricas a partir de las paralajes observadas y conocidas.

«I shall also expound upon other parallaxes, which no one to this date has discussed, and which few know of, or even believe in.» — Dee en la traducción de Goulding, anunciando otras paralajes que nadie ha discutido y que pocos conocen o creen.

«The star was situated very close to the great circle through the spring equinox and the celestial poles.» — el dato de posición que Goulding aporta: la estrella caía muy cerca del círculo máximo que pasa por el equinoccio de primavera y los polos celestes.

«It is important to note that this arrangement was entirely arbitrary, and the same planetary motions would be observed whatever the scale chosen for the deferents and epicycles.» — y su advertencia sobre el modelo: la disposición era enteramente arbitraria, y los mismos movimientos planetarios se observarían con cualquier escala de deferentes y epiciclos.

«He adds that, if it is no longer on the same line, then the amount of parallax can be determined by his sixteenth Problem.» — Goulding añade el recurso que Digges deja previsto: si la estrella ya no cae en la misma línea, la cantidad de paralaje se determina por su problema decimosexto.

«Parallaxeis adeo sint exigue, ut sensuum imbecillitate vix discerni possint, Si» — el latín de Digges sobre la pequeñez de las paralajes, que apenas se discernirían por la debilidad de los sentidos; el tramo se corta donde arranca la condicional.

«Phoenomenon admirabile novum in Cassiopaea sede conspicuum, adeo uniformiter circa Polum volvi cum caeteris fixis videtur, ut singulis revolutionibus ad eadem loca absque ulla differentia sensibili quam exactissime ardeat, neque ullum motum peculiarem tantulo tempore habere» — el latín de la observación: el fenómeno admirable visible en la sede de Casiopea gira en torno al polo con las demás fijas de manera tan uniforme que en cada revolución arde exactísimamente en los mismos lugares, sin diferencia sensible ni movimiento peculiar.

«Nihil tamen dubito remotius esse istud Phoenomenon a terra quam prima apparitione fuerat, sed haec elongatio adeo lenta et exigua est ut unica revolutione omnino non sentiatur.» — y el latín donde Digges no duda de que el fenómeno esté más lejos de la Tierra que en su primera aparición, aunque el alejamiento sea tan lento y exiguo que en una sola revolución no se sienta.

«Et si Phoenomena alia observare volueris quae motum sensibilem unica revolutione habeant, ea animadversa, poterit facillime Arithmeticis supputationibus, ad partem revolutionis quamcunque accommodari.» — el latín de la generalización: si se quisieran observar otros fenómenos con movimiento sensible en una sola revolución, advertidos éstos podrán acomodarse facilísimamente por cómputos aritméticos a cualquier parte de la revolución.

«Nescio an operae pretium sit memorare, quod historici nostri temporis omnes memorarunt, mense Novembri novam stellam, aut, si mavis, Phaenomenum conspectum fuisse in Cathedra Asterismi Cassiopeae [...] eodem loco diurno coeli motu circumlata, totos sedecim menses haesit.» — el latín de Tycho sobre la duración, que Goulding cita: la estrella nueva permaneció en la cátedra del asterismo de Casiopea dieciséis meses enteros; los corchetes con puntos son del propio Goulding.

«Because of a discrepancy in his sources (Bacon and Grosseteste) for this idea, however, Dee was unclear whether a short, stout cone or a long narrow one represented a stronger planetary influence.» — Goulding registra una indeterminación en Dee que atribuye a la discrepancia de sus fuentes, Bacon y Grosseteste: no le quedaba claro si la influencia planetaria más fuerte correspondía a un cono corto y grueso o a uno largo y estrecho.

«Dee may have chosen the sphere of Venus for the star’s location because of the physical resemblance of the New Star to the planet Venus at its first appearance;» — la conjetura de Goulding, dicha como tal: Dee pudo situar la estrella en la esfera de Venus por el parecido físico que tenía con ese planeta en su primera aparición.

«It is interesting to note that a seventeenth-century writer saw, and made use of, this complementarity between the two works.» — Goulding señala que un escritor del siglo XVII vio y aprovechó la complementariedad de los dos tratados.

«Richard Holland used Digges’s Problems for specific observational conditions; instead of following the whole of Digges’s procedure, however, Holland used his construction only until the sum or difference of the parallaxes could be found.» — ese lector es Richard Holland, que según Goulding usó los problemas de Digges solo hasta hallar la suma o la diferencia de las paralajes, sin seguir el procedimiento entero.

«Dee furnishes the example of the ancient measurement of the distances and sizes of the sun and moon.» — Goulding indica que Dee pone como ejemplo la medición antigua de las distancias y los tamaños del sol y de la luna.

«The works were actually published by two different printers: Digges’s work by Thomas Marsh, in late The references in the prefatory material and in the body of the works to each other’s writings do imply, however, that the two tracts were meant to appear in a single volume.» — el dato editorial que Goulding aporta con su matiz: los dos tratados salieron de imprentas distintas, el de Digges en la de Thomas Marsh, y sin embargo las remisiones mutuas implican que estaban pensados para un solo volumen; el tramo arrastra un salto de la capa de texto a media frase.

«adiecitque editionis suae haud minimam esse causam, ut ea me liberaret (huiusmodi scribendi) molestia: illaque praemitteret, quae, pressius a me scriptis (de istis, similibusve rebus) lucem aliquam, hac sua adferrent industria: et quo plures, interea, instruerentur, redderentur testes, maiori fide digni: cum et ipsi, doctioribus et Mathematicis oculis, istud artificiose observare docerentur, quod caelo adhuc fulget, rarissimum Spectaculum.» — el latín de Dee refiriendo lo que Digges le dijo: que no era pequeña causa de su edición liberarlo de la molestia de escribir, y que entretanto más lectores quedarían instruidos y se volverían testigos dignos de mayor fe, enseñados a observar con ojos más doctos y matemáticos el rarísimo espectáculo que aún brilla en el cielo.

«The bond between them was avowedly close, indeed paternal: for Dee, Digges was “my most worthy mathematical heir”, while Digges repeatedly referred to Dee as a “revered second mathematical father” and acknowledged the pleasure of their intellectual intimacy.» — Johnston abre su capítulo con el vínculo declarado entre Dee y Thomas Digges: Dee lo llama su heredero matemático más digno y Digges lo llama repetidamente su venerado segundo padre matemático.

«These comments have often been noted and, in light of Thomas Digges’s Copernicanism, occasionally been incorporated in attempts to establish Dee’s views on heliocentric cosmology.» — Johnston observa que esos comentarios se han usado, a la luz del copernicanismo de Digges, para establecer las opiniones de Dee sobre la cosmología heliocéntrica.

«Nevertheless, Digges has not figured prominently in studies of Dee – no doubt because the scarcity of additional evidence has seemed to preclude any extended analysis of their association.» — y señala el hueco: Digges no ha figurado mucho en los estudios sobre Dee porque la escasez de otras pruebas parecía impedir cualquier análisis extenso de su relación.

«Thomas recorded that his mathematical education had been begun by his father Leonard, himself a mathematician in his own right and the author of two popular vernacular texts published in the 1550s.» — según Johnston, Thomas dejó registrado que su educación matemática la había empezado su padre Leonard, matemático él mismo y autor de dos textos vernáculos populares de los años cincuenta.

«But according to Thomas, Leonard had only been able to plant certain seeds of elementary mathematical learning in his son, and after his death it was left to Dee to cultivate and supplement these with further instruction.» — y que Leonard solo alcanzó a plantar ciertas semillas de aprendizaje matemático elemental, de modo que tras su muerte le tocó a Dee cultivarlas y completarlas.

«The mutually acknowledged paternal relationship between John Dee and Thomas Digges therefore gives us a remarkable window onto Dee’s work and significance.» — el valor que Johnston le da a esa relación paternal reconocida por ambos: una ventana notable a la obra y a la importancia de Dee.

«I argue that Dee offered the youthful Digges not only specific mathematical instruction but that he also supported his pupil’s vision of the character and value of mathematics.» — su tesis en primera persona: Dee no solo le dio a Digges instrucción matemática concreta, sino que sostuvo la visión de su discípulo sobre el carácter y el valor de las matemáticas.

«In particular, I suggest that Dee’s prior investigations underlie the studies embodied in Digges’s first mathematical publication, in 1571.» — y la sugiere con su grado de certeza a la vista: las investigaciones previas de Dee subyacen a los estudios de la primera publicación matemática de Digges, la de 1571.

«Over the course of the 1570s and 1580s, Digges reworked the terms of his mathematical identity, shifting away from a commitment to advanced and novel topics and prioritising instead the active service of prince and commonwealth.» — Johnston describe el giro de Digges en los años setenta y ochenta: se aparta de los temas avanzados y novedosos y prioriza el servicio activo al príncipe y a la comunidad.

«However, rather than representing a break with the pattern of Dee’s career, I suggest that Digges’s civic turn helps us to understand the changing character of Dee’s own role as he advocated and practised a vernacular ethic of mathematical service in the 1570s.» — y lee ese giro cívico no como ruptura con la carrera de Dee, sino como ayuda para entender el cambio del propio papel de Dee mientras predicaba y practicaba una ética vernácula del servicio matemático.

«While seeking to emphasise the importance of this series of connections between the careers of Dee and Digges, I do not conclude that they pursued identical ambitions.» — el límite que Johnston pone a su propia tesis: subrayar las conexiones entre las dos carreras no lo lleva a concluir que persiguieran ambiciones idénticas.

«Digges never followed Dee’s broadest conceptions of the terrain of mathematics and its relationship to other areas of learning.» — la divergencia que consigna: Digges nunca siguió las concepciones más amplias de Dee sobre el terreno de las matemáticas y su relación con los demás saberes.

«I examine the significance of this difference through the lens of Copernicanism and argue that the different responses of master and pupil reflect a fundamental divergence in their respective conceptions of the identity of the mathematician.» — y anuncia cómo la examina: por la lente del copernicanismo, para sostener que las respuestas distintas de maestro y discípulo reflejan una divergencia de fondo en su idea de la identidad del matemático.

«Since E.G.R. Taylor’s Tudor Geography of 1930, Dee’s conception and practice of the mathematical arts have been a touchstone for those seeking to rescue his reputation, whether in order to proclaim his significance within Elizabethan culture or to instate him in the pantheon of the Scientific Revolution.» — Johnston sitúa el uso historiográfico de las artes matemáticas de Dee desde el *Tudor Geography* de E.G.R. Taylor de 1930: piedra de toque de quienes buscan rescatar su reputación, sea para proclamar su peso en la cultura isabelina, sea para meterlo en el panteón de la Revolución Científica.

«Although Digges recorded Dee’s mathematical instruction in print he gave no details or dates.» — el límite de la evidencia que Johnston declara: Digges dejó constancia impresa de la instrucción recibida de Dee, pero sin detalles ni fechas.

«The striking coincidence of dates hints strongly that Dee assumed the mantle of tutor immediately after Leonard’s death.» — su inferencia, marcada como indicio: la coincidencia llamativa de fechas sugiere que Dee tomó el manto de tutor inmediatamente después de la muerte de Leonard.

«Certainly, the language of fatherhood which both Dee and Thomas Digges used in 1573 would be most readily explicable if there was little interruption in paternal role between Leonard Digges and Dee.» — y el apoyo que le encuentra: el lenguaje de paternidad que ambos usan en 1573 se explicaría mejor si hubo poca interrupción del papel paterno entre Leonard Digges y Dee.

«Given this probability that Thomas had first studied with Dee at the end of the 1550s, we therefore cannot be sure that Dee’s Praeface to the 1570 Euclid is the most appropriate or relevant text for understanding Digges’s early work.» — la consecuencia metodológica que saca, con su reserva dentro: si Thomas estudió con Dee a finales de los años cincuenta, no puede darse por sentado que la *Praeface* de Dee al Euclides de 1570 sea el texto más pertinente para entender su obra temprana.

«Thomas Digges (c.1546-1595) is most familiar within the history of science as the first advocate of Copernicanism in England.» — Johnston recuerda por qué Digges es conocido en la historia de la ciencia: como el primer defensor del copernicanismo en Inglaterra.

«At the end of Pantometria, Thomas appended a vernacular text of his own, a Mathematicall Discourse of Geometricall Solids.» — y qué añadió al final de la *Pantometria*: un texto vernáculo propio, el *Mathematicall Discourse of Geometricall Solids*.

«The Mathematicall Discourse proclaims the value of advanced mathematical study not just in the realm of lofty rhetoric but through the disciplined endeavour of elaborating hundreds of new theorems.» — el juicio de Johnston sobre esa obra: proclama el valor del estudio matemático avanzado no solo con retórica elevada, sino elaborando cientos de teoremas nuevos.

«There is no evidence that Leonard Digges had grappled with the kind of mathematical material that here engaged his son; we should look instead to John Dee for the origins and motivation of Thomas Digges’s efforts.» — y la negativa con que Johnston fija la deuda: no hay prueba de que Leonard Digges se hubiera enfrentado a esa clase de material, así que el origen y el motivo hay que buscarlos en John Dee.

«John Dee was one of the few people – if not indeed the only person – in Elizabethan England who could have helped to set the agenda of this work and inform its detailed choices.» — Johnston sostiene que Dee era una de las pocas personas de la Inglaterra isabelina —si no la única— capaz de fijar la agenda de aquel trabajo y orientar sus elecciones de detalle.

«Dee was often interested in finding ‘useful’ mechanical techniques rather than rigorous proofs.» — el rasgo de método que Johnston le atribuye a Dee: le interesaban más las técnicas mecánicas útiles que las demostraciones rigurosas.

«Even in his more formal mathematical work he rarely sought to prove geometrical properties; rather, as Marshall Clagett has characterised Dee’s work on conics, he typically propounded his propositions as problems in which a given magnitude is the starting point from which another magnitude is sought.» — y lo apoya en la caracterización que Marshall Clagett hizo del trabajo de Dee sobre las cónicas: proponía sus proposiciones como problemas en que se parte de una magnitud dada para buscar otra.

«These detailed connections strongly suggest the extent to which Digges’s early mathematical endeavours were rooted in Dee’s prior concerns, and probably derive from problems which had occupied Dee at the end of the 1550s.» — su conclusión, con el grado de certeza dentro: esas conexiones sugieren con fuerza hasta qué punto los empeños tempranos de Digges arraigan en las preocupaciones previas de Dee, y probablemente derivan de problemas que lo ocuparon a finales de los años cincuenta.

«Only through the support of a figure such as Dee could Digges have believed that there was in England an audience for his studies of polyhedra, which were expressly intended for “the satisfaction also of such as delighting in matters only new, rare and difficult, seek to reach above the common sort”.» — según Johnston, solo con el respaldo de una figura como Dee pudo Digges creer que en Inglaterra había público para sus estudios de poliedros, destinados expresamente a quienes se deleitan en materias nuevas, raras y difíciles y buscan alzarse sobre el común.

«Digges differed from Dee in both birth and upbringing: he appears not to have attended university and, rather than a scholar, was a gentleman who inherited substantial holdings of land and property.» — Johnston marca la distancia social: Digges no parece haber pasado por la universidad y, más que letrado, era un caballero que heredó tierras y propiedades considerables.

«Though he had no need to seek preferment to a living or court office, his relationships with patrons in the early 1570s nevertheless echo the noble and courtly service of Dee’s early career.» — y aun así, según Johnston, sus relaciones de mecenazgo a principios de los setenta hacen eco del servicio nobiliario y cortesano de la carrera temprana de Dee.

«Dee acted as tutor and consultant to a succession of patrons in the late 1540s and 1550s, with mathematics as his key vehicle for credit.» — Johnston resume el papel de Dee: tutor y consultor que hacía de las matemáticas su vehículo principal de crédito.

«When Dee entered household service with William Herbert, the Earl of Pembroke, in February 1552 it was presumably as a mathematicus.» — y presume que cuando Dee entró al servicio doméstico de Herbert lo hizo como *mathematicus*.

«Burghley received the dedication of Alae seu scalae mathematicae and he had also privately solicited advice from Digges about the new star.» — el dato de mecenazgo: Burghley recibió la dedicatoria de las *Alae* y le pidió consejo a Digges sobre la estrella nueva.

«But while Digges’s published work dealt with the mathematical determination of place, distance, and magnitude, Burghley’s concern was with the astrological meaning of the exceptional event.» — el contraste que Johnston señala: la obra impresa de Digges trataba del asunto en clave matemática mientras Burghley quería el significado astrológico del suceso excepcional.

«Dee may also have prompted Digges to investigate matters beyond the purely mathematical.» — Johnston lo dice como posibilidad: Dee pudo además empujar a Digges hacia asuntos más allá de lo puramente matemático.

«Digges feigned to ignore those who might castigate his advanced study of polyhedra as “a fond toy, a mere curious trifle, serving to no use or commodity”.» — según Johnston, Digges fingía ignorar a quienes despachaban su estudio de los poliedros por no servir a uso ni provecho alguno.

«Unless a detractor genuinely valued the study of “hard and difficult” matters, persuasion would be useless.» — y el límite que Johnston le reconoce a esa defensa: si el detractor no valoraba de veras los estudios difíciles, la persuasión era inútil.

«Yet the terms of this seemingly forceful apology for advanced mathematics were not to be sustained by Digges.» — pero, según Johnston, Digges no sostuvo los términos de aquella defensa aparentemente enérgica.

«However, with maturer judgement, he had turned from subtlety and delight to practicality and utility.» — sino que, con juicio más maduro, se pasó a lo práctico y lo útil.

«While the edition of his father’s Pantometria was portrayed as a work embodying the practical virtues of utility, the defence of the Mathematicall Discourse was rhetorically constructed around intellectual elevation.» — el contraste retórico entre las dos obras que Johnston monta: la edición de la *Pantometria* paterna frente al discurso propio, construido en torno a la elevación intelectual.

«But there are nevertheless significant resonances between the new values of mathematical practice espoused by Digges and those of his erstwhile mentor.» — y aun así encuentra resonancias significativas con el que había sido su mentor.

«Digges stated that he had latterly “spent many of my years in reducing the Sciences Mathematical from Demonstrative Contemplations to Experimental Actions, for the Service of my Prince and Country”.» — Digges, en la cita que Johnston recoge, declara haber dedicado sus últimos años a aplicar las matemáticas al servicio de su príncipe y su país.

«During this decade, Dee’s published claims for the value of mathematics were expanded to embrace a new rhetoric beyond that of its philosophical significance and demonstrative certainty.» — Johnston sitúa en los años setenta la ampliación de lo que Dee reclama en letra impresa para las matemáticas, entre significación filosófica y certeza demostrativa.

«Dee presented himself in vernacular form as a benefactor of the commonwealth through the medium of useful mathematics.» — y describe la figura que Dee compone en lengua vernácula: benefactor de la comunidad por el medio de unas matemáticas útiles.

«Dee had of course been involved in a range of practical activities prior to the 1570s, his navigational consultations of the 1550s being perhaps the most prominent instance.» — Johnston recuerda que Dee llevaba tiempo metido en asuntos prácticos, y da las consultas de navegación de los años cincuenta como el caso más destacado.

«Dee himself sought to shake off the charge of conjuror by asserting that he proceeded only by natural and lawful means.» — según Johnston, Dee buscaba sacudirse la acusación de conjurador insistiendo en que obraba por medios naturales y lícitos.

«The lengthy recitation of the mathematical arts which occupies so much of the Mathematicall Praeface bolsters this claim by displaying the wide-ranging powers and effectiveness of mathematics.» — y lee la larga enumeración de las artes matemáticas como demostración de sus poderes y su eficacia.

«Dee had openly doubted the wisdom of spreading his ideas too widely.» — Johnston consigna la reticencia del propio Dee, que dudaba abiertamente de la prudencia de difundir sus ideas demasiado.

«Dee used the opportunity of publication to proclaim his status as a dutiful citizen.» — y el uso contrario que Dee le da a la imprenta: proclamar su condición de ciudadano cumplidor.

«Dee now made it clear that he served more than only a divine calling to knowledge, when he referred to his “faythfull enterprises: vndertaken chiefly, for the Advancement of the wonderfull Veritie Philosophicall: And also, for the State Publik of this Brytish Monarchie, to become florishing, in Honor, Wealth, and Strength”.» — Dee declara entonces, según Johnston, que su labor sirve al honor, la riqueza y la fuerza del reino.

«Dee’s civic turn may have been motivated by highly personal circumstances, but the resulting texts expressed not merely a personal apologia but a general programme for the development of the mathematical arts.» — Johnston deja el motivo en conjetura pero fija el contenido: el giro cívico de Dee traía un programa general para el desarrollo de las artes matemáticas.

«Dee presented himself as a faithful servant of the commonwealth.» — y la figura que adopta: servidor fiel de la *common-wealth*, con el guion que imprime la fuente.

«There is therefore a strong parallel between the mathematical careers and shifting identities of Dee and Digges through the 1570s and into the early 1580s.» — de ahí el paralelo fuerte que Johnston traza entre las dos carreras a lo largo de los setenta y hasta principios de los ochenta.

«However, Dee’s horizons expanded beyond those of service only to the British commonwealth.» — y el punto donde el paralelo se rompe: los horizontes de Dee se extendían más allá del servicio a la comunidad británica.

«Yet there can be little doubt that Dee himself believed that through these spiritual conferences he was able to achieve the most potent and universal forms of action and intelligence.» — Johnston no duda de que Dee tuviera sus conferencias espirituales por formas potentes y universales de acción e inteligencia.

«For Dee, the existence of spirits was not only literally interpreted and routinely granted, but access to spiritual intelligences was philosophically justified within a metaphysics linking human nature and the supercelestial realm.» — y le adjudica una justificación filosófica: para Dee la existencia de los espíritus se sostenía en una metafísica que enlazaba la naturaleza humana con el reino supercelestial.

«Yet he did distinguish between mathematical astronomy and a more philosophically based account of the cosmos, and he placed them on distinct epistemic levels.» — la distinción que Johnston le reconoce a Dee: astronomía matemática y cosmología filosófica, en niveles epistémicos distintos.

«However, Dee used biblical authority to determine the principal remit of the astronomical art: God “made the Sonne, Mone, and Sterres, to be to us, for Signes, and knowledge of Seasons, and for Distinctions of Dayes, and yeares”.» — y la autoridad con que Dee fija el fin de la astronomía: la bíblica, con los astros hechos por señales y por distinciones de días y de años.

«Although Dee enigmatically asks his readers to weigh the significance of the word “signs”, it is clear that a principal duty of the astronomer is to the calendar;» — Johnston señala que Dee pide enigmáticamente sopesar el sentido de las señales, pero deja el deber principal del astrónomo en el calendario.

«But, for Dee, the mathematical astronomer did not have the sole or even primary authority to pronounce philosophically on the heavens.» — la limitación que Dee impone, según Johnston: el astrónomo matemático no tiene autoridad exclusiva para pronunciarse filosóficamente sobre los cielos.

«Both Dee and Digges were fulsome in their praise for his work, but Dee lauded Copernicus as a restorer of mathematical astronomy without discussing the physical reality of the heliocentric hypothesis, whereas Digges adopted the Copernican theory of the planetary order on mathematical grounds.» — el contraste que Johnston extrae: los dos elogian a Copérnico, pero Dee sin entrar en la realidad heliocéntrica y Digges adoptando el orden copernicano por razones matemáticas.

«against letting the work fall into the wrong hands: “you must not reveal [it] openly to unworthy and profane persons […] lest, to your shame and mine, it should be turned to great harm”.» — la advertencia de la segunda edición de la *Propaedeumata aphoristica* que Johnston cita: no revelarla abiertamente a personas indignas y profanas, no fuera a volverse, para vergüenza de ambos, en gran daño; la frase arranca al pie de la plana anterior.

«Dee expressed similarly wary sentiments in his letter to the printer Sylvius at the beginning of the Monas Hieroglyphica.» — y Johnston añade que Dee expresó recelos parecidos en su carta al impresor Sylvius al comienzo de la *Monas hieroglyphica*.

«Dee makes it clear that this terrain is not the appropriate one on which to consider the reality of Copernicus’s proposals.» — según Johnston, Dee deja claro que el terreno matemático no es el apropiado para considerar la realidad de las propuestas de Copérnico.

«Dee comments simply that “this is not now the place to discuss [Copernicus’s] hypotheses”.» — y lo despacha diciendo que no es el momento de discutir sus hipótesis; los corchetes son de Johnston.

«Dee was tempted by the prospect of deriving superior truth from his reconstitution of primordial symbols:» — Johnston señala la tentación que Dee sí atendía: derivar una verdad superior de su reconstitución de los símbolos primordiales.

«He had carried out programmes of observation with large-scale instruments in the mid-1550s and also at the time of the new star.» — consigna también que Dee llevó a cabo programas de observación en tiempos de la estrella nueva.

«But precise observation delivered accurate parameters rather than establishing principles;» — y su reserva: la observación precisa daba datos exactos, no principios establecidos.

«Digges on the other hand adopted and advocated the Copernican world system as the best representation of the actual order of the planets.» — el contraste: Digges adoptó el sistema copernicano como mejor representación del orden de los planetas.

«However, he withheld an absolute acceptance that Copernicus had restored the perfect anatomy of the heavens, wondering whether some adjustments were still required and whether the new star might indeed provide evidence that would prove Copernicus’s case.» — con la reserva que Johnston conserva: Digges retuvo la aceptación absoluta a la espera de lo que probara el caso de Copérnico.

«Digges’s advocacy of Copernicanism rested on an extraordinary elevation of the power of mathematics.» — y su defensa del copernicanismo, según Johnston, descansaba en el poder de las matemáticas.

«Digges considered that, in contrast to the demonstrative certainty of mathematics, philosophy could offer only plausible or probable arguments.» — Digges, según Johnston, oponía la certeza matemática a unos argumentos apenas plausibles o probables.

«The realm of philosophy is only for those who lack “geometrical eyes” and remain stuck with probable argument and the deceptive evidence of the senses.» — de modo que el reino de la filosofía queda subordinado, y con él la evidencia engañosa de los sentidos.

«Dee had opted for a differently instructed vision to uncover celestial truth:» — y Johnston cierra el contraste: Dee había optado por una visión instruida de otro modo para descubrir la verdad celeste.

«But he did not seek to provide a firm disciplinary foundation for his mathematical astronomy through a systematic philosophical or theological justification of these assumptions.» — Johnston señala lo que Digges no hizo: buscar una fundamentación disciplinar firme que justificara sus supuestos.

«Dee on the contrary did attempt to elaborate a comprehensive philosophical position, within which mathematics could be situated.» — y el contraste con Dee, que sí intentó elaborar una posición filosófica comprensiva donde situar las matemáticas.

«Dee drew particularly on Proclus to present mathematical objects as an intermediate level of being between matter and spirit, the human and divine, sense and pure intellect.» — la fuente de esa posición, según Johnston: Dee se apoya sobre todo en Proclo para presentar los objetos matemáticos como nivel intermedio entre el sentido y el intelecto puro.

«He sought to connect and integrate disciplines in order to straddle the boundaries between natural, mathematical and esoteric knowledge.» — y su propósito: conectar e integrar disciplinas para abarcar el conocimiento natural, matemático y esotérico.

«Digges restricted the mathematical arts to a narrower intellectual terrain.» — frente a eso, según Johnston, Digges restringió las artes matemáticas a un terreno intelectual más estrecho.

«Digges expressed this sense of segregation from the beginning of his career.» — y esa segregación, dice Johnston, la expresó desde el comienzo de su carrera.

«He wished that nothing be allowed to sully the purity of his Mathematicall Discourse of 1571.» — Johnston consigna el deseo de Digges de que nada empañara su *Mathematicall Discourse* de 1571.

«Digges would not even allow any philosophical “pollution” of the certain and separate domain of mathematics.» — hasta el punto, según Johnston, de no admitir contaminación filosófica alguna en el dominio separado de las matemáticas.

«Digges noted that he would not “discourse of [the regular solids’] secret or mystical appliances to the elemental regions and frame of the celestial spheres, as things remote and far distant from the method, nature and certainty of geometrical demonstration”.» — el propio Digges, citado por Johnston, se niega a discurrir sobre los sólidos regulares como cosa misteriosa y se atiene a la certeza de la demostración geométrica.

«Digges had no wish to meddle with uncertain areas of natural or astrological philosophy.» — Johnston resume: Digges no quería meterse con la filosofía natural ni con la astrológica.

«Dee however had a more expansive and positive conception of philosophy, and frequently identified himself as a philosopher rather than a mathematician.» — y en cambio Dee, según Johnston, tenía una idea más amplia y positiva, y se veía a sí mismo antes como filósofo que como matemático.

«Mathematics was central to his programme but achieved much of its significance when brought to bear on philosophical issues: mathematically-informed natural philosophy provided insight into God’s creation while metaphysics carried the philosopher into supercelestial realms, offering ascent towards the divine.» — en ese programa las matemáticas son centrales pero cobran sentido al aplicarse a cuestiones filosóficas que ofrecen ascenso hacia lo divino.

«There is no evidence that he attended university and the only references to his education are to the mathematical instruction of his father and Dee.» — el límite documental que Johnston declara sobre Digges: no hay prueba de que pasara por la universidad, y su formación se remite a su padre y a Dee.

«Digges’s distinctively different evaluation of philosophy certainly suggests that Dee’s instruction of the youthful Digges was largely limited to mathematical matters.» — de donde Johnston sugiere, marcándolo como sugerencia, que la enseñanza de Dee a Digges se limitó a materias matemáticas.

«Although neither published their final judgements, Dee’s conclusion that the star had been let down and then withdrawn is evident from the title of his lost work on the star: De stella admiranda in Cassiopeiae Asterismo, coelitus demissa ad orbem usque Veneris, iterumque in coeli penetralia perpendiculariter retracta lib. 3.» — Johnston consigna que ninguno de los dos publicó su juicio final, y da la anotación latina de Dee, con la estrella retraída perpendicularmente.

«Yet despite the extent of their agreement, Dee and Digges made quite different uses of the new star. As we have seen, for Digges it was a first occasion for Copernican reflections as well as potential evidence for the superiority of the heliocentric world-system» — el desacuerdo que Johnston no armoniza: pese a lo mucho que coinciden, Dee y Digges usan la estrella para fines distintos, y solo Digges la vuelve prueba de la superioridad del sistema heliocéntrico; el guion de corte parte *heliocentric* en el impreso.

«Dee likewise considered the star to be of great significance but, with his quite different conception of the purpose and scope of mathematical astronomy, he interpreted it not as a cosmological but as a calendrical revelation.» — y del lado de Dee, según Johnston, la estrella importa como revelación calendárica.

«For Dee, the new star was literally an epoch-making event: he used its appearance to mark a new year zero of the same status as the birth of Christ and the creation of the world.» — hasta el punto, dice Johnston, de que Dee la tiene por suceso de época comparable al nacimiento de Cristo y a la creación del mundo.

«He dated the “Necessary Advertisement” to the General and Rare Memorials as “Anno, Stellae (Coelo Demissae, rectaque Reversae) Quinto: Julij vero, Die 4 et Anno Mundi 5540”.» — el modo en que Dee fecha su *Necessary Advertisement*, con el año del mundo 5540 en latín.

«Dee also interpreted the new star as a sign or portent, just as the Mathematicall Praeface had hinted.» — Johnston añade que Dee interpretó la estrella como señal, siguiendo la pista que había dejado la *Mathematicall Praeface*.

«For Dee, the new star was enrolled in his conception of mathematical astronomy as a calendrical and chronological art which also revealed portents; for Digges, the new star announced a celestial reformation in which mathematics triumphed as the key to heavenly truth.» — y cierra el contraste entre los dos usos de un mismo fenómeno.

«My title posed the formulaic question “like father, like son?” for Dee and Digges.» — Johnston vuelve sobre el título de su capítulo y pregunta si de tal padre, tal hijo vale para Dee y Digges.

«Dee either did not try to instruct Digges in the more philosophical and recondite dimensions of his own work or, if he did, his teaching was ineffective.» — su respuesta deja las dos ramas abiertas: o Dee no intentó instruir a Digges en aquello, o su enseñanza fue ineficaz.

«Dee had greater long-term impact, both on Digges and on other more humble contemporaries, through his prescription for the role of the mathematical practitioner set out in the Mathematicall Praeface.» — y su balance: el impacto mayor de Dee a largo plazo vino por la *Mathematicall Praeface*.

«radicall truthes” in the 1580s, the prosaic part of his public programme was being successfully adapted by figures such as Digges who refashioned their identities as mathematical practitioners.» — cierre de esa frase en la plana siguiente: mientras Dee buscaba las verdades radicales, la parte prosaica de su programa público la adaptaban con éxito figuras como Digges, que rehacían su identidad de practicantes matemáticos.

«Dee’s Mathematicall Praeface was indeed read and admired by such mathematical contemporaries as William Bourne and Edward Worsop.» — Johnston documenta que la *Mathematicall Praeface* de Dee sí la leyeron y la admiraron contemporáneos como William Bourne y Edward Worsop.

«Bourne, in his Treasure for Travellers (1578), abbreviated Dee’s discussion of the mathematical sciences while acknowledging that his own acquaintance with statics was based solely on the account given in the Praeface.» — el primer caso: Bourne, en su *Treasure for Travellers*, abrevia su discusión remitiéndose a lo que da la *Praeface*.

«Edward Worsop, in writing on surveying, relied on Dee as a point of reference for the character of mathematics, making extensive use of his discussion of astrology and astronomy.» — el segundo: Worsop, escribiendo sobre agrimensura, remite a Dee para la discusión de astrología y astronomía.

«Worsop indeed called for the Mathematicall Praeface to be printed as a manual, assimilating Dee to the world of cheap print rather than the abstruse realm of occult doctrine.» — y según Johnston, Worsop llegó a pedir que la *Mathematicall Praeface* se imprimiera como manual, lejos del terreno de la doctrina oculta.

«Dee sought for himself an elevated role as a philosopher – in one instance, even, as a Christian Aristotle – he was a key» — la tensión con que Johnston cierra el capítulo: Dee se buscaba un papel elevado de filósofo, en un caso incluso el de Aristóteles cristiano; el tramo se corta al pie de plana.

«figure in establishing the identity of the mathematical practitioner and in promoting mathematics as worldly, instrumental, practical, vernacular and public.» — y sigue en la plana siguiente: pese a esa aspiración, fue figura clave para establecer la identidad del practicante matemático y para promover unas matemáticas mundanas, instrumentales, prácticas, vernáculas y públicas.

«Dee cannot of course be assigned exclusive paternity for the creation and growth of the tradition of mathematical practice in England.» — la salvedad de Johnston: no puede adjudicársele a Dee la paternidad exclusiva de la tradición de práctica matemática en Inglaterra.

«Yet he was clearly not averse to casting himself in a paternal role; whether he would have extended it beyond the specific case of Digges is however uncertain.» — y su abstención declarada: Dee no era reacio a atribuirse un papel paterno, pero si lo habría extendido más allá del caso de Digges queda incierto.

«As Sherman has stressed, Dee was passionately concerned to establish and display his genealogy.» — Johnston se apoya en Sherman para el dato: Dee estaba apasionadamente interesado en establecer y exhibir su genealogía.

«Digges did not retain the manuscript, which was acquired by Simon Forman in 1594.» — entre las notas de Johnston, el destino de un manuscrito: Digges no lo conservó y lo adquirió Simon Forman en 1594.

«The terminology of irrational majors, binomials and apotomes of various orders recurs throughout Digges’s Mathematicall Discourse.» — otra nota: la terminología de mayores irracionales y binomios recorre el *Mathematicall Discourse* de Digges.

«Dee’s additions to the Euclidean text appear in books X-XIII.» — y Johnston localiza las adiciones de Dee al texto euclidiano en los libros X a XIII.

«While Digges frequently vaunted (mathematical) reason at the expense of the senses (for example, in the Perfit Description, sig. M1r-v), in Alae, sig. H.4r he nevertheless acknowledged that the proper practice of astronomy depended on two complementary components: disciplined sensible experience as well as mathematical demonstration.» — el matiz que Johnston introduce en nota: aunque Digges alardeaba de la razón matemática a costa de lo demás, reconocía que la astronomía necesita también experiencia sensible.

«This high evaluation of the status of mathematics, particularly in relation to astronomy, has ancient precedent in the opening section of Ptolemy’s Almagest.» — y le encuentra precedente: la sección inicial del *Almagesto* de Ptolomeo.

«I have run together the characterisation in this paragraph from various passages in Alae and Digges, Perfit Description.» — Johnston declara en nota un procedimiento propio: la caracterización de ese párrafo la ha compuesto juntando varios pasajes de las *Alae* y de la *Perfit Description* de Digges.

«The term “radicall truthes” comes from Dee’s Liber Mysteriorum, Sloane MS 3188, fol.7r, cit. NP, 209.» — y localiza la expresión *radicall truthes* en los *Libri mysteriorum* de Dee, por el Sloane MS 3188 citado en el libro de Clulee.

«In the text to his frontispiece in Alae, Digges says that he has recorded the position of the new star in case it retreats back again by divine command before the end of the world.» — el dato que Johnston recoge del frontispicio de las *Alae*: Digges registra la posición de la estrella nueva por si desapareciera antes del fin del mundo.

«There are some surviving fragmentary notes on the topic in British Library, Cotton MS Vitellius C.VII, fol. 274 onwards.» — Johnston señala en nota unas notas fragmentarias supervivientes en el manuscrito Vitellius C.VII de la British Library.

«Note especially the mechanical methods presented in the Mathematicall Praeface in the section on “Statike” (MP, sigs. cjr-ciijv), as well as the general rationale for his additions to Euclid at fol. 371r-v of the 1570 edition.» — y remite a los métodos mecánicos de la *Mathematicall Praeface* en los folios 371r-v de la edición de 1570.

«The precise form of Burghley’s “frame” is not known.» — el límite del dato que Johnston declara: no se conoce la forma exacta del *frame* de Burghley.

«Dee may not have provided exclusively mathematical service at this time; Roberts and Watson note that Dee seems to have served as chaplain in Bishop Bonner’s household.» — y consigna, apoyado en Roberts y Watson, que Dee pudo no haber prestado servicios exclusivamente matemáticos, pues sirvió como capellán en la casa del obispo Bonner.

«Without doubt, John Dee was a learned and expert astrologer.» — Dunn abre su capítulo dando por indudable que John Dee fue un astrólogo erudito y experto.

«However, by looking at his published and unpublished writings and at the relationship of his theories and practices to those of his contemporaries, this chapter will seek to show that a dichotomy existed in Dee’s approach to astrology.» — pero anuncia una dicotomía: mirando lo publicado, Dunn sostiene que en el modo de Dee de hacer astrología conviven dos cosas distintas.

«This will reveal that, in different contexts, he was both revolutionary and reactionary.» — y la formula sin armonizarla: en distintos aspectos, Dee fue a la vez revolucionario y reaccionario.

«From the start, it should be realised that although previous treatments have used the term “astrology” as unproblematic and simply defined, this has never been the case and was not so in Elizabethan times.» — la advertencia de método con que Dunn empieza: la palabra astrología, que hoy parece unívoca, no lo era en tiempos isabelinos.

«Henry Howard, a vociferous opponent of astrology, wrote, for instance: secrete properties are» — Dunn cita a Henry Howard, opositor vociferante de la astrología; el tramo se corta donde la capa de texto arrastra la cita.

«Beyond this, however, a widespread notion of a “natural astrology” existed.» — Dunn consigna que existía además una noción difundida de astrología natural.

«Indeed, weather forecasting was the most acceptable and widespread form of astrological prediction in this period and some opponents of astrology wished this to be its limit:» — y que el pronóstico del tiempo era su forma más aceptable, hasta el punto de que había quien quería ponerle ahí el límite.

«These beliefs could be extended still further, however, to the view that the celestial influences were sufficiently potent to determine the course of events at the personal level and were highly predictable.» — pero esas creencias, según Dunn, podían extenderse hasta hacer de las influencias celestes algo potente y muy predecible.

«The key to any prediction was the astrological figure (Figure 1).» — Dunn expone la mecánica de la astrología judicial: la llave de toda predicción es la figura astrológica.

«Each of the houses was thought to govern a different part of one’s life; for instance, the first house governed life, the second riches, the third siblings and so on.» — y explica que cada casa gobierna un ámbito distinto de la vida, la tercera los hermanos y así.

«One key element in the interpretation was the doctrine of aspects.» — otro elemento clave de la interpretación, según Dunn, es la doctrina de los aspectos.

«Thus the figure gave a representation of the position of the planets relative to the observer’s local horizon.» — la figura, en su exposición, representa la posición de los planetas respecto del horizonte local del observador.

«It did not, however, give any indication of the size, distance from earth or speed of motion of the planets.» — con el límite que Dunn subraya: no daba tamaño, distancia ni velocidad de los planetas.

«The most controversial use was the horary question.» — y señala cuál era el uso más controvertido: la pregunta horaria.

«If we turn now to Dee’s astrology, there are two types of evidence available – published texts and personal manuscripts.» — Dunn declara sus dos clases de evidencia para la astrología de Dee: los textos publicados y los manuscritos personales.

«In the Propaedeumata Aphoristica Dee set down 120 aphorisms outlining a new astrological system.» — en la *Propaedeumata aphoristica*, según Dunn, Dee expone un sistema astrológico nuevo.

«The analogy with light was crucial.» — y le adjudica un núcleo: la analogía con la luz era crucial.

«Ultimately, Dee sought to show that astrological influences existed as occult rays which originated in the heavenly bodies, propagated through space according to the theory of the multiplication of species (a medieval concept), and had effects in the terrestrial realm dependent upon both their nature and that of the absorber.» — el propósito que Dunn le atribuye: mostrar que las influencias astrológicas son rayos ocultos emitidos por los cuerpos celestes, cuyo efecto depende de su naturaleza y de la del que los absorbe.

«On this last point he stated, for instance, that: “The stars and celestial powers are like seals whose characters are imprinted differently by reason of differences in the elemental matter”.» — el símil que Dee usa, en la cita de Dunn: los astros y los poderes celestes son como sellos cuya impronta varía según las diferencias de la materia elemental.

«Dee’s system seemed to do away with many elements of traditional astrology, although it was not clear from the text precisely what the method and graphic form of a prediction would now be.» — la reserva que Dunn conserva: el sistema de Dee parecía deshacerse de mucho de lo tradicional, y no queda claro cuál sería ahora el método de predicción.

«Thirdly, Dee demonstrated that the foundations of astrology were safe and certain by virtue of their basis in mathematics, and provided a means by which the influences could be discerned and predicted through the combination of mathematical theory with observation.» — y la reclamación de Dee que Dunn expone: los fundamentos de la astrología quedan asegurados al combinar teoría matemática y observación.

«While traditional systems allowed only passivity on the part of mankind, Dee claimed that it would be possible to manipulate the celestial influences and actively bring about wonderful transformations in the terrestrial realm.» — el paso más audaz que Dunn le señala: donde los sistemas tradicionales solo dejaban pasividad, Dee abre la manipulación activa de las influencias celestes para producir transformaciones maravillosas; el guion de corte parte *transformations* en el impreso.

«Thus he stated that: “If you were skilled in ‘catoptrics’, you would be able, by art, to imprint the rays of any star much more strongly upon any matter subjected to it than nature itself does”.» — Dee, en la cita de Dunn, sostiene que con la catóptrica podrían imprimirse los rayos estelares con más intensidad que la naturaleza misma.

«He did, however, suggest a means by which the influences and interactions could be studied and accurately predicted.» — Dunn añade que Dee sí propuso un medio para estudiar y predecir con exactitud esas influencias.

«More specifically, in the main text he stated that astrology was allied closely to “Perspective, Astronomie, Cosmographie, Naturall Philosophie of the 4 Elementes, the Arte of Graduation, and [...] Musike”.» — las artes matemáticas que Dee alía a la astrología, en la cita que Dunn recoge de la *Praeface*, con el arte de la graduación y la música; los corchetes con puntos son de Dunn.

«Accordingly, Dee referred in the Praeface to “my Propaedeumes” in which “I have Mathematically furnished up the whole Method” of astrology.» — y Dunn consigna que Dee declara en la *Praeface* haber elaborado matemáticamente el método entero de la astrología.

«The Propaedeumata showed how astrology was founded in optics, allowing mathematical (specifically geometrical) principles to be applied to its workings and transforming it into a demonstrative science.» — el balance de Dunn sobre las dos obras: la *Propaedeumata* muestra la astrología fundada en la óptica y convertida en ciencia demostrativa.

«The Praeface provided a full context for this astrology, one which guaranteed its status as safe and certain, as an art aligned with the more generally acceptable practical mathematical arts.» — y la *Praeface* le da contexto, alineándola con las artes matemáticas prácticas más aceptadas.

«But what was the extent of Dee’s reliance on the house-based system?» — la pregunta con que Dunn abre la segunda mitad: hasta dónde llegaba la dependencia de Dee del sistema de casas.

«A more telling link exists, however. According to Clulee’s analysis of the monad as a form of universal writing, it was capable of radically improving astrology.» — Dunn se apoya en el análisis de Clulee para el nexo que le parece más revelador: la mónada era capaz de mejorar radicalmente la astrología.

«The thrust of the two works thus coincided in their implication that the practitioner was able to manipulate the celestial influences and so procure great changes in his surroundings and in himself.» — de ahí que, según Dunn, las dos obras converjan en dejar al practicante manipular las influencias celestes y cambiar su entorno y a sí mismo.

«On the other hand, by reducing astrological prediction and manipulation to the application of this new universal writing, the Monas seemed to do away with the need for astronomical observation and calculation, which was, after all, an area of activity explicitly highlighted in the Propaedeumata.» — pero Dunn señala la tensión interna: al reducir la predicción astrológica a una escritura universal se pierde la observación astronómica que la *Propaedeumata* subrayaba.

«This also ran counter to Dee’s placement of astrology within the domain of the practical mathematical arts in the Praeface.» — y esa vía chocaba, según Dunn, con el lugar que la propia *Praeface* le daba a la astrología entre las artes matemáticas prácticas.

«In these three works, then, Dee made public his plans for a radical new astrology susceptible both to accurate prediction and to active manipulation.» — el balance de Dunn sobre las tres obras publicadas: en ellas Dee hizo pública una astrología capaz de predicción exacta y de manipulación activa.

«By looking at his personal writings, it is possible to compare his private practices with these public proclamations and so assess whether he was able to carry out the revolution he proposed.» — y anuncia la prueba: mirar los escritos personales para ver si Dee llevó a cabo la revolución que proponía.

«Dee’s private writings included many astrological notes and figures, including calculations of birth charts, and it is worth noting that Dee was arrested during Queen Mary’s reign on charges relating to the calculation of the nativities of the royal family.» — Dunn recuerda que los escritos privados de Dee traen muchas notas astrológicas, y que lo arrestaron por calcular las natividades de la familia real.

«These elements are crucial in demonstrating the conventional nature of Dee’s charts.» — el argumento de Dunn: esos elementos muestran el carácter convencional de las cartas de Dee.

«Both the “pars fortuna” and the head and tail of the dragon were calculated from the relative positions of the planets in the astrological chart and did not in themselves represent physical entities.» — y la razón: ni la *pars fortuna* ni la cabeza del dragón representan entidades físicas.

«The position of the “pars fortuna”, for example, was calculated from the relative positions of the sun, moon and ascendant.» — Dunn explica que la posición de la *pars fortuna* se calcula a partir del sol, la luna y el ascendente.

«Elements such as the “pars fortuna” would not have been expected if Dee had been using the system proposed in the Propaedeumata, with its strong emphasis on a physical mechanism of influence emanating from actual physical bodies.» — de modo que, si Dee hubiera usado su sistema nuevo de rayos emitidos por cuerpos físicos reales, esos elementos no aparecerían.

«Conversely, if these charts had been produced using Dee’s new system, information on sizes, distances and time above the horizon should also appear.» — y a la inversa: si las cartas se hubieran hecho con el sistema nuevo deberían traer tamaños, distancias y tiempo sobre el horizonte.

«They do not. Clearly, therefore, Dee was applying traditional doctrines in his private astrological practices and his charts resembled those of other astrological consultants of this time.» — la conclusión que Dunn saca sin rodeos: no los traen, así que Dee aplicaba las doctrinas tradicionales igual que los demás consultores astrológicos de su tiempo.

«Dee’s “diary” entries, which appeared as jottings in the margins of the ephemerides that he owned, provide more ambiguous evidence.» — Dunn matiza que las anotaciones del diario dan evidencia más ambigua.

«On the one hand, they contained numerous notes of the time and place of birth of different people, the basic information required for the calculation of a conventional birth chart.» — de un lado traen las notas necesarias para calcular una carta natal convencional.

«On the other hand, the same entries also contained notes on the weather on particular days, potentially the basis of a systematic programme of observations linking weather patterns with planetary positions, the sort of programme called for in the Propaedeumata.» — y del otro traen notas meteorológicas, que son las que pedía la *Propaedeumata*.

«Lastly, anecdotal evidence comes from the Compendious Rehearsall of 1592,29 in which Dee brought attention to the occasion on which he had been requested by Robert Dudley (later the Earl of Leicester) “what in my judgement the ancient astrologers would determine of the election day of such a tyme, as was appointed for her Majestie to be crowned in”.» — la evidencia anecdótica que Dunn añade: Robert Dudley le pidió a Dee que eligiera el día de la coronación.

«In asking Dee to consider an election for the Queen’s coronation, Dudley expected him to adopt a traditional astrological technique.» — y lee la petición como expectativa de que Dee adoptara una técnica astrológica tradicional.

«The comparison of Dee’s published and unpublished writings provides an ambiguous account of his thoughts and practices in astrology.» — el resultado que Dunn declara sin armonizar: la comparación de lo publicado y lo inédito deja una imagen ambigua de sus ideas y sus prácticas astrológicas.

«This uncertainty was shared by his contemporaries.» — y añade que la incertidumbre la compartían sus contemporáneos.

«references to Dee in contemporary works made no mention of his revolutionary ideas.» — Dunn observa que las referencias a Dee en obras de la época no mencionan sus ideas revolucionarias.

«Rather, his name was produced as one among a number of authorities whose support of traditional astrology served to legitimise it.» — sino que su nombre salía como una autoridad más que legitimaba la astrología tradicional.

«In a defence of astrology in Richard Harvey’s analysis of the 1583 conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter, for instance, Dee’s name appeared alongside those of other English scholars – including Robert Recorde, both the Digges and Sir Thomas Smith – who rightly considered astrology a safe and legitimate study.» — el ejemplo que da: en la defensa de la astrología del análisis de Richard Harvey, Dee figura entre los eruditos que la tienen por estudio seguro y legítimo.

«The context here was traditional astrology and Dee’s rightful place within this tradition was emphasised.» — y Dunn subraya que el contexto era la astrología tradicional y el lugar legítimo de Dee dentro de ella.

«Perhaps the explanation for this ignorance of Dee’s radical ideas among English authors lies in the fact that his more innovative works, the Propaedeumata and the Monas Hieroglyphica were in Latin and may not have been widely disseminated in England.» — la explicación que Dunn ofrece como conjetura: sus obras latinas pudieron no difundirse mucho en Inglaterra.

«His one vernacular work covering astrology, the Mathematicall Praeface, discussed a general context for astrology without revealing his plans for astrological reform.» — y su única obra vernácula sobre astrología, la *Mathematicall Praeface*, la trata sin revelar los planes de reforma.

«Furthermore, in Dee’s private writings and in his role as unofficial court astrologer, we see a conventional approach to astrology, in the calculation of birth charts, elections and horary questions, which seems to be at odds with his radical statements in his published material.» — el contraste que Dunn deja planteado: en lo privado y en su papel de consultor, Dee sigue una astrología convencional que choca con sus declaraciones radicales impresas.

«Two explanations for this spring to mind: firstly, Dee was acting as an astrological consultant, and so was meeting the market requirements for recognisable (therefore traditional) techniques.» — la primera explicación que se le ocurre a Dunn: como consultor, la demanda le pedía técnicas reconocibles y por tanto tradicionales.

«This would fit in with the pattern of Dee’s life, where issues of money and patronage were of overriding importance.» — y encaja, dice, con una vida en la que el dinero y el mecenazgo pesaban sobre todo lo demás.

«Secondly, the new system of the Propaedeumata was only an outline and still required a huge amount of both accurate astronomical study and terrestrial observation (through the application of “catoptrics”, for instance) before it could become an effective predictive system.» — la segunda: el sistema nuevo de la *Propaedeumata* era solo un esquema que exigía mucho estudio antes de volverse predictivo.

«Consequently, the only working techniques available to Dee were those of conventional judicial astrology.» — de donde Dunn concluye que las únicas técnicas operativas de que Dee disponía eran las de la astrología judicial convencional.

«On the one hand, he was a radical author with high hopes for an astrological system based on natural philosophy that would allow accurate determination and manipulation of the celestial powers.» — y cierra con las dos caras sin fundirlas: de un lado, un autor radical que buscaba un sistema astrológico fundado en la filosofía natural de los poderes celestes.

«Stellae & vires caelestes, sunt instar Sigillorum, quorum characteres pro varietate materiae elementaris, varie imprimuntur» — el latín del aforismo XXVI de la *Propaedeumata* que Dunn transcribe en nota: los astros y las fuerzas celestes son a modo de sellos, cuyos caracteres se imprimen de maneras distintas según la variedad de la materia elemental.

«The nearest comparison to this came in systems of natural magic such as that of Ficino. Relying on a Neoplatonic notion of planetary souls, however, Ficino’s method of augmenting the planetary powers relied on the use of incantations and incense, rather than on direct manipulation.» — la comparación que Dunn establece en nota: lo más cercano a la manipulación directa de Dee está en los sistemas de magia natural como el de Ficino, que sin embargo aumentaba los poderes planetarios con encantamientos e incienso, apoyado en la noción neoplatónica de las almas planetarias.

«si fueris peritus, cuiuscunque Stellae radios in quamcunque propositam materiam fortius tu multo per artem imprimere potes, quam ipsa per se Natura facit.» — el latín del aforismo LII que Dunn transcribe: si fueras perito, podrías imprimir por arte los rayos de cualquier estrella en cualquier materia propuesta con mucha más fuerza que la naturaleza por sí misma; la palabra griega que abre el aforismo la capa de texto la devuelve como una cadena de letras latinas.

«It should be noted, however, that the analogy with light was already widely accepted by other authors on astrology.» — la salvedad que Dunn pone en nota a su propia lectura: la analogía con la luz ya la aceptaban otros autores de astrología.

«In the astrological chart, the “pars fortuna” is the same distance of zodiacal arc from the ascendant as the moon is from the sun. A number of methods for calculating its position existed. Dee used the method attributed to Manilius.» — la nota técnica de Dunn: la *pars fortuna* está a la misma distancia de arco zodiacal del ascendente que la luna del sol, existían varios métodos para calcularla y Dee usaba el atribuido a Manilio.

«If Taylor seems to harbour a suspicion that occult interests were intellectually dishonest and unpatriotic she was at least able to concede that Dee’s occult interests were a motivating force in his career, although in seeking to mitigate them it is clear constituted legitimate forms of knowledge.» — el diagnóstico de Clucas sobre Taylor: si sospecha que los intereses ocultos eran intelectualmente deshonestos, al menos concede que fueron fuerza motriz de su carrera.

«If the great Mercator was interested in astrology the implication seems to be, then Dee could too, and the guarantee of Mercator’s scientific reputation is mysteriously used to endorse the idea that Dee’s reputation for magic was a malicious invention.» — y la lee así: la garantía de la reputación científica de Mercator se usa misteriosamente para avalar que la fama de mago de Dee fuese invención maliciosa.

«Taylor’s own repeated protestations and apologetic references to Dee’s occult interests marks a significant point of historiographical tension.» — Clucas convierte esas protestas repetidas y esas referencias apologéticas en el síntoma de una tensión historiográfica.

«This tension turns upon the problematic question of how the occult sciences (or “occult philosophy”) fit into the field of knowledge in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, a question which current discussions of the nature of the Scientific Revolution are doing little to address.» — y formula la pregunta que la tensión encierra: cómo encajan las ciencias ocultas en el campo del saber de los siglos XVI y XVII, cuestión que las discusiones actuales sobre la Revolución Científica hacen poco por atender.

«It is difficult to divine who was the originator of this interpretation, Yates, or Walker, or Calder himself, but what is certain is that Calder’s “neoplatonic” Dee was taken up by his supervisor, and another of her students Peter J. French and developed into an even more influential interpretation, that of Dee as an “Elizabethan Hermetic Magus”.» — la abstención de Clucas sobre la autoría de la interpretación: es difícil adivinar si el originador fue Yates, Walker o el propio Calder, pero es cierto que la recogieron su directora y otro alumno de ella, Peter J. French, para convertirla en la del mago hermético isabelino.

«The life and work of John Dee first re-emerged into twentieth-century historical» — Clucas sitúa el primer regreso de Dee a la conciencia histórica del siglo XX; el entreverado de columnas de la capa de texto arroja el arranque de la frase al pie de la plana y su continuación varios renglones más arriba.

«consciousness in the works of historians of science, who strove to “recover” Dee from the oblivion of his reputation as an occultist, and to reinstate him as a “progressive” Renaissance scientist, whose work contributed to the fitful beginnings of the scientific revolution in England.» — continuación de esa frase, desplazada por el entreverado: fueron los historiadores de la ciencia quienes se esforzaron por recuperarlo del olvido de su fama de ocultista y reinstalarlo como científico renacentista progresista que contribuyó a los comienzos irregulares de la revolución científica en Inglaterra.

«astrology and magic had not yet gained the credence which it has today, and her failure of historical imagination is in large part due to the historiographical climate in which she was writing.» — el cierre de esa atenuante: su falta de imaginación histórica se debe en buena parte al clima historiográfico en que escribía.

«Taylor, of course, was writing at a time when the history of alchemy,» — la atenuante que Clucas le concede a Taylor: escribía cuando la historia de la alquimia aún no tenía crédito; la frase se corta al pie de la plana y su continuación quedó desplazada por el entreverado de columnas a la plana anterior.

«If in the past Dee’s incongruence with modern disciplinary frameworks made him (or particular aspects of his work) marginal to many scholars, increasingly his perceived disciplinary incongruity is being seen as a symptom of the unique ways in which Renaissance thought and practices were constituted, rather than as problematic or anomalous.» — el giro que Clucas propone: si antes la incongruencia de Dee con los marcos disciplinares modernos era un problema, ahora se lee como síntoma y no como anomalía.

«He proudly refers to his Monas Hieroglyphica as founding a “new discipline” (Disciplina noua» — Clucas señala que Dee llama a su *Monas hieroglyphica* fundación de una disciplina nueva, y conserva el latín *Disciplina noua*.

«we hear that Dee “was a generall Scholler and would neuer take the degree of D[octor]r, allthough he was generally styled so [...] he neuer would take any profession vpon hym.”» — el testimonio que Clucas recoge de una carta: Dee era un *generall Scholler* que no quiso tomar sobre sí profesión alguna.

«Dee declared himself to be the professor of a continental style of philosophy (peregrina philosophandi ratio) which was not that of the universities (Communi, tritave philosophandi via» — y Dee se declara profesor de una filosofía continental, no de la vía común y trillada de las universidades; el latín *Communi, tritave philosophandi via* va tal cual.

«Albeit that or vniversities, both, in them have Men in sundrye knowledges right excellent, as, in Diuinitie, the hebrue, greke and latin tung, &c.» — el inglés isabelino de Dee que Clucas cita: aunque las universidades tengan hombres de excelente conocimiento en varias lenguas, entre ellas la griega y la latina.

«Renaissance thinkers often valued the stability offered by clear disciplinary boundaries,» — Clucas recuerda que los pensadores renacentistas solían valorar la estabilidad que dan unos límites disciplinares claros.

«Conrad Gesner, for example, in his Pandectarum sive Partitionum uniuersalium made a strong case for maintaining disciplinary boundaries:» — y da a Conrad Gesner y sus *Pandectae* como el caso fuerte a favor de mantenerlos.

«And yet it is necessary that a subject be held together within its own boundaries, so that it does not intrude on others.» — Gesner, en la cita de Clucas, exige que cada materia se atenga a lo suyo y no se meta en las demás.

«Like Dee, Gesner embraces the diversification of knowledge even as he tries to insist upon its unity, and acknowledges the importance of viewing subjects “from different points of view”.» — Clucas matiza que Gesner, como Dee, abraza la diversificación del saber y ver los asuntos desde puntos de vista distintos.

«Scholars like Dee, who embraced this diversity, seem to create problems for the intellectual historian because the process of partitioning (of increasing specialisation) – which begins with works like Gesner’s Pandectarum – has accelerated to the point where diversification has become problematic.» — pero, según Clucas, los eruditos como Dee que abrazaron esa diversidad quedan del lado en que la diversificación se ha vuelto problemática.

«Anthony à Wood was responding – in his own mid-seventeenth-century fashion – to the interdisciplinarity of Dee’s career when he described him, in his Athenae Oxoniensis, as “a searcher into profound Studies, a great Investigator of the more secret hermetical Learning, a perfect Astronomer, a curious Astrologer, an excellent Geometrician, and indeed excellent in all kinds of Learning.”» — el testimonio antiguo que Clucas trae: Anthony à Wood describe a Dee como excelente en toda clase de saberes.

«There is an implicit danger, however, in thinking about “early-modern interdisciplinarity” – that is, that we might reconfigure various instances of Renaissance thought as if they were hybridised “mixtures” or composites of our own disciplines.» — la advertencia de método de Clucas: hay un peligro implícito en pensar el pasado con las disciplinas propias.

«The dangers of such unconscious anachronism can only be overcome by appealing to contemporary definitions and categories, and rethinking early-modern intellectual (or practical) formations not as “mixed” or divided within themselves but as unique and self-constituting modes of thought» — y su remedio: ver aquellos modos de pensamiento como únicos y autoconstituidos.

«This collection of essays aims to reflect the disciplinary complexity of Dee’s intellectual project, without attempting to reduce that complexity to a “continuous and harmonious unity.”» — la declaración de propósito del volumen: la colección busca reflejar esa diversidad y no reducirla a una unidad continua y armoniosa.

«One area in which Dee enjoyed an unparalleled reputation during his lifetime was in the field of mathematics, and it is fitting that this volume has two essays which address this aspect of Dee’s career.» — Clucas señala el terreno donde la reputación de Dee no tuvo par, y anuncia los ensayos del volumen que lo tratan.

«Be that as it may, Anthony à Wood described Dee (along with Thomas Harriot, Nathaniel Torperley and Walter Warner), as one of “the Atlantes of the mathematic world”,» — y vuelve a Anthony à Wood, que cuenta a Dee entre los Atlantes del mundo matemático.

«Both essays consider Dee’s relationship to his younger contemporary Thomas Digges, and reflect upon Dee’s mentorial influence and upon the divergence of the two men’s mathematical careers.» — Clucas presenta los dos ensayos que examinan la relación de Dee con Digges y la divergencia de sus carreras matemáticas.

«Although Digges had “reworked the terms of his mathematical identity” in the 1570s-80s, moving from his defense of the “intellectual nobility” of purely theoretical mathematics in his Mathematicall Discourse of Geometrical Solids appended to his edition of his father’s Pantometria (1571) to an ethos of “active service of prince and commonwealth” after the publication of his Stratioticos in 1579, Johnston doesn’t see this as a break with Dee’s mentorial influence.» — Clucas resume el capítulo de Johnston: aunque Digges rehiciera los términos de su identidad matemática, hay continuidad con la influencia de Dee como mentor.

«However, like Goulding, Johnston also identifies a “a fundamental divergence in their respective conceptions of the identity of the mathematician” which he feels is particularly visible in their respective attitudes towards mathematical astronomy, and particularly the Copernican hypothesis.» — y añade que Johnston, como Goulding, encuentra una divergencia de fondo entre maestro y discípulo, en particular sobre la hipótesis copernicana.

«While Digges “adopted and advocated the Copernican world system as the best representation of the actual order of the planets”, Dee avoided discussing the truth or falsity of Copernicus’s “Hypotheses Theoricall» — el contraste que Clucas formula: Digges adoptó y defendió el sistema copernicano mientras Dee eludía juzgar la verdad de las hipótesis teóricas de Copérnico.

«Johnston argues, for Dee “cosmological principles were […] rooted in a wider disciplinary constellation than mathematics alone,” and mathematical astronomy was seen as subordinate to wider philosophical questions.» — y le adjudica a Johnston la tesis de que en Dee los principios cosmológicos quedan subordinados a cuestiones filosóficas más amplias.

«Nicholas Clulee’s account of the mathematical science of “Archemasterie” in the Mathematical Praeface, (which includes prophecy and divination) makes it clear that Dee had a distinctively premodern understanding of the boundaries of mathematics, and that the “practical” ethos of the Praeface co-exists with more “occult” or “neoplatonic” understandings of the discipline.» — Clucas presenta el capítulo de Clulee como el que muestra a Dee combinando una comprensión práctica de la matemática con otra oculta y neoplatónica.

«Until we can find a way of placing Dee’s conception of mathematics “as part of a larger hierarchy of knowledge” the full significance of his mathematics seems likely to elude us.» — y deja abierta la reserva: hasta hallar el modo de reconstruir esa jerarquía más amplia, el sentido pleno de la matemática de Dee parece que se nos escapará.

«Baldwin’s essay shows the disastrous impact of the failure of the Frobisher voyages (which failed to find gold-bearing mineral ores in Baffin and Kodlunarn Islands) on Dee’s court reputation (a number of leading court figures, including William Cecil and Francis Walsingham, were among the investors), and suggests that Dee’s flight to the continent with Edward Kelley in 1583 may have had strong economic incentives.» — Clucas resume a Baldwin: el impacto desastroso del fracaso de los viajes de Frobisher sobre la reputación de Dee, y los incentivos económicos que pudo tener su marcha al continente.

«Despite the failure of this key project Baldwin sees the venture as a realisation of an “interdisciplinary, technological and mathematical vision” which Dee derived from his contacts in the 1560s with mathematicians such as Gemma Frisius and Gerard Mercator in Louvain.» — y le atribuye a Baldwin ver la visión interdisciplinaria de Dee como derivada de contactos como el de Gerard Mercator en Lovaina.

«William Sherman, like Baldwin, sees the Frobisher voyages of 1576-8 as a key moment in Dee’s career, and emphasises the way in which Dee’s reading and research were fundamental to his practial involvement in maritime affairs.» — Clucas presenta a Sherman junto a Baldwin: la lectura y la investigación de Dee como parte esencial de su implicación práctica en los asuntos marítimos; la capa de texto imprime *practial* por *practical*.

«Dee’s “textual exploration”, Sherman argues, was as important as the “geographical exploration” of figures such as Martin Frobisher.» — y recoge la tesis de Sherman: la exploración textual de Dee importaba tanto como la geográfica de figuras como Martin Frobisher.

«Sherman’s detailed account of Dee’s annotations in Columbus’s book gives us a vignette on the ways in which Dee was involved in “advocating policies gleaned from his reading of historical texts”, and how marginalia can “take us closer to the important ways in which texts mediated both personal lives and power politics in the early modern period.”» — Clucas subraya que el relato detallado de Sherman sobre las anotaciones de Dee muestra cómo los textos mediaban la política del poder en la primera modernidad.

«While Dee’s published works promised a radical reform of astrology, Dunn, concludes, Dee was “applying traditional doctrines in his private astrological practices and his charts resembled those of other astrological consultants of the time”.» — el resumen que Clucas hace de Dunn, con el desacuerdo dentro: las obras publicadas de Dee prometían una reforma radical mientras su práctica privada se parecía a la de los consultores de su tiempo.

«Dunn also notes the links between the reformed astrology of the Propaedeumata and Dee’s Monas Hieroglyphica which sought to present a new discipline which would deal with both “superior” and “inferior” astronomy (i.e. astrology and alchemy» — y añade que Dunn señala los vínculos entre la astrología reformada y la astronomía inferior, es decir, la astrología y la alquimia.

«Cavallaro’s analysis sheds new light on this notoriously difficult work and advances some useful speculations on the allegorical intentions underlying some of this work’s most obscure passages.» — Clucas presenta el capítulo de Cavallaro como el que arroja luz nueva sobre los pasajes más oscuros de la *Monas*.

«Cavallaro’s analysis shows the interpretative difficulties posed by the work which combines citations of Greek alchemical authors such as Ostanes and Pseudo-Julian Roberts and Andrew Watson’s account of Dee’s book purchases in the 1560s has shown that Dee bought many books on the cabala and Hebrew scholarship and although Dee has gone on record as having a limited knowledge of Hebrew, it was clearly an area of scholarship which he considered extremely important.» — y le reconoce mostrar las dificultades interpretativas y la importancia que Dee daba al estudio del hebreo.

«De León-Jones stresses Dee’s critique of traditional Jewish cabala in his Monas Hieroglyphica and his insistence that his own doctrines constituted a “cabala of the real” rather than a grammarian cabala of the Hebrew language.» — Clucas resume a de León-Jones: subraya la crítica de Dee a la cábala judía y a la lengua hebrea.

«De León-Jones stresses the innovative and creative aspect of Dee’s use of the cabala, retaining its hermeneutical techniques but divorcing it from the meditative and mystical aspects of the Jewish cabala and divesting it of the Jewish cosmological principle of the sefirot (the emanations or names» — y su lectura innovadora, que separa la cábala de Dee de los *sefirot*, las emanaciones o nombres.

«Dee, she argues, was deeply influenced by Reuchlin’s belief that the cabala was congruent with Pythagorean doctrines, and this led him to transform the cabala into a mathematical discipline that drew both on Pythagorean numerology and Euclidean geometry.» — con la deuda que ella le adjudica: Reuchlin, y una cábala apoyada en la numerología pitagórica y la geometría euclídea.

«György Szönyi’s essay seeks to provide some specific contexts for Dee’s ‘scrying’ practices, and focuses particularly on the influence of Paracelsus, which, he argues, was “systematically overlooked” by Frances Yates and treated only superficially by Peter French.» — Clucas presenta el capítulo de Szönyi como el que atiende la influencia de Paracelso, que a su juicio Yates pasó por alto y French trató solo superficialmente.

«Szönyi shows that Dee used Paracelsus’s term for magical talismans – gamaaea – in both his Propaedeumata aphoristica and the Monas Hieroglyphica and argues that it was Paracelsus’s mystical goal of exaltatio which prepared Dee for his crystallomantic activities.» — y le reconoce mostrar que Dee usó el término de Paracelso, y que ese vocabulario lo preparó para sus actividades cristalománticas.

«My own contribution to the volume emphasises the extent to which Dee’s angelic conversations were shaped by mediaeval magical practices.» — Clucas declara la tesis de su propio capítulo: las conversaciones angélicas de Dee están moldeadas por prácticas mágicas medievales.

«I argue that mediaeval and renaissance magic relied heavily on existing traditions of Christian prayer, and particularly the idea of the divine granting of petitions (impetratio).» — y la formula en primera persona: la magia medieval y renacentista descansa en la oración y en la concesión de peticiones, la *impetratio*.

«While there is a considerable overlap between Dee’s conversations and mediaeval theurgy, I also stress the peculiarity of Dee’s project: its apocalyptic and millenarian objectives and pseudo-prophetic claims.» — con su límite dentro: pese al solapamiento considerable, el proyecto de Dee tiene lo suyo propio en sus objetivos milenaristas y sus pretensiones pseudoproféticas.

«Deborah Harkness’s essay – presented to the John Dee Colloquium prior to the publication of her 1999 book – explores on a smaller scale some of the themes of her book-length study.» — Clucas sitúa el capítulo de Harkness como exploración de temas que quedaron menores en su libro.

«In particular Harkness focuses on the extent to which Dee’s involvement in the angelic conversations was continually mediated by the knowledge which he gleaned from the works which he collected in his Mortlake library.» — y señala su foco: hasta qué punto la biblioteca de Mortlake mediaba las conversaciones.

«While Sherman has rightly stressed the civic and political role of the Bibliotheca Mortlacensis as “a space where independent scholarship could be carried out and circulated among the academic, commercial, and political communities”,107 Harkness shows that his library was also a repository of more recondite and arcane knowledge, and played a vital role in Dee’s more private, theurgical activities.» — el matiz que Clucas introduce entre dos autores del propio volumen: Sherman subrayó con razón lo cívico de la biblioteca, y Harkness muestra que también sostenía las actividades teúrgicas más privadas de Dee.

«Harkness sets Dee in the context of a more general European “millenarian moment” prompted by “an alarming number of comets, new stars, earthquakes, grand conjunctions and other strange natural events.”» — Clucas añade que Harkness sitúa a Dee en un contexto milenarista europeo más amplio, con grandes conjunciones y otros sucesos naturales extraños.

«Reeds gives the first detailed description of the Soyga tables and analyses their formal characteristics.» — el capítulo de Reeds, según Clucas, da la primera descripción detallada de las tablas del Soyga y analiza sus características formales.

«Identifying recurrent patterns Reeds is able to arrive at a recipe for recreating the tables given a six letter code-word and a blank grid.» — y le atribuye derivar, de los patrones recurrentes, una receta para rehacer las tablas a partir de una palabra clave y una cuadrícula en blanco.

«While Reeds is modest about his achievement there is no doubt that his work on the underlying mathematical structure of the Soyga tables will be of enormous help to anyone attempting to understand the original method of their construction.» — Clucas conserva la modestia del propio Reeds y a la vez el alcance que él le ve al hallazgo.

«Not only has Reeds been able to reconstruct the implicit mathematical structures of the tables, he has also used modern techniques of error analysis to emend the inadvertent mistakes produced by scribal mistranscription.» — añade que Reeds reconstruyó las estructuras y corrigió errores producidos por la mala transcripción de los copistas.

«This analysis also gives Reeds a sound basis for suggesting that Sloane MS 8 (Dee’s copy of the Book of Soyga) is the more accurate of the two copies, and was also the manuscript which was used by Dee when he compiled the Liber Logaeth.» — y que el análisis le da base para sostener cuál de las copias es la más exacta y cuál usó Dee al compilar el *Liber Logaeth*.

«Reeds ends his study with a comparison of the formal structures of different kinds of magic tables used in the early modern period which, he suggests, has received “scant attention” from historians of magic such as Frances Yates.» — Clucas cierra el resumen de Reeds con su observación sobre la escasa atención que las tablas mágicas han recibido de los historiadores de la magia, Frances Yates incluida.

«Bassnett shows us a hitherto unknown side of Kelley through a close examination of materials relating to his stepdaughter Elizabeth Weston, while Bäcklund’s piece describes an unnoticed collection of documents in the Royal Library in Copenhagen relating to Edward Kelley and alchemists moving in the Dee-Kelley circle.» — el capítulo de Bassnett, según Clucas, muestra un lado desconocido de Kelley y de quienes se movían en el círculo de Dee y Kelley.

«Bassnett sketches out a tantalising new set of possibilities for our understanding of Kelley and his relationship with Dee which, in contradistinction to previous historical accounts (which stress Dee’s innocent credulity), “is not altogether favourable to Dee”.» — y con una advertencia que Clucas no suaviza: el nuevo cuadro de relaciones no resulta del todo favorable a Dee.

«Julian Roberts, who presented a privately printed set of corrections to John Dee’s Library Catalogue to participants in the 1995 John Dee Colloquium gives us an invaluable account of newly discovered books which once formed part of Dee’s library, including such remarkable finds as Dee’s densely annotated copy of Marsilio Ficino’s Omni Divini Platonis Opera (Basel, 1532), found in the library of St John’s College Cambridge, and the two manuscripts of the Aldaraia sive Soyga, discovered by Deborah Harkness in the Bodleian Library and the British Library.» — y el capítulo de Roberts da cuenta de manuscritos de Dee recién localizados.

«These essays introducing new materials which shed light on Dee and his associates, and the other essays which introduce new perspectives on aspects of Dee’s intellectual and professional activities suggest that there is still a great deal of work to be done on Dee» — Clucas cierra su introducción señalando que los ensayos que traen materiales nuevos indican cuánto trabajo queda por hacer sobre Dee.

«Dee certainly remains an enduringly fascinating figure: in their different ways Edward Fenton’s popular edition of Dee’s diaries, Benjamin Woolley’s popular biography The Queen’s Conjuror: the science and magic of Doctor Dee (2001) and Håkan Håkansson’s recent PhD thesis on the occult-philosophical dimensions of Dee’s work, Seeing the Word: John Dee and Renaissance Occultism (2001) provide ample testimony that Dee’s interest in “rare and straunge Artes” continues to exercise a fascination for scholars and the general public alike.» — y consigna que Dee sigue siendo figura de fascinación duradera, tanto para los estudiosos como para el público general.

«With new materials and new studies emerging at this rate we can expect our understanding of Dee and his significance for sixteenth-century intellectual life to continue changing and developing throughout the twenty-first century.» — con su pronóstico acotado: con materiales y estudios nuevos, la erudición sobre Dee seguirá cambiando y desarrollándose a lo largo del siglo XXI.

«Although it could be argued that the beginnings of the serious historical consideration of the occult begins much earlier, with Lynn Thorndike’s, The Place of Magic in the Intellectual History of Europe, Studies in History, Economics and Public Law, 24 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1905), and his magisterial A History of Magic and Experimental Science during the first thirteen centuries of our era, 8 vols. (New York: Macmillan & Co., 1923-58).» — Clucas concede en nota que podría discutirse la fecha de los comienzos: la consideración histórica del ocultismo empieza antes, y remite a Lynn Thorndike.

«and his magisterial A History of Magic and Experimental Science during the first thirteen centuries of our era, 8 vols.» — y da el título entero de la obra magna de Thorndike sobre magia y ciencia experimental en los trece primeros siglos de nuestra era, en ocho volúmenes.

«Clearly much work remains to be done before so complex a polymath as John Dee can be fully understood and properly appreciated.» — Clucas repite en nota que queda mucho por hacer antes de que Dee pueda entenderse cabalmente y apreciarse como corresponde.

«For Dee’s annotations in Crusius see Westman and McGuire’s Plate 3.» — y localiza en nota las anotaciones de Dee en Crusius, remitiendo a Westman y a la lámina tercera de McGuire.

«This improvement of Dee’s status in scholarship, however, does not mean that his identity has been resolved.» — Clulee abre su capítulo con una reserva: que el estatuto de Dee haya mejorado en la erudición no significa que su identidad esté resuelta.

«Now historiography may be the refuge of those with little new to say, but two things suggest otherwise on this occasion.» — y sale al paso de la objeción previsible con humor sobrio: la historiografía puede ser el refugio de quien no tiene nada nuevo que decir, pero en esta ocasión hay razones para pensar otra cosa.

«First, Yates’s “reintroduction of Dee” was carried out against the backdrop of a particular stage in the history of science; making these relationships clear will assist in critically appreciating her work and the Dee that emerged from it.» — su primera razón: la reintroducción de Dee por Yates se hizo con un propósito, y de ahí salió lo que salió.

«Second, major changes have accrued over the last ten years in the historiography of early modern science and these present an altered framework for understanding Dee in relation to science.» — la segunda: en las últimas décadas se han acumulado cambios que alteran el marco para entender a Dee en relación con la ciencia.

«I have previously referred to Yates’s and French’s picture of Dee as the Warburg interpretation,3 because Frances Yates, from her position at the Warburg Institute, was its root and guiding inspiration, and I will use that designation here for its verbal convenience.» — Clulee explica el nombre que él mismo puso: llamó interpretación Warburg a la lectura de Yates y French por comodidad verbal.

«Because of these experiences I developed an almost ritual like formula of several sentences to introduce Dee and plug his claim to scholarly attention.» — y cuenta que de esas experiencias sacó una fórmula para presentar a Dee y su derecho a la atención erudita.

«If Dee, perhaps, has not in the last decade become the latest counter-hero in the revisionist culture wars of the scientific revolution, he has at least moved out of the shadows of preterition.» — con el límite dentro: quizá Dee no se haya vuelto un contrahéroe, pero sí ha salido de las sombras de la preterición.

«There has been a mounting volume of studies on Dee, most notably William Sherman’s John Dee: The Politics of Reading and Writing in the English Renaissance and Deborah Harkness’s studies of Dee’s angel conversations.» — y consigna el volumen creciente de estudios, hasta los que tratan las conversaciones angélicas.

«What became the modern idea of the Scientific Revolution was articulated in 1943 when Alexandre Koyré, localizing the emergence of modern science within astronomy and physics, applied this phrase to his sense of a sharp conceptual shift yielding Galileo’s and Descartes’s new understanding of motion.» — Clulee data en 1943, con Alexandre Koyré, la articulación de lo que sería la idea moderna de Revolución Científica en torno a una comprensión nueva del movimiento.

«Koyré himself eventually placed it within a broader historical process beginning with Copernicus and only resolved with a “Newtonian synthesis,” a process that seemed to parallel Edwin Burtt’s theme of the mathematization of nature from Copernicus to Newton.» — y añade que el propio Koyré acabó situándola en la línea que va de Copérnico a Newton.

«Finally, in 1948 Herbert Butterfield’s lectures on The Origins of Modern Science gave greater general currency to the idea that this great story of the transformation of astronomy and mechanics was the decisive shift in the transition to the modern world.» — el tercer hito: las conferencias de Herbert Butterfield de 1948, que difundieron la idea de un cambio decisivo hacia el mundo moderno.

«He also further broadened it by extending the dates from 1300 to 1800 to encompass Vesalius and Harvey, a host of other interesting things happening in the Renaissance, and a “Postponed Scientific Revolution in Chemistry.”» — Clulee señala que Butterfield la amplió aún más, hasta una Revolución Científica pospuesta en química.

«One usage referred to the master narrative of an inner revolution in astronomy and mechanics and the attendant philosophical shifts progressing from Copernicus to Newton that became something of a standard model.» — Clulee distingue dos usos del concepto: uno remite al relato maestro de un modelo estándar.

«The other usage applied to the congeries of developments in the broader chronological period in which the master narrative was embedded and whose relation to the inner revolution remained unclear and problematical.» — y el otro a un conjunto de cosas cuya relación quedó poco clara y problemática.

«Despite any positive glimmers, this new concept of the Scientific Revolution threatened to consign Dee to Hall’s “vast deal of esoteric chaff” that had to be eliminated before a pure science emerged.» — el efecto que le adjudica sobre Dee: pese a los destellos positivos, el concepto nuevo lo relegó a lo anterior a una ciencia pura.

«Neither seems likely according to the normal rules of progression.» — la abstención de Clulee ante dos hipótesis: ninguna parece probable según las reglas normales de progresión.

«However, it proved difficult to find within the Neoplatonism of the Renaissance a clear mechanism of transition from number symbolism to mathematics as a tool of quantitative analysis other than Koyré’s mutation in Galileo’s thought, leaving the Renaissance and science as distinct as ever.» — la dificultad que Clulee señala: dentro del neoplatonismo resultó difícil hallar el paso del simbolismo numérico a las matemáticas, que siguieron tan distintos como siempre.

«What is new is the role of magic.» — y lo que Clulee identifica como novedad de esa lectura: el papel de la magia.

«In pursuing this, however, I became progressively dissatisfied with the Warburg Dee.» — Clulee declara en primera persona el giro de su propia investigación: fue quedando progresivamente insatisfecho con el Dee del Warburg.

«I therefore endeavoured to approach him not as someone to be placed within an existing tradition or as an instance of influences but as an individual whose works must first be studied in their own right.» — y el método que adoptó en consecuencia: acercarse a Dee no como pieza de una tradición sino como alguien que primero debe estudiarse por sí mismo.

«Because we have a record of his library, now available in a magnificent edition by Julian Roberts and Andrew Watson, and many existing copies of his books with his annotations can be identified, the possibilities of doing a cultural history of his intellectual life are particularly rich.» — la razón por la que ese camino le parece practicable: contamos con el registro de su biblioteca, lo que hace particularmente ricas las posibilidades de una historia cultural de su vida intelectual.

«I did not find in his work in natural philosophy a further elaboration of Renaissance Florentine Neoplatonism, or of a coherent recognized “Hermetic” tradition, or of a Renaissance “occult philosophy” with a Hermetic, or Neoplatonist, or Pythagorean, or Cabalist core as Yates variously specified.» — el resultado negativo que Clulee declara: no halló en su filosofía natural la continuidad hermética o neoplatónica que Yates especificó de varias maneras.

«In actuality, he presented his work in natural philosophy as a claim to elevate himself from the narrow instrumental role of teacher and practical adviser to the status of royal intellectual with the financial security and freedom to pursue his special studies.» — lo que sí halló: Dee presentaba su trabajo en filosofía natural como vía para elevarse a un estatuto intelectual que le diera libertad de proseguir sus estudios especiales.

«On the issue of the connection of Renaissance occultism with the Scientific Revolution, which had been the original objective of my study of Dee and for which Dee was a mainstay of the Yates thesis, the jury is still out.» — su abstención expresa sobre la cuestión mayor: en lo tocante a la conexión entre el ocultismo renacentista y la Revolución Científica, el jurado sigue deliberando.

«Specific connections from the works of Dee have not, however, been forthcoming.» — y el estado de la evidencia: de las obras de Dee no han salido conexiones específicas.

«Now I would like to think that I have made some useful contributions to understanding Dee, but with regard to the Warburg Dee and the Yates thesis these conclusions are rather bleakly negative.» — Clulee reconoce el carácter de sus propias conclusiones: le gustaría pensar otra cosa, pero son más bien sombríamente negativas.

«Dee is not the “towering figure in European thought” whose example will support a connection between the Renaissance in the guise of a revival of Hermetic magic and the new science of the Scientific Revolution.» — su negativa central: Dee no es la figura descollante que enlace el Renacimiento con la ciencia nueva de la Revolución Científica.

«While the continuity from Renaissance to new science is still problematic, I think Dee also suggests a good deal of continuity between medieval and Renaissance, with the medieval elements being the more productive for Dee’s investigation of nature.» — el desplazamiento que propone: hay continuidad de la Edad Media al Renacimiento, y los elementos medievales resultaron más productivos para la investigación de la naturaleza en Dee.

«That hermeticism and the Hermetica played little role in Dee’s thought is not surprising in the light of Brian Copenhaver’s work.» — y le adjudica a la obra de Brian Copenhaver el haber vuelto poco sorprendente que el hermetismo y los *Hermetica* jugaran poco papel.

«Copenhaver has shown that Hermes and the Hermetica served a mainly doxographic role, providing a basis of legitimacy for magic that was based on the theoretical foundation of a Neoplatonic cosmology most clearly expressed by Proclus and supported by a long tradition of supposedly empirical information about magical objects.» — la tesis de Copenhaver que Clulee expone: Hermes servía sobre todo de legitimación teórica sobre información supuestamente empírica de objetos mágicos.

«When the Hermetica went beyond legitimating magic to actually shaping it, as in the case of Robert Fludd, it was the religious elements that predominated, driving magic away from its natural orientation toward a spiritual theosophy similar to Dee’s later inclinations and less conducive to science.» — y añade que cuando los *Hermetica* iban más allá de legitimar, lo religioso dominaba y resultaba menos propicio a la ciencia.

«The sense of crisis reflected in Jan Golinski’s “question as to whether the notion of a coherent, European-wide, Scientific Revolution can survive continued historiographical scrutiny” seems confirmed when Cohen, after reading the wide-ranging collection of papers in Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution, came to wonder whether such a thing as the “ Scientific Revolution ” mentioned in the title ever took place at all.» — Clulee registra la crisis del concepto mismo, hasta la duda de si la Revolución Científica ocurrió siquiera.

«Originally designating an event – Koyré’s sharp mutation in the science of motion – the concept has been progressively diluted and flattened out to designate a chronological period encompassing such a variety of developments that its claim to mark a unique and decisive stage in the development of the West is in serious jeopardy.» — y sitúa en serio peligro el concepto que originalmente designaba un suceso.

«A number of things contributed to this state of affairs, but overall, they are at root a function of the progressive historicization of science.» — entre las causas que enumera, la historización progresiva de la ciencia.

«The very emergence of the notion of the Scientific Revolution was coupled with an historicist aim on Koyré’s part to analyse the thought of a scientist in the context of his own work and that of his contemporaries and predecessors rather than just tracing prevailing scientific ideas back to their origins or as a way of illustrating preconceived philosophical viewpoints.» — y el origen que le atribuye a la noción: ilustrar puntos de vista filosóficos preconcebidos.

«In its earliest stage, this effort yielded a sharply defined turning point within the clear line of a narrative from Copernicus to Newton.» — con el resultado que dio en su etapa más temprana: un punto de inflexión de Copérnico a Newton.

«The Hermetica were not necessary for the adoption of or pursuit of an occult or magical natural philosophy, as is clear in» — Clulee sostiene que los *Hermetica* no eran necesarios para adoptar ni proseguir una filosofía natural oculta o mágica; el tramo se corta al pie de plana.

«the case of Dee, who appealed little to authority and when he did, usually invoked» — y sigue en la plana siguiente: en el caso de Dee, que apelaba poco a la autoridad y, cuando lo hacía, invocaba a Roger Bacon.

«Butterfield’s broadening of coverage and the dual usage of the term blurred the clear narrative line, as did growing specialist studies highlighting lesser-known scientific characters and previously unknown sides of familiar figures.» — Clulee señala que al ampliar la cobertura Butterfield difuminó el relato, hasta incluir lados desconocidos de figuras familiares.

«In sum, the clear line of a master narrative from Copernicus to Newton has been muddied, and the traditional framework of debate between internalist and externalist causes, and evolutionary versus revolutionary change, which rested on the assumption that modern science has some defining feature, whose appearance in the Scientific Revolution it is the historian’s task to explain and present in a “great story,” has been rendered problematic by doubts that such a feature can be grasped.» — su balance: la línea clara de un rasgo definitorio de la ciencia se ha vuelto problemática, y con ella la confianza en poder asirlo.

«What prevailed was not a single alternative to Aristotle, whether Neoplatonic, Hermetic, or Chemical, but a broad, eclectic, shifting, and confused range of intellectual and social initiatives.» — lo que Clulee pone en su lugar: no una alternativa única a Aristóteles, sino un abanico ecléctico y confuso de iniciativas intelectuales y sociales.

«This characterization accords well with Dee’s eclectic reading from classical to medieval Arabic and Latin sources, his openness to the practical arts, his groping for an appropriate social identity and locus, and his shifting definition of problems as he cut himself loose from the natural philosophical framework of Aristotelianism.» — y encuentra que esa caracterización cuadra bien con el eclecticismo de Dee y con su ruptura del marco aristotélico.

«I think it would still be valuable to carry this out.» — Clulee formula un pendiente en primera persona: seguiría valiendo la pena editar la *Mathematicall Praeface*.

«It goes almost without saying that this must be a touchstone for almost all future work on Dee and could be the subject for studies of its own.» — y le reconoce a la edición de Roberts y Watson ser referencia casi obligada, y objeto de estudios propios.

«What strikes me is that Dee had studied these same works from his interest in optics, he had also worked on the parallax of the Nova of 1572, and he had corresponded with Tycho, yet Dee never reached the point where he had anything of interest to offer Tycho.» — el dato incómodo que Clulee no esconde: Dee había estudiado obras de óptica y se carteaba con Tycho, y no parece haber tenido nada de interés que ofrecerle.

«Now this could be taken as an instance of Dee missing the progressive boat, but from another perspective it could provide an opportunity for a comparative study of the intersection and interaction of texts, of the definition of problems at hand, of the constraints of social contexts, and of the possibilities and limitations of disciplinary dialogues.» — y en vez de cerrarlo como fracaso lo abre como caso de estudio sobre las posibilidades y los límites de los diálogos disciplinares.

«A second consequence of abandoning the search for strong links between the Renaissance and the Scientific Revolution is that science and natural philosophy need not be the only historiographic context in which to consider Dee.» — la segunda consecuencia que saca de abandonar la búsqueda de vínculos fuertes: la ciencia deja de ser el único contexto historiográfico donde considerar a Dee.

«This also implies rethinking the Dee canon.» — de donde su propuesta, breve: repensar el canon de Dee.

«William Sherman has called attention to the “unreading” suffered by some of Dee’s texts and their contexts that accompanied the picture of Dee as primarily philosopher/natural philosopher/scientist.» — Clulee le atribuye a William Sherman haber llamado la atención sobre la *no lectura* de textos de Dee que resulta de verlo ante todo como filósofo natural o científico.

«Sherman’s initiative reached fruition just as this colloquium opened with the availability of the first copies of his John Dee: The Politics of Reading and Writing in the English Renaissance.» — y sitúa la maduración de esa iniciativa en su libro sobre la lectura y la escritura en el Renacimiento inglés.

«Deborah Harkness has also contributed to transforming Dee from isolated intellectual into a more multidimensional personality with her recent study of the management of Dee’s “experimental household,” evoking the importance of Jane Dee’s role along side that of John.» — Clulee le reconoce a Deborah Harkness haber contribuido a un retrato multidimensional, con el papel de Jane Dee junto al de John.

«This unreading, despite Sherman, is persistent and results from more than exclusive focus on Dee’s natural philosophy or printed sources.» — y sostiene que esa no lectura persiste, pese a Sherman, por el foco exclusivo en la filosofía natural o en las fuentes impresas.

«All post-Warburg studies of Dee have given serious consideration to his manuscript remains, and it should go without saying that any future work on Dee cannot ignore the manuscript remains.» — su exigencia para lo que venga: ningún estudio posterior al Warburg puede ignorar los restos manuscritos.

«The larger problem that these examples present for this colloquium is that historical studies can apparently be written without Dee.» — el problema mayor que los ejemplos le plantean: que se puedan escribir historias sin Dee.

«One thing that has struck me lately is that the actual history that Dee has experienced serves to define a number of areas that deserve further investigation.» — y lo que a Clulee le llama la atención: la historia que Dee vivió delimita las áreas que merecen investigación.

«This could provide a concrete line on Dee’s possible influence into the core period of the Scientific Revolution, which might yield results through an investigation of these re-editions, their readership, and how Dee’s Praeface fared among them.» — la vía concreta que propone: la reimpresión de la *Praeface* como línea para rastrear su suerte.

«To be truly fruitful, this ought to investigate the motives for republication, how Dee was read and by whom, and how his ideas may have functioned in that period.» — con la condición que le pone: para ser fructífero habría que investigar los motivos de la republicación y cómo pudo funcionar en aquel periodo.

«Dee’s name is not and probably never will be invoked in the company of Galileo, Descartes, Boyle, et. al. to stand for certain intellectual values associated with enlightenment.» — Clulee acepta el lugar que Dee no ocupa: su nombre no se cita ni probablemente se citará junto a los valores asociados a la ilustración.

«This marginalization may be the product of the social construction of an ideology of science, but it speaks to a cultural artefact that might yield to historical analysis.» — y deja la explicación abierta: la marginación puede ser producto de una ideología, pero se presta al análisis histórico.

«In thoroughly de-historicizing Dee, I find this approach less than helpful in understanding Dee.» — su objeción a los usos contemporáneos: deshistorizar a Dee del todo le parece de poca ayuda para entenderlo.

«Since I have also worked as a computer consultant, this does not even do anything for my understanding of computers and the “information highway.”» — Clulee usa su propia experiencia como programador para negar que la invocación de Dee aporte algo a la comprensión de la informática y de la autopista de la información.

«This is a cultural artefact, however, and why Dee is invoked in this context may tell us something about the thing Davis calls cyberculture; certainly it speaks volumes about the mystifications evoked by novel technologies in the manner so luxuriantly explored by Pynchon as well as the “excess of wonder” leading the hermetic interpreter on that is one of Umberto Eco’s themes.» — y sin embargo concede que esa invocación es un artefacto cultural que dice algo, remitiendo a uno de los temas de Umberto Eco.

«Closer to our scholarly home in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Dee’s Monas had by far the strongest history of all of his works.» — de vuelta al terreno erudito, Clulee le adjudica a la *Monas* la historia más fuerte de todas las obras de Dee.

«In addition to the original 1564 edition, there was one printed in 1591 at Frankfurt, as well as its inclusion in the 1622 and 1659 editions of Zetzner’s great Theatrum chemicum.» — y da las reediciones: además de la original de 1564, las de 1591, 1622 y 1659, hasta el gran *Theatrum chemicum* de Zetzner.

«Further, the Monas, its central symbol, or its ideas are mentioned, referenced, discussed, or critiqued by Johann Valentin Andreae, Petrus Bongus, Gerard Dorn, Andreas Libavius, Heinrich Khunrath, and Athanasius Kircher, and possibly others.» — Clulee enumera a quienes mencionan o critican la *Monas* y su símbolo central, entre ellos Kircher.

«Yates’s Rosicrucian Enlightenment may have been on to something after all.» — y concede algo a la adversaria que viene discutiendo: puede que *The Rosicrucian Enlightenment* de Yates diera con algo después de todo.

«Tracing the Rosicrucian phenomenon to Dee’s “mission” to the East and his association there may be without foundation, but we need to acknowledge a historical reality here.» — con su límite: aunque rastrear el fenómeno rosacruz hasta la misión de Dee al Este carezca de base, hay una realidad histórica que reconocer.

«Dee’s Monas in some way became a part of a cultural ferment in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries that could well repay study.» — de ahí su propuesta: la *Monas* se integró de algún modo en el fermento cultural de la época, y estudiarlo bien podría rendir.

«Such study should involve looking at things not exclusively from Dee’s side but also from the perspective of those who read him.» — el método que sugiere: mirar a Dee también desde la perspectiva de quienes lo leyeron.

«For instance, only four years after the Monas appeared, Gerard Dorn featured the Monas symbol and other figures from the Monas as part of a device on the title page of his Chymisticum artificium naturae.» — el ejemplo que da: apenas cuatro años después, Gerard Dorn usa el símbolo de la mónada en la portada de su *Chymisticum artificium naturae*.

«Dee owned a copy of this, and complained that Dorn used the symbols without properly crediting him.» — y Clulee consigna la queja: Dee tenía un ejemplar y Dorn usó sus símbolos sin acreditarlo debidamente.

«Dorn, in fact, uses Dee’s figures in his own particular context.» — con el matiz que Clulee añade: Dorn emplea las figuras de Dee en su propio contexto particular.

«Gerard Dorn, Chymisticum artificium naturae, theoricum & practicum ([n.p., n.pub], 1568). Dee’s copy is in the New York Society Library. The title page of this has Dee’s initials at the top and an inscription at the bottom to the effect that Dorn used Dee’s symbol without acknowledgement.» — la nota donde Clulee documenta el ejemplar de Dee del *Chymisticum artificium naturae* de Gerard Dorn, hoy en la New York Society Library, con las iniciales de Dee arriba y al pie una inscripción que dice que Dorn usó su símbolo sin reconocerlo.

«Erik Davis, “Techgnosis: Magic, Memory, and the Angels of Information”, South Atlantic Quarterly, 92:4 (1993): 585-616 (603).» — y la referencia con que apoya su reparo a la deshistorización de Dee: el artículo de Erik Davis sobre tecnognosis, magia, memoria y los ángeles de la información.

«Roger Bacon, Epistolæ Fratris Rogerij Baconis, De secretis operibus artis et naturæ, et de nullitate» — Clulee da en nota la edición de las *Epistolae* de Roger Bacon sobre las obras secretas del arte y de la naturaleza; el tramo se corta al cruzar la plana, y la nota continúa con la nulidad de la magia y la obra de Dee.

«magiæ. Opera Iohannis Dee […] e pluribus exemplaribus castigata olim, et ad sensum integrum restituta (Hamburg, 1618» — continuación de esa nota en la plana siguiente: la edición de Hamburgo de 1618, castigada y restituida a su sentido íntegro por obra de John Dee a partir de varios ejemplares; el latín va tal cual y los corchetes con puntos son de la propia nota.

«Although John Dee’s first teaching appointment was in classics at the new Trinity College, Cambridge in 1547, he was soon off abroad to buy books later that year, and going on extended trips to the Universities of Louvain and Paris in 1549 and 1550 to study the practical application of mathematics to navigational problems.» — Baldwin abre su capítulo con el primer nombramiento docente de Dee y con su viaje a estudiar la aplicación de las matemáticas a los problemas de la navegación.

«Dee claimed to have been offered a mathematics lectureship at Oxford in 1553-4.» — y consigna, marcándolo como reclamación del propio Dee, que le habrían ofrecido una lectoría de matemáticas en Oxford en 1553-4.

«There is real doubt over whether the newly established colleges retained them, for they were certainly in Dee’s house at Mortlake by 1568.» — la duda que Baldwin declara sobre si los colegios conservaron los instrumentos.

«As a result Dee possessed a version of Chancellor’s manuscript account of his exploration past the North Cape along with another version by Hugh Smith which retained one of Chancellor’s quadrants, and Chancellor’s work on a diagonal scale.» — Baldwin documenta que Dee llegó a poseer una versión de los materiales y un cuadrante con escala diagonal ligados a las exploraciones de Chancellor.

«He certainly formed a close friendship with Richard Chancellor as they evaluated together the viability of the Duke’s various schemes.» — y da por firme la amistad estrecha con Richard Chancellor y la evaluación conjunta de los proyectos del duque.

«Dee compared Mercator’s maps with “my friend Stephen Borough, his platt”, a chart of the North East Atlantic now known through the survival of part of it copied by William Borough and now in Trinity College Dublin.» — Baldwin sigue el cotejo que Dee hizo de los mapas de Mercator con la carta de Stephen Borough, hoy en el Trinity College de Dublín.

«Dee can be seen working on this proposition both as the “paradoxall compass” (or circumpolar chart) in 1557-8, and in other navigational charts, but also exploiting it as “the Groundplat of my MATHEMATICALL Preface annexed to Euclid (now first) published in our Englishe toung”, published by Henry Billingsley in 1570 as The Elements of Geometry.» — y lo ve trabajando en el compás paradójico hasta su publicación.

«Dee shows misplaced confidence that he would soon be vindicated by the exploration of his pupils Martin Frobisher and Christopher Hall.» — el juicio de Baldwin, que no lo suaviza: Dee muestra una confianza mal puesta en que sus discípulos, Martin Frobisher y Christopher Hall, lo vindicarían.

«I trust with one or two complete surveys, after this to be performed by my travail [...] that all the northern part of Asia, with the two principall cities thereof, Cambaia and Quinsay, will become to the British natural inhabitants of this Monarchy so well known as are the coasts of Denmark and Norway and their periplus.» — el propio Dee en la cita de Baldwin: confía en que con uno o dos levantamientos completos el norte de Asia quedará tan conocido como Dinamarca y Noruega y su periplo.

«Dee certainly taught their use in his own library at Mortlake and added to this collection a large astronomical quadrant made in 1551 by his ill-fated but distinguished sea-going pupil, Richard Chancellor.» — Baldwin da por seguro que Dee enseñaba el uso de los instrumentos, y añade el cuadrante hecho por su discípulo navegante Richard Chancellor.

«He would engage in related correspondence with Gerard Mercator and Abraham Ortelius from the time that Ortelius’s cordiform world map appeared in 1564.» — y registra la correspondencia con Mercator y Ortelius a raíz del mapamundi de 1564.

«Dee followed Cortes’s earlier educational advice that subjects that were difficult to convey in writing should be presented as platts or charts.» — el precedente pedagógico que Baldwin le señala: Dee sigue a Cortés en presentar los asuntos difíciles como cartas.

«Dee’s navigational teaching had initially followed the largely mathematical syllabus taught in London from 1547 by a fellow Welshman, Robert Recorde.» — Baldwin sitúa el arranque de la enseñanza náutica de Dee en el programa de su paisano galés Robert Recorde.

«Dee set about correcting some of Recorde’s textbooks for re-issue after Recorde’s death in 1558 because those texts were used to instruct the Muscovy Company’s pilots.» — y consigna que Dee corrigió textos de Recorde para reeditarlos, y que sirvieron para instruir a los pilotos de la Muscovy Company.

«This edition was taken by Frobisher to the North West in 1576 along with four other works – all obviously taken because of Dee’s recommendation as to their geographical and mathematical content.» — añade que Frobisher se llevó esa edición al noroeste por recomendación de Dee.

«On 30 March 1592 Dee’s diary recorded that “Mr. Saunder[s] of Ewell sent home my great sea cumpass: but without a needle: it came in the night by water.”» — el apunte de diario que Baldwin cita: el 30 de marzo de 1592 Dee registra una brújula que le llegó de noche por agua.

«Within the opportunity that his Mortlake home offered he nurtured an interdisciplinary approach which took his pupils’ understanding far beyond the theorems so ably advanced by Robert Recorde and Henry Billingsley.» — el juicio de Baldwin sobre el alcance que Dee logró en Mortlake, por encima de lo hecho por Recorde y Billingsley.

«He also defined navigation as the demonstration of the shortest (and therefore cheapest) safe and convenient route for a ship between two accurately defined locations.» — la definición de navegación que Baldwin le atribuye a Dee: la vía más corta y segura entre dos lugares exactamente definidos.

«In 1570 Dee declared the spirit in which he entered into such teaching as “To stirre the imagination mathematicall: and to inform ye practice mechanicall.”» — y el espíritu que Dee declara en 1570 para su enseñanza, con su inglés isabelino intacto.

«Dee was not a natural sailor but his own experience of seagoing would serve to focus his mind on how his skill in spherical geometry and his knowledge of terrestrial variation might be put to practical use.» — Baldwin concede el límite: Dee no era marino de natural, pero su experiencia podía servir en la práctica.

«This was expressed as ‘A brief remembrance of sundry forein regions, discovered, inhabited and partly conquered by subjects of this Brytish Monarchie’.» — el rótulo con que Dee acompaña su carta del Atlántico Norte, con la *Brytish Monarchie* en su grafía.

«He probably vested extra characteristics in it beyond those discussed in Ptolemaic texts because he realised that, while one could define a place by means of latitude and longitude, he could offer the sailor no convenient means to determine longitude at sea where it mattered most.» — Baldwin conserva la conjetura y el límite: probablemente Dee le atribuyó al instrumento más de lo que daba, pues carecía de método práctico para la longitud allí donde más importaba.

«This features in his work on Wales compiled in 1574,16 but most dramatically in the text of four out of the five claims of prior discovery he asserted on verso of his chart of the North Atlantic clearly ruled and drawn up in 1578, although not finished and dated until 1580.» — Baldwin data el mapa: dibujado en 1578 dentro de su trabajo sobre Gales, terminado y fechado solo en 1580.

«It must derive from his privileged access to the voyager’s charts and journals between 1576 and 1580.» — y explica su fuente: el acceso privilegiado de Dee a los diarios de los viajes entre 1576 y 1580.

«However, its ruled graticule suggests Dee was as concerned with other related problems, such as the convergence of meridians, and how to present a navigator with the cartographic and toponomic realities.» — Baldwin lee en la retícula trazada la preocupación de Dee por las realidades cartográficas y toponímicas; la capa de texto imprime *toponomic*.

«In doing this he thought not in the time-honoured manner of the land lawyer, nor in compliance with the Privy Council’s instructions that Frobisher’s discoveries be kept secret, but more practically about how to present visually the problems of what compass course to steer, and how far along the North West passage were the newly discovered mines.» — y el orden de prioridades que le atribuye: no las normas legales sino la presentación visual de rutas y de las minas recién descubiertas.

«Clearly Dee’s regular cross-channel trips had helped him grasp the practical navigational value of the coastal view to the sailor – views such as those that accompanied Pierre Garcie’s popular printed rutters for the French and English shores.» — Baldwin adjudica a los viajes regulares de Dee cruzando el canal el valor práctico que le da a la vista de costa.

«In consequence Dee counselled Hall to prepare similar views of Iceland and Meta Incognita.» — y de ahí el consejo a Hall de preparar vistas parecidas de Islandia y de Meta Incognita.

«Dee’s instructions to Charles Jackman and Arthur Pet for the voyage to Cathay and Japan reveal Dee’s huge confidence in his own charts as the latter part of the title states:» — Baldwin trae las instrucciones de Dee a Charles Jackman y Arthur Pet, y la confianza que muestra en sus propias cartas.

«That same fire-damaged text clearly relates to a signed circumpolar chart which Dee drew for Pet before his departure in 1580, and which survives in an atlas in the library at Burghley House, Stamford.» — el texto dañado por el fuego que Baldwin relaciona con la carta circumpolar conservada en la biblioteca de Burghley House, en Stamford.

«It captures the strategic concern of Burghley and Dee about such northern passages about Latitude 64 degrees North.» — y en él lee la preocupación estratégica de Burghley y de Dee por los pasos septentrionales hasta los 64 grados de latitud norte.

«Dee’s chart (Plate 1), but not the appended comment in Lord Burghley’s hand, once accompanied a copy of the explorers’ instructions dated 17 May 1580.» — Baldwin distingue lo que es de Dee de lo que es comentario de Lord Burghley, fechado el 17 de mayo de 1580.

«Nonetheless, at Dee’s instance, Jackman and Pet were instructed to procure any new maps and charts drawn or published in China and Japan.» — la instrucción que Baldwin destaca: a instancia de Dee, Jackman y Pet debían conseguir mapas dibujados o publicados en China y en Japón.

«Finding the theoretical North Easterly route impassable, Pet returned home in March 1581.» — el desenlace: hallada impracticable la ruta teórica del nordeste, Pet volvió a casa en marzo de 1581.

«Jackman’s ship was only lost after he parted company with Pet in February 1581 to re-explore the North West passage and perhaps the mines and supplies which he knew from personal experience had been abandoned by Frobisher in 1578.» — y la nave de Jackman se perdió solo después de separarse.

«Dee’s conviction about the value of the “Paradoxall compass” (or circumpolar sea chart) in illuminating the theoretically shorter northern ways to Cathay and Japan seems to have remained largely intact despite disappointments and lives lost by his pupils like Chancellor and Jackman in search of it.» — Baldwin señala que Dee mantuvo su convicción sobre el valor del *paradoxall compass* pese a los fracasos.

«The disappointments in this respect which stung Dee more began with John Daye’s refusal in 1577 to publish the large “Paradoxall chart” and associated tables that had figured in Dee’s manuscript as completed the previous year.» — y sitúa el arranque de su frustración en la negativa de Daye a publicar su carta.

«Had Frobisher’s voyages been successful commercially, Dee’s reputation as an advisor and shareholder would have risen.» — la conjetura contrafáctica que Baldwin plantea: de haber sido comercialmente exitosos los viajes de Frobisher, la reputación de Dee como asesor y accionista habría subido.

«His activity is recorded in some detail in a text which shows he had framed his questions in a quasi-scientific way, and then tried to test them.» — Baldwin apoya en un texto documentado lo que llama el enfoque casi científico de Dee, que formulaba y luego intentaba poner a prueba.

«Dee’s status in such matters was not totally destroyed by this because he had another specialised body of knowledge about mining and mining law which could not be devalued by the assayers of Frobisher’s ores who continued their activity up to the end of March 1583.» — y matiza que su estatuto no quedó del todo destruido, gracias a su conocimiento especializado en derecho minero.

«Although his lack of knowledge of how such practitioners and artificers operated day by day let him down, was Dee justified in looking for some intellectual and economic coherence in the application of mathematics, navigation, geography, geology and metallurgy?» — la pregunta que Baldwin deja abierta sin responderla: si Dee estaba justificado al buscar coherencia intelectual entre geografía, geología y metalurgia pese a su desconocimiento práctico.

«Dee did not realise that his “paradoxall compass” was virtually the same thing that some Spanish navigational instructors in the Casa de Contratacíon had adopted in 1522 after Sebastian del Cano’s circumnavigation.» — el dato que Baldwin le adjudica a Dee no haber advertido: que su compás paradójico se parecía al adoptado por los instructores españoles tras la circunnavegación de Sebastián del Cano.

«English Atlantic voyages to the gold-rich Guinea shore from 1554 onwards gave firmer encouragement for English mariners to turn to him for instruction in the skills of celestial navigation and mathematical correction to observations taken far out in the Atlantic.» — Baldwin explica la demanda de instrucción en navegación celeste por los viajes atlánticos ingleses.

«Dee almost certainly did not have that first-hand experience of voyaging to St Helena in 1562-63 which Coote suggested in his entry for the Dictionary of National Biography.» — la negativa que Baldwin declara con su grado de certeza: Dee casi con seguridad no tuvo la experiencia directa de viaje que Coote le atribuyó en el *Dictionary of National Biography*.

«Dee’s reading and travels ensured that many others consulted him on what trades and what geographical ideas to develop, while he himself continued to correspond with overseas mathematicians and cartographers.» — y lo que sí le reconoce: la lectura y los viajes le valieron consultas y correspondencia con matemáticos y cartógrafos de fuera.

«Dee’s circle of visitors included men who brought him new knowledge about the Atlantic; some deposited items with him ranging from logbooks, such as Christopher Hall and Charles Jackman entrusted to him, to large and detailed plane charts of the Atlantic such as one by the exiled Simão Fernandes which was copied in Mortlake on 20 November 1580 as: “The counterfet of Mr Fernando Simon’s, his sea carte which I lent unto my Master at» — entre los visitantes de Mortlake, según Baldwin, hubo quien copió allí un plano; el tramo se corta donde la capa de texto entrevera la cita.

«For these and closely-related reasons, Dee’s charts were thought of as state-of-the-art geographical and political statements.» — Baldwin sostiene que por esas razones los mapas de Dee se tenían por declaraciones geográficas y políticas de vanguardia.

«The latter were co-ordinated in London through Dr Hector Nunez and other Portuguese religious and piratical exiles known to Dee and Burghley.» — y adjudica la coordinación en Londres al doctor Hector Nunez y a los exiliados portugueses conocidos de Dee y de Burghley.

«It was mutual respect which led Dee to give Sir Humfrey Gilbert a circumpolar chart showing much more of the Americas in 1582.» — el respeto mutuo que, según Baldwin, llevó a Dee a entregarle a Gilbert una carta circumpolar en 1582.

«This famous chart is now in the Free Library of Philadelphia.» — y localiza esa carta famosa en la Free Library de Filadelfia.

«It informed Sir Humfrey Gilbert’s fatal voyage in the Squirrel in 1583 and his formal claim to Newfoundland.» — Baldwin le atribuye haber informado el viaje fatal de Sir Humfrey Gilbert y su reclamación formal de Terranova.

«Dee’s advocacy of the spatial realities conveyed by the circumpolar chart not only seemed to qualify him as one of the chief armchair travellers, it also led a desperate Michael Lok to produce a similar one in 1582 engraved on copper for Richard Hakluyt, showing the form and location of Frobisher’s discoveries.» — y consigna que la defensa que Dee hizo de esas realidades espaciales movió a Michael Lok a producir un mapa parecido.

«Both mens’ reputations had been badly damaged by the catastrophic failure of the Cathay Company’s speculative attempt to colonise and extract the ores of Kodlunarn Island and other sites in Meta Incognita in 1578.» — el daño compartido que Baldwin registra tras el fracaso de la empresa en Meta Incognita en 1578; la capa de texto imprime *mens’*.

«Until 1583 Dee also harboured the hope of locating a copper mine in the project to colonise Newfoundland.» — y hasta 1583, según Baldwin, Dee albergó la esperanza de una mina de cobre en el proyecto de colonizar Terranova.

«But Dee could not afford to await the outcome of that voyage to re-establish his position.» — Baldwin explica la urgencia: Dee no podía permitirse esperar el resultado del viaje para restablecer su posición.

«It was as well that he did not, even though briefly he considered embarking for Newfoundland early in 1583.» — y consigna, con el *even though* de la fuente, que consideró embarcar a Terranova a principios de 1583.

«Considering the interests of his wife and family he chose Cracow and Prague instead, embarking from Sheerness on 20 September 1583 for Bremen, Lubeck and Rostock, and thence through Poland to Cracow.» — la razón que Baldwin le adjudica a la ruta elegida: los intereses de su mujer y de su familia lo llevaron por Polonia a Cracovia.

«In preceding this with a careful catalogue of his books, before packing carefully selected ones, he shows his choice was a well-considered risk, and one made with the promise of funding from Prince Laski.» — y lee el catálogo cuidadoso de sus libros como parte de un riesgo bien calculado, con la promesa de fondos del príncipe Laski.

«Edward Kelley’s advice, however derived, alighted on the main chance too.» — sobre Kelley, Baldwin conserva la duda del origen: su consejo, viniera de donde viniera, apuntaba también a la oportunidad principal.

«So it was Dee’s choice to immerse himself in central Europe which he hoped would help make a greater success out of his metallurgical and astronomical knowledge.» — de modo que, según Baldwin, fue elección de Dee sumergirse en Europa central esperando sacar más de su conocimiento metalúrgico y astronómico.

«In some ways Dee was correct in his assessments of his economic prospects in 1583.» — y Baldwin le concede que en algunos aspectos su evaluación económica de 1583 era acertada.

«English investors were not in a position to make an immediate success from exploration and metallurgical discoveries in America.» — el estado del mercado que lo justifica: los inversores ingleses no estaban en condiciones de sacar partido inmediato de los hallazgos metalúrgicos en América.

«Only Drake’s spectacular captures of rich Spanish cargoes during his circumnavigation in 1577-80 saved the Crown and many of the Privy Council from severe financial embarrassment.» — y lo que salvó las finanzas de la Corona, según Baldwin, fueron las capturas espectaculares de cargamentos españoles por Drake.

«It was nearly four months after Dee left that the next step was taken to organise further English colonial enterprise.» — el dato cronológico que Baldwin coloca: casi cuatro meses después de la partida de Dee se dio el paso siguiente en la organización colonial inglesa.

«On 6 February 1584 Adrian Gilbert, John Davis and Sir Walter Raleigh (a name entered in Dee’s stead) gained the letters patent they had sought with Dee in 1583.» — y la fecha en que Adrian Gilbert, John Davis y Raleigh obtuvieron sus patentes.

«But in 1584 they only just managed to fund another exploratory voyage to North America’s shores, with Simão Fernandes acting as pilot.» — con el límite que Baldwin conserva: en 1584 apenas alcanzaron a financiar un viaje, con Simão Fernandes de piloto.

«Further settlement was not attempted until May 1585.» — y el asentamiento siguiente no se intentó hasta mayo de 1585.

«Under Governor Lane, the first Virginian settlement contained a comparable mathematical intellect in Thomas Harriot, and in Joachim Gansz a brilliant Czech metallurgist who would successfully operate a furnace at Roanoke.» — Baldwin registra que el primer asentamiento virginiano, bajo el gobernador Lane, incluía a Thomas Harriot y a Joachim Gansz, que operó un horno en Roanoke.

«Dee did not return to England until after Thomas Harriot’s Briefe and True Report of the Newfoundland of Virginia had been published in 1588, with just a few hints about the presence of copper resources inland.» — y sitúa el regreso de Dee a Inglaterra después de la publicación de Harriot, con su noticia de recursos de cobre tierra adentro.

«This success contrasts starkly with the otherwise lacklustre performance of the English economy from 1561 to 1574.» — el contraste que Baldwin subraya entre el éxito minero y el estado por lo demás de la economía inglesa entre 1561 y 1574.

«It was a decision that would effectually cut him adrift from England’s seafaring community and lose him valuable assigned incomes such as that from the Deanery of Gloucester.» — y el costo que le adjudica a una decisión de Dee: perder los ingresos del deanato de Gloucester.

«Dee’s actions have to be viewed as determined by his own version of an interdisciplinary, technological and mathematical vision of the Habsburg Empires.» — la clave con que Baldwin propone leer los actos de Dee: su visión de los imperios de los Habsburgo.

«It was a structured system of quasi-colonial thought developed initially in the Armazéns da Guinée, Mina é India in Lisbon, attended with success because gold was found in Guinea (hence the Gold Coast) and at Sofala in East Africa in 1505.» — y el modelo que describe: un sistema estructurado de organización cuasicolonial que remonta a África Oriental en 1505.

«Acting on Kelley’s advice and obviously for his family’s sake, Dee chose the lesser of two speculative risks by concentrating on his metallurgical and alchemical opportunities, rather than the seaborne risks associated with sub-Arctic exploration – risks which were more appropriate to younger men and seasoned mariners.» — Baldwin consigna que Dee, actuando por consejo de Kelley, eligió los riesgos menores frente a los de hombres más jóvenes y marineros curtidos.

«They eventually settled in Ireland at the charge of Edward VI to be supervised rather ineffectually by Robert Recorde as Master of the Mint and Mines in Ireland.» — Baldwin sigue al equipo de mineros hasta su asiento en Irlanda, a cargo de la Casa de Moneda y las Minas.

«It remained rare for their practices to be written down in any detail in England, albeit Hechstetter’s son did make the attempt to write up all their established “recipes”.» — y consigna la rareza documental: era raro que sus prácticas quedaran escritas, con todas sus recetas establecidas.

«Dee certainly used his own copies of probierbuchlein such as Lochner’s, for his library held the 1564 and 1574 versions, several of Agricola’s works, and Zimmerman’s shaping his advice.» — Baldwin da por seguro que Dee usó sus propios ejemplares de los *probierbüchlein* y que los de Zimmerman moldearon su consejo.

«Dee compounded his mistakes with over-confidence on 3 October 1574 in writing to Lord Burghley offering to discover a mine of gold or silver within the Queen’s dominions.» — el juicio de Baldwin sobre el exceso de confianza con que Dee prometió descubrir minas reales dentro de los dominios de la reina.

«Lok later implied that Dee first became involved in May 1574 saying just that Dee became interested ‘on hearing the common [gossip] of the new enterprise’.» — y recoge lo que Lok dio a entender más tarde sobre cuándo se interesó Dee en la nueva empresa.

«Dee’s related ideas on the sea transport and navigational skills needed to transport mineral wealth were consolidated for limited publication as a vast tract called rather misleadingly, the General and Rare Memorials pertayning to the Perfect Arte of Navigation.» — Baldwin remite las ideas de Dee sobre el transporte marítimo a los *General and Rare Memorials pertayning to the Perfect Arte of Navigation*.

«Dee’s strategic conclusions from this reading and academic learning were brought to new focus by Richard Grenville’s proposals, and later in May by Michael Lok’s which resulted in the dispatch of Frobisher to search for the North West passage.» — y atribuye a las conclusiones estratégicas de esa lectura, con Grenville y Lok de por medio, la búsqueda del paso del noroeste por Frobisher.

«Just as the Earl’s activities followed up Richard Eden’s ideas so Dee found two role models on which to base his new technologically advanced naval strategy.» — Baldwin encuentra los dos modelos sobre los que Dee apoyaría su estrategia naval tecnológicamente avanzada.

«One was the Earl, the other his newly wealthy naval neighbour at Lydney, Sir William Wynter, who became a shareholder in the Company of Mines Royal in November 1567.» — y los nombra: el conde y Sir William Wynter, accionista de la Company of Mines Royal desde noviembre de 1567.

«Following some major legal decisions in 1569 and 1581, the Earl’s son, who had been quite closely associated with Philip II’s metallurgical advisors in 1554-56, saw the way open to encourage the building of a major copper smelter completed by Joachim Gansz in 1582.» — tras las decisiones judiciales de 1569 y 1581, según Baldwin, el hijo del conde vio cómo impulsar la construcción de una gran fundición de cobre, terminada por Joachim Gansz en 1582.

«Dee sought a formal lease on the seaside mine from 1583 knowing that if it were to be successful much of the ores could be smelted in the Neath smelter for it was easily shipped from the hard standing of Coombe Martin’s harbour.» — y Dee buscó un arrendamiento formal de la mina costera sabiendo que el mineral podría fundirse en Neath desde el firme del puerto de Coombe Martin.

«John Dee signed and sealed a lease on the Coombe Martin and nearby Knap Down mines in Sir Lionel Duckett’s London house on 13 March 1583, but his interest presumably was usurped by John Poppler and Adrian Gilbert in 1587.» — Baldwin consigna el desenlace: Dee firmó y selló el arrendamiento, y su interés se lo apropiaron John Poppler y Adrian Gilbert en 1587.

«Dee’s interest in mines and metallurgy was less in the detailed engineering than in the legal, strategic and practical circumstances of the marine movement of lucrative non-ferrous ores.» — Baldwin fija dónde estaba el interés de Dee: menos en la ingeniería que en lo legal y estratégico del movimiento marítimo de minerales no ferrosos lucrativos.

«But it was just a one-way shift, for Cabot himself leaked the essence of the plan for a sea borne raid on Peru’s new silver mines to Charles V in November 1553 if not a year earlier.» — y le atribuye a Cabot haber filtrado a Carlos V el plan de atacar las minas peruanas en noviembre de 1553, si no un año antes.

«The third cause is, that although this oure realme of Englande be ful of metals [...] yet there is fewe or none in England that have any great skill thereof, or anything written in» — el inglés isabelino de la fuente que Baldwin cita: aunque el reino tuviera minas, faltaba pericia y escritos sobre ellas; el tramo se corta donde la capa de texto salta.

«The vital conclusion was that the contents of mines containing precious metals were not necessarily bespoke for the sovereign under English law.» — la conclusión jurídica que Baldwin llama vital: el contenido de las minas no quedaba necesariamente reservado al soberano bajo la ley inglesa.

«By 1578 the disreputable smelting practice of Battista Agnello and Burchard Kranich had been exposed by Robert Denham; and Dee was among the first to know, as Lok would show.» — Baldwin sitúa a Dee entre los primeros en saber de la práctica de fundición desacreditada de Battista, como mostraría Lok.

«But during the winter of 1578-79 like Robert Denham and Roger Williams after him, was subject to inevitable failure as the surviving hornblende feed stocks from the Baffin Island sites were found to contain virtually no gold.» — y explica el fracaso del horno en el invierno de 1578-79: la hornblenda que se le echaba prácticamente no contenía oro.

«Dee had taken out two Cathay Company subscriptions or options that he could not afford.» — el dato económico que Baldwin aporta: Dee había suscrito dos participaciones de la Cathay Company que no podía pagar.

«By then the Treasurer had spent huge sums on building a special water-powered blast furnace at Dartford to specifications, confident it would perform as well as the new furnace, construction of which he had supervised at Keswick during 1576.» — y consigna la confianza del tesorero, ya gastadas sumas enormes, en que el horno nuevo rendiría como el de Keswick de 1576.

«Dee had long realised that in order to bring home the proceeds of overseas mines reliably (as the economic underpin to envision a future British Empire) the techniques of oceanic navigation would have to be mastered too.» — Baldwin conecta las dos mitades del capítulo: Dee había comprendido hacía tiempo que para traer a casa el producto de las minas había que dominar también la navegación oceánica.

«Thus it is no surprise that it is from the era 1557 to 1583 that much of our knowledge of Dee’s navigational understanding derives.» — de ahí, según Baldwin, que lo que sabemos de su comprensión náutica venga de ese periodo.

«Dee’s account of his involvement in Frobisher’s voyages suggests he became involved early in 1576.» — Baldwin data la entrada de Dee en los viajes de Frobisher a principios de 1576, según el relato del propio Dee.

«Lok’s account says that Dee became formally involved in Frobisher’s project on 20 May 1576 when, along with William Borough and Christopher Hall, he attended Lok’s London home.» — y el relato de Lok lo sitúa en la casa londinense de Lok junto con Borough y Hall.

«But the rest of their letter suggests Dee’s teaching was far too advanced mathematically for them to use regularly.» — con la reserva que Baldwin conserva: el resto de la carta sugiere que la enseñanza de Dee les resultaba matemáticamente demasiado avanzada para el uso regular.

«But those who have commented on this to date have all relied upon the Record Commissioners’ transcripts made in 1833 which were incomplete.» — Baldwin objeta a los comentaristas anteriores haberse apoyado en las transcripciones incompletas de los Record Commissioners de 1833.

«Lok’s deliberate omission was probably because the map and other instruments were borrowed from Dee.» — y explica, como probabilidad, la omisión deliberada de Lok: el mapa estaba tomado en préstamo de Dee.

«William Borough’s astrolabe (also unduplicated in the inventory) had been made to the standard form of the mariner’s astrolabe, so well described in Martin Cortes’s manual which his father, Stephen Borough, had brought from Seville in 1558 and which Eden translated as The Art of Navigation in 1561.» — Baldwin remite el astrolabio de William Borough a la forma estándar que describe el manual de Cortés, *The Art of Navigation*, de 1561.

«When acting in an official capacity after 1576 William Borough was usually described by Lok as “my Lord Admiral”, but this cannot refer to his later naval status as Treasurer of the Navy, a post carrying the nominal rank of Vice Admiral which he held from 1582; or as Comptroller of the Navy, a post he held from 1587 to 1598.» — y niega que la descripción de Lok se refiera al rango naval que Borough tuvo entre 1587 y 1598.

«Thus Lok must be referring to his status within the Muscovy Company, where after due instruction from Dee from the 1550s onwards he rose to and through the rank of Chief Pilot.» — su conclusión: Lok se refiere al estatuto de Borough dentro de la Muscovy Company, por el rango de piloto mayor.

«By 1585 Borough had become Master of Trinity House on account of his established navigational skills.» — Baldwin data en 1585 el nombramiento de Borough como maestro de Trinity House, por sus destrezas náuticas acreditadas.

«Dee had by 1576 assembled a collection of sea compasses in his library.» — y consigna que hacia 1576 Dee tenía reunida en su biblioteca una colección de brújulas marinas.

«The reason for this was probably his interest in using those compasses to investigate magnetic variation.» — el motivo que Baldwin propone como probable: investigar la variación magnética.

«The assumption then widely made was that on completion most compasses varied slightly in the amount of variation from true north shown for the place of manufacture.» — el supuesto de la época que Baldwin expone: que las brújulas variaban un poco según el lugar de fabricación.

«But if variation were to be determined either by local anomalies (or by changes in longitude as was then postulated) all the compasses should record the same differential in degrees or points of the compass, even though the actual measurements might differ.» — y el argumento contrario: si la variación depende de anomalías locales, todas las brújulas deberían registrar el mismo diferencial aunque las medidas difieran.

«Indeed an English rutter which can be dated from internal evidence to 1578 contains an element entitled “William Borough’s rules” recording changes in latitude and just such compass variation, expressed as points of the compass for the voyage from Orfordness past the North Cape to Russia.» — Baldwin trae un rutero inglés fechable en 1578 con las reglas de Borough sobre la variación entre el cabo Norte y Rusia.

«Borough’s curiosity over terrestrial magnetism and its application to navigation can be traced through Dee’s tuition and thence into Hall’s detailed interest in terrestrial magnetism.» — y rastrea la curiosidad de Borough por el magnetismo terrestre y su aplicación náutica.

«Pallinurus told me as a certainty that when they were in the North West, they passed close to the coast commonly called Labrador, in Lat. 63 they found the noon sun two points from the compass, whence I gather that the needle deviates 22 degrees to the west which if it is true that it is so suggests to me that the rule is the nearer the pole the greater the deviation of the needle, etc.» — la observación de Pallinurus que Baldwin cita: cuanto mayor la latitud, mayor la desviación de la aguja.

«Best wrote of this challenge that: in these dayes it is likely to receive his perfection, concerning his Northeasting and Northwesting to be brought into rule, and particularly» — Best, en la cita de Baldwin, ve el desafío como el modo de poner la navegación bajo regla; el tramo se corta donde la capa de texto entrevera la cita.

«And such observations of skilfull Pylots, is the onely way to bring it in rule, for it passeth Natural Philosophy.» — y remata: las observaciones de pilotos hábiles son el único camino, porque el asunto excede a la filosofía natural.

«Dee was also intrigued by other navigational problems which might be tackled by the application of mathematics and geometry.» — Baldwin señala el resto de problemas náuticos que intrigaban a Dee, resolubles por matemáticas y geometría.

«Dee’s library contained works which reflected his concern to solve the problem of the nautical or spherical triangle.» — y su biblioteca reflejaba ese interés en el problema del triángulo náutico o esférico.

«His 28 pages of manuscript tables therein show how he tried as early as 1557 to set this understanding down in a two-dimensional “paradoxall compass” or chart.» — las veintiocho planas de tablas manuscritas donde, según Baldwin, Dee intenta representar el compás paradójico en dos dimensiones.

«As he also suggests there that the circumpolar chart he described should be drawn up on paper with “the diameter fifty inches”, it becomes clear this was asking too much of the engraver and printer to capitalise for publication.» — con el obstáculo que ahí mismo se declara: el círculo circumpolar propuesto era demasiado grande para financiar su impresión.

«Thus this material probably represents what John Daye wisely encouraged Dee to discard as inconsequential» — de donde Baldwin conjetura que ese material es lo que John Daye animó sabiamente a Dee a descartar por inconsecuente; la palabra final va partida por el guion de fin de renglón en el impreso, *incon-sequential*.

«Dee’s appreciation of England’s potential place in international affairs revolved around his vision of a “British” Empire.» — Baldwin sitúa la visión de un imperio británico en la apreciación que Dee hacía del lugar potencial de Inglaterra.

«His ideas involved keeping a fleet of 60 large warships on constant patrol and able to extend their influence into the Atlantic.» — el plan que le atribuye: mantener una flota de sesenta buques de guerra para extender la influencia al Atlántico.

«The Queen certainly could not afford the cost of about £200,000 in order to keep 60 large ships at sea and even had to hire out some of her ships.» — con el reparo económico que Baldwin pone: la reina no podía costear sesenta.

«Dee’s scheme for “A Petty Navy Royall” was advanced early in his great text on navigation, showing its central importance in his thinking.» — y aun así, según Baldwin, el proyecto de la *Petty Navy Royall* ocupa un lugar central en su pensamiento.

«Dee achieves resonance in proposing strategic deterrence, and to finance his proposals with a 10% tax on foreign fishing vessels.» — la propuesta de financiamiento que Baldwin destaca: disuasión estratégica pagada con un impuesto del diez por ciento a los pesqueros extranjeros.

«Elyot also saw the strategic role of maps, a subject dear to Dee’s heart, writing in 1531 that a ruler needed to see his realm “in figure” to determine “where he shall employ his study and treasure, as well for the safeguard of his country as for the commodity and honour thereof.”» — y el precedente de Elyot sobre el papel estratégico de los mapas para los monarcas.

«Dee’s considered thoughts about applying navigational know-how in political contexts were set down in his manuscript “Brytanici Imperii Limites” in 1576-78 and in “Thalattokratia Bretanniki» — Baldwin localiza el pensamiento maduro de Dee sobre el saber náutico en la *Thalattokratia Bretanniki*, la soberanía marítima británica.

«Although Dee had a hundred copies of his General and Rare Memorials pertayning to the Perfect Arte of Navigation printed by Daye, he retained sixty in his own library, suggesting that his circulation was exactly the same as the number of investors in Frobisher’s third voyage, less himself.» — el límite de difusión que Baldwin consigna: cien ejemplares, y el tercer viaje de Frobisher.

«When Davis and Saunder stole so many of his texts in a raid on his library in 1584 they probably thought that he knew much more about Polar navigation and geography than he had published.» — y lee el robo de Davis y Saunder como indicio de que creían que Dee sabía más de lo que había publicado.

«On 26 March 1591 the cartographically astute Robert Beale returned his manuscript, Of Rich and Famous Discoveries.» — el dato documental: el 26 de marzo de 1591 Robert Beale, cartográficamente astuto, devolvió el manuscrito.

«Perhaps the depletion of his library and the fact of a continuing state of war with Spain gave rise to new emphasis in Dee’s final marine work Thalattokratia Bretanniki as finished in September 1597.» — Baldwin conjetura que el vaciamiento de su biblioteca y la guerra con España pesaron en la obra que da por terminada en septiembre de 1597.

«This asserted British claims to St. George’s Channel and the North Sea and the value of actively patrolling on that basis given persistent Spanish naval threats.» — en ella, según Baldwin, Dee afirma las reclamaciones británicas sobre el canal de San Jorge frente a la amenaza naval española persistente.

«Perhaps as a result of earlier disillusionments Dee now chose not to develop any more navigational or geographical theories but to use his legal reading more intensively instead.» — y explica el giro, como probabilidad: desilusionado, Dee se apoya más intensamente en su lectura jurídica.

«Nonetheless something of Dee’s legalistic and imperialist teaching certainly had an impact on some of his other pupils; notably on George Best, described variously as a gentleman, captain, lieutenant, and the sailing master who accompanied Frobisher to the North West in 1577 and 1578.» — Baldwin encuentra rastro de la enseñanza legalista e imperialista de Dee en George Best, en 1577 y 1578.

«All presupposed success. Some may have invested at the instance of Dee himself.» — y conjetura que algunos invirtieron a instancia del propio Dee, presuponiendo el éxito.

«It remains a good measure of the scientific advances that Dee prompted between 1576 and 1580 that the Hatfield House chart, formerly No. 98 (Plate 3) drawn by William Borough and marked up by Christopher Hall, informed the subsequent publications of Robert Norman and William Borough on terrestrial magnetism.» — Baldwin toma la carta de Hatfield House como medida de los avances científicos, con Borough y el magnetismo terrestre.

«It thus anticipated by 120 years the assemblage of the magnetic data that Edmund Halley published in 1700 for the whole Atlantic.» — y le adjudica anticipar en ciento veinte años la reunión de datos magnéticos que publicaría Halley para todo el Atlántico.

«Likewise, the purchases made in 1576 by Michael Lok even as Gresham and Sir Lionel Duckett were talking about the precise skills that were needed by Frobisher, Hall and Griffin, illustrate the impact of Dee’s tuition.» — las compras de Michael Lok en 1576 ilustran, según Baldwin, el impacto de la enseñanza de Dee.

«This wider competence was why in 1576 Dee had been chosen by Duckett to teach those particular skills and set them in a practical context for his pupils’ sake.» — y esa competencia más amplia explica, en su lectura, por qué Duckett eligió a Dee para instruir a sus discípulos.

«However, Dee’s General and Rare Memorials pertayning to the Perfect Arte of Navigation makes the equally important point about his endeavour that “the End of Ends, and the uttermost scope of the said Arte of Navigation, is such Publick Commodity.”» — Dee, en la cita de Baldwin, declara la navegación *Publick Commodity*.

«Dee’s charts, showing that all these factors were considered at once, are still important to the assertion of Canadian sovereignty in the Arctic; in particular there is one we have examined which bore a five-point claim to sovereignty on the reverse.» — Baldwin señala la relevancia de las cartas de Dee para la reclamación de soberanía, escrita al reverso.

«Dee’s advice as given in 1576 shaped how Hall’s log and chart recorded the places where the ceremonies of taking possession in the name of Elizabeth I took place.» — y adjudica al consejo de Dee de 1576 la forma en que se registraron las ceremonias de toma de posesión en nombre de Isabel I.

«Those ceremonies themselves were influenced by Dee’s tuition of Frobisher and Hall and his extensive reading on the assertion of legal sovereignty by the European powers.» — con la enseñanza de Dee y su lectura sobre soberanía detrás de las ceremonias mismas.

«For, no man (I am sure) will open his mouth against this Enterprise [... nor any] that hath any care & zeale for the bettering of the Common state of this Realme.» — Dee en su propio inglés, según Baldwin: nadie abrirá la boca contra un proyecto que mira por el estado común del reino.

«The fact Ortelius’s map was supplied at no cost in Lok’s account suggests Dee had lent it to his erstwhile pupils in 1576, but had it back in time to discuss it in detail with Abraham Ortelius in March 1577.» — entre las notas de Baldwin, la del mapa de Ortelius prestado y devuelto para discutirlo con Abraham Ortelius en marzo de 1577.

«Ortelius’s world map “Typis Orbis Terrarum” drawn about 1569 and published in Antwerp in 1570 (335 x 495 mm) was not detailed enough to have sustained such usage, or to have been much help to Frobisher and Hall in 1576.» — y su límite: el mapamundi *Typis Orbis Terrarum* no tenía el detalle suficiente para servir a Frobisher y Hall en 1576.

«McDermott and Waters express their doubts that the brass globes and the brass “Sphaera Nautica” ordered were ever taken to sea.» — Baldwin registra en nota las dudas de McDermott y Waters sobre si los globos de latón llegaron a embarcarse.

«They do not consider the sturdy nature of the large surviving examples of Cole’s work at St Andrews University, nor the possible utility and durability of Cole’s preparing a suitably cased brass engraved version of the very large Italian globe published in 1574.» — y les objeta no considerar la robustez de los ejemplares supervivientes ni el gran globo italiano publicado en 1574.

«Perhaps made by the Sanuto brothers, its gores were intended for a market among affluent seamen.» — con su propia conjetura: quizá hechos por los hermanos Sanuto para un mercado de marineros acomodados.

«The first page of the report shows that it had belonged in John Dee’s Library, and bears a few notes in Dee’s hand on Sir Francis Drake and young William Hawkins.» — Baldwin documenta que la primera plana del informe venía de la biblioteca de Dee y lleva notas suyas.

«Lok’s later engraved chart of 1582 owes much to Dee’s circumpolar charts, and the Burghley House exemplar in particular.» — y le adjudica a la carta grabada de Lok de 1582 una deuda con las circumpolares de Dee, y en particular con el ejemplar de Burghley House.

«The title page of this collation of charts from Ortelius’s Theatrum Orbis Terrarum (Antwerp, 1570), bears the manuscript inscription “This book belonged to the L’d Treasurer Burghley” probably written in the hand of his eldest son, Thomas, 1st Earl of Exeter (1542-1622).» — la inscripción manuscrita de la portada que Baldwin atribuye al hijo mayor de Burghley.

«A similar Chinese map reached Philip II’s Library in the mid-1570s in a diplomatic bundle from the Philippines.» — el dato comparativo: un mapa chino parecido llegó a la biblioteca de Felipe II en un envío diplomático desde Filipinas.

«Taylor cites a short part of Dee’s library catalogue, cited in evidence for compensation in 1592.» — Baldwin señala que Taylor cita solo una parte breve del catálogo de Dee presentado como prueba para la compensación de 1592.

«One of the circumpolar charts that Dee drew for Pet and Jackman survives in the library at Burghley House, Stamford within a volume of Ortelius’s Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, annotated in Lord Burghley’s hand.» — y consigna que una de las cartas circumpolares sobrevive anotada de mano de Lord Burghley.

«The instruments necessary for a skillful seaman are the Sea Compasse, a Cross staff, a Quadrant, an Astrolabe, a Chart, an instrument magneticall for finding of the Variacion of the compass, an horizontall plane sphere, a globe and a paradoxall compass» — la lista de instrumentos que Dee tiene por necesarios para un marino hábil, hasta el compás paradójico.

«Cross staff are instruments sufficient for a seaman’s use: the astrolabe and the Quadrant being instruments very uncertain for sea observations.”» — y el juicio sobre ellos: la ballestilla basta, y el astrolabio y el cuadrante son muy inciertos para las observaciones en el mar.

«It was long kept by the Percy and and mathematical interest.» — Baldwin sigue la custodia del documento en la familia Percy; la capa de texto duplica el *and*.

«Dee had two copies of Biringuccio’s text and multiple copies of Agricola’s study, De Re Metallica (Freiburg, 1556) and (Basle, 1558), and copies of major works by Ercker, Munster, Oviedo and de Barros.» — el inventario que Baldwin da: dos ejemplares del libro de Biringuccio, más Oviedo y de Barros.

«Dee also took important geographical texts like Munster’s Cosmographia which had an extensive section on mining and smelting in central Europe.» — y textos geográficos con secciones extensas sobre la fundición en Europa central.

«Dee’s collection of mining texts and mining laws included the bylaws of Kuttenburg (i.e Kutna Hora) in Bohemia, and other mining towns in Alsace and Saxony.» — su colección de textos y leyes de minería incluía, según Baldwin, los estatutos de Kuttenberg y de otras ciudades de Alsacia y Sajonia.

«It notes that over £10,000 was retained by Drake.» — el dato económico que Baldwin recoge en nota: más de diez mil libras del botín quedaron en manos de Drake.

«Public Record Office, SP 12/144/17 parts 1 and 2 details Drake’s profits and the treasure to be removed to the Tower of London, then estimated at over £250,000.» — y el tesoro entero, según los papeles del Public Record Office, se estimó en más de doscientas cincuenta mil libras.

«On at least one occasion between 1571 and 1583 John Dee encountered Christopher Columbus.» — Sherman abre su capítulo con la escena que le da título: al menos una vez entre 1571 y 1583, John Dee se encontró con Cristóbal Colón.

«The medium was Columbus’s son Ferdinand, and they met in the margins of Ferdinand’s famous History [...] of the Life & Deeds of the Admiral Christopher Columbus – one of the earliest and most important accounts of Columbus’s encounter with the New World.» — y aclara enseguida el medio: el hijo de Colón, Fernando, y su relato del encuentro con el Nuevo Mundo.

«Dee purchased the work sometime after its publication in 1571, and he read and annotated it carefully.» — Sherman documenta que Dee compró la obra y la leyó y anotó con cuidado.

«In 1583 the book was entered in his library catalogue, with a slightly garbled title.» — y que en 1583 el libro entró en el catálogo de Dee con el título algo estropeado.

«Columbus had set out from Spain expecting that his westward course would take him clear across to the eastern coast of Asia: when he made his landfall in the Bahamas his sources led him to suppose that he was somewhere near Japan.» — Sherman recuerda lo que Colón esperaba al zarpar y lo que creyó al llegar: estar en algún punto cerca de Japón.

«I recognized almost immediately that the notes were unmistakably Dee’s5 – a realization that filled me with as much apprehension as excitement, since my book on Dee (with its detailed assessment of Dee’s contribution to English maritime expansion) was already making its way through the press.» — Sherman cuenta en primera persona el hallazgo: reconoció casi de inmediato que las notas eran de Dee cuando su libro ya estaba en prensa.

«Following Eva Taylor, David Waters, and others, I argued that he did more than anyone to import knowledge of the science of navigation and the history of empire to England, and – often behind the scenes – worked to apply this knowledge in the texts and voyages which would gradually allow England to catch up with its Continental rivals.» — y sitúa su deuda con Eva Taylor y David Waters para el argumento de que Dee impulsó el saber náutico inglés hasta alcanzar a sus rivales continentales.

«Dee developed an expansionist program, which he called “this British discovery and recovery enterprise.”» — el nombre que el propio Dee le da a su programa expansionista, en la cita de Sherman.

«eventually claimed for the queen a vast territory covering most of the water and much of the land in the northern hemisphere.» — y el alcance de lo reclamado para la reina en el hemisferio norte.

«Dee’s writings on navigation and empire cluster around 1576 to 1578 – the precise dates of Martin Frobisher’s three voyages to the Canadian Arctic, an enterprise for which Dee was the primary scholarly advisor.» — Sherman agrupa los escritos de Dee sobre navegación e imperio en torno a los viajes de los que fue asesor erudito principal.

«Although they were unsuccessful on almost every level, they thus mark England’s belated entry into direct competition with Spain, and the beginning of its rise as an imperial power.» — con la concesión por delante: fracasaron en casi todo, y aun así marcan el arranque de Inglaterra como potencia imperial.

«Dee’s marginalia, I would suggest, were produced in the context of the Frobisher voyages and reflect a key moment in that transfer of power.» — la tesis que Sherman propone en primera persona y marcada como sugerencia: la marginalia de Dee registra un momento clave de esa transferencia de poder.

«Libraries played an especially important role in the launching and directing of voyages of exploration and colonization.» — y le adjudica a las bibliotecas un papel especialmente importante en la exploración y la colonización.

«Recent work has revealed the extent to which his own readings both enabled and framed his New World encounter.» — Sherman consigna cuánto han mostrado los trabajos recientes sobre el peso de las lecturas de Dee en su encuentro con el Nuevo Mundo.

«Dee’s Columbian encounter, then, represents more than just a curious and hitherto unknown chapter in the reception of Columbus in early modern England.» — y cierra la introducción negando que el episodio sea solo un capítulo curioso.

«A dedicatory epistle in the Life praised the collection in the following terms: “Ferdinand [...] left to the cathedral of Seville [...] a library that was not only very large but rich, full of the rarest works in all the sciences and regarded by all who have seen it as one of the most remarkable things in all Europe.”» — Sherman recoge el elogio que la epístola dedicatoria de la *Vida* le hace a la colección de Fernando Colón, entre las cosas más notables de Europa.

«Dee tagged the passage with the simple word, “Bibliotheca”, but it must have had particular resonance for his own “Bibliotheca” in Mortlake.» — y el eco que le encuentra: Dee marcó el pasaje con una sola palabra, la misma que usaba para su *Bibliotheca* de Mortlake.

«These notes, like the ones in which Dee provided information about when and where an author lived, and where other related books could be obtained, owe much to the uncertainties of textual transmission in his day – especially the difficulty of identifying and accessing books in an age before lending libraries or national libraries and in which cataloguing was still very primitive.» — Sherman sitúa esas notas en un momento en que la catalogación era todavía muy primitiva.

«First, Dee knew how important it was – when places and phenomena were being observed, potentially, for the first time – for explorers to keep detailed records.» — el primer punto que extrae: Dee sabía lo importante que era que los exploradores llevaran registros detallados.

«Reading that “the Admiral was very careful to keep a journal of all that happened on the voyage: wind directions and currents, the distance run by each ship, and all that they sighted on the way,” Dee wrote in the margin, “Note what things are to be noted in a voyage by Sea.”» — y la recomendación que Dee anota al leer sobre el cuidado del Almirante.

«Dee was especially interested in Columbus’s techniques for ensuring that reports of his discoveries would make it back home even if he did not.» — el interés particular que Sherman le señala: las técnicas de Colón para que las noticias llegaran a casa aunque él no llegara.

«Dee was careful to note “A marvaylous error in Latitude”,22 a “great error in Mariners reckoning”,23 and a “Diuersitie in Reconing» — los errores que Dee anota en su grafía: un error maravilloso de latitud y una diversidad en la cuenta.

«His own work on the science of navigation, especially in the polar regions, brought him up against the vexing problem of magnetic variation; and at several points he drew attention to “the variation of the Cumpas.» — y Sherman conecta esas notas con el trabajo propio de Dee sobre la variación de la brújula, con la grafía *Cumpas* del original.

«Elsewhere I have discussed Dee’s reliance on, and propagation of, the myth that 300 years before Columbus, the Welsh Prince Madoc sailed to America and left behind a tribe of Welsh Indians.» — Sherman remite a trabajo suyo anterior sobre la apoyatura de Dee en el mito de Madoc y la tribu de indios galeses.

«In the bottom margin of sig. M7v, Dee speculated that the word “Zaunia” derived from “the Welsh pronunciation of Iohn,” and that “Huino” was “perhaps so named of some Owen which cam with Madoc ap Owen Gwynned.”» — y da la nota marginal donde Dee especula con nombres venidos con Madoc ap Owen Gwynned.

«There is very little attention, here, to prophecy or the supernatural – and, indeed, surprisingly little in the way of wonder, which Stephen Greenblatt has identified as the primary mode by which early modern Europeans apprehended the New World and its inhabitants.» — la negativa que Sherman consigna como hallazgo: hay muy poca atención a la profecía y a lo sobrenatural en el modo en que Dee capta el Nuevo Mundo y a sus habitantes.

«A sickening number of these practices that Dee labels “policies” entailed the forceful seizure of natives: on G6r Dee noted that “7 interpreters [were] taken,” on H3v that “12 indians [were] taken,” on H7v that “a woman [was] gotten,” on H8v that “An indian in a canoe [was] taken,” and so on.» — Sherman no suaviza lo que encuentra: buena parte de las prácticas que Dee rotula de políticas son capturas forzadas de nativos; los corchetes son suyos.

«Frobisher’s venture is also invoked by Dee’s careful attention to any mention of gold.» — y señala que la empresa de Frobisher asoma en las notas de Dee cada vez que se menciona el oro.

«Gold was the master commodity and at least the indirect object of all European exploration, so it is not surprising to find Dee noting “a shew of gold”30 and, later, a “great quantity of gold”.» — el lugar que Sherman le da al oro: la mercancía maestra, anotada donde aparece en gran cantidad.

«He was also capable of a more sympathetic attitude toward the native population: he noted several descriptions of the people (especially those of Cuba, as opposed to the hostile “Caribi”) which described them as gentle, tractable, and apt to learn languages; and compared their social and religious institutions favourably to those of Europe.» — Sherman le reconoce a Dee una actitud más comprensiva hacia la población nativa, comparada con la de Europa.

«But one senses that this is less ethnographic admiration, of the sort found in Thomas Harriot’s Brief and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia (1588), than an attempt to play up the atrocities committed by the Spanish conquistadores on an innocent population.» — con su reserva: parece menos admiración etnográfica que intención de denunciar atrocidades sobre una población inocente.

«Dee suggested in the margin of Q3v that the Spaniards were too harsh in punishing the Indians and too lenient with their own men, and observed that “The Indians [were] seduced by the Spaniards to vse violence.”» — la nota marginal en que Dee, según Sherman, adjudica a los españoles el uso de la violencia.

«When Ferdinand suggested that “The Admiral would not permit his men to take anything [...] [so] that the Indians might not regard the Christians as thieves,” Dee quipped, “Wel» — el intercambio que Sherman recoge: ante la sugerencia de Fernando, Dee responde con una nota irónica; el tramo se corta donde la capa de texto entrevera la cita.

«Dee saved his most vehemently critical, and explicitly political, outbursts for Ferdinand’s frequent assertions of Spain’s claims to territorial possessions in the New World.» — Sherman señala dónde guarda Dee su crítica más vehemente: las reclamaciones españolas de posesión territorial en el Nuevo Mundo.

«On L5v Dee wrote along the top margin, “A more close and just title by the Popes gift then by force of sword: neyther good, as it was vsed,” and alongside the text on that page he entered two simple words – “Possession” and “Noe,” echoing a marginal note from several pages back, “No good Possession.”» — y da la nota marginal donde Dee niega que haya buena posesión.

«In the end, Dee could only match the text’s triumphant conclusion – “History knows of no man who ever did the like, wherefore the world will ever remember the first discoverer of the West Indies” – with a final, emphatic “Not true.”» — el cierre que Sherman recoge: Dee responde a la conclusión triunfal con un enfático *Not true*.

«We may not think of figures like Dee or, especially, Columbus as marginal figures in need of legitimation; but they felt, and expressed, this need acutely.» — Sherman cierra su capítulo con una tensión que no resuelve: aunque no los tengamos por figuras marginales, Dee y Colón sentían y expresaban agudamente esa necesidad de legitimación.

«But it is not much help in placing Dee’s encounter with Columbus; and I would suggest that we need to attend to a different, and more precise, set of time-space coordinates.» — y declara el límite de la analogía: no ayuda mucho a situar el encuentro de Dee con Colón, que pide coordenadas de tiempo y espacio más precisas.

«manuscript found its way into the hands of the Genoese physician Baliano de Fornari, who finally took it to Venice to be translated by Alfonso Ulloa.» — en las notas, Sherman sigue el manuscrito de la *Vida* hasta Venecia, para ser traducido por Alfonso Ulloa.

«When Fornari died, not only were the projected Spanish and Latin editions abandoned but the Spanish original was lost.» — y consigna la pérdida: muerto Fornari, se frustraron las ediciones proyectadas y el original español se perdió.

«For a useful account of the text, and a listing of recent editions, see the English translation of Benjamin Keen, The Life of the Admiral Christopher Columbus, by his Son, Ferdinand (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1958; repr., 1992), whose edition I cite throughout.» — Sherman declara qué edición usa: la de Keen, que cita en todo el capítulo.

«Dee traveled to the Continent in 1571 to consult with doctors about the queen’s illness, and it is possible that he acquired the book on that trip.» — la conjetura que deja como tal: Dee viajó al continente en 1571 y pudo adquirir el libro en ese viaje.

«This misleading description might be explained by the full title of the work: after “suo padre” the title-page continues, “Et dello scoprimento, ch’egli fece dell’INDIE Occidentali, dette MONDO NUOVO, hora possedute dal Sereniss. Re Catolico.» — y explica la descripción engañosa del catálogo por el título entero de la obra en italiano.

«I want to thank Julian Roberts for confirming my attribution.» — Sherman agradece a Julian Roberts la confirmación de su atribución.

«Needless to say, this was not the only venture which Dee helped to advance, nor were Dee’s texts the only ones which tried to come to terms with Columbus and Spanish imperial claims.» — y advierte que ni las empresas ni los textos de Dee fueron los únicos que se las vieron con Colón y con las reclamaciones imperiales españolas.

«Debates are welcome, however, as they demonstrate not only the recognition of influence of Judaism on Christianity, but also because they show the progress made not only by scholarship on Jewish-Christian relations but also in what was once called the “occult philosophy”.» — de León-Jones abre su capítulo dando la bienvenida al debate sobre lo que alguna vez se llamó filosofía oculta.

«Undoubtedly there were Christian practitioners of the Kabbalah.» — y concede sin rodeos que hubo practicantes cristianos de la cábala.

«Pico was most likely one of them, however Ficino, who initially introduced the Kabbalah in his philosophical writings, was certainly not one of them.» — con su reparto: Pico con toda probabilidad lo fue, y Ficino con seguridad no.

«The issue of who is a Kabbalist is a complex one, as there is no consensus among scholars as to» — el problema que declara: quién es cabalista es cuestión compleja y no hay consenso entre los estudiosos; el tramo se corta donde la capa de texto salta.

«I would argue that it was an intellectual trend that can be compared to the popularity of some critical methodologies in the twentieth century, particularly to some of the hermeneutical approaches such as Deconstructionism, that can be found in more or less complex forms in the writings of scholars and critics who more or less» — su propuesta en primera persona, que compara la tendencia cabalística con metodologías críticas modernas.

«Thus I hesitate to apply the term “Kabbalist” to any thinker, especially Christian pluralists or syncretists of the early modern period, preferring instead to consider each case individually, keeping in mind that Kabbalah is a phenomenon of the sixteenth century intellectual world.» — y la reserva que se impone: vacila en aplicar el término *cabalista* al mundo intelectual del siglo XVI.

«I must emphasise that I do not, a priori, assume or exclude the possibility that Christians can be Kabbalists: rather I accept that there is a form of Christian Kabbalah, and Christians who considered themselves practitioners or at least initiates.» — con el límite explícito: no excluye a priori que hubiera cabalistas cristianos, o al menos iniciados.

«Among the thinkers Yates labelled a “Christian Cabalist” is the mathematician John Dee.» — de León-Jones señala que entre los pensadores a quienes Yates rotuló de cabalistas cristianos está el matemático John Dee.

«Ever visionary in her scope, the basic premise of Yates’s famous work, The Occult Philosophy in the Elizabethan Age argues in favour of a significant and widespread influence of the Jewish tradition, that is the Kabbalah, on Elizabethan thought: she even approaches the somewhat tricky issue of philo- versus anti-Semitism.» — y describe la premisa de Yates sobre el peso de la cábala en el pensamiento isabelino, con la cuestión espinosa del filosemitismo frente al antisemitismo.

«While I disagree that Dee is an inherently and intrinsically Hermetic-Kabbalistic thinker, let alone necessarily a true “Christian Cabalist”, I do agree with Yates’s insistence that Dee’s use of Kabbalah is intrinsic to his mathematical theorizing, as outlined in his early works on Euclidean geometry.» — el desacuerdo que declara y su parte de acuerdo: discrepa de que Dee sea intrínsecamente cabalista hermético, y coincide con Yates en su uso de la cábala hasta las obras tempranas sobre geometría euclidiana.

«As Yates rightly pointed out, the extant texts that designate Dee’s familiarity with Kabbalah are his renowned preface to Euclid’s geometry, his Aphorisms and the Monas Hieroglyphica in which he puts forth a clear argument for the mathematical basis of Kabbalah.» — y le da la razón a Yates en los textos que muestran la familiaridad de Dee con la base matemática de la cábala.

«In his Monas Hieroglyphica (1564), Dee proposes what he terms the “real Kabbalah”, to set himself apart from the Christian Kabbalistic tradition.» — el hallazgo central del capítulo: en la *Monas hieroglyphica* de 1564 Dee propone una cábala que de León-Jones separa de la tradición cabalística cristiana.

«Like many of his contemporaries, Dee was familiar with the Christian form of Jewish mysticism known as the Kabbalah, which came into vogue in Renaissance Christian philosophical circles after Giovanni Pico della Mirandola’s publication of the (in)famous Conclusions.» — con la salvedad de que Dee conocía, como sus contemporáneos, la forma cristiana de la cábala posterior a las célebres *Conclusiones* de Pico.

«Of the Christian adaptations of the Kabbalah, the thinkers most influential on Dee have already been identified as most likely to have been Cornelius Agrippa and Reuchlin, two of the most renowned thinkers of the period, known even among Jewish Kabbalistic circles.» — y nombra las adaptaciones cristianas que más pesaron, con Agrippa y Reuchlin conocidos incluso en círculos cabalísticos judíos.

«In the preface to the Monas, Dee claims that the Jewish Kabbalah focuses on “what is said”, and is based entirely on grammar, while his is a Kabbalah of “what is.”» — la distinción que Dee reclama, según de León-Jones: la cábala judía se ocupa de lo que se dice, y la suya de lo que es.

«Accordingly, for Reuchlin the Kabbalah is a sort of symbolic theology, where words and letters are codes for other things found in Nature.» — de León-Jones expone a Reuchlin: para él la cábala es una teología simbólica donde las palabras y las letras son códigos de otras cosas de la naturaleza.

«Kabbalah [Cabala] is a matter of divine revelation handed down to further the contemplation of the distinct Forms and of God, contemplation bringing salvation; Kabbalah is the receiving of this through symbols.» — la definición de Reuchlin que ella traduce y cita: la cábala es recepción de la revelación divina por símbolos; los corchetes con el latín son suyos.

«Those who are given this by the breath of heaven are known as Kabbalics [Cabalici]; their pupils we will call Kabbaleans [Cabaleos]; and those who attempt the imitation of these are properly called Kabbalists [Cabalistæ].» — y la clasificación de iniciados que Reuchlin establece, hasta los propiamente llamados *Cabalistæ*.

«Yates certainly did not make such distinctions; she also certainly thought of Dee, among others, as a practitioner of what she terms “natural magic” or the “Hermetic-cabalistic” magic.» — de León-Jones registra que Yates tuvo a Dee por practicante de magia natural o hermético-cabalística.

«Because Dee’s otherwise prolific writings on the subject of the Kabbalah are limited to three short works with no significant carry over to others and because he is not interested in arguing in favour of a Kabbalistic vision of the Monas or espousing a Kabbalistic approach to English Protestant theology, I do not consider him a Kabbalist.» — su conclusión en primera persona: no lo considera cabalista.

«I will even go so far as to claim that these works do more than testify to the general diffusion of the Kabbalah in Elizabethan intellectual circles, but are a unique and interesting example of religious and scientific syncretism in the period.» — y llega a reclamar para esas obras la condición de ejemplo único de sincretismo del periodo.

«To the question “Did Dee consider himself a Kabbalist?” I would answer in the negative.» — a la pregunta de si Dee se consideraba cabalista, responde que no.

«What is original to Dee, is that the mystical language associated with the Kabbalah is totally lacking in the Monas.» — lo que ella declara original en Dee: la ausencia total del lenguaje místico en la *Monas*.

«Although it is Reuchlin who stated that Kabbalah provides the symbolism that is the absolute basis of life,16 for him this is also a declaration of faith.» — de León-Jones le atribuye a Reuchlin la idea de que la simbología cabalística es también declaración de fe.

«Crucially, the Monas is not a symbol to interact with, as the sefirot, manifestations of the divinity, may be for the Jewish or Christian Kabbalist.» — y marca la diferencia decisiva: la *Monas* no es un símbolo interactivo como lo son los *sefirot* para el cabalista judío o cristiano.

«This is a startling deviation from most Christian Kabbalistic thinkers, who place themselves in a long line of Jewish and Christian Kabbalistic authorities, and insist on the precedent not the innovation.» — la desviación que llama sorprendente: Dee no sigue la vía por la que se innovaba entonces.

«Rather than seek to translate and publish Hebrew works, Dee presents himself as the publisher of Pythagorean theorems and Euclidean Geometry: it is a return to the Greek basics.» — el contraste que traza: en vez de traducir y publicar hebreo, un retorno a los fundamentos griegos.

«Thus the “real Kabbalah” according to Dee is a mathematical Truth that can be proven concretely by numbers and spiritually in the profound revelations it offers as to the source of the power of Creation.» — la definición que ella extrae: la cábala real de Dee es una verdad matemática con origen divino, fuente del poder de la Creación.

«Dee approaches the Kabbalah as mathematics, treating the Kabbalistic principles he espouses as if they were theorems or hypotheses, while at the same time universalising his Kabbalah as an all-inclusive discipline.» — y su consecuencia: Dee aborda la cábala como matemática, como disciplina que lo abarca todo.

«It is precisely in this innovative interpretation of traditional Kabbalistic principles or techniques that the significance of the “real Kabbalah” postulated by Dee lies.» — de León-Jones sitúa ahí la importancia de la cábala real que Dee postula.

«Dee himself declares the hieroglyphic Monas to be, among other things, “Kabbalistic”, and claims that the text will explicate the figure “mathematically, magically, cabalistically and anagogically.”» — de León-Jones cita la declaración del propio Dee: la mónada jeroglífica se explicará matemática, mágica, cabalística y anagógicamente.

«Dee attempts to contain in one symbol the process of Creation, confident that the unity of creation is revealed through 24 theorems based on the 24 Metatheses of the Pythagorean Quaternary.» — la operación que ella describe: contener en un solo símbolo lo que Dee deriva de las metátesis del cuaternario pitagórico.

«By adapting techniques traditionally applied to textual analysis, often in the context of interpreting Genesis, Dee underscores the fact that his work concerns the process of Creation.» — y le adjudica la adaptación de técnicas de exégesis textual al proceso de la Creación.

«Dee, who laments in the text of the Monas the inadequate explanations of Jewish Kabbalists for the configuration of the letters, provides through the theorems of the “real Kabbalah”, what he claims are the true reasons for the “shapes of the letters, their positions, their order in the alphabet, and their numerical value.”» — Dee, en la cita de de León-Jones, lamenta y a la vez promete las razones verdaderas de las formas de las letras y de su valor numérico.

«Reuchlin and Dee, is the point, line and circle: that is, they derive from the most basic geometrical symbols.» — el origen común que ella señala en Reuchlin y en Dee: el punto, la línea y el círculo, los símbolos geométricos más básicos.

«the bodies, appearing in a later Theorem, derive from the same geometrical source as letters.» — y los cuerpos, en un teorema posterior, derivan de esa misma fuente geométrica que las letras.

«Dee’s Kabbalah thus centres around the manipulation of the letters of the Hebrew alphabet, and the development of what I would term a language for Creation that can ultimately be reduced to one complex symbol that contains and incorporates the meanings and powers that the letter combinations of an alphabet transform into language and then act and revelation.» — de León-Jones sitúa el centro de la cábala de Dee en la manipulación de las letras hasta el acto y la revelación.

«In one of the theorems, it shall be seen that the actual pictorial representation, the glyph of the Monas itself, is made up of letters, and of their numerical values.» — y el glifo de la mónada queda compuesto, según ella, de letras y de sus valores numéricos.

«is very much like the opening lines of the Bahir, notably repeated by Reuchlin, in which the first verse of Genesis, in Hebrew, bereshit elohim (God created), is interpreted in light of the initial consonant bet .» — la comparación que traza con las líneas iniciales de otro texto y la consonante inicial *bet*.

«In Hebrew, bet has the value of two, and Dee poses two initial units from which all else is created: “by the straight line and the circle.”» — el dato que aporta: en hebreo *bet* vale dos, y Dee toma como unidades iniciales la línea recta y el círculo.

«But there are also two worlds to consider, the micro- and macro-cosm, encountered in Theorem XXII with the mortal and immortal Adam.» — y los dos mundos del teorema XXII, con el Adán mortal y el inmortal.

«As in the second verse of Genesis, in Theorem II form emerges, expanding from the base of matter: line and circle with the point.» — el paralelo con el segundo versículo del Génesis para la aparición de la forma a partir del círculo y el punto.

«Earth forms from these components in Theorem III, in addition to the Sun and Moon, concluding the first day of Creation, as Dee himself notes in Theorem V.» — de León-Jones sigue la formación de la Tierra en los teoremas, como el propio Dee anota en el quinto.

«Dee establishes that universal meanings may be appointed to all symbols, thus the calculations based on the symbols may be universally applied, since in essence he manipulates the three fundamental components (line, circle and point) using three fundamental techniques.» — las tres técnicas fundamentales con que, según ella, Dee fija significados universales.

«Thus, there exists an affinity between grammarians, the manipulators of language, and mathematicians, the manipulators of numbers, united by Dee’s “real Pythagorean Kabbalah”.» — la afinidad que ella declara entre gramáticos y matemáticos, unidos por la cábala pitagórica real de Dee.

«however, a Pythagorean language, with a mathematical basis, so that the hieroglyph is defined in the “Pythagorean manner”.» — y el modo pitagórico en que queda definido el jeroglífico.

«Dee claims that he will explain the functions of letters, at the basis of Kabbalah, in terms of what, according to Pythagoras, incontestably exists: the mathematical principles of the universe.» — la promesa de Dee que ella recoge: explicar las letras por los principios matemáticos del universo.

«According to this logic, the gematria or geometry of the universe unites the Ternary and the Quaternary to the Septenary or the Octad, so that the Monas contains all the fundamental Pythagorean numbers.» — de León-Jones explica la lógica: la gematría o geometría del universo contiene todos los números pitagóricos fundamentales.

«Their equal numeric value can only prove their equal interpretative value.» — y el principio que la sostiene: la igualdad de valor numérico prueba la igualdad de valor interpretativo.

«What is truly fascinating in Dee’s case is that he derives gematriot for the components of a symbol, not of a word or phrase: he has invented the gematria of symbolic images.» — el hallazgo que ella llama verdaderamente fascinante: Dee inventó una gematría de imágenes simbólicas.

«Dee ably reiterates the Pythagorean expansion of the Quaternary (that Reuchlin associates with the four letter Name of God, the Tetragrammaton, in the Decad (1+2+3+4=10), claiming that it is a “Kabbalistic extension”.» — y consigna que Dee llama extensión cabalística a la expansión pitagórica del cuaternario.

«Thus the Roman numeral X (letter X), is both the Quaternary and the Decad.» — el numeral romano X, en su exposición, es a la vez el cuaternario y la década.

«On the one hand it recalls the Rectilinear Cross of Theorem VI, symbol of the Quaternary: which, if the four straight lines are separated, gives four of the Roman numeral I (letter I).» — de un lado remite a la cruz rectilínea y da cuatro veces el numeral I.

«On the other hand, the numerical value of the symbol is ten: naturally, it also contains the Ternary and the Septenary, which add up to the Decad.» — y del otro su valor numérico suma la década.

«It is an obvious application of the technique, resulting in the unoriginal conclusion that the Monad is the unity that comprehends multiplicity.» — la conclusión que ella extrae: la mónada como unidad que comprende la multiplicidad.

«A more successful interpretive calculation is that of the Roman numeral V, or the Latin letter “V” found in Theorem XVI.» — el cálculo que le parece más logrado, el del numeral romano del teorema XVI.

«Two straight lines of equal length shape the letter-numeral “V” which is assigned the value of five for it is the fifth vowel, and naturally represents the Quinary.» — dos rectas iguales forman la letra-numeral V, que representa naturalmente la quinaria.

«If two of these figures are united, they form the Equilateral Cross of the previous theorems, and their combined value also adds up to ten, or, if multiplied, 25.» — y unidas dos de esas figuras suman diez, o veinticinco si se multiplican.

«Squaring is certainly part of gematria, and to conclude in this vein, Dee noted that the symbol “V” is the fifth vowel of the Latin alphabet but also the twentieth letter, which adds up to 25.» — de León-Jones incluye el cuadrado dentro de la gematría para llegar a veinticinco.

«The divisions of the Cross are also the Latin letter “L” (tenth letter of the alphabet) with the numerical value of fifty, which in the form of the Cross has the accumulated sum of one hundred.» — las divisiones de la cruz son también la L latina, con suma de cien.

«Now, if the Quinary is multiplied by the Decad, its product is fifty, at the basis of the L-shaped Cross.» — y la quinaria por la década da cincuenta, base de la cruz en forma de L.

«This is proven by the fact that the letter “L” is the tenth in the alphabet, also if read back from the letter “X”, establishing their equal value, so that the letter “L” can also represent the Denary, as it is the tenth letter of the Latin alphabet.» — con la prueba que ella aduce: la L es la décima letra del alfabeto latino.

«If the three Roman numerals are added together, as in theorem XVII, they form the Latin word lux, which leads to more gematria.» — y sumados los tres numerales romanos sale *lux*, que lleva a más gematría.

«I shall illustrate only one possibility, and that is that the L=V x X (50=5x10), which in turn is the sum of the name of God, El.» — la posibilidad que ella escoge ilustrar: L igual a V por X, que da la suma del nombre de Dios, El.

«Dee turns the notarikon of the Roman numeral, Latin letter “L”, as the name of God El, into temurah.» — el paso siguiente que le adjudica a Dee: convertir en *temurah* el notarikon del numeral romano leído como el nombre El.

«Reuchlin states, in derivation from Yetzirah that the Tetragrammaton created Heaven and earth.» — de León-Jones cita a Reuchlin, derivando del *Yetzirah*, sobre el nombre que creó el cielo y la tierra.

«El is one of the most powerful names of God: it is added as a suffix to the root base to form the names of the angels (Gabriel, Michael, Raziel), imbuing the name with divinity.» — y consigna el poder que se le atribuye al nombre El.

«It is here, where Dee clearly presents a Ptolemaic planetary order, that the absence of the sefirot and of a traditional Kabbalistic cosmology is glaring.» — de León-Jones señala como dato la ausencia llamativa de los *sefirot* y de la cosmología cabalística tradicional.

«Essentially, Dee has no need to employ the cosmology of the sefirot, usually at the heart of any traditional Kabbalistic analysis.» — y sostiene que Dee no necesita emplear ningún análisis cabalístico tradicional.

«If the sefirot are to be taken as ten Names of God, then these too are incorporated in the hieroglyph of the Monas, under the all powerful names El and Tetragrammaton.» — con la salvedad que ella misma pone: si se toman los *sefirot* de cierto modo, quedan incorporados al jeroglífico bajo los nombres El y Tetragrámaton.

«If anything, Dee considers the sefirot truly numerations, and has subsumed them in the anatomy of his Monas, in the letter-numerals that make up the glyph, and in their Pythagorean equivalents.» — y matiza que Dee los considera propiamente numeraciones, en sus equivalentes pitagóricos.

«The structure of his Theorems eliminates the need for the ten sefirot, or could even replace them as the structure of the universe, since they could individually or collectively be interpreted as Pythagorean numbers: their unity is already demonstrated in the Decad.» — la estructura de los teoremas, según ella, elimina la necesidad de los diez *sefirot*, ya demostrados en la década.

«Interestingly enough, by dealing with numbers, Dee has eliminated the need for contemplating the numerations of the Deity in the form of the sefirot, for the theories and numerical ratios are encompassed in the actual anatomy of the glyph.» — y al tratar con números, Dee suprime la necesidad de contemplar las numeraciones divinas fuera de la anatomía del glifo.

«However, Dee retains in his Monas the symbols that represent the cosmological system of the sefirot, in the form of the Adam Kadmon, to which he refers in Theorems XIII and XXII.» — la objeción que ella misma introduce: Dee conserva en la *Monas* los símbolos de los *sefirot* en los teoremas XIII y XXII.

«Reuchlin states that there is an Adam for each world, a “heavenly Adam,” the ADAM KADMON, “made by his word,” and another, “earthly Adam, fashioned from clay by the hand of God.”» — de León-Jones cita a Reuchlin sobre el Adán celeste y el terrenal, hecho de la mano de Dios.

«Both represent the infinite celestial world connected with the finite earthly world.» — y ambos representan el mundo celeste infinito frente al mundo terrenal finito.

«In essence, the glyph of the Monas is the Adam Kadmon, and the sefirot that compose the figure are contained in the dimensions of the symbol.» — su lectura: el glifo de la *Monas* es el Adam Kadmon, con los *sefirot* contenidos en las dimensiones del símbolo.

«Already Pantheus, in his Voarchadumia, had used a form of alchemical Kabbalah to create the new Adam, the Mercury of the Philosophers.» — el precedente que aporta: Pantheus, en su *Voarchadumia*, con una cábala alquímica y el mercurio de los filósofos.

«Through the complex application of temurah to the structure of the Monas in Theorems XXI-XXIV it is evident how Dee manages to liberate himself from the sefirot.» — el procedimiento con que, según ella, Dee se libera de los *sefirot*: la aplicación compleja de la *temurah*.

«These final theorems constitute an elaborate example of what Dee also calls metathesis (the transposition of sounds or letters) applied to the Pythagorean Quaternary.» — y los teoremas finales son ejemplo elaborado de la metátesis aplicada al cuaternario pitagórico.

«By eliminating the cosmological structures of the sefirot, Dee has eliminated the elements of the traditional Kabbalah that cannot be proven to exist, and absorbed them into mathematical theorems that can be proven.» — de León-Jones resume el movimiento: eliminadas las estructuras cosmológicas, quedan teoremas demostrables.

«This confirms that the ultimate source of Creation is God, and that what Dee has revealed can only be an imitation of the act of Creation.» — con el límite teológico dentro: la fuente última es Dios, y Dee solo imita el acto de la Creación.

«If there has been little evidence found for a satisfactory general Kabbalistic interpretation of Dee, the most significant factor is the fact that Dee, as Clulee has pointed out, is not a thinker whose texts demonstrate an easy and consistent line of thought.» — la condicional con que ella explica la escasez de pruebas: falta una línea de pensamiento consistente.

«Although there are elements of the Kabbalah in many of Dee’s writings, often these are unoriginal aspects of limited significance in the overall context of the work, for the most part related not to the Neo-Pythagorean principles but to angelic communications.» — y la concesión que hace: hay elementos de cábala, pero remiten a las comunicaciones angélicas.

«Only the Monas Hieroglyphica exemplifies Dee’s creative and innovative use of the Kabbalah.» — de modo que, para ella, solo la *Monas hieroglyphica* ejemplifica el uso innovador que Dee hace de la cábala.

«In the end, the important question is not so much whether or not Dee is a Kabbalist, but what the function of his new mathematical Kabbalah is.» — la pregunta con que cierra: cuál es la función de esa cábala matemática nueva.

«Thinkers like Pico (who deemed himself a Kabbalist) had a religious agenda: to demonstrate the universal truth of Christianity via the Kabbalah, based on Christological interpretations of the texts, often with the aim of utilizing the Kabbalah to convert Jews.» — el contraste con Pico, que según ella tenía una agenda religiosa de conversión.

«Dee is neither a Humanist like Ficino, interested in recuperating ancient texts, nor a Hebraist and Kabbalist like Reuchlin, nor is he concerned with the philological aspects of the Kabbalah.» — y la negativa que remata el capítulo: Dee no es humanista como Ficino ni hebraísta, ni se ocupa de los aspectos filológicos de la cábala.

«Dee saw the alchemical enterprise as a task for an alchemist/”hero” who “understands the supercelestial virtues”.» — Cavallaro abre su capítulo con la empresa alquímica como tarea heroica que exige entender las virtudes supercelestes, en las palabras de Dee.

«Dee clearly states that he is seeking the “fundamental truths of natural science” the “explanations of [...] celestial influences and events”, and “supercelestial virtues and metaphysical influences”.» — y consigna lo que Dee declara buscar: verdades fundamentales de la ciencia natural y virtudes supercelestes e influencias metafísicas.

«Only the “singular hero”, he says, is capable of understanding these things.» — con la restricción que Dee mismo pone: solo el héroe singular es capaz de entender esas cosas.

«He contrasts the “astronomical characters” that represent the planets with his own mystical symbols “imbued with immortal life”, which would be understandable “in any tongue and in any nation”.» — Cavallaro sigue el contraste que Dee traza entre los caracteres astronómicos usuales y sus propios símbolos, legibles en cualquier lengua y en cualquier nación.

«Dee says, will discover in it something akin to the quadrature of the circle,8 although it seems likely that he is referring here to an obscure alchemical allegory rather than to a geometrical demonstration.» — y su reserva: Dee promete algo como la cuadratura del círculo, que Cavallaro lee como alegoría antes que como demostración geométrica.

«Dee’s statement that the circle transforms itself into a square signifies the alchemical passage of the mineral into a perfected, purified substance which manifests itself successively in the seven phases (and four colours) commonly described by alchemical authors.» — la lectura que Cavallaro propone: que el círculo se vuelva cuadrado significa la transformación alquímica del mineral, tal como la describen los autores del arte.

«The musician, he says, will be “struck with wonder” by the “inexplicable celestial harmonies”10 which are represented in the alchemical work, a reference to the idea of alchemy as an “art of music”, in so far as it involves an understanding of the harmonic proportions between the weights of materials and durations of processes.» — Dee anuncia que el músico quedará atónito ante armonías celestes inexplicables y ante las duraciones de los procesos.

«The astronomer, he says, will be able to observe the motions of the planets without getting cold.» — y que el astrónomo podrá observar los movimientos de los planetas sin pasar frío.

«Just as the optical practitioner creates, by means of a conic section, a mirror which when placed in the sun’s rays burns certain substances, so the alchemist makes a trigonal section of a tetrahedron to make a three-dimensional mirror which “can reduce any stones or any metal to, as it were, impalpable powders by the force of [...] heat”, without the aid of the sun.» — la comparación de Dee que Cavallaro recoge: como el óptico fabrica espejos, así se reducen los metales sin ayuda del sol.

«Dee calls these symbolic games which are applied to physical reality “Real Cabala”.» — y el nombre que Dee le da a esos juegos simbólicos aplicados a la realidad física: cábala real.

«He says that the hieroglyphic monad conceals a “terrestrial body” in its “innermost centre”, which must be united with solar and lunar influences.» — Dee sostiene que la mónada jeroglífica esconde un cuerpo terrestre destinado a unirse con las influencias solares y lunares.

«Once this union has been effected, he says, the operator will “go away into a metamorphosis” and will “afterwards very rarely be seen by mortal eyes”.» — y anuncia que, hecha esa unión, el operante se metamorfoseará y muy rara vez lo verán ojos mortales.

«He claims that those familiar with the Philosophers’ Stone may observe through a thin, transparent sheet all the things contained underground and in the waters of the earth.» — Cavallaro consigna la reclamación de Dee sobre lo que pueden observar los familiarizados con la piedra filosofal bajo tierra y en las aguas.

«Dee claims that all things are created from the point: thus the Monas symbol contains a circle with a central point that represents the earth» — el principio geométrico de Dee que Cavallaro expone: todo se crea a partir del punto que representa la tierra.

«Dee equates this cross with the Pythagorean Ternary, which in turn becomes the Quaternary, and the Octonary.» — y la equivalencia de la cruz con la ternaria pitagórica, que a su vez se vuelve cuaternaria y octonaria.

«Dee says that the four elements must be drawn out of their “natural habitations”» — Cavallaro sigue la operación que Dee describe: los cuatro elementos han de sacarse de sus habitaciones naturales.

«Dee says that through the “magic of the [...] four elements” the four lines of the Monas are separated and made into a circle» — y por la magia de los elementos las líneas se vuelven círculo.

«Dee is quite explicit about the use of dew, and his original frontispiece shows the sun and the moon pouring their aqueous humours into two dishes.» — Cavallaro subraya lo explícito que es Dee sobre el uso del rocío, con los humores acuosos vertidos en dos platos.

«Dee says that it is the “purest magic spirit [i.e. Mercury]”, rather than the moon itself, which carries out the “work of albification”» — el agente que Dee nombra: el espíritu mágico purísimo, el mercurio, hace la obra de albificación.

«Dee emphasises the leading role of the mercurial rather than the solar aspect, which he calls the “golden work”» — y Cavallaro señala el papel principal que Dee le da a lo mercurial en lo que llama la obra dorada.

«Dee also adds that to attain the Adam (or Philosophical Mercury), it is necessary to reunite the soul which has been separated from the body in the work.» — Dee añade que para alcanzar el Adán hay que reunir el alma separada del cuerpo en la obra.

«This is done by means of the art of fire, he says, which is dangerous because of the “fiery and sulphurous fumes which it occasions”.» — con la advertencia que el propio Dee incluye: el arte del fuego es peligroso por los vapores que provoca.

«When he states, at the end of this theorem, that Lucifer or Venus must be united to the Moon or Mercury or Mars to make “the Sun of the philosophers” appear» — y la unión que Dee pide para hacer aparecer el sol de los filósofos.

«Dee adds that the “offspring” or Terra Lemnia, mentioned in the Theorem, is nourished by solar and lunar rays.» — la *Terra Lemnia* que, según Dee, se nutre de rayos solares y lunares.

«The “sun’s splendour” is at its height in Aries, and the moon’s in Taurus.» — con los momentos de mayor influjo que Dee fija, el de la luna en Tauro.

«Therefore the moon has a “prolific conjugal love” for the sun, and their union is the alchemical marriage which Ostanes refers to when he says “Nature rejoices in Nature”.» — y la sentencia de Ostanes que Dee cita: la naturaleza se regocija en la naturaleza.

«Solar eclipses are explained as the eclipse of light by the purified primal matter when iron is added to dust in the work.» — la explicación de los eclipses solares que Cavallaro expone: eclipses de luz por la materia primera en la obra.

«Theorem XVIII states, in accordance with alchemical teachings, that the superior celestial astronomy is the “teacher” of the inferior one.» — el teorema XVIII, según Cavallaro, hace de la astronomía celeste superior la maestra de la inferior, de acuerdo con la doctrina alquímica.

«Dee presents an “anatomy” of the Monas to reveal its mysteries through physical analysis.» — y Dee presenta una anatomía de la mónada para revelar sus misterios por análisis físico.

«The Monas is seen here as the “celestial messenger”, whose celestial movements are co-ordinated through the figure of the “egg”.» — Cavallaro lee la mónada como mensajero celeste coordinado por la figura del huevo.

«Inferior astronomy refers to the alchemical material which contains the unaltered planetary virtues that are revealed in the various colours and appearances during the transformations in the furnace.» — y define la astronomía inferior como la materia alquímica que muestra las virtudes planetarias durante las transformaciones en el horno.

«According to Dee the oval shell of the Egg is composed of ether, like the heavens in the Ptolemaic system.» — según Dee, la cáscara oval se compone de éter como los cielos del sistema ptolemaico.

«He invites the “wretched alchemists” to comprehend the meaning of the albumen’s water, the yolk’s oil and the shell’s chalk.» — y Dee invita a los alquimistas miserables a entender el agua de la clara, el aceite de la yema y la cal de la cáscara.

«Dee then outlines a fable concerning the scarab beetle, the eagle and the egg.» — Cavallaro sigue la fábula del escarabajo, el águila y el huevo con que Dee ilustra el proceso.

«To compel these vapours to descend, so that they coagulate and form solids is known as the “dung’s Art”.» — y el nombre del procedimiento que fuerza a los vapores a descender: el arte del estiércol.

«Dee also alludes to “the art of the Heliocantharis” or solar beetle, which involves drawing out the solar qualities hidden in obscure and stinking matter during the phase of Saturn’s “reign”, as is often described in alchemical texts.» — Dee alude además al arte del *heliocantharis*, la extracción de cualidades solares de la materia putrefacta.

«According to Dee the person who knows the art of the beetle may dissolve the egg and the shell with pure albumen, by adding the yolk and rotating and mixing them.» — quien domina el arte del escarabajo, según Dee, disuelve huevo y cáscara con la clara pura y la yema, rotándolas y mezclándolas.

«That is to say, the shell of the Philosophers’ egg is formed naturally by salt compounds.» — la lectura de Cavallaro: la cáscara del huevo del filósofo se forma naturalmente por compuestos salinos.

«The pure albumen is the mineral, the purified primal matter or “mercury” which is added during the final phase, and mixed with the albumen which is already present.» — la clara pura es el mineral, el mercurio ya presente.

«Dee begins with the “artificial vessel” symbolically derived from the circle of the Monas, or from the Sun and Moon that it represents» — Cavallaro sigue el *vas artificiale* que Dee deriva simbólicamente del sol y la luna que representa.

«He then refers to an “earthen” and a “vitreous” vessel (represented by the Greek letters G and O respectively, which he also compares to a mortar and pestle which can be used to grind pearls, crystals, rubies and other stones).» — y a los vasos de barro y de vidrio comparados con el mortero y la mano de moler rubíes y otras piedras.

«Because this crust is formed naturally it is also called “nature’s vessel”.» — la costra formada naturalmente recibe, según Cavallaro, el nombre de vaso de la naturaleza.

«The ground stones represent the various stages or colours of the “reigns” undergone by the material through the opus.» — y las piedras molidas representan las etapas o los colores por los que pasa la obra.

«Dee also refers to an “alpha” and an “omega” vessel,58 which represent the beginning and the end of the alchemical process.» — Dee habla también de un vaso alfa y uno omega, que Cavallaro lee como el principio y el fin del proceso.

«The alpha is formed by the Sun and the Moon, while the omega is “full of mysteries”, although both are formed from base but necessary matter.» — con el contraste que Cavallaro conserva: el alfa lo forman el sol y la luna, y ambos salen de una materia vil pero necesaria.

«This can only be the alchemists’ Mercury, the basis of the work, the primal matter that transforms into the Philosophers’ Stone.» — su identificación: no puede ser otra cosa que el mercurio de los alquimistas, que se transforma en la piedra filosofal.

«Dee then obscurely states that the alpha vessel must be employed by means of “the very secret and short art of using the air-shaft [of the vessel]» — Cavallaro señala la oscuridad de Dee sobre el conducto de aire del vaso alfa; los corchetes son suyos.

«This could refer to the “mysterious artifice”, often alluded to in the alchemical literature, which is used in the central part of the work to collect the vitriol or “green lion”, which is not ordinary vitriol, but a by-product of the transformed primal matter.» — la posibilidad que ofrece, marcada como tal: podría tratarse del artificio misterioso, o de un subproducto de la materia primera transformada.

«Dee refers to the omega vase as “a man of all hours” (omnium horarum homo),62 which is similar in meaning to the “slave” or “mercury of all trades” which are the names given by alchemical authors to the purified primal matter sometimes added during the course of the work.» — y el nombre que Dee le da al vaso omega, el hombre de todas horas.

«According to Dee, at this point the “fruits of the Hesperian garden” will be seen in the alpha and omega, as in a mirror.» — con la promesa de Dee: llegado ese punto, los frutos del jardín de las Hespérides se verán como en un espejo.

«Dee then declares that once the monad has been “correctly, wholly, and physically restored to itself”, it is “not in the power of nature or of any art to impel it more than four times by supercelestial revolutions to make any progressive movement”.» — la restricción que Dee enuncia, según Cavallaro: restaurada la mónada, las revoluciones supercelestes no pueden impulsarla más de cuatro veces.

«Although it does not seem likely that Dee saw himself as one of these favoured operators, it is possible that he might have known them.» — la conjetura que Cavallaro deja abierta y acotada sobre si Dee conoció a los operadores favorecidos.

«The last Theorem (XXIV) ends by suggesting that the circle of the elements (divided into equal proportions in the alchemical work) is analogous to the equinoctial circle (the equal proportions of day and night), the metamorphosis and metastasis of the Quaternary being defined by the number 24» — y el cierre del teorema XXIV, con el círculo de los elementos definido por el número veinticuatro.

«It should also be noted that six is the number of metals excluding gold involved in the alchemical Work, i.e. the number of “reigns” of each of the four elements prior to the final “reign of Gold”.» — la observación numérica de Cavallaro: seis es el número de los metales excluido el oro, cuyo reino final se anuncia.

«Until recently the Book of Soyga was known only by repute, through mention in the diaries of John Dee (1527-1608).» — Reeds abre su capítulo con el estado del asunto: hasta hace poco el *Book of Soyga* solo se conocía de nombre, por los diarios de John Dee.

«On 18 April 1583 Dee was unable to find his Book of Soyga: it had been mislaid.» — el primer apunte que Reeds trae: el 18 de abril de 1583 Dee no halla su ejemplar, traspapelado.

«On 29 April 1583 Dee remembered a detail about the missing book: “E[dward] K[elley] and I wer talking» — el segundo, del 29 de abril, con el inglés isabelino de Dee; el tramo se corta donde la capa de texto entrevera la cita.

«On 19 November 1595 Dee recovered his Book of Soyga.» — y el tercero: el 19 de noviembre de 1595 Dee recupera su *Book of Soyga*.

«Many years later Elias Ashmole (1617-1692) reported that “the Duke of Lauderdale hath a folio MS. which was Dr. Dee’s with the words on the first page: Aldaraia sive Soyga vocor”.» — Reeds añade el testimonio posterior de Elias Ashmole sobre un manuscrito llamado *Aldaraia sive Soyga vocor*.

«VR – I can – But solus Michaël illius libri est interpretator.» — el latín de la sesión angélica que Reeds transcribe: solo Miguel es intérprete de ese libro.

«VR – Presentias n[ost]ras postulate et invocate, sinceritate et humilitate. Et Anchor, Anachor, et Anilos, non sunt in hunc lapidem invocandi.» — y la instrucción latina sobre cómo pedir la presencia angélica; los corchetes con la abreviatura desarrollada son de la transcripción.

«Dee’s association with the Book of Soyga is conveniently summarised by Christopher Whitby:» — Reeds remite a Christopher Whitby el resumen de la relación de Dee con el libro.

«In addition to these unremarkable appearances of the Book of Soyga in Dee’s nachlaß – unremarkable, for who does not sometimes mislay and later recover a valued book? – there is the singular exchange held between Dee and the angel Uriel on the occasion of their first conversation,» — y separa de esas apariciones sin relieve el intercambio singular con el ángel Uriel en su primera conversación.

«To summarize: Uriel confirms Dee’s high estimation of the Book of Soyga’s value.» — el resumen de Reeds: Uriel confirma la alta estima en que Dee tenía el libro.

«If, as some scholars believe, Kelley was a charlatan, then here we find him (in the voice of Uriel) being characteristically evasive.» — con la condicional que Reeds conserva sin arbitrar: si Kelley era un charlatán, como creen algunos estudiosos, se muestra característicamente evasivo.

«Dee prized his Book of Soyga, but since the book was lost, modern scholars could only guess about its contents and possible influence on Dee’s magic system, especially for the version in his Book of Enoch.» — y el límite que declara: Dee lo apreciaba, pero la erudición moderna solo podía conjeturar su contenido.

«They had been catalogued under the title Aldaraia instead of Soyga.» — la razón por la que los ejemplares no aparecían: estaban catalogados bajo *Aldaraia* y no bajo *Soyga*.

«At last we can examine the Book of Soyga, and in particular its tables, and see for ourselves what it was that Dee prized so highly.» — y el punto de partida del capítulo: por fin se puede examinar el libro y ver qué apreciaba tanto Dee.

«The Sloane 8 copy (but not the Bodley 908 one) bears the title Aldaraia sive Soyga vocor at the head of the text and on the leaf preceding the text, both in the same hand as the text, fitting Ashmole’s description.» — Reeds distingue las dos copias: la Sloane 8, no la Bodley, lleva el título que cuadra con la descripción de Ashmole.

«Both copies contain the equation of “Adam” with “Zadzaczadlin”, so there can be no doubt that Harkness’s Book of Soyga is closely related to Dee’s Book of Soyga;» — y el rasgo que ambas comparten, la ecuación de *Adam* con *Zadzaczadlin*.

«The 197 leaves of Bodley 908 contain three named works, Liber Aldaraia, Liber Radiorum, and Liber decimus septimus (of 95, 65, and 2 leaves, respectively) as well as a number of shorter unnamed works totalling about 10 leaves.» — la descripción física que da: los ciento noventa y siete folios de Bodley 908 con tres obras, la última de unos diez folios.

«A cursory inspection of the Book of Soyga shows it is concerned with astrology and demonology, with long lists of conjunctions, lunar mansions, names and genealogies of angels, and invocations, not much different from those found, say, in pseudo-Agrippa.» — Reeds compara el contenido del libro con el del pseudo-Agrippa.

«There are no recognizable auctores. Other than the occasional mention of a few Old Testament names, and two references to Libro Geber, and a puzzling marginal gloss “Steganographia” in the same hand as the text, which is presumably a reference to the work of Johannes Trithemius (1462-1516), there are no references to recognizable personalities.» — y consigna la ausencia de autoridades reconocibles y de referencias a personalidades conocidas.

«Throughout the book much importance is placed on writing words backwards.» — el rasgo que recorre el libro entero, según Reeds: la importancia de escribir las palabras al revés.

«The name of the work, Soyga, is itself explained to be “Agyos, literis transvectis”.» — y el propio nombre *Soyga* se explica como *Agyos, literis transvectis*, con las letras trastocadas.

«And, towards the end of the book there is the set of thirty-six large square tables, described in section 2 of this paper, filled with a seemingly random jumble of letters.» — las treinta y seis tablas del final, llenas de un revoltijo de letras en apariencia aleatorio.

«These tables do not appear to be like any illustrated in, say, Shumaker’s survey of mediaeval and early modern magic works.» — Reeds observa que esas tablas no se parecen a las ilustradas en los estudios de la magia moderna temprana.

«The Book of Soyga’s preoccupation with letters, alphabet arithmetic, Hebrew-like backwards writing, and so on, is of course characteristic of the new Cabalistic magic which became popular in the sixteenth century, exemplified by the great compilation of Agrippa of Nettesheim (1486-1535), and borrowing authority both from the Renaissance humanist interest in the Cabala expressed by such figures as Pico and Reuchlin and from the supposed Biblical antiquity of the Cabala.» — y adscribe la obsesión del libro con las letras a la magia cabalística nueva.

«Although large square tables are not themselves a characteristic feature of the traditional Cabala, they had by Agrippa’s time become an integral part of the Christian magical Cabala.» — con la concesión por delante: las tablas cuadradas grandes no son en sí parte de la cábala mágica cristiana.

«Such a work must have appealed to Dee since it encompassed so many of the ingredients associated with early modern magical and Christian Cabalist texts; we know the tables in the Book of Soyga excited John Dee’s interest, as seen in the dialogue with Uriel.» — Reeds da por sentado el atractivo que una obra así tenía para Dee, según muestra el diálogo con Uriel.

«They certainly also excited mine as a professional cryptologist.» — y declara su propio interés, el de un criptólogo profesional.

«I approached the tables as I would any cryptographic problem, first transcribing the data and entering it into the computer, and then trying out what I knew of the bag of code-breakers’ tricks.» — con el método que declara: abordó las tablas como abordaría un problema criptográfico, con su bolsa de trucos de descifrador.

«This paper, then, indirectly addresses the question of the Book of Soyga’s possible influence on Dee by examining and comparing the form (or method of construction) of the tables in the Book of Soyga and those found in other early modern magic tables (including Dee’s and Agrippa’s), rather than their function (i.e., purpose or method of use).» — y el límite que se impone: el capítulo trata de la forma de las tablas, no de su propósito ni de su modo de uso.

«In Bodley 908 the grid cells measure approximately one quarter of an inch, so a complete table fits on one page.» — Reeds da las medidas: en Bodley 908 las celdas son de cierto tamaño y la tabla cabe en una plana.

«In Sloane 8 the grid cells are approximately one third of an inch in size, and each table occupies the two facing pages of an opening.» — y en Sloane 8 las celdas son mayores y la tabla ocupa las dos planas de una abertura.

«In each book there is occasional use of the short s; much more common is the long ³.» — el detalle paleográfico que consigna: uso ocasional de la s corta y predominio de la s larga, que la capa de texto devuelve como ³.

«In Bodley 908 upper case L is used exclusively, presumably to avoid confusion with long ³» — y en Bodley 908 solo se usa L mayúscula, presumiblemente para no confundirla con la s larga.

«In Sloane 8 lower case l is used exclusively.» — mientras que en Sloane 8 solo se usa la ele minúscula.

«The handwriting in Bodley 908 is quite even, and pains seem to have been taken to make the letters clearly distinguishable.» — Reeds juzga muy pareja la letra de Bodley 908, con cuidado por distinguir bien los caracteres.

«The handwriting in Sloane 8 is less clear, so that n and u are often hard to tell apart, as are the pairs c/e and l/i.» — y menos clara la de Sloane 8, con los pares c/e y l/i difíciles de separar.

«Sloane 8 shows obvious signs of proofreading, with dots, double dots, and cup strokes marking errors or doubtful readings.» — el rastro de cotejo que encuentra en Sloane 8, con marcas de errores o lecturas dudosas.

«Occasionally a cell contains, in addition to its main letter, a tiny f followed by another tiny letter; I surmise f means forte and the following letter is a suggested correction.» — y su conjetura sobre la f pequeña como *forte*, con la letra siguiente por corrección sugerida.

«Some corrections seem to have been made by erasure and overwriting; the handwriting also seems to change part way through.» — añade que algunas correcciones se hicieron por raspado, y que la letra cambia a media obra.

«Note that the code words for T13–T24 are the reverses of those of the corresponding T1–T12.» — la regularidad que señala: las palabras clave de T13 a T24 son las inversas de las de T1 a T12.

«The final ingredient in this formula, the auxiliary function f, is known to us only by a table of values determined empirically.» — Reeds declara el límite de su reconstrucción: el ingrediente final de la fórmula, la función auxiliar, solo se conoce por una tabla de valores determinada empíricamente.

«The transcribed text was entered into the computer with many measures taken to prevent or detect copying errors.» — y describe la precaución de método: el texto transcrito se metió a la computadora con medidas para prevenir o detectar errores de copia.

«In the course of this work it was noticed that in the vast majority of cases where a pair of adjacent m’s appeared, the letter above the second m was usually an n.» — entre los hallazgos de ese trabajo, la regularidad de la letra sobre la segunda eme.

«Of course I make no claim that the Soyga author intentionally used my» — Reeds acota su propia reclamación: no sostiene que el autor del Soyga usara intencionadamente su fórmula; el tramo se corta ante la notación matemática que la capa de texto corrompe.

«In fact the tables found in the two extant manuscripts of the Book of Soyga are not identical with those I produced by a computer programmed to carry out the above rules, starting with the same code words as in the manuscripts.» — y consigna la discrepancia: las tablas de los dos manuscritos conservados difieren de las que genera su programa con las mismas palabras clave.

«If a cell in the original is miscalculated, the mistake spoils the calculation of the cells to its right and below it, resulting in an avalanche of error with an easily recognizable rectangular shape.» — el criterio que propone: un error de cálculo en el original produce una zona de error de forma rectangular reconocible.

«A mere copying error, however, will not have a cumulative effect, and will be classifiable into one of several familiar types: transposition, deletion, eye skip, and replacement.» — frente a un mero error de copia, que no la tiene, con el salto de ojo y la sustitución entre sus formas.

«In short, the constraints placed on the tables by the ) (W f N X» — de donde Reeds saca la posibilidad de una enmienda textual agresiva de las tablas recibidas en Bodley 908 y Sloane 8.

«Only texts with a well-defined mathematical structure are amenable to this method of detecting and correcting errors of generation and transcription.» — con la restricción que él mismo pone: solo los textos de estructura matemática bien definida admiten ese modo de detectar y corregir errores.

«This can all be seen in an artificial example, concocted so as to display every kind of pathology in the first few lines of the table.» — Reeds monta un ejemplo artificial donde se ven todas las patologías en las primeras líneas de la tabla.

«Suppose the code word is SARTON.» — con la palabra clave que elige para el ejemplo.

«This mistaken letter will cause mistaken values to be calculated for the sixth cell of the second line and for the fifth cell of the third line, and those mistakes will beget others.» — y la propagación que describe: una letra errada engendra valores errados, y esos errores engendran otros.

«Here we see an essentially solid rectangular region of disagreement, starting in the fifth cell of row 2, with the value e, which is due to an error in the original.» — la firma que Reeds identifica: una región rectangular sólida de desacuerdo apunta a un error del original.

«So we conclude that an e was put down by mistake in row 2, cell 5 in the original.» — y la conclusión concreta del ejemplo, con la letra puesta por error en una celda determinada.

«Since the remaining rectangular regions of disagreement do not reach to the bottom of the table, we conclude that they are not due to errors in the original.» — el criterio inverso: las regiones que no llegan hasta el borde no vienen de errores del original.

«mistakes in cells 21 through 30 of line 3 are easily seen to be due to elision of an a from one of the repeating baxi groups; the pattern ends on the right foot again in cell 31 by the insertion of an extra i.» — y su adjudicación a una elisión y a la inserción de una letra de más.

«We might term this a horizontal eye skip error.» — el nombre que Reeds le propone al defecto: un salto de ojo horizontal.

«conclude instead that both Bodley 908 and Sloane 8 were derived from a common flawed copy, which I call C, of the originals.» — la genealogía que Reeds propone: Bodley 908 y Sloane 8 derivan de una copia común que llama C.

«Because Bodley 908 seems to have fewer disagreements with A than Sloane 8 does, we conclude that Bodley 908 is a more accurate copy of C than Sloane 8 is.» — y su comparación: Bodley 908 parece copia más exacta que Sloane 8.

«In the first place, the T13 of Sloane 3189 shows the same mistake in applying the ) (W f N» — el primer indicio: la T13 de Sloane 3189 comparte el error de la T13 de A.

«Hence even if not copied directly from Bodley 908 or Sloane 8, the Soyga tables in Sloane 3189 are, like those of Bodley 908 and Sloane 8, ultimately derived from A.» — de donde concluye que, aun sin ser copia directa, las tablas derivan en último término de A.

«A fortiori, they are copies of the Soyga tables, rather than simply creations inspired by, or in the same style as, the Soyga tables.» — y a fortiori son copias de las tablas del Soyga y no meras imitaciones de su estilo.

«Secondly, the T2 of Sloane 3189 lacks the gross eye skip error found in row 3 of T3 of Bodley 908.» — el segundo indicio: en la T2 de Sloane 3189 falta el salto de ojo que tiene la T3 de Bodley 908.

«This suggests Sloane 3189 was not copied from Bodley 908, but not strongly so: the eye skip error occurs in the repeating baxibaxi area and could have been corrected by a naive but alert copyist.» — con la reserva que Reeds conserva: eso sugiere que no se copió de Bodley 908, aunque un copista ingenuo pero atento pudo corregirlo.

«Thirdly, looking only at locations where all four of A, Bodley 908, Sloane 8 and Sloane 3189 supply legible values, I found the results in my Table 6.» — el tercer indicio, que remite a su propia tabla de coincidencias.

«The agree-disagree counts seem to make Sloane 3189 slightly but insignificantly closer to Bodley 908 than to Sloane 8.» — y la cuenta de acuerdos y desacuerdos que acerca ligeramente Sloane 3189 a Bodley 908.

«Fourth, and more tellingly, the transposition error in T3 of Bodley 908, where there is a kq instead of the correct qk in row 22, is not present in the T3 of Sloane 3189.» — el cuarto indicio, que Reeds llama más revelador: el error de transposición de Bodley 908 no está en la T3 de Sloane 3189.

«On balance, then, it seems that the Soyga tables in Dee’s Book of Enoch, Sloane 3189, are closer in manuscript transmission to Sloane 8 than to Bodley 908.» — su balance, dicho con esa cautela: en conjunto, las tablas de Sloane 3189 se parecen más a Sloane 8 que a Bodley 908.

«Overall, there is a 1.5% copying error rate from Sloane 8.» — la cifra que aporta: una tasa de error de copia del uno y medio por ciento respecto de Sloane 8.

«Even though I see no way to use the methods of this paper to distinguish between these possibilities, I do not hesitate to speculate in the next section about one possible stylistic connection between the Soyga tables and the rest of the Book of Enoch.» — y la abstención con que cierra: no ve modo de distinguir entre las hipótesis, aunque especula con una conexión de estilo con el resto del *Book of Enoch*.

«Word square charms have been in continuous use from Roman times to the present.» — Reeds sitúa los amuletos de cuadrado de palabras en uso continuo desde época romana hasta hoy.

«There are many large patterned tables in one of Agrippa’s Cabalistic chapters.» — y señala las muchas tablas grandes con patrón que trae uno de los capítulos cabalísticos de Agrippa.

«It is possible that Agrippa received the idea of the “tabula commutationum recta” from Trithemius.» — con la conjetura marcada como posibilidad: Agrippa pudo tomar de Trithemius la idea de la *tabula commutationum recta*.

«These Latin squares are of a particularly simple type, where each row is a shift of its predecessor, giving the table an overall barber-pole pattern of diagonal stripes.» — Reeds describe esos cuadrados latinos como de patrón particularmente simple, de franjas diagonales.

«It seems to be the result of an attempt to construct a Latin square as diagonally striped as possible, consistent with the given normal and reversed alphabets appearing in the margins.» — y lee la disposición como resultado de un intento, con los alfabetos en los márgenes.

«Agrippa’s table of Ziruph, illustrated in Plate 13, is possibly copied from Johann Reuchlin (1455-1522), who in turn owes much to the thirteenth century Cabalist Abraham Abulafia (1240-1292).» — la genealogía que propone para la tabla *Ziruph* de Agrippa, por Reuchlin y en último término por Abraham Abulafia.

«Such substitution alphabets are used in the branch of the practical Cabala known as temurah (permutation) in connection with the operation of tseruf (combination).» — y sitúa esos alfabetos de sustitución en la rama de la cábala que opera por *tseruf*, la combinación.

«Not all large patterned tables appearing in the early modern period are magical, however.» — la salvedad de Reeds: no todas las tablas grandes con patrón de la primera modernidad son mágicas.

«but unlike the Soyga tables, the pattern is completely obvious.» — y el contraste con las de Harriot, cuyo patrón es completamente obvio.

«It is no wonder that Dee found them perplexing.» — con lo que cierra el argumento: no es de extrañar que a Dee le resultaran desconcertantes.

«All mistakes are of course my own.» — y la fórmula con que Reeds se hace cargo de los errores.

«I see no connection between the two books, other than their probable ownership by Dee.» — Reeds declara su negativa: no ve conexión entre los dos libros más allá de la probable propiedad de Dee.

«I have not found a single table or chart or discussion of such anywhere in the works I have seen of the two great modern historians of the Cabala, Gershom Scholem and Moshe Idel.» — y la búsqueda negativa que consigna: no ha encontrado una sola tabla ni discusión al respecto en los trabajos de Gershom Scholem y Moshe Idel.

«Two recent monographs have shown once again that John Dee is worthy of the attention of scholars from many different fields of studies, since he was himself involved in the whole spectrum of Renaissance scholarship.» — Szönyi abre su capítulo señalando que dos monografías recientes vuelven a mostrar que Dee merece la atención de todo el espectro de la erudición renacentista.

«During these “conversations”, Dee – aided by certain rituals, paraphernalia (including a crystal ball or “shewstone”), and a medium, or “scryer” – tried to gain various pieces of information from the celestial beings.» — y describe el método: en esas conversaciones, Dee, asistido por un vidente, recibía información de los seres celestes.

«Researchers have nevertheless been perplexed by the apparently sudden turn which transformed the venerable scientist into an eccentric enthusiast.» — Szönyi consigna la perplejidad de los investigadores ante el giro aparente de Dee hacia el entusiasmo excéntrico.

«Approaches from the viewpoint of the history of science – which, until recently constituted the majority of Dee scholarship – found this phenomenon difficult to come to terms with, and at best a superficial explanation was advanced, according to which the humanist became disappointed in science (based on rational principles and logic), and – in a similar way to Doctor Faustus, although avoiding the direct contact with Satan – could only imagine achieving his intellectual goals with the help of supernatural powers.» — la explicación al uso desde la historia de la ciencia, que él reproduce con su *although* dentro.

«This explanation seems to have some grounding in Dee’s own statement addressed to Emperor Rudolph II in which he tried to summarise his mission:» — y le reconoce cierto fundamento en la declaración con que el propio Dee resumía su misión.

«Hereupon I began to declare that All my life time I had spent in learning: but for this forty years continually, in sundry manners, and in divers Countries, with great pain, care, and cost, I had from degree to degree sought to come by the best knowledge that man might attain unto in the world: and I found (at length) that neither any man living, nor any Book I could yet meet withal, was able to teach me those truths I desired and longed for:» — Dee en su propio inglés, según Szönyi, declarando la falta de conocimiento de las verdades que deseaba y anhelaba.

«Very few efforts have been made to embrace Dee’s scientific experiments and angel magic in their entirety and interconnectedness, especially given that such an examination would seem to promise little benefit for the history of science.» — Szönyi señala lo poco que se ha intentado abarcar juntas la ciencia y la magia de Dee.

«After some initial enthusiasm the Yates thesis was severely challenged by historians of science,5 and, although Clulee and Sherman have to some extent successfully restored Dee’s place in the distinguished gallery of the history of science, this would hardly work for his magic.» — y el límite que le encuentra a la tesis de Yates: difícilmente sirve para su magia.

«My suggestion is to shift the focus of interest from history of science to cultural anthropology and the history of mentality, by asking in what way Dee’s scientific activities inspired his visionary and occult programme.» — su propuesta en primera persona: desplazar el foco desde la historia de la ciencia hacia el programa visionario y oculto.

«Seeking the company of angels may seem an eccentric monomania for the enlightened researcher; indeed, some historians have even suggested that Dee had become mentally ill.» — Szönyi registra, sin suscribirla, la sugerencia de que Dee hubiera enfermado mentalmente.

«By contrast, anthropologists and historians of mentality have learnt how deep the roots of occult thinking were in the world picture of the sixteenth century.» — y le opone la lectura de los antropólogos e historiadores de las mentalidades sobre el pensamiento del siglo XVI.

«Such an approach may throw fresh light on the strange ambitions and practices of this extraordinary Englishman.» — con lo que ese enfoque puede alumbrar, dicho con su condicional; el guion parte *Englishman* en el impreso.

«First I shall look at the pre-modern traditions of gaining magical knowledge and in this respect I believe it is relevant to re-explore Paracelsus’s epistemology.» — el plan del capítulo que Szönyi anuncia, hasta reexplorar la epistemología de Paracelso.

«A typological analysis of the visions in the angelic diaries will prove that Dee’s ultimate “scientific” goal remained unchanged throughout his life: he aspired to universal knowledge, trying out alternative ways of investigation, finally ending up in the search for the angelic language.» — y el resultado que adelanta: un análisis tipológico de las visiones muestra la constancia del objetivo en la busca de la lengua angélica.

«Yewbrey and Whitby called attention to the fact that Dee did not start his angel magic in 1581, as had been earlier supposed.» — Szönyi le acredita a Yewbrey y a Whitby la corrección de la fecha de inicio que antes se suponía.

«Dee started his scrying experiments around the time of the writing of the Mathematicall Praeface and his scientific treatise suggests that, at this point in time, he saw no fundamental division between natural philosophy and spiritualism.» — Szönyi data el arranque de los experimentos de escrutinio en el cristal y sostiene que Dee no percibía entonces división entre filosofía natural y espiritualismo.

«This fortunate Moon being engraven on Silver, renders the bearer thereof grateful, amiable, pleasant, cheerful, honored, removing all malice, and ill will.» — el efecto que se le atribuye al amuleto lunar grabado en plata, en la cita que Szönyi recoge.

«Dee scholars have only recently become aware of the fact that Paracelsus may have had a much greater influence on the English doctor’s natural philosophy than has previously been believed.» — Szönyi señala que la erudición sobre Dee solo hace poco reparó en el peso de Paracelso.

«Frances Yates systematically overlooked Paracelsus in her accounts of Christian magic, and Peter French, although he noticed Dee’s massive holdings of Paracelsica, gave only superficial references to the philosophy of Paracelsus and its influence on Dee’s system of thought.» — con su reparto de responsabilidades: Yates lo pasó por alto sistemáticamente y French lo trató de pasada.

«More surprisingly, Paracelsus has only one mention even in Clulee’s monograph on Dee’s natural philosophy.» — y lo que le sorprende más: Paracelso apenas aparece una vez en la monografía de Clulee sobre la filosofía natural de Dee.

«Roberts and Watson, in their edition of Dee’s library catalogues, have revealed the fact that Dee possessed an unusually large collection of Paracelsica which he neatly grouped according to size and language in his inventory:» — el dato bibliográfico que Szönyi toma de Roberts y Watson: Dee agrupó sus paracélsica por tamaño y lengua en su inventario.

«Dee’s interest in Paracelsus can also be seen in his entry in the album amicorum of the famous Swiss natural scientist, Conrad Gesner whom Dee visited in Zurich in April 1563.» — y la otra prueba: el álbum de Gesner, a quien Dee visitó en Zúrich en abril de 1563.

«From a 1562 edition of Paracelsus (R&W 1476) annotated by Dee in 1594, we learn that he was preoccupied with the German sage even in his later career and discussed it with his disciples, Mr. Barker and Mr. Alped.» — Szönyi documenta que Dee discutió a Paracelso con Barker y Alped a partir de una edición de 1562.

«The names of his good angels, Anchorus, Anachor, and Anilos, noted in the same book, indicate the interrelatedness of Dee’s interest in Paracelsus and angel magic.» — y liga los nombres de sus ángeles buenos al cruce entre el interés por Paracelso y la magia angélica.

«OF IMAGES [IMAGINUM]. This science represents the properties of heaven and impresses them on images, so that an image of great efficacy is compounded, moving itself and significant.» — Paracelso, en la traducción que Szönyi cita, sobre la ciencia de las imágenes; los corchetes con el latín son de la fuente.

«OF GAMAHEI [GEMAHEORUM]. These are stones graven according to the face of heaven. Thus prepared they are useful against wounds, poisons, and incantations.» — y sobre las *gamaheas*, piedras útiles contra heridas, venenos y encantamientos.

«This our hieroglyphic monad possesses, hidden away in its innermost centre, a terrestrial body.» — Dee, en la cita de Szönyi, sobre el cuerpo terrestre que la mónada jeroglífica guarda en su centro más íntimo.

«It becomes clear from this otherwise obscure passage that the monad as a symbol has two levels of reference.» — la aclaración que Szönyi extrae del pasaje por lo demás oscuro: la mónada tiene dos niveles de referencia.

«Man is born of the earth, therefore he also has in him the nature of the earth.» — Paracelso en la cita de Szönyi: el hombre nace de la tierra y tiene su naturaleza.

«For no one can know God unless he is of divine nature.» — y la condición que pone: nadie puede conocer a Dios si no es de naturaleza divina.

«It seems that by the sixteenth century, crystallomantia had become most widespread in popular culture as a common form of magic.» — Szönyi sitúa en el siglo XVI la difusión de la cristalomancia como forma común de magia.

«Needless to say, scrying was strictly damned by both secular and ecclesiastical law.» — con su estatuto legal: la ley secular y la eclesiástica la condenaban estrictamente.

«Although such practices were strictly private, almost all astrologers and alchemists can be suspected of having exercised them.» — y su reserva: aunque las prácticas fueran estrictamente privadas, muchos astrólogos y alquimistas probablemente las ejercieron.

«Another Elizabethan astrologer and “magus”, Simon Forman kept a journal not unlike Dee’s, and he noted about the year 1584: “a reasonable, good, and quiet yere; but I had certain braulles and sclaunders fell out against me aboute detecting of one that had stollen certain thinges, whereby I was like to have bin spoiled”.» — el caso de Simon Forman que Szönyi trae, en el inglés del propio diario.

«but by 1588 he openly admitted that he “began to practise necromancy and to call angells and spirits.”» — y la admisión posterior de Forman, en 1588, de llamar a ángeles y espíritus.

«Dee seems to have become interested in divination in 1569 and started scrying in 1579.» — Szönyi data el interés de Dee por la adivinación en 1569 y el inicio del escrutinio en 1579.

«The Queens Majestie with her most honourable Privy Councell, and other her lordes and nobility, came purposely to have visited my library; but finding that my wife was within four houres before buried out of the house, her Majestie refused to come in; but willed me to fetch my glass so famous, and to shew unto her some of the properties of it, which I did; her Majestie being taken downe from her horse (by the Earle of Leicester, Master of the horse, by the wall of Mortlack), did see some of the properties of that glass, to her Majestie’s great contentment and delight, and so» — la escena de la visita de la reina y de su Consejo Privado, en el inglés isabelino que Szönyi transcribe; el tramo se corta al pie de plana.

«Dee hoped to gain mystical knowledge through the angelic conversations which would arm him with universal knowledge.» — el objetivo que Szönyi le atribuye a Dee: obtener por las conversaciones angélicas un conocimiento místico que lo armara de saber universal.

«To possess this knowledge, he believed, one had to learn the lost primordial language, the lingua adamica, a medium of direct communication with God which Adam spoke when he named the parts and things of the created universe.» — y la condición que Dee creía necesaria: aprender la lengua primordial perdida del universo creado.

«Consequently, his ultimate scientific programme became centred on the acquisition of this universal language because, as he wrote, “the logos of the creative universe works by rules so that man, godly minded and born of God, may learn by straightforward work and by theological and mystical language”.» — de donde, según Szönyi, su programa científico último se centra en adquirir una lengua universal.

«It is noteworthy that Dee hardly appears in studies on this topic,55 perhaps because of the curious turn of his thinking, namely, that since his pursuits concerning the above goal in the terrain of natural sciences remained futile, he turned to angel magic and during the conversations repeatedly and passionately petitioned God to order his heavenly servants to share secret knowledge with him.» — Szönyi señala como digno de nota que Dee apenas aparezca en los estudios del asunto, y lo que él pedía a los ángeles.

«Umberto Eco’s recent book is the first attempt to place Dee in the context of universal language schemes and Eco also offers interesting links between Dee and his acquaintance, Guillaume Postel, who also asserted that every “demonstration of the world” results from geometric elements, such as point, lines, circles and triangles.» — y trae a Umberto Eco con la tesis de Guillaume Postel sobre las demostraciones del mundo derivadas de puntos, líneas, círculos y triángulos.

«One immediately remembers Dee’s argument in the Monas Hieroglyphica concerning the origin of the alphabet: “the first and mystical letters of the Hebrews, the Greeks, and the Latins, issued from God alone and were [by Him] entrusted to mortals; [also] the shapes of all those [letters] are derived from points, straight lines and the circumference of circles,”57 and these considerations again clearly establish the link between Dee’s scientific and magical programmes.» — el eco que Szönyi encuentra en el argumento de la *Monas*, y el vínculo que traza entre los programas científico y mágico de Dee.

«Most of this is written in hardly comprehensible “angelic language”, although some scholars of occultism claim to have already penetrated into the depth of its meaning.» — con su reserva sobre el material: casi todo está escrito en un lenguaje apenas comprensible, aunque algunos estudiosos digan haber penetrado su sentido.

«Since most of the Enochian magic material has been included in Meric Casaubon’s printed edition of the angelic diaries,61 one can use this collection to set up a typology of Dee’s angelic visions:» — y la base que le permite tipologizar las visiones: casi todo el material de magia enóquica salió en la edición de Casaubon.

«E.K. The Table hath four feet, of which two touch the ground, and two do not» — el registro de sesión que Szönyi transcribe, con Kelley describiendo la mesa de cuatro pies; los corchetes con puntos son de la fuente.

«holy Angels, for these two years and a half, have used to inform me: and have finished such works in my hands, to be seen, as no mans heart could have wished for so much: yea they have brought me a Stone of that value, that no earthly Kingdom is of that worthinesse as to be compared to the vertue or dignity thereof, &c.» — la voz angélica que Szönyi cita, sobre lo que ningún reino terrenal iguala.

«The Angel of the Lord hath appeared to me, and rebuketh you for your sins.» — y la reprensión que el ángel dirige por los pecados.

«If you will hear me, and believe me, you shall Triumph: if you will» — la promesa condicional de triunfo; el tramo se corta donde la fuente repite la condición.

«Moreover, the Lord hath made this Covenant with me (by oath) that he will do and perform.» — el pacto que la voz anuncia y promete cumplir.

«If you will forsake your wickidnesse, and turn unto him, your Seat shall be the greatest that ever was:» — y la promesa del asiento supremo a cambio de abandonar la maldad, con la grafía *wickidnesse* del impreso.

«Dee’s idée fixe was that the comprehension of these numerical relations would lead to the ultimate enlightenment.» — Szönyi nombra la idea fija de Dee: la comprensión de lo numérico llevaría a la iluminación última.

«That Dee’s mathematical expertise did not desert him during his visionary episodes, can be seen in the following passage where he accuses the angel Nalvage of arithmetical miscalculation.» — y el episodio que Szönyi aduce como prueba: Dee acusa al ángel Nalvage de error aritmético.

«There is an error in the last, not in the Number, but in the Letter.» — la corrección misma, en la letra y no en otra parte.

«They be more worth than the Kingdom of Poland.» — la tasación que la voz angélica hace, por encima del reino de Polonia.

«Vooan is spoken with them that fall, but Vaoan with them that are, and are glorified.» — la distinción entre dos palabras enóquicas que Szönyi transcribe, según se hable con los que caen o con los glorificados.

«The devils have lost the dignity of their sounds.» — y la pérdida que se les adjudica a los demonios: la dignidad de sus sonidos.

«These phrases are dark; when it shall please God they may be made plain.» — Dee mismo, en la cita, reconoce oscuras las frases y espera que se aclaren.

«Every word signifieth the quiddity of the substance.» — y cada palabra significa la quididad de la sustancia.

«Every Letter signifieth the member of the substance whereof it speaketh.» — la explicación que se le adjudica a Gabriel: cada letra significa el miembro de la sustancia de que habla.

«Looking at the relationship between magic and science in the early modern age it would be a simplification to claim, as Frances Yates did, that Renaissance neoplatonist magic, let alone hermeticism, fostered the scientific revolution of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in a direct way.» — Szönyi acota la relación entre magia y ciencia: sería simplificar atribuirle al neoplatonismo renacentista la causa directa de la revolución científica.

«On the other hand, it is possible to say that in the works (as well as in the mind) of Dee and his fellow scientists/magi layers of discursive logic and irrationalism, scientific thinking and occultism happily coexisted in a variety of ways which would be dangerous to generalize.» — y del otro lado admite la coexistencia de lógica discursiva e irracionalismo, con la advertencia de que generalizarla sería peligroso.

«Each case should be approached individually: some of them have magical conceptions which complement their scientific thinking (Bruno, Bacon), in others the two orientations show an almost total discontinuity (Kepler, Newton), in other cases science and magic are intermixed in a disorderly concoction (Paracelsus) and in Dee’s case it seems that his magical ideas totally absorbed his scientific orientation, although in his middle career one can still see independently functioning subsystems in his thought (his geographic interests, or his ideas about public science, for example).» — su regla de método: cada caso se aborda por separado, con su *although* dentro.

«If we look at this historiographical line, we see a direction of scholarship moving from a somewhat static and simplistic interpretation of Dee as an English magus towards a more complex contextualization in intellectual history in which elements of discontinuity have become emphasized and in which the originally proposed “master narrative”83 has become subverted by more and more – often conflicting and contradictory – subtexts.» — la dirección historiográfica que observa: subraya la discontinuidad y los subtextos conflictivos y contradictorios.

«It may seem surprising, but at this point I would still avow a return to the Yatesian “master narrative”, albeit with some modifications.» — y la posición que declara, reconociendo que puede sorprender: defiende el relato maestro de Yates con modificaciones.

«I am inclined to see Dee as a “magus”, who had an amazingly wide range of interests but who also increasingly had a focusing obsession, a magical program, not necessarily to improve the sciences in order to prepare for the scientific revolution, but rather to find an alternative system of knowledge.» — su inclinación en primera persona: ver a Dee como *magus* obsesionado con hallar un sistema alternativo de conocimiento.

«Dee’s program is by no means exceptional in the intellectual spectrum of the Late-Renaissance.» — con el contrapeso: el programa de Dee no es en absoluto excepcional dentro del espectro intelectual del Renacimiento tardío.

«Some of the Renaissance intellecti, such as Erasmus, abhorred and deeply mistrusted these “lunacies”.» — Szönyi consigna la desconfianza profunda de Erasmo hacia esas locuras.

«Others entertained a scholarly philological interest, combining it with a religious program to prove the general superiority of Christianity over Judaism and Islam (Reuchlin and the early Postel).» — y el otro modo, el interés filológico erudito unido a un programa religioso, con Reuchlin y el primer Postel.

«It is interesting to note that while in sixteenth-century Germany heterodoxy manifested itself primarily in religious mysticism (Sebastian Franck, Kaspar Schwenckfeld, Valentin Weigel, and Johann Arndt), there was also a more active and less abstract trend of speculative thinking, often taking its impetus from classical humanism, occasionally dabbling with magic, and finally definitively rejecting the logical sciences in favour of intuitive and revelatory ancient wisdom.» — Szönyi observa la coexistencia de la especulación activa con el rechazo de la lógica científica en favor de una sabiduría antigua intuitiva y revelada.

«Dee’s somewhat older contemporary, Guillaume Postel, is one of the best examples of this kind of active enthusiasm and his stubborn insistence on his visionary ideas parallels Dee’s unshakeable belief in his angels.» — y compara la insistencia visionaria de Guillaume Postel, contemporáneo algo mayor, con la creencia inquebrantable de Dee en sus ángeles.

«This sort of alternative thinking has not often been examined in its own terms.» — su queja de método: ese pensamiento alternativo casi no se ha examinado en sus propios términos.

«It has mainly been looked at as “proto-science” or religious dissent and this approach may be highly misleading.» — con la advertencia que sigue: mirarlo como protociencia puede resultar muy engañoso.

«The only sensible account of this phenomenon must come from the area of anthropology and what Gershom Scholem decades ago wrote about the significance of mystical-cabalistical trends within Judaism perfectly applies to the whole early modern esoteric movement:» — de donde Szönyi propone que la única explicación sensata del fenómeno venga de la antropología.

«It is characteristic of Kabbalistic theology that it attempts to construct and describe a world in which something of the mythical has again come to life.» — la característica de la teología cabalística que trae en apoyo: el mito vuelve a cobrar vida.

«Philosophy ignored these fears, out of whose substance man wove myths, and in turning its back upon the primitive side of man’s existence it paid a high price in losing touch with him altogether.» — y el precio que le cobra a la filosofía por ignorar esos temores.

«As John Ferguson notes, Artephius has always been regarded by the alchemists as one of the masters.» — entre las notas de Szönyi, la de John Ferguson que cuenta a Artephius entre los maestros.

«By virtue of the elixir he is reputed to have lived a thousand and twenty-five years; see John Ferguson,» — y la longevidad que la tradición le adjudica por virtud del elixir.

«Although Ferguson cites mostly seventeenth- and eighteenth-century sources for this legend, it is interesting to note that Dee’s contemporary and personal acquaintance, Postel, was also fascinated by Artephius and compared the magus’s long life to his own “restitution”.» — con la salvedad de Szönyi sobre las fuentes tardías de Ferguson, y el aprecio de Postel por Artephius.

«French, however, must be credited with being the first to label Dee as an English Paracelsian.» — Szönyi le acredita a French haber sido el primero en llamar a Dee paracelsista inglés.

«The author of the only post-Roberts and Watson monograph, William Sherman, has acknowledged Dee’s interest in Paracelsus but since his book is not primarily concerned with Dee’s natural philosophy, his remarks are restricted to the technical aspects of Dee’s book-collecting habits and marginal annotations» — y a Sherman haberle reconocido el interés por Paracelso, limitando el análisis a las anotaciones marginales.

«Roberts and Watson knew about this inscription in Gesner’s album (R&W, 20, n.23) but thought that it had been lost.» — consigna que Roberts y Watson conocían la inscripción pero la creían perdida.

«It should be noted, however, that such divination in the Bible is most of the time condemnable and condemned:» — la salvedad que Szönyi anota: la adivinación bíblica es casi siempre condenable y condenada.

«Dee seems to have tendentiously overlooked such warnings whether in the Bible or in his much admired Paracelsus (see later on the angelic conversations).» — y su juicio sobre Dee: parece haber pasado por alto tendenciosamente esas advertencias.

«It was Christopher L. Whitby who first called attention to the Biblical context (in the article referred to in footnote 6 above).» — Szönyi le acredita a Christopher L. Whitby haber señalado primero el contexto bíblico.

«The Latin parenthesis has been added here for the reader’s benefit.» — y declara una intervención propia: el paréntesis latino lo añadió él en beneficio del lector.

«That Dee must have known the “ars beryllistica” concept of Paracelsus is shown by the fact that in the Monas Hieroglyphica he had already used the term “beryllisticus”» — el argumento de Szönyi sobre el conocimiento que Dee tenía del concepto de *ars beryllistica*, con el término que ya había usado; el guion de corte parte la palabra en el impreso.

«As Roberts and Watson remark, collecting Paracelsica “must have been one of» — Szönyi trae la observación de Roberts y Watson sobre el coleccionismo de paracélsica; el tramo se corta donde la nota cruza de plana.

«This mirror, at present in the British Museum, was donated by the eighteenth-century eccentric aristocrat, Horace Walpole» — Szönyi sigue en nota la procedencia del espejo que hoy está en el Museo Británico, donado por Horace Walpole.

«Halliwell’s transcript is incorrect and must be checked against the original entry in Stadius’s Ephemerides (1570), which is now available on microfilm:» — Szönyi objeta en nota la transcripción de Halliwell y remite al original, hoy en microfilm.

«which, obviously, is the invention of the editor.» — y advierte que la ordenación de los pasajes es invención del editor.

«De heptarchia mystica was recently published by Robert Turner (Wellingborough: Aquarius Press, 1986).» — consigna la edición reciente de la *De heptarchia mystica* a cargo de Robert Turner.

«A not uninteresting compendium of Dee’s Enochian magic was edited and translated by Geoffrey James, The Enochian Magic of Dr. John Dee (St. Paul, Minnesota: Llewellyn Publications, 1994).» — y el compendio de la magia enóquica de Dee que editó y tradujo Geoffrey James.

«From the early 1980s on, Yewbrey made use of this manuscript, and later Whitby wrote a doctoral dissertation (University of Birmingham, 1981) which included a full transcription of this material.» — Szönyi consigna que Yewbrey usó el manuscrito y que Whitby hizo una tesis con transcripción completa del material.

«A facsimile edition of Whitby’s thesis was published by Garland (New York) in 1988.» — y la edición facsimilar de esa tesis que Garland publicó en 1988.

«Dee purchased several of Thurneysser’s books: his Paracelsus dictionary, published in Berlin in 1574 (R&W, no. 2275), a 1569 edition of the Archidoxa (R&W, no. 1455), and a 1560 edition of the Quinta essentia» — el inventario que da: Dee compró varios libros de Thurneysser, entre ellos la edición de la *Quinta essentia*.

«In this compilation the Enochian passages scattered in Dee’s diaries are taken out of their original context and are arranged into a logical sequence, which, obviously, is the invention of the editor.» — y repite la advertencia sobre la secuencia lógica en que el editor dispuso los pasajes enóquicos.

«Augustine, De civitate Dei, Book 10, Chapters 9-10, where he attacks Porphyrian theurgy – an attack repeated almost verbatim in Chapter 46 of Cornelius Agrippa’s De vanitate scientarium» — la genealogía del ataque a la teurgia porfiriana que Szönyi señala, de Agustín al *De vanitate scientiarum* de Agrippa; la capa de texto imprime *scientarium*.

«This fascinating colligatum (now in the Folger Shakespeare Library) of mystical and pneumatological literature is heavily annotated by Dee» — y el *colligatum* de la Folger Shakespeare Library que, según Szönyi, Dee anotó intensamente.

«I would argue that we must turn to “the old fashion of Magick” – the Pseudo-Solomonic ars notoria or theurgic magic which flourished virtually unabated from the thirteenth to the seventeenth century,2 in order to come to a clearer understanding of the origins of Dee’s practices, and the “Christian Cabalistic” tradition of Northern Europe as a whole.» — Clucas declara su tesis en primera persona: para entender a Dee hay que ir a la vieja manera de la magia y a la tradición cabalística cristiana del norte de Europa.

«Rather than seeing Renaissance magic as “superseding” mediaeval magic, we might consider how the new philosophical influences were absorbed into the pre-existing forms of mediaeval magic.» — Clucas propone leer la magia renacentista como absorbida en formas medievales preexistentes.

«Although Yates saw the advent of the Hermetic tradition as a privileged moment in the parallel histories of religion and magic,68 it was precisely the fact that Renaissance practitioners did not see mediaeval magic as “barbarous” or “dirty” which enabled it to persist into the seventeenth century and beyond.» — con la concesión a Yates y su límite: la magia medieval persistió hasta el siglo XVII y más allá.

«When Johann Wier attacks these kinds of magic in the middle years of the sixteenth century, his critique involuntarily reveals some of the reasons for its continued survival.» — Clucas señala que Johann Wier, al atacar esas prácticas, deja ver las razones de su supervivencia.

«Wier argued, should: strive by every effort to banish this most pernicious and deceitful art far from the sacred rites of our Religion» — Wier, en la cita de Clucas, exige apartar el arte pernicioso de los ritos sagrados de la religión.

«It is precisely the comfortable co-existence of magic with the “sacred rites” of Christianity, the co-optation or adaptation of devotional practices, which Wier is attacking.» — y lo que Clucas identifica como blanco del ataque: la convivencia cómoda entre magia y ritos sagrados.

«He objects to what he calls the “misuse” of sacred scriptures and prayer in these arts: “if any verse from Psalms or any other section of Sacred Scripture is thought apposite for [the] desired purpose, it is mixed in with the [magical] prayers.”» — la objeción de Wier al mal uso de las escrituras sagradas mezcladas con las oraciones mágicas; los corchetes son de Clucas.

«But while Wier condemns these “blasphemous prayers to God” as an abuse, it seems clear that it was precisely the religiosity and piety of these practices (and their continuities with more “orthodox” forms of devotion) which ensured their survival.» — con el giro que Clucas le da: lo que Wier condena como blasfemo es justamente la religiosidad que aseguró la supervivencia de la práctica.

«It is with this objective in mind that I shall begin with an interrogation of some of the terms which Dee used to describe his practices, before going on to consider the extent of his reliance on the theurgical tradition.» — Clucas anuncia su procedimiento: interrogar los términos de Dee y el alcance de su apoyo en la tradición teúrgica.

«Dee talks about his angelic transactions as “the HEPTARCHICAL Mysterie” or “the whole Heptarchicall Reuelation,” and refers to “these revealed mysteries,”86 and it is clear from the many and varied acts of prophetic self-fashioning,87 that Dee saw his angelic dealings as a prophetic dispensation, a “special gift” or extraordinary election or grace from God granting him “mercifull cumfort and instruction, through the ministery of his holy and myghty Angels.”» — y consigna cómo habla Dee de sus tratos angélicos, como dispensación concedida por ángeles santos y poderosos.

«The heptarchical revelation is presented to him as a “boke of [...] secrets” which is also a “key of this world,”» — la revelación heptárquica se le presenta, según Clucas, como libro de secretos y llave de este mundo.

«The angel Carmara assures Dee that the “gouernement of the [angelic] Princes,” which is being revealed to him is both “a Mystery to a farder matter,” and “a purpose to a present vse,” – “Thow desyrest vse, I teache use,” Carmara tells him, revealing that the “Art is to the farder Vnderstanding of all Sciences, that are past, present or [...] yet to com» — el ángel Carmara, en la cita de Clucas, le asegura a Dee que el gobierno de los príncipes angélicos es misterio y propósito; el tramo se corta ante la abreviatura del impreso.

«Dee never uses the word “magia” when referring to his dealings with the angels, and» — el hallazgo léxico de Clucas: Dee nunca usa la palabra *magia* para sus tratos con los ángeles.

«In a letter to William Cecil in 1574, defending his interests in practical arts based on “vision” or “iterated dreames,” Dee asserted that it was his conviction that he should “do nothing, but that, which may stand with the profession of a true Christian,”» — y la carta a William Cecil de 1574 donde Dee declara obrar solo conforme a la profesión de un verdadero cristiano.

«and in his correspondence with the puritan Roger Edwardes insisted on the “other Christian allowable means of discussinge and deciphringe the manifold mysteries, by the holy Spirit deliuered and left to our instruction,”» — con la insistencia de Dee en otros medios cristianos dejados para nuestra instrucción.

«It is clear that for Dee Christian “profession” entailed a variety of “allowable means,” which could encompass both prophetic-visionary and practical-instrumental activities.» — la lectura de Clucas: para Dee la profesión cristiana abarca actividades a la vez proféticas y prácticas.

«The heptarchical art was essentially an act of prophecy which encompassed a set of operative and instrumental desires, it is an “art” as well as a “reuelation”, a “purpose to a present vse” in the natural world as well as a religious “exercise”.» — el arte heptárquico, según Clucas, es a la vez arte y revelación, con fines mundanos y ejercicio religioso.

«The inseparability of these apparently separate spheres or domains in Dee’s art suggest that we should try to conceptualise it as a form of operative practice which has its constitutive roots in religious forms, as a development or expansion of “allowable means”.» — y la inseparabilidad de esos aspectos aparentemente separados como expansión de los medios lícitos.

«One of the principal reasons for the omission of the ars notoria from earlier accounts of Renaissance magic is undoubtedly the fact that it was primarily a manuscript phenomenon.» — la razón que Clucas da para el olvido de la *ars notoria*: fue sobre todo un fenómeno manuscrito.

«I would suggest, however, that John Dee’s own theurgic practices were shaped at every level by a knowledge of the Pseudo-Solomonic tradition, rather than by what Yates calls the “Occult” or “Hermetic” Philosophy of Neoplatonic magic.» — su tesis, marcada como sugerencia: las prácticas teúrgicas de Dee las moldeó la tradición pseudosalomónica y no la filosofía de la magia neoplatónica.

«All of them claim to pass on techniques and mysteries which had originally been revealed to King Solomon through a ministering angel sent to him by God.» — el rasgo común de esos textos: dicen transmitir técnicas reveladas a Salomón por un ángel enviado por Dios.

«The practitioner must be “well confessed, and fast on bread and water for three days, and he must not eat until all the stars are in the sky [...] and give alms to the poor”.» — las exigencias que ponen al practicante, con el ayuno y la limosna a los pobres.

«He must be “very penitent and trewly confessed of all his sinnes, he must vtterly forbere the company of women and all there intycements, in so much that he may nott looke upon them [...] [nor] kepe no company with wicked or sinfull men [...] [and] lett not his apparryll be filthe but rather new, or elles very cleane waschyd.”» — y la pureza estricta, en el inglés de la fuente.

«Some of the texts also call for purifying suffumigations with amber, musk, aloe, mastick, thyme, myrrh, balsam, and other herbs or spices» — con las sufumigaciones purificatorias de hierbas y especias que algunos textos prescriben.

«The ars notoria is also heavily indebted to mediaeval astrology – the earliest texts (and some of the later exemplars) stress its astrological basis.» — Clucas señala la deuda pesada de la *ars notoria* con la astrología medieval.

«A thirteenth-century manuscript of the Flores aureos, for example, sees the ars notoria as one of the “liberal arts” (Artium [...] liberalium) for the attainment of knowledge and learning in all the sciences (eruditionem et cognitionem omnium scientiarum), based on “the understanding of astronomy or astrology”» — el manuscrito del siglo XIII que la cuenta entre las artes liberales fundadas en la astronomía o la astrología.

«A late fifteenth-century text of the Sefer Raziel suggests that “The key of this booke is to knowe & wile the places of the 7 [planetary] bodies aboue & their natures”.» — y el texto de fines del XV que pone la llave en conocer los cuerpos de arriba y sus naturalezas.

«Many of the practices thus include stipulations as to the time of practice, especially in relation to the lunar calendar,119 and involve angelic spirits identified with planetary bodies.» — de ahí las estipulaciones temporales y la identificación de los espíritus angélicos con los cuerpos planetarios.

«This varies slightly according to the particular Pseudo-Solomonic text, but can be divided between the attainment» — el reparto de fines que Clucas propone, entre conocimiento revelado y poderes operativos.

«The ars notoria in particular, was presented – like contemporary Lullist arts or magical ars memorativa – as a means of magically attaining proficiency in the liberal arts in an unusually short time.» — la *ars notoria* se presentaba, según Clucas, como medio para dominar las artes liberales en un tiempo insólitamente corto.

«He would possess, acquire and retain in the memory the arts he desired to master.» — con la promesa al operante de poseer, adquirir y retener las artes que quisiera dominar.

«Thus the ars notoria included a series of discipline-specific “figures” – for grammar, dialectic, rhetoric, music, physics, arithmetic and astronomy.» — y las figuras disciplinares que incluía, de la gramática y la retórica a la física, la aritmética y la astronomía.

«Although the prayers and orations used in the actions which are recorded in the Liber Mysteriorum do not incorporate complete orations written in the “magical language”, the prayers collected in the De Heptarchia Mystica from this period show Dee incorporating the divine names (nomina Dei), or semaphoras (revealed angelic names) of the Pseudo-Solomonic type, and the “parcells of Inuitations very pleasant to good Angels” communicated in the spring of 1583 are written entirely in the “Angelicall Language”,157 written in a revealed alphabet of hieroglyphic characters, 158 and we know that on at least one occasion Kelley used this “angelic language” whilst praying during the actions.» — Clucas consigna que Kelley usaba la lengua angélica mientras oraba durante las acciones.

«Just as the Pseudo-Solomonic operator can only work with a single associate (a vero socius),155 so Dee is told by his angelic interlocutors that “None shall enter into the knowledge of these Mysteries with the[e] but this worker» — el paralelo que Clucas traza: como el operante pseudosalomónico, Dee depende de un trabajador único; los corchetes con el nombre de Kelley son suyos.

«The most significant link between Dee’s heptarchical art and the practices of Pseudo-Solomonic theurgy, however, is his use of a talismanic instrument known as the sigillum dei or the sigillum Æmeth.» — el vínculo que Clucas llama más significativo: el uso del *sigillum dei* o *sigillum Æmeth*.

«It seems clear, then, that while Dee glosses the passage in his manuscript dealing with the sigillum dei with references to printed works by Reuchlin and Agrippa,168 he was using Pseudo-Solomonic manuscripts as his primary source, and neither Reuchlin nor Agrippa contain visual representations of the seal which Dee could have copied.» — su conclusión, con la cautela dentro: Dee se apoyó en manuscritos pseudosalomónicos y no copió de Reuchlin ni de Agrippa.

«The heptarchical art is, for example, conceived in part as a universal science, or “ars generalis”, being the key “to the farder vnderstanding of all Sciences, that are past, present or [...] yet to comme”,169 a “Threefold Art” which promises “knowledge of the 1WORLDE, the 2GOVERNEMENT of his Creatures, and the 3SIGHT of his Maiestie» — el arte heptárquico promete, según Clucas, el conocimiento de la vista de su Majestad; la capa de texto antepone un 3 al vocablo.

«Just as the Liber sacer taught how “a man shulde obteyne his will by euery angell”,171 so Dee is promised that this practice will be the “ende and consummation” of all his desires.» — y el paralelo con el *Liber sacer*: la práctica sería la culminación de todos sus deseos.

«He rejects the “vulgar schole-doctrine or humane invention” and “reasonable discourse,” reminding himself what good Counsell the Apostle James giveth, saying, Si quis vestrum careat sapientia, postulat a Deo, &c.» — Dee rechaza la doctrina escolar vulgar y se apoya en el apóstol Santiago, en el latín que Clucas transcribe; el guion de corte parte *schole-doctrine* en el impreso.

«During one of his conversations of April 1584, Dee reassures himself of the legitimacy of his communications with angels, whose truthfulness is guaranteed by prayer:» — Clucas sitúa en una conversación de abril la garantía por la oración de la legitimidad de esas comunicaciones.

«seeing I have many years desired, and prayed for wisdome (such as these Actions import) at his hands, and by such means as to his Divine Majesty seemeth best, [I believed] that he would not either mislike my prayer, or abuse my Constant hope in his goodnesse and mercy:» — Dee en su propio inglés, sobre lo que ha deseado por muchos años, confiando en la bondad y la misericordia.

«Therefore I concluded that I referred all to the mercifull will of God, and doubted nothing at the length to be satisfied of my request, and prayer made unto him.» — y la conclusión con que Dee remite el éxito a la voluntad de Dios.

«For Dee the faithfulness of his prayer, and his submission to divine will are indisputable warrants of the success of his ventures, granting him an assurance which is secured on gospel teachings concerning faith and its powers.» — la lectura de Clucas: para Dee la fidelidad de su oración es la garantía, conforme a la doctrina sobre la fe y sus poderes.

«It is interesting to note, however, that Dee’s “hearty prayers” for wisdom are in fact drawn verbatim from a collection of psalmic prayers written by the Henrican Catholic martyr, John Fisher» — el hallazgo que Clucas señala: esas oraciones vienen del mártir católico John Fisher.

«The occurrence of such a prayer in Bishop Fisher’s collection of extemporary prayers (which also includes a number of orthodox prayers for the remission of sins, and protection from temptation), suggests that the precatory orations of the Pseudo-Solomonic art developed out of pre-existing modes of extemporary prayer and private forms of devotion.» — de donde sugiere que el arte pseudosalomónico surge de formas de devoción privada preexistentes.

«We are fortunate to have a number of extant examples of Dee’s own extemporary prayers of this type, which, like the Pseudo-Solomonic prayers, combined general requests for wisdom, and more particular and specific requests for certain kinds of knowledge.» — y consigna la suerte de conservar varias oraciones de Dee que piden ciertas clases de conocimiento.

«These “pious and devout invitations” (Pia, Deuotaque Invitationes),186 are a series of prayers addressed to God, the “good Heptarchical angels” (Bonorum Angeloru[m] Heptarchicoru[m]), and other groups of angels with specific responsibilities (those with knowledge of stones and metals, medicine, the four elements, the mechanical arts, etc),187 requesting various kinds of knowledge and power “for the auancing of the Honor and Glorie of our Almighty God.”» — las invitaciones piadosas y devotas que Clucas cita, con su latín y su fin declarado en la honra y gloria de Dios.

«These “invitations” can only be understood fully in the generic context of the Pseudo-Solomonic theurgical rites, whose Latin petitionary orations are Dee’s model.» — Clucas sostiene que esas invitaciones solo se entienden dentro de los ritos pseudosalomónicos, cuyas oraciones latinas de petición son el modelo de Dee.

«Dee constantly refers to prayers which he calls “particular invitations,” or “Ejaculations appropriate to the action.» — el vocabulario propio de Dee que Clucas releva: invitaciones particulares y eyaculaciones apropiadas a la acción.

«While many of the prayers are general requests for illumination, Dee (like the Pseudo-Solomonic “magister,” or “operator”) often made requests for knowledge or help of a highly specific and instrumental nature.» — con el contraste que Clucas marca: junto a las peticiones generales hay otras muy específicas e instrumentales.

«For example, when Dee is asked for specific guidance by Edward Kelley and John Husey concerning a “moniment of a boke and a skroll” which they had supposedly found at “Northwik hill» — el ejemplo que da: una oración usada para pedir guía concreta sobre un asunto de Northwik hill.

«In one of Dee’s first recorded scrying sessions he asks the angel Uriel for “a meanes or order to vse in the invocating of Michael,” and is told: He is to be invocated» — la sesión temprana donde el ángel Uriel le indica a Dee los salmos que debe usar.

«“Invoke this name, or we can do nothing,” (Inuocate Nomen eius, aut nihil agere possumus) Michael tells him later, because “The key of prayer openeth all things» — y la sentencia que Clucas cita: la llave de la oración abre todas las cosas.

«Dee is told by his angelic interlocutors that he has been granted particular “force in prayer” by God,208 and that the mystical tables or “calls” which are revealed to him give him the special privilege of compelling angelic visitation (a privilege not granted to the prophets and apostles).» — lo que los interlocutores angélicos le dicen a Dee sobre su fuerza en la oración y su poder exclusivo de convocarlos.

«Dee himself, believed his own prayers to be of miraculous efficacy.» — y la creencia que Clucas le adjudica: Dee tenía sus propias oraciones por milagrosamente eficaces.

«Thus while Dee’s belief in his entitlement to quasi-divine powers seem extraordinarily arrogant to the modern reader, they seem less audacious when viewed in the light of the contemporary doctrines of grace and providentialism.» — su matiz: leída junto a las doctrinas contemporáneas de la gracia y el providencialismo, la creencia de Dee resulta menos arrogante.

«There is no question that Dee saw his access to “magical” powers as firmly circumscribed by divine will.» — Clucas no duda de que Dee tuviera sus poderes mágicos por circunscritos por la voluntad divina.

«Thus while he is told by the angels that “All wants shall be opened vnto you,”214 he is also warned to “abuse not this Excellency.”» — con la advertencia que los ángeles le dan de no abusar de esa excelencia.

«Thus whatever Dee believed was done for the glory of God was divinely willed and warranted, and he asks only for “the performing of som[m]e artes such as myght sett forth his glory.”» — y la justificación que Dee se daba: cuanto hacía era para la gloria de Dios.

«When Dee asked the angel Ave about the “form of our Petition or Invitation to good Angels”, he was told that correct invocation arises from “the good will of man, and of heat and fervency of the spirit,”» — la respuesta del ángel Ave sobre el modo correcto de invocar, en la cita de Clucas.

«On Holy Thursday 1583, for example, Dee goes to his “oratorie” to pray for “comfort and [a] token of free forgiuenes,” he vents his “vows” in “harty sorrowfull paines” and “prayed the 22 Psalm in the conclusion of the pang» — el ejemplo del Jueves Santo de 1583, con la oración de Dee.

«Dee and Kelley are told by the spirit Madimi that they must: “Always pray that you may hear truely and receive faithfully,”» — la instrucción del espíritu Madimi a Dee y a Kelley sobre cómo orar y recibir fielmente.

«Prayer often helps him to overcome difficulties in the progress of the visions; thus a hiatus in one of the actions is ended by the deployment of a psalm: “I prayed Roffensis Psalm 9 and the Lords Prayer, and the stone became clear,”» — y el efecto práctico que Clucas registra: la oración despeja la visión y la piedra se aclara.

«Thus when Dee and Kelley are shunned by the angel Ave, and are reproached by a cherubic spirit (“a face, very great, with wings about, adjoyned to it”) for their lack of faith and belief, Dee falls to intense prayer, “Cum maximis lachrymis hæc à me & valde serio ad Rem dicta erant,” entering into desperate dialogue with the angelic interlocutor:» — Clucas registra la reacción de Dee cuando los ángeles los rehúyen.

«Dee himself was aware that his method of using prayer was distinctive.» — y consigna que el propio Dee sabía distintivo su método de orar.

«The angel Raphael refers to Dee’s “Philosophicall Harmonie in prayer,” which Dee identifies as “the prayer which I dayly vse, & often» — el ángel Rafael, en la cita de Clucas, menciona la armonía filosófica de Dee y su uso diario y frecuente.

«Dee himself talks about his form of prayer as a distinct method: “Copious prayers to God, according to our method.”» — y Dee habla de su forma de oración conforme a su método.

«John Fisher, for example, in his treatise on prayer, De necessitate orandi, argued that the granting of requests (impetratio) was one of the three chief fruits of prayer.» — Clucas trae el tratado de John Fisher, que cuenta la concesión de peticiones entre los tres frutos principales de la oración.

«The instrumental nature of prayer rests, however, on a foundation of deep humility, and the “unworthy soul,” (animus indignum) acknowledges that the gifts it receives by means of prayer are effected through the grace of God, and not through any power on the part of the devotant.» — con el límite doctrinal: el carácter instrumental de la oración descansa en la gracia de Dios y no en el poder del devoto.

«“Whenever we do something right,” Fisher says, “we are in the hand of God, like a hammer in the hand of a workman [...]. God uses us as an instrument to do good works.» — Fisher, en la cita de Clucas: Dios nos usa como instrumentos para las buenas obras.

«While God will not grant requests which might be harmful to us, if prayer is undertaken in the right spirit, virtually anything will be granted by God to the faithful:» — y la salvedad que Fisher pone antes de la promesa a los fieles.

«Provided that one possessed the requisite sense of piety, and was prepared to submit oneself to being an instrument of the divine will (or to consider one’s own will to be such an instrument) the scope of this kind of prayer was virtually unlimited, and it is here that the boundaries between prayer and incantation, religion and magic become fluid and ill-defined.» — la consecuencia que Clucas extrae: con la piedad requerida, el alcance de la oración se vuelve ilimitado y la línea entre oración y magia se desdibuja.

«The Cabala, he says, is “the chiefest of the sciences and their summit,” a primacy which it enjoys because it is based on the sacred revelation of the divine names which can be found in the Old and New Testaments.» — Sperber, citado por Clucas, hace de la cábala la ciencia principal, fundada en los nombres divinos del Antiguo y del Nuevo Testamento.

«The wise man, Sperber says, can expect to receive spiritual and corporeal benefits from God when he prays.» — y Sperber promete al sabio beneficios espirituales y corporales cuando ora.

«Through God’s gift, he will be able to truly understand God and the inner man (that is, the soul of Man); to foresee the future: to understand the Mysteries hidden in sacred scripture: to uncover secrets, to acquire the glory of the true name and perpetual memory: to cure the sick: to perform miracles: to receive Visions and Revelations [...] and rise up beyond the limits of the mind, and be elevated to heaven, uniting and joining with GOD himself, and be illuminated by the Holy Spirit.» — la lista de esos beneficios, hasta ser iluminado por el Espíritu Santo.

«While a limited concept of operative prayer had been widely accepted throughout the Middle Ages and early Renaissance,252 the potential for exceeding these narrow limits had always been present in the existing belief system, and here we can see how belief in the granting of requests could result in a quasi-magical, quasi-prophetic sense of exalted agency.» — el diagnóstico de Clucas: de un concepto acotado de oración operativa se pasa a una sensación cuasimágica de agencia exaltada.

«The “Vse” of the “Table of practise”, however, was to be “onely for one Month”.» — Clucas señala el límite temporal que la propia revelación pone al uso de la tabla de práctica.

«While the Pseudo-Solomonic arts promised powers to perform wonders, for Dee these particular actions were a peripheral aspect of a single action, an action which was in itself the horizon of all human actions, the end point towards which the whole providential design of the creation had been tending since the resurrection.» — el contraste que traza: donde las artes pseudosalomónicas prometían poderes, la visión de Dee los vuelve aspecto periférico de otra cosa.

«The boundaries between prophecy and “magic” collapse in Dee’s heptarchical art – the “sanctified perfection” of all the practical arts are not seen as acts of personal aggrandisement or empowerment, but as a necessary prelude to the apocalyptic catastrophe.» — y el colapso que registra entre profecía y magia, como preludio de la catástrofe apocalíptica.

«But in the light of contemporary beliefs about the imminence of the apocalypse in the 1570s and 80s (and the primacy accorded to faith and revelation in religious experience) even this should be comprehensible, if not credible.» — con la distinción que Clucas conserva: a la luz de las creencias de la época, eso resulta comprensible, aunque no creíble.

«Although some of Dee’s contemporaries were sceptical about angelic communications,260 such views were not predominant, and many others disapproved of his practices precisely because they believed in his spiritual communications.» — y su matiz sobre la recepción: hubo escépticos, pero sus opiniones no predominaron.

«The widespread belief in God’s willingness to grant requests to the faithful (impetratio) while it was often the subject of debate and controversy,263 had no settled limits or boundaries, and as such offered a mediated form of instrumental agency which could easily be reconciled with orthodox Christian faith.» — la creencia difundida en la disposición divina a conceder, que Clucas ve compatible con la fe cristiana ortodoxa.

«Provided that Dee saw no contradiction between his practices and “the profession of a true Christian,” and provided that he construed his actions as dedicated to the glory of God, a wide array of practical and operative activities were available to him in his capacity as a “Modest Christian Philosopher”.» — la condición que Clucas formula: mientras Dee no viera contradicción, podía hacer todo aquello como filósofo cristiano modesto.

«Dee spent most of his long scholarly career pursuing “wonderfull divine and secret Sciences”266 and his sense of calling and vocation, is perhaps the most important framework within which he organised and pursued a wide range of practical and theoretical activities.» — y consigna a qué dedicó Dee casi toda su larga vida erudita, con la vocación estructurando sus actividades prácticas y teóricas.

«The doctrine of vocation demanded that “all the religion we haue, all the grace and goodnesse of our hearts, must shew it selfe in the workes of our particular callings,”268 and this belief shaped and formed early modern individuals’ lives in ways which are not comprehensible in terms of the modern, secular conception of “career”.» — la doctrina de la vocación que exigía que la religión se mostrara en el trabajo, frente a la concepción moderna y secular de carrera.

«The unique intellectual and cultural formations of early modernity, in which apparently diverse practices are drawn together under the aegis of a unique vocation, are problematic for modern disciplinary historians, for whom the classification (or lawful fragmentation) of theoretico-practical domains of knowledge is a given.» — el problema que Clucas le señala a los historiadores que dan por dados los dominios del saber.

«In order to understand Dee’s angelic visions and their purpose it is, perhaps, less useful to ask whether they are occult science, or magic, or religion, than it is to ask, what an “exercise”, a “conversation” or an “action” is – to locate them, that is to say, within the conceptual vocabulary which presided over their emergence.» — su propuesta: en vez de rotular las visiones de magia o de religión, preguntar qué significan *exercise*, *conversation* y *action*.

«If nothing else this reappraisal of the character of Dee’s “mysticall exercises” has, I hope, shown that there is a real need to rethink the conceptual foundations and contemporary categorization of the bewildering array of early-modern practices which have been designated by the term “Renaissance magic” or» — y lo que su revaloración reclama: replantear los fundamentos conceptuales de lo que se designa como magia renacentista.

«I also hope that it has signalled a need to extend the study of early-modern “magical” or “occult” practices back into the middle ages.» — con el deseo que declara: que el estudio de las prácticas mágicas se extienda hasta la Edad Media.

«The ascetic, talismanic, cabalistic and incantatory aspects of the works of Northern scholars such as Agrippa, Reuchlin and Trithemius may also be re-illuminated by placing them in the context of mediaeval theurgical manuscript traditions, rather than viewing them simply as conduits for the print tradition of Ficino and Pico.» — Clucas propone situar los aspectos ascéticos, talismánicos, cabalísticos e incantatorios de los eruditos del norte dentro del contexto teúrgico medieval.

«Dee’s own practices, as I hope I have shown, are far more indebted to the former than the latter, and my preliminary analysis would suggest that we must look much more closely at the character of mediaeval theurgy and its relation to orthodox forms of religious practice, in order to come to a closer understanding of the nature of Dee’s “actions”.» — y cierra su capítulo pidiendo un entendimiento más cercano de la naturaleza de las acciones de Dee.

«Quisnam inter homines consilium tuum noscit, aut quis poterit cogitare quid uelis tu?» — el latín de las oraciones que Clucas reproduce en apéndice: quién entre los hombres conoce tu consejo y puede pensar qué quieres tú.

«Nam rationes hominum in multis deficiunt, & parum securae adinuentiones eorum.» — y la sentencia sobre la deficiencia de las razones humanas y la poca seguridad de sus hallazgos.

«Qui te inuenerit, inuenit uitam, & te qui non amat, diligit mortem.» — quien te halla, halla la vida, y quien no te ama, ama la muerte.

«Quam bene se habet homo ille qui ingeniosus est, & qui animam sortitus est sapientia preditam.» — y la dicha del hombre a quien le tocó en suerte un alma dotada de sabiduría.

«Tu magnus es incognoscibilis, & sapientiae tuae nullus est numerus.» — tú eres grande e incognoscible, y de tu sabiduría no hay número.

«Da gloriam nomini tuo domine, tu enim solus es bonus & sapiens, & non est alius praeter te saluator.» — da gloria a tu nombre, Señor, pues no hay otro salvador fuera de ti.

«Magis mihi placet sapientia tua, quam milia auri uel argenti.» — me place más tu sabiduría que millares de oro o de plata.

«Noui quod omnia potes, & nihil est tibi difficile.» — sé que todo lo puedes y que nada te es difícil.

«It is not insignificant, perhaps, that Turner saw the “Notory Art” as a “holy and Sacramental Mystery,” (The Ars Notoria, 16) rather than a form of “magic”.» — Clucas señala en nota que Turner tenía el *Notory Art* por misterio sacramental santo y no por magia.

«Dee seems to find corroboration for the heptarchical basis of his doctrine in the angelology of Clement of Alexandria: “In septenarijs totus Mundus circumiugitur omnium quae et Viua gignuntur, et quae nascuntur. Septem quidem sunt, (quorum est maxima potentia) Primogeniti Angeloru» — y que Dee halla corroboración de la base heptárquica en la angelología de Clemente de Alejandría, en el latín que la nota transcribe.

«Dee’s defense of “Thaumaturgike” or “Actes and Feates, Naturally, Mathematically, and Mechanically, wrought and contriued,” as a practice permitted to the “Modest Christian Philosopher”, in MP, sig.Ajv - Aiijr.» — Clucas localiza la defensa de la *Thaumaturgike* en la *Mathematicall Praeface*.

«In mediaeval Latin “Mystagogia” signified “revelation”, see Latham, Revised Mediaeval Latin Word List, “Mystagogia”, 310.» — el dato léxico que aporta: en latín medieval *Mystagogia* significaba revelación.

«The underlinings are in the original MS.» — y la precisión de transcripción: los subrayados son del manuscrito original.

«Primo sit mundus operans non pollutus, et cum devocione faciat non astute non commedat neque bibat» — el latín del rito que Clucas cita, con el operante limpio y sin comer ni beber.

«he that shall write this booke oughte to be cleane & fasting & bathed & suffumed with precious aromatikes, that is with spices well smelling» — y el inglés del que ha de escribir el libro, limpio y perfumado con especias.

«Although this quote is from a text (the De arte crucifixi Pelagij Solitarij) which belongs to another genus of magical art, it is nonetheless closely related to Pseudo-Solomonic practices.» — con la salvedad que Clucas pone: la cita viene de otro género mágico y sigue ligada de cerca a las prácticas pseudosalomónicas.

«which gives detailed prescriptions concerning the correct phases of the moon (lunationes) for each segment of the magical operation it describes.» — el manuscrito que da prescripciones detalladas de fase lunar para cada parte de la operación.

«This art or operation consists in orations in which are invoked, recited and named the names of the holy ones dwelling in the celestial abodes of the living God.» — la definición que Clucas transcribe: el arte consiste en oraciones que invocan los nombres santos en los reinos celestes del Dios vivo.

«The name [of this book] expanded in Latin is Angelus magnus secreti Creatoris.» — el nombre del libro desarrollado en latín, *Angelus magnus secreti Creatoris*; los corchetes son de Clucas.

«which names “7 bretheren” and their planets: Sabaday (Saturn), Zedet (Jupiter), Madin (Mars), Hamina (Sun), Noga (Venus), Cocab (Mercury), and Labana (Moon).» — y la lista de los siete hermanos con sus correspondencias planetarias, hasta Cocab y Labana.

«Non debent legi sed inspici tantum.» — el latín de la prescripción: no deben leerse sino solo inspeccionarse.

«The thirteenth-century manuscript does, however, include figures for theology, geometry and jurisprudence, which are absent from the later manuscript.» — y la diferencia codicológica que Clucas anota entre el manuscrito del siglo XIII y el posterior.

«Cf. also T&FR, 178, where Dee says “I do know assuredly that there is very much matter in this table”, and his angelic interlocutor replies “It is true: for hitherto, stretched the knowledge of Solomon,” and Dee notes in the margin: “Solomon his knowledge.”» — Clucas remite en nota a la sesión donde Dee dice que la tabla encierra mucha materia, con la nota marginal sobre el saber de Salomón.

«and his angelic interlocutor replies “It is true: for hitherto, stretched the knowledge of Solomon,”» — y la respuesta del interlocutor angélico sobre el saber de Salomón.

«Dee is frequently worried by domestic intrusions on his actions, and there are many references to the closing of outer doors, etc.» — Clucas registra la preocupación frecuente de Dee por las intrusiones domésticas y el cierre de las puertas exteriores.

«Therein is comprehended so many languages They are all spoken at ones.”» — la reclamación que la fuente hace sobre las muchas lenguas comprendidas, habladas todas a la vez.

«However, he is also told that “Vntill thow com[m]e to the Citie [i.e. the new Jerusalem] thow canst not behold the beawty thereof.”» — con el límite que se le impone a Dee: no puede contemplar esa hermosura antes de llegar a la nueva Jerusalén.

«Behold, those that dig into Nature with dull mattocks, and dull Spades, are such, as of every congeled substance can imagin, but not judge: are foolish, and of the world: whose imaginations, are become the instruments of vanity» — la sentencia sobre quienes escarban en la naturaleza y se vuelven instrumentos de vanidad; los corchetes con puntos son de Clucas.

«Wo be unto the books of the earth, for they are corrupted; and are become a wrasting stock, and firebrand to the conscience.» — y la maldición contra los libros de la tierra, tizón para la conciencia.

«Although it dates “ab anno 1579”, Dee had obviously been using others for some time, as he refers to other prayers of this type, addressed to Raphael and Michael, which he had written in both Latin and English “circa annu» — Clucas coteja la fecha del manuscrito con el uso anterior de oraciones semejantes, hacia 1569; el tramo se corta ante la abreviatura latina.

«The characters of the table were supposedly the “true Images of God his creatures” (175), which would allow Dee to “work all the world over at one time”» — la promesa que Clucas recoge: los caracteres de la tabla dejarían obrar el mundo entero de una vez.

«The “particularity” of these invitations refers to their being addressed to particular angels.» — y aclara qué significa la particularidad de esas invitaciones: van dirigidas a ángeles concretos.

«Quater Tria, Nomina Dei, (ex quatuor lineis Spiritus sancti extracta), quae, omnes super Terram Creaturas, (tam Invisibiles, quam Visibiles).» — el latín de la *Ars notoria* que Clucas cita, con los nombres de Dios y las cosas invisibles y visibles.

«We beseech him that we may [...] overcome all other Diabolical assaults or sophistical, or untrue perswasions,» — la oración que pide vencer los asaltos diabólicos y las persuasiones sofísticas o falsas; los corchetes con puntos son de Clucas.

«the obteyning of somme convenient portion of True Knowledg, and understanding of thy lawes and Ordonances.”» — y la petición de una porción conveniente de entendimiento de las leyes y ordenanzas divinas.

«With great difficulty this Letter was discerned [...] Nalvage denied it to be an X. and said he knew not yet the mystery: say the Lords prayer, for I cannot open it [...] At length he said it was V.”» — el episodio de la letra disputada que Clucas cita: Nalvage niega que sea una X y luego dice que es una V.

«Oratione Dominica finita, & brevi oratione Psalmi 33. inspecto Chrystallo apparuere utrique Gabriel & Nalvage.» — el latín de la anotación de sesión: acabado el padrenuestro y una oración breve del salmo, aparecieron Gabriel y Nalvage.

«Oratione Dominica finita, & variis ejaculationibus factis tam ad Gabrielem, quam Nalvage, Ave, Mapsma & Ilemer, quam maximè ad Deum ipsum pro sua lumine, auxilio & protectione; tam ipsa actione, quam itinere praesenti, futuro, versus aulam Caesaris.» — otra anotación latina, con las eyaculaciones hechas y la mirada hacia el palacio del césar.

«a short prayer to God for remission of sins, and sending of his graces, and his good ministers assigned for our instructions: and for the avoiding away of the great enemy &c.» — una oración breve por la remisión de los pecados y contra el gran enemigo.

«divers prayers and contestation of our humility, obedience and credit in these Actions.”» — y las diversas oraciones y protestas de humildad, obediencia y crédito en esas acciones.

«prayers due, and thanks to the almighty for his great mercies and power shewed in the conversion of E.K [...] and divers our short discourses of faith, hope, patience, constancy, humility, and other duties requisite to this action.» — las gracias al todopoderoso y las virtudes que la acción requiere.

«short prayers for the success of Albert Lasky [...] queries and requests concerning his rights of inheritance, and other very brief ejaculations, for success in this action.» — y las oraciones breves por el éxito de Albert Laski.

«Sunt enim tria praecipua fructum genera qui nobis ex oratione proueniunt.» — el latín de Fisher que Clucas transcribe: tres son los géneros principales de frutos que nos vienen de la oración.

«Nos vtique quoties recte operamur, in Dei manu positi sumus, quemadmodum in fabri manu tenetur malleus.» — y el símil latino: siempre que obramos rectamente estamos en la mano de Dios como el martillo en la mano del herrero.

«Kelley’s reluctance may have been expected since on the previous evening he had expressed distaste for their angelic instructors, and even went so far as to doubt their revelations concerning a true, uncorrupted geography which promised to help Dee master the intricacies of the terrestrial world.» — Harkness abre su capítulo con la reticencia de Kelley, que dice esperable, y la promesa de dominar las intrincaciones del mundo terrestre.

«Dee and Kelley had been partners in the angel conversations since March 1582, and though Edward Kelley had experienced misgivings before about the worth of the angels’ lengthy and time-consuming messages, his adamant refusal to return to the stone and the angels was somewhat unusual.» — y consigna lo inusual de la negativa dentro de una sociedad ya larga.

«If Kelley’s refusal to scry was unusual, his subsequent behaviour was unprecedented in their relationship.» — con el grado que le añade: la conducta posterior de Kelley no tenía precedente en esa relación.

«It is clear from the transcript diaries that Dee didn’t lose his composure, he expressed no shock, dismay, surprise and, most importantly, no doubt concerning the reliability of their angelic instructors after Kelley’s dramatic gesture.» — Harkness lee en los diarios transcritos que Dee no dudó de los instructores angélicos tras el gesto dramático de Kelley.

«Instead, in a tone which hints at pity, Dee chided Kelley for thinking that their angelic instructors were not to be trusted simply because they gave them “a description of the World, taken out of other Books.”» — sino que, en un tono que ella dice rozar la lástima, lo reprendió por desconfiar.

«Dee expressed pleasure with his scryer’s find, saying “I am very glad that you have a Book of your own, wherein these Geographical names are expressed, such as (for the most part) our Instructors» — y registra la satisfacción de Dee con el hallazgo de su vidente.

«I chose this brief interlude in the angel conversations, this battle between books and revelation, because it brings us face-to-face with many of the thorniest issues confronting Dee scholars who attempt to decipher the significance of the angel conversations within the context of Dee’s other, more orthodox, intellectual interests.» — Harkness declara por qué eligió ese interludio: por las cuestiones que plantea sobre los intereses intelectuales más ortodoxos.

«The modern mind finds itself at a loss to explain why a natural philosopher such as Dee, with a superb education and a strong interest in the observation of nature, would resort to divine revelation.» — la dificultad que reconoce: al ojo moderno le cuesta explicar que se recurriera a la revelación divina.

«Yet it is equally mystifying to us that Dee, having made such an effort to communicate with the celestial hierarchies, would then turn to the world of books to help him master those same revelations.» — y la simétrica, que ella subraya: igual de desconcertante resulta que Dee recurriera después a los libros para dominar esas revelaciones.

«Both the library and the angel conversations have occupied a similar place in the historiography surrounding Dee – their importance has long been acknowledged, but their contents have not been fully understood.» — el estado del asunto según Harkness: se reconoce la importancia de la biblioteca y de las conversaciones sin haberla entendido del todo.

«Thanks to the work of Christopher Whitby, Nicholas Clulee, Julian Roberts, Andrew Watson, and William Sherman, however, both the angel conversations and the library are beginning to yield their secrets.» — y acredita a Christopher Whitby y a otros el que los textos empiecen a ceder sus secretos.

«We now have a greater appreciation of how the angel conversations fit into broader cultural and intellectual contexts, especially other magical systems.» — con lo ganado: mayor aprecio del contexto cultural de las conversaciones, sobre todo de otros sistemas mágicos.