SPIRITUS MUNDISupportESEN

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A History of Magic and Experimental Science, Volume VII

A History of Magic and Experimental Science, Volumes VII and VIII: The Seventeenth Century

inglés1958, declarado en la portada y en la página de derechos del volumen

Source entries are currently shown in Spanish; English-first entries arrive with the next cataloguing pass.

Séptimo volumen de los ocho, continuación de `thorndike-magic-experimental-1`, `-2` y `-3`. La portada lo anuncia como el primero de un par sobre el siglo XVII y lo acredita a Lynn Thorndike, profesor emérito de historia de Columbia University, con pie de Columbia University Press en Morningside Heights, Nueva York, y fecha de 1958 «Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 6». La página de derechos repite el año y da el número de catálogo de la Biblioteca del Congreso, 23-2984, sin ISBN ni mención de serie «Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 7».

El prefacio abre declarando el cierre de la obra entera: «With these two volumes on the seventeenth century A History of Magic and Experimental Science, upon which I began work over fifty years ago, draws to its close.» «Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 8». El troceo trae SOLO el volumen VII: el índice enlista veinticuatro capítulos, de *Backward Glances* a *Physics and Astronomy after Descartes* «Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 10», y el texto se corta a media frase del último de ellos, en la página impresa 695, sin índice analítico ni bibliografía de cierre, que quedan del otro lado del corte «Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 708».

2002 claims · 1 source · 1 attribution

Attribution

recorded, never asserted
DECLARED
portada: «By LYNN THORNDIKE PROFESSOR EMERITUS OF HISTORY, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY … VOLUME VII NEW YORK: MORNINGSIDE HEIGHTS COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS 1958»
per Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)
«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 6»

The chain of the work

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EDITION · PROCESSED
Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)
inglés · 1958 · Nueva York · Columbia University Press (imprimio)

Claims

2002 entries — the work's own voice, with its passage

«In 1738 Gilbert Charles le Gendre published his Treatise Concerning Opinion or Memoires to aid the history of the human mind.»el volumen abre por una mirada retrospectiva desde el siglo XVIII: el *Traité de l'Opinion* de Gilbert Charles le Gendre, de 1738, presentado como memorias para servir a la historia del espíritu humano.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 16»

«The point of view from which he wrote was professedly sceptical, and he described his subject matter as the opinions that had reigned in the past in the profane sciences.»según Thorndike, Le Gendre declara escéptico su punto de vista y da por materia las opiniones que habían reinado en el pasado en las ciencias profanas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 16»

«He believed that he had found a new way to instruct the mind, namely, by experience and by its own history, something which, he afÏrmed, no author had done hitherto.»y le adjudica la pretensión de un camino nuevo para instruir la mente —por la experiencia y por la propia historia de la mente— que ningún autor habría recorrido antes; el OCR imprime *afÏrmed* por *affirmed*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 16»

«A chief aim of his book was to tear the veil of obscurity from the abstract sciences and render them intelligible.»el fin que Le Gendre se propone es arrancar el velo de oscuridad a las ciencias abstractas y volverlas inteligibles.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 16»

«He was writing in the age of reason, when Voltaire and Montesquieu were in their prime, and he granted that the errors to which he referred had recently been abandoned.»Thorndike sitúa el libro en la edad de la razón, con Voltaire y Montesquieu en su plenitud, y anota que el propio Le Gendre concedía que los errores de que hablaba se habían abandonado hacía poco.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 17»

«But he nevertheless intended to consider them in order to demonstrate what excesses the human mind was capable of, and to make it impossible that they should ever delude mankind again.»y da la razón que Le Gendre alega para tratarlos igual: demostrar de qué excesos es capaz la mente humana y volver imposible que vuelvan a engañar a los hombres.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 17»

«Otherwise he feared that they might do so, for men had already begun to avoid profound learning and science, and to think that it was enough to be bright and witty, an attitude which might lead to ignorance and error again.»con el temor declarado de que sí lo hagan, porque los hombres ya habían empezado a rehuir el saber profundo y a creer que basta con ser brillante y agudo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 17»

«Thus he repeated the old canard that StoefÒer predicted a flood for the year 1524.»y le señala que repite la vieja patraña de la inundación que Stoeffler habría predicho para 1524; el OCR imprime *StoefÒler*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 17»

«Facciolati speaks of such “magic superstition” as an atrocious, execrable and detestable crime, yet sometimes so ambiguous, because of the secrecy in which it is veiled, that some deem it poisoning covered up with vanities; others think it the fraud of a crafty inclination toward gain and error; while some would have it considered the fault of an unsound mind, to say nothing of those who refer every magic artifice to the sleight-of-hand of mountebanks.»de Facciolati recoge la definición de la superstición mágica como crimen atroz, execrable y detestable y a la vez tan ambiguo por el secreto que lo vela que unos lo tienen por envenenamiento encubierto de vanidades, otros por fraude de una inclinación astuta a la ganancia y al error, y otros por juego de manos de charlatanes.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 18»

«But Cyprian, whom his mother had consecrated to the devil while he was yet in her womb, was first baptized in prison.»y de la leyenda de Cipriano retiene el dato que la vuelve caso: consagrado al diablo por su madre desde el vientre, fue bautizado primero en la cárcel.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 18»

«Facciolati, however, does not give the replies to each but only the questions and the general tenor of the response, and it will here sufÏce to repeat a few of the questions:»advierte el límite del testimonio: Facciolati no da las respuestas a cada caso sino solo las preguntas y el tenor general de la respuesta; el OCR imprime *sufÏce* por *suffice*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 19»

«And whether, in the case of a crime which theologians and jurists classed as excepted, women who were defamed by no suspicion could be tortured on the accusation of several persons, who, however, did not remember the time or place?»y reproduce la clase de pregunta que se hacía: si en un crimen que teólogos y juristas clasificaban como exceptuado podía torturarse a mujeres sobre las que no pesaba sospecha, por acusación de varias personas que sin embargo no recordaban ni el tiempo ni el lugar.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 19»

«Whether in more atrocious crimes the accused may be more severely tortured than in others, and, since witches are often very tough (pervivaces) and obdurately silent through sorcery, what is the most suitable kind of torture in this crime?»otra de ellas pregunta si en los crímenes más atroces cabe torturar con más severidad y, dado que las brujas suelen ser *pervivaces* y callar obstinadamente por sorcería, cuál es la clase de tortura más conveniente.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 20»

«Whether the common notion, that no one may be questioned under torture more than three times, is based on law and right; and whether this triple questioning should be held on one day or several? What if one is charged with so many crimes, that his examination cannot be completed in one day?»y otra, si la noción común de que nadie puede ser interrogado bajo tortura más de tres veces se funda en ley y derecho, y si ese triple interrogatorio ha de tenerse en un día o en varios.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 20»

«Such was the grim retrospect of the witchcraft delusion which had prevailed all through the seventeenth century and still hung like a pall over the early years of the eighteenth.»Thorndike cierra la retrospectiva llamando delirio de brujería a lo que prevaleció durante todo el siglo XVII y seguía pendiendo como un paño mortuorio sobre los primeros años del XVIII.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 20»

«Nature itself was repeatedly thought of and spoken of through the century in a way favorable to magic.»la primera de sus generalizaciones sobre el siglo: la naturaleza misma se pensó y se habló una y otra vez de un modo favorable a la magia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 21»

«It was personified even by scientists of the calibre of Galileo, Harvey, Leibniz and Newton. It was glorified again and again.»y la personificaron hasta científicos del calibre de Galileo, Harvey, Leibniz y Newton.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 21»

«Not only its arcana and secrets, and mysteries and secret archives, but its marvels and miracles were matters of incessant remark»no solo sus arcanos y secretos, sus misterios y archivos secretos, sino sus maravillas y milagros eran materia de comentario incesante.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 21»

«Nature was called a beneficent mother, or wise and provident, sentient by Campanella, stupendous by Munting, purposive by Harvey.»y enumera los epítetos por sus autores: madre benéfica, sabia y providente, sintiente en Campanella, estupenda en Munting, dotada de propósito en Harvey.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 21»

«Boyle was unusual in speaking of its irregularity.»con Boyle como excepción: hablar de la irregularidad de la naturaleza era inusual.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 21»

«Le Grand contended that it was not restricted by time.»y Le Grand sostiene que no está restringida por el tiempo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 22»

«Sturm became alarmed at the chorus of adulation and at the concept itself, and wrote a book in 1692 in which he argued that an idol had been made of nature that derogated from God and that should be expunged from the mind and from writings, and the very word not used any more.»del otro lado, Sturm se alarma ante el coro de adulación y ante el concepto mismo, y escribe en 1692 que se ha hecho un ídolo de la naturaleza que deroga de Dios y que debe borrarse de la mente y de los escritos, sin usar más la palabra misma.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 22»

«Five years later Schelhammer published his Vindication of Nature for itself and for physicians, or a bipartite book on nature, in which it is not only accurately inquired what it is, but also all its force and power is placed most clearly in view and it is circumscribed by its own limits.»cinco años después Schelhammer publica la vindicación de la naturaleza por sí misma y por los médicos, donde no solo se inquiere qué es sino que se pone a la vista toda su fuerza y su poder y se la circunscribe por sus propios límites.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 22»

«Use of the word, arcana, like the use of the words, occult and secret, is almost always a relic and sign of a magical and unscientific attitude.»su segunda generalización, dicha como regla de lectura: el uso de la palabra *arcana*, como el de *occult* y *secret*, es casi siempre reliquia y señal de una actitud mágica y no científica.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 22»

«Kepler said that, although much of Arabic astrology was nonsense, there were arcana of nature in it which were not nonsense and should not be discarded with the nonsense.»y la matiza con Kepler, para quien buena parte de la astrología árabe era disparate pero había en ella arcanos de la naturaleza que no lo eran y que no debían tirarse con el disparate.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 23»

«Frommann, writing on fascination in 1675, spoke of “this prurient world which is not satisfied with anything except what is new, rare, curious and fresh.”»la tercera generalización es sobre lo nuevo y lo viejo, y la abre con Frommann, que en 1675 hablaba de un mundo pruriginoso al que solo satisface lo nuevo, raro, curioso y fresco.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 23»

«Thomas Baker declared that many recent opinions, which had litle but their novelty to recommend them, really lacked that too, “and might be easily shown to be only the spawn of the ancient philosophers.”»y con Thomas Baker, para quien muchas opiniones recientes que solo tenían la novedad por recomendación carecían también de eso, y podrían mostrarse fácilmente como simple cría de los filósofos antiguos; el impreso trae *litle* por *little*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 23»

«We shall indeed encounter plenty of stale ideas and outworn beliefs in the seventeenth century.»su propio saldo: el siglo XVII dará ideas rancias y creencias caducas en abundancia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 23»

«Moreover, many volumes, including even some of those that laid claim to novelty, or professed to be experimental, were made up largely of quotations from previous writings.»y muchos volúmenes, incluso algunos que se decían novedosos o experimentales, estaban hechos en gran parte de citas de escritos anteriores.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 23»

«Kepler held the erroneous view, but one all too common then and since, that the world had been asleep for a thousand years after the fall of Rome and the barbarian invasions, plunged in barbarism and ignorance, but that from the year 1450 on civilization had revived.»Thorndike abre el capítulo de Kepler por su periodización y la califica de errónea aunque común entonces y después: el mundo dormido mil años tras la caída de Roma y las invasiones bárbaras, y la civilización revivida desde 1450.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 24»

«Peace and order and communication by post existed in Germany; even the Turks had made great progress in civilization;»los signos de esa revivificación que Kepler enumera: paz, orden y correo en Alemania, y progreso civilizatorio incluso entre los turcos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 24»

«the voyages of discovery had brought incredible increments to European trade;»y los viajes de descubrimiento con sus incrementos increíbles para el comercio europeo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 24»

«Kepler declared that the astrologers were stupid if they thought that more and greater things were to be looked for in the next two hundred years than had happened in the one hundred and fifty years since 1450.»según Thorndike, Kepler llama estúpidos a los astrólogos que esperaban de los siguientes doscientos años más y mayores cosas que las ocurridas en los ciento cincuenta desde 1450.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 25»

«Unless perchance they think,” he continued sarcastically, “that some new orb will be discovered and an art of flying by which we may go to the moon.”»y recoge su sarcasmo: a menos que piensen que se descubrirá algún orbe nuevo y un arte de volar con el que ir a la luna.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 25»

«Kepler was probably not even aware that already in that decade Shakespeare had presented Hamlet and Cervantes published the first part of Don Quixote.»Thorndike acota el alcance de esa mirada: Kepler probablemente ni sabía que en esa misma década Shakespeare había presentado *Hamlet* y Cervantes publicado la primera parte del *Quijote*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 25»

«He foresaw none of the subsequent scientific advance of the century from Harvey's announcement of the discovery of the circulation of the blood in De motu cordis of 1628 to Newton's Principia in 1687.»ni previó nada del avance científico posterior del siglo, del anuncio de la circulación de la sangre por Harvey en el *De motu cordis* de 1628 al *Principia* de Newton de 1687.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 25»

«It may be added that the slur on the period before 1450 came with especially bad grace from Kepler, since he had made the thirteenth century work of Witelo on optics the foundation and starting point for his own Ad Vitellionem»y le señala que el desprecio del período anterior a 1450 le venía con especial mala gracia, habiendo hecho de la óptica de Witelo, obra del siglo XIII, el fundamento y punto de partida de su propia *Ad Vitellionem*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 25»

«In any case, he had no license to scorn medieval science before 1450 or before Copernicus.»de donde saca su propio juicio: Kepler no tenía licencia para menospreciar la ciencia medieval anterior a 1450 ni a Copérnico.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 26»

«The discovery of four new planets had made a great sensation, and Kepler realized that it seemed to overthrow his pet theory in the Mysterium cosmographicum, unless the four Medicean stars could be regarded as moons of Jupiter—as they proved to be.»según Thorndike, el descubrimiento de cuatro planetas nuevos causó sensación y Kepler advirtió que parecía derribar su teoría predilecta del *Mysterium cosmographicum*, salvo que las cuatro estrellas mediceas fueran lunas de Júpiter, como resultaron ser.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 26»

«If so, Kepler suggested that there should be six or eight about Saturn, two for Mars, and one each for Venus and Mercury.»y, puesto eso, Kepler propone seis u ocho en torno a Saturno, dos para Marte y una para Venus y otra para Mercurio.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 26»

«Now he eats his sarcastic words of 1606 and suggests that both our moon and Jupiter may be inhabited and that we may some day fly to them.»con lo que se traga sus palabras sarcásticas de 1606 y sugiere que tanto nuestra luna como Júpiter puedan estar habitados y que algún día volemos allá.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 26»

«He goes on to say that some will now think that his terrestrial astrology and doctrine of aspects are groundless.»y se adelanta a la objeción: que algunos tendrán ahora por infundadas su astrología terrestre y su doctrina de los aspectos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 27»

«It is further noteworthy that Kepler repeatedly cites, not only other astronomel Maestlin, but Giordano Bruno as to an rs such as infinite number of worlds or earths and the fixed stars being suns and the planets moons or earths.»Thorndike subraya que Kepler cita repetidamente no solo a astrónomos como Maestlin sino a Giordano Bruno sobre el número infinito de mundos o tierras y sobre que las estrellas fijas sean soles y los planetas lunas o tierras; el escaneo entrevera las columnas y parte la frase (*astronomel Maestlin, but Giordano Bruno as to an rs such as*).

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 27»

«Let us not, however, forget or discount Kepler's own New Astronomy® which, after years of tedious calculation and frequent discouragement, he had finally triumphantly completed just on the eve of the discoveries with the telescope.»y pide no olvidar ni descontar la *Astronomia nova*, completada por fin triunfalmente tras años de cálculo tedioso y desánimo frecuente, justo en vísperas de los descubrimientos con el telescopio.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 27»

«This was the greatest single work in astronomical theory between the De revolutionibus of Copernicus in 1543 and Newton's Principia in 1687.»a la que adjudica ser la obra mayor de teoría astronómica entre el *De revolutionibus* de Copérnico de 1543 y el *Principia* de Newton de 1687.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 27»

«Although based largely upon the observations made by Tycho Brahe,’® it erected a new structure upon these which was as ruinous to the Tychonic as to the Ptolemaic system.»y señala que, apoyada en gran parte en las observaciones de Tycho Brahe, levantó sobre ellas una estructura nueva tan ruinosa para el sistema tychónico como para el ptolemaico.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 28»

«Kepler not merely advocated the ican theory but based his observations upon it.»y que Kepler no solo defendió la teoría copernicana sino que basó en ella sus observaciones; la capa de texto se come la primera mitad de la palabra y deja *ican theory*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 28»

«It was not so easy, however, to shake off Ptolemy.»con el límite puesto enseguida: sacudirse a Ptolomeo no fue tan fácil.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 29»

«Since we are without suitable observations of antiquity, this state of affairs forces us to leave this disputation concerning the motion of the nodes, like many other matters, to posterity, if it please God to grant the human race time enough . . .»de Kepler cita el aplazamiento: a falta de observaciones adecuadas de la Antigüedad, la disputa sobre el movimiento de los nodos queda para la posteridad, si place a Dios conceder a la raza humana tiempo bastante; los puntos suspensivos son del impreso.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 29»

«Again, he did not foresee that a great time and space saving instrument, the telescope, was about to come into use.»y anota que tampoco previó que un instrumento que ahorraba tiempo y espacio, el telescopio, estaba por entrar en uso.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 29»

«While he recognized that no one could succeed at astrology without a thorough knowledge of astronomy, in this case he found it necessary to use astrology to help astronomy out.»el hallazgo de sentido inverso: reconociendo Kepler que nadie acierta en astrología sin conocimiento cabal de astronomía, en este caso le hizo falta usar la astrología para sacar de apuros a la astronomía.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 29»

«There is no doubt that he composed and issued numerous astrological predictions.’* But, because of two or three passages»no duda de que Kepler compuso y publicó numerosas predicciones astrológicas; el tramo se corta y sigue por los dos o tres pasajes en que se apoya la lectura contraria.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 30»

«it has been maintained that he was not a willing and sincere worker on such predictions, but composed them because he needed the money»esa lectura contraria sostiene que no era trabajador voluntario y sincero de tales predicciones sino que las componía porque necesitaba el dinero.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 30»

«In the work ‘of 1606 he also afÏrmed that he had been hired by the emperor not to be a public predictor but to continue the astronomical work of Tycho Brahe.”»y en apoyo de ella está que Kepler afirmara en 1606 haber sido contratado por el emperador no para ser predictor público sino para continuar el trabajo astronómico de Tycho Brahe; el OCR imprime *afÏrmed*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 30»

«That he nonetheless composed them shows not merely that he needed the money, but that such predictions still exerted a strong hold upon society and that they were expected, or at least hoped for, even from astronomers of the highest rank.»el saldo que Thorndike saca: que las compusiera igual muestra no solo que necesitaba el dinero, sino que tales predicciones seguían teniendo fuerte agarre sobre la sociedad y se esperaban, o al menos se anhelaban, incluso de astrónomos del rango más alto.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 31»

«Kepler set forth his position with regard to astrology and the influence of the heavens several times very fully, clearly and explicitly: in Latin in 1602 in his treatise on the more certain foundations of astrology in 75 theses,” and in 1606 in his work on the new star of 16042° in German in his Tertius interveniens of 1610,»y enumera dónde expuso Kepler su posición sobre la astrología y el influjo de los cielos: en latín en 1602 en el tratado de los fundamentos más ciertos de la astrología en 75 tesis, en 1606 en la obra sobre la nueva estrella de 1604, y en alemán en el *Tertius interveniens* de 1610.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 31»

«The full title continues “That is, a warning to sundry theologians, medical men and philosophers, especially Philippus Feselius, that they, while very properly overthrowing stargazing superstition, do not chuck out the baby along with the bath-water and thereby unwittingly injure their profession.”»del título completo de ese último retiene la advertencia: que teólogos, médicos y filósofos, y en especial Philippus Feselius, al derribar con toda razón la superstición de mirar estrellas no tiren al niño con el agua de la bañera y dañen sin querer su propia profesión.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 31»

«It is true that he condemned the general run of vulgar astrological or supposedly astrological predictions.»concede que Kepler condenaba el grueso de las predicciones astrológicas vulgares o supuestamente astrológicas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 32»

«Only one was correct against a hundred that were wrong.»con la proporción que él mismo daba: una acertada contra cien erradas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 32»

«The names of the signs of the zodiac had been bestowed arbitrarily; even its division into twelve signs was a human figment.»y con lo que declaraba arbitrario: los nombres de los signos del zodiaco, y aun su división en doce, un invento humano.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 32»

«Relating triplicities to the four elements was also arbitrary, as was the division into twelve astrological houses.»arbitrario también relacionar las triplicidades con los cuatro elementos, y otro tanto la división en doce casas astrológicas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 32»

«Making annual predictions from the entry of the sun into Aries was idle.»ociosas las predicciones anuales por la entrada del sol en Aries.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 32»

«Political and religious change could not be predicted.»e imposible predecir el cambio político y religioso.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 32»

«He would keep the old names and divisions as a matter of convenience.»aunque conservara los nombres y las divisiones viejas por comodidad.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 32»

«He maintained that experience showed that all sorts of meteors were seen when the planets were configured in aspects, whereas the air was undisturbed, when they were not.»lo que Kepler sí sostenía por experiencia: que toda suerte de meteoros se veía cuando los planetas estaban configurados en aspectos y que el aire quedaba sin perturbar cuando no lo estaban.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 33»

«In 1619 he wrote that for twenty years past he had observed the relation of the weather to planetary aspects.»y que en 1619 escribía llevar veinte años observando la relación del tiempo con los aspectos planetarios.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 33»

«He further retained the theory of the significance of great conjunctions of the planets, although he agreed with Pico that it was inept and superstitious to set periods to»conservó además la teoría del significado de las grandes conjunciones de los planetas, aunque coincidiera con Pico en que era inepto y supersticioso fijarles períodos; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 33»

«In fine, many great secrets of nature were hidden in astrology, and study of the sound and unsuperstitious variety was as little forbidden by the Bible as was the study of anatomy.»y su conclusión: en la astrología se escondían muchos grandes secretos de la naturaleza, y el estudio de la variedad sana y no supersticiosa estaba tan poco prohibido por la Biblia como el estudio de la anatomía.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 33»

«In De fundamentis he again afÏrmed that the earth was stimulated by a geometric concourse of rays.”»en el *De fundamentis* vuelve a afirmar que la tierra es estimulada por un concurso geométrico de rayos; el OCR imprime *afÏrmed*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 34»

«in which he asserted that they were the noblest part of astrology and strongly confirmed by experience.»y sostiene que los aspectos son la parte más noble de la astrología y están fuertemente confirmados por la experiencia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 34»

«Kepler retained faith in nativities and in the importance of the position of the planets at the moment of birth.»conservó también la fe en las natividades y en la importancia de la posición de los planetas en el momento del nacimiento.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 34»

«In general there is no expedite and happy genesis, unless the rays and qualities of the planets meet in apt, and indeed geometric, agreement.”»con la fórmula que Thorndike le cita: en general no hay génesis expedita y feliz si los rayos y las cualidades de los planetas no concurren en acuerdo apto y por cierto geométrico.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 34»

«And these things cannot be done except by the impression of the whole character of the heavenly position on the very faculties of man, generative, altering, formative, sensitive, animal.”»y esto no puede hacerse sino por la impresión del carácter entero de la posición celeste sobre las facultades mismas del hombre: generativa, alterativa, formativa, sensitiva, animal.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 34»

«Kepler then procured her acquittal, but he now characterized her as “delira et garrula.””»el episodio de la madre acusada de brujería: Kepler obtuvo su absolución y luego la caracterizó como *delira et garrula*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 35»

«Kepler states that those who are born when there are many aspects between the planets are apt to be hardworking and industrious, whether in money-making, public life or scholarship, and cites his own geniture as an example.»según Thorndike, Kepler sostiene que los nacidos cuando hay muchos aspectos entre los planetas suelen ser trabajadores e industriosos, sea en hacer dinero, en la vida pública o en el estudio, y pone su propia genitura por ejemplo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 35»

«He held that the babe began to live only with birth, and that its geniture was impressed upon its subconscious memory.»y sostiene que la criatura empieza a vivir solo con el nacimiento y que su genitura queda impresa en su memoria subconsciente.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 35»

«Kepler composed nativities of Wallenstein, the Emperor Rudolf, and others, and it would seem that he took more interest in drawing up the horoscopes of individuals and had less objection to it, than he voiced against calendars and annual prognostications.»Thorndike anota el desnivel: Kepler compuso natividades de Wallenstein, del emperador Rodolfo y de otros, y parece haber tenido más interés y menos reparo en levantar horóscopos de individuos que en los calendarios y los pronósticos anuales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 35»

«On the other hand, in private correspondence he remarked that not every solar eclipse brought drought,»y del otro lado, en correspondencia privada observaba que no todo eclipse solar traía sequía.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 36»

«Kepler afÏrmed that the new star of 1604 was the result, not of chance, nor necessity of nature, but the certain plan and special providence of God.»de la nueva estrella de 1604 afirma que no fue obra del azar ni de necesidad de la naturaleza sino plan cierto y providencia especial de Dios; el OCR imprime *afÏrmed*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 36»

«But Kepler sees no natural cause for the conversion of Islam.”*»y no ve causa natural para la conversión del islam.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 37»

«And because on the sixtieth day after the appearance of the Nova, Saturn came to it, these changes will occur after sixty years.»con el cómputo por el que fecha el cambio: porque al sexagésimo día de aparecer la Nova llegó Saturno a ella, esos cambios ocurrirán después de sesenta años.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 37»

«Thus, despite Kepler's assertion that political and religious change cannot be predicted, we have heard him declare that both were indicated by recent comets and by the Nova»Thorndike señala la contradicción sin armonizarla: pese a afirmar Kepler que el cambio político y religioso no puede predecirse, se le ha oído declarar que ambos estaban indicados por los cometas recientes y por la Nova.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 38»

«Kepler thought Saturn cold and wet rather than cold and dry.»de su doctrina planetaria retiene que tenía a Saturno por frío y húmedo antes que por frío y seco.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 38»

«The planets influenced more while in the sign Cancer, because then they were longer above the earth.»que los planetas influían más estando en el signo de Cáncer, porque entonces permanecían más tiempo sobre la tierra.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 38»

«Kepler attributed little influence to the fixed stars because of their great distance and regarded as a questionable innovation the practice of some astrologers of noting the aspects of the planets with them.»y que atribuía poca influencia a las estrellas fijas por su gran distancia, y tenía por innovación cuestionable la práctica de algunos astrólogos de anotar los aspectos de los planetas con ellas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 38»

«The sun moved the other planets,” and the earth moved the moon, although this might well be a reflected virtue from the sun.*°»el esquema del movimiento: el sol movía a los demás planetas y la tierra movía a la luna, aunque esto bien pudiera ser una virtud reflejada del sol.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 38»

«Kepler distinguished three chief physical causes by which the heavenly bodies acted upon and influenced the sublunar world and upon which prediction could be based.»y distinguía tres causas físicas principales por las que los cuerpos celestes obraban sobre el mundo sublunar y sobre las que podía fundarse la predicción.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 38»

«But for his terrestrial astrology the important point is the existence of an animal-like faculty by which the earth and men on it sense occult changes in the sky»lo que Thorndike declara punto importante de su astrología terrestre: la existencia de una facultad semejante a la animal por la que la tierra y los hombres sobre ella sienten los cambios ocultos del cielo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 39»

«Such was Kepler's occult explanation of the relations of cause and effect between heavens and earth, such his “terrestrial astrology and doctrine of aspects,” based upon an animistic and nonmechanical interpretation of nature.»y su saldo del asunto, dicho con esas palabras: explicación oculta de las relaciones de causa y efecto entre cielos y tierra, apoyada en una interpretación animista y no mecánica de la naturaleza.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 40»

«This was too much for even an astrologer like Morin (1583-1656), who objected that for Kepler the planets did not move sublunar nature as natural agents but as foreign objects affect the senses»según Thorndike, hasta un astrólogo como Morin objetó que para Kepler los planetas no movían la naturaleza sublunar como agentes naturales sino como objetos ajenos afectan a los sentidos; el tramo se corta y sigue con la atribución de percepción, inteligencia y libre albedrío a plantas, minerales y tierra.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 40»

«To tell the truth, Morin concluded, Kepler was quite ignorant of astrology.»y Morin concluye que, a decir verdad, Kepler ignoraba por completo la astrología.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 40»

«He protests his German honesty and loyalty to the Emperor (Rudolf II); the Bohemians and Austrians have failed to corrupt him.»de la correspondencia de Kepler con la corte imperial: protesta su honestidad alemana y su lealtad al emperador Rodolfo II, y dice que bohemios y austríacos no lograron corromperlo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 40»

«The Emperor is credulous; should he hear of the prognostication of that Frenchman, he would put too much faith in it.»advierte que el emperador es crédulo y que, de oír el pronóstico de aquel francés, le daría demasiada fe.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 40»

«Vulgar astrology can easily be induced to say pleasing things to both sides.»porque la astrología vulgar se deja inducir fácilmente a decir cosas gratas a las dos partes.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 40»

«In short, I think that astrology ought to depart not only from the senate but also from the minds of those who today wish to give the Emperor the best advice, and hence should be kept out of his sight entirely.*»y su conclusión, en primera persona: la astrología debe apartarse no solo del senado sino de las mentes de quienes hoy quieren dar al emperador el mejor consejo, y por tanto mantenerse enteramente fuera de su vista.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 41»

«Kepler felt that there were worse forms of curiosity than even superstitious astrology,—geomancy for instance.»con todo, para Kepler había formas peores de curiosidad que la astrología supersticiosa: la geomancia, por ejemplo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 41»

«After making the suggestion that this might forecast religious union, Kepler added, “unless perchance this monster was a prelude to the expedition of the Hanseatic cities to raise the siege of Brunswick, which more accords with ancient examples.”»y de un nacimiento monstruoso sugiere primero la unión religiosa y enseguida, como más conforme a los ejemplos antiguos, la expedición de las ciudades hanseáticas para levantar el sitio de Brunswick.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 41»

«He chided Feselius for dismissing the doctrine of signatures as sheer fancy.»reprende a Feselius por despachar la doctrina de las signaturas como pura fantasía.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 41»

«He accepted the great force of the imagination of a pregnant woman upon the foetus.”»y aceptaba la gran fuerza de la imaginación de la mujer encinta sobre el feto.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 41»

«Gravity is a mutual physical affection between related bodies towards union or conjunction (the magnetic faculty is of this order), so that the Earth draws a stone much more than the stone seeks the Earth.»la fórmula de la gravedad que Thorndike le cita: afección física mutua entre cuerpos emparentados hacia la unión o conjunción, del orden de la facultad magnética, de suerte que la Tierra atrae la piedra mucho más de lo que la piedra busca la Tierra.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 42»

«There was a bond of gravitation between earth and moon, but it did not disturb the movement of either.»había vínculo de gravitación entre tierra y luna, pero no perturbaba el movimiento de ninguna de las dos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 43»

«The planets did not gravitate towards the sun but were moved by it by means of immaterial species which were diffused from it through space but only in the plane of the ecliptic.»y los planetas no gravitaban hacia el sol sino que él los movía por especies inmateriales difundidas desde él por el espacio, solo en el plano de la eclíptica.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 43»

«He not only states that the planets move faster as they approach the sun and slower as they recede from it, but that, were the system of Tycho followed, we would have to say the same of the earth, but that it is absurd to hold that the sun, which is so much greater than the earth»afirma además que los planetas se mueven más rápido al acercarse al sol y más lento al alejarse, y que de seguirse el sistema de Tycho habría que decir lo mismo de la tierra, siendo absurdo sostener que el sol, tanto mayor que la tierra, sea movido por ella; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 43»

«Also Kepler says that two stones, anywhere in the universe, “if outside the sphere of influence of a related body,” would come together at an immediate place determined by their comparative mass (moles).»y que dos piedras, en cualquier lugar del universo, si están fuera de la esfera de influencia de un cuerpo emparentado, se juntarían en un punto determinado por su masa comparativa.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 44»

«But whatever his momentary approaches toward a correct theory of gravitation, he also kept suggesting other explanations.»Thorndike acota el alcance de esos aciertos: cualesquiera fueran sus acercamientos momentáneos a una teoría correcta de la gravitación, siguió proponiendo otras explicaciones.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 44»

«The Earth was an animal, not like a dog quick to respond to every stimulus, but, like a cow or elephant, slow to anger but so much the more violent when enraged.»entre ellas, que la Tierra era un animal, no como un perro pronto a responder a todo estímulo sino como una vaca o un elefante, lento para la ira y tanto más violento al enfurecerse.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 44»

«there were no tides, although the moon kept on its course as usual.»con el dato que le sirve de prueba: no hubo mareas, aunque la luna siguió su curso como de costumbre.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 44»

«He said that his treatise on comets of 1619 was not well received in Italy on this account, the prohibition of the Copernican theory having been recently issued there in 1616.»según Thorndike, Kepler decía que su tratado de los cometas de 1619 no fue bien recibido en Italia por esa razón, habiéndose promulgado allí en 1616 la prohibición de la teoría copernicana.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 45»

«Sarsius, in a work of 1619 to be mentioned presently, stated that Kepler's having comets move in a straight line required the circular movement of the earth which Catholics were forbidden to hold.»y Sarsius objetaba que hacer mover los cometas en línea recta exigía el movimiento circular de la tierra, que a los católicos les estaba prohibido sostener.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 45»

«Grassius says that a rumor in August which spread in Italy as to a comet was confirmed by letters from Germany, and that the comet was observed on August 29 between two stars of Ursa Maior.»de Grassius recoge la noticia del cometa: un rumor de agosto corrido en Italia, confirmado por cartas de Alemania, y la observación del 29 de agosto entre dos estrellas de la Osa Mayor.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 45»

«argued against Galileo that corpora attrita were not necessarily diminished.»y su objeción a Galileo: los *corpora attrita* no quedan necesariamente disminuidos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 45»

«He hammered copper (aes) until it became too hot to touch, yet its weight remained the same.»con el experimento que la sostiene: martilló cobre hasta ponerlo demasiado caliente para tocarlo y su peso siguió igual.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 45»

«Galileo inclines to the view of the ancient Pythagoreans that a comet is not a real visible object but a refraction of our vision of the sun.»del lado de Galileo, Thorndike consigna que se inclina por la opinión de los antiguos pitagóricos: el cometa no es objeto visible real sino refracción de nuestra visión del sol.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 46»

«The figure and movement of a comet are too regular for a tumultuous, wandering fire, as well as the fact that its tail or beard is always diametrically opposite to the sun.»con los argumentos: la figura y el movimiento del cometa son demasiado regulares para un fuego tumultuoso y errante, y su cola o barba está siempre diametralmente opuesta al sol.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 46»

«Aristotle's holding that comets were sublunar is repugnant to the smallness of its parallax, “observed with exquisite diligence by so many excellent astronomers.”»y la tesis aristotélica de los cometas sublunares repugna a la pequeñez de su paralaje, observada con diligencia exquisita por tantos astrónomos excelentes.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 46»

«We limit our account to a brief summary of Galileo’s views as to comets, as set forth in the Discorso.»Thorndike declara el recorte: limita su relato a un resumen breve de las opiniones de Galileo sobre los cometas tal como las expone el *Discorso*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 46»

«Galileo argues against their having a sphere of their own, pointing out the differences in course, speed and direction of the comets of 1577 and of 1618.»Galileo argumenta contra que los cometas tengan esfera propia, señalando las diferencias de curso, velocidad y dirección entre los de 1577 y 1618.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 47»

«Although to a person at the center of a sphere motion in a great circle seems to be ina straight line, the converse is not true— that what seems in a straight line is really in a great circle.»con la cautela lógica: aunque a quien está en el centro de una esfera el movimiento en círculo máximo le parezca rectilíneo, no vale la conversa; el OCR pega *ina* por *in a*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 47»

«However, the atmosphere about the earth is not pure air but, at least to a certain height, mixed with gross fumes and vapors which render it much denser than the upper ether which expands pure and limpid through immense space.»y su física del aire: la atmósfera en torno a la tierra no es aire puro sino, hasta cierta altura, mezclada de humos y vapores gruesos que la vuelven mucho más densa que el éter superior.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 47»

«He thought that a chain hung from two nails driven into the wall at the same level would take the form of a parabola,’ but actually the curve is a catenary.»Thorndike no le ahorra los errores: creía que una cadena colgada de dos clavos al mismo nivel tomaba forma de parábola, y la curva es en realidad una catenaria.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 48»

«He repeatedly stated that the air offered increasing resistance to the increased acceleration of a falling body, which would not go on increasing indefinitely because of this resistance, which “finally reduces its speed to a constant value which is thereafter maintained.”»y sostenía repetidamente que el aire opone resistencia creciente a la aceleración del cuerpo que cae, que por eso no crece indefinidamente sino que acaba reduciendo la velocidad a un valor constante.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 48»

«Nor had he abandoned the notion that nature abhors a vacuum," although he suggested the possibility of innumerable very minute vacua in bodies, and although he afÏrmed that various experiments indicated that a vacuum might be produced by violence.»ni había abandonado la noción de que la naturaleza aborrece el vacío, aunque sugiriera innumerables vacíos diminutos en los cuerpos y afirmara que varios experimentos indicaban que podía producirse un vacío por violencia; el OCR imprime *afÏrmed*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 48»

«By 1633, however, Galileo would seem to have had little faith left in astrology, for on January 15th he wrote to Elia Diodati at Paris that he marveled at the great esteem in which Morin held judicial astrology and at his attempt to establish its certitude by “his conjectures, which seem to me uncertain enough, not to say most uncertain,” and to locate it “in the supreme seat of human sciences.”»hacia 1633 le queda poca fe en la astrología: escribe a Elia Diodati que se maravilla de la gran estima en que Morin tiene la astrología judiciaria y de su empeño en establecer su certidumbre.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 49»

«The interlocutors prefer ideas which are somewhat startling from their novelty to “dead books which raise many doubts but remove none.”»de los *Discorsi* recoge la preferencia de los interlocutores por las ideas algo sorprendentes por su novedad frente a los libros muertos que suscitan muchas dudas y no quitan ninguna.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 49»

«The notion that even a great difference in weight does not affect the speed of falling bodies is “so new” that it requires most convincing proofs.’ But Sagredo is “exceedingly fond of choice and ‘uncommon propositions.”»y la reacción ante la tesis de que ni una gran diferencia de peso altera la velocidad de caída: por *tan nueva* pide pruebas convincentísimas, y Sagredo se declara sumamente aficionado a las proposiciones escogidas y poco comunes.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 50»

«Galileo repeatedly asserts that bodies are composed of an infinite number of very minute corpuscles or atoms.»afirma repetidamente que los cuerpos se componen de un número infinito de corpúsculos diminutos o átomos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 50»

«The extremely fine particles of fire are able to penetrate the slender pores of metals, although these are too small to admit even the finest particles of air or of many liquids»y que las partículas finísimas del fuego penetran los poros estrechos de los metales, que son demasiado pequeños para admitir siquiera las partículas más finas del aire o de muchos líquidos; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 50»

«Although abounding also in mathematical demonstrations, the Two New Sciences of Galileo perhaps more than any other single book, marks the adyent of modern experimental method.»el juicio de Thorndike sobre los *Discorsi*: abundando también en demostraciones matemáticas, marcan acaso más que ningún otro libro solo el advenimiento del método experimental moderno; el OCR imprime *adyent*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 51»

«The experiment with two smooth flat surfaces which will slide over each other readily but are difÏcult to lift apart, is still attributed to avoidance of a vacuum and not to air pressure, and apparatus is devised to measure the forza del vacuo.»y el límite del mismo libro: el experimento de las dos superficies lisas que resbalan con facilidad y cuesta despegar se sigue atribuyendo a la evitación del vacío y no a la presión del aire, y se idea un aparato para medir la *forza del vacuo*; el OCR imprime *difÏcult*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 51»

«Sagredo “often tried with the utmost patience to add grains of sand to a ball of wax until it should acquire the same specific gravity as water” and maintain equilibrium therein, but with all his care was never able to accomplish this.»y el experimento fallido de Sagredo, que probó con la mayor paciencia a añadir granos de arena a una bola de cera hasta darle la gravedad específica del agua, sin lograrlo nunca.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 51»

«testing waters, the addition of two grains of salt to six pounds of water is enough to bring the ball from the bottom to the surface.’»con la sensibilidad del método: añadir dos granos de sal a seis libras de agua basta para llevar la bola del fondo a la superficie.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 52»

«If a globe full of water with a very narrow mouth— “about the same diameter as a straw”—is inverted, the water will not run out nor the air enter, but if a vessel of red wine is applied to the opening, the water and wine will very slowly interchange places.»otro experimento: invertido un globo lleno de agua con boca muy estrecha, el agua no sale ni entra el aire, pero aplicando a la abertura un vaso de vino tinto, agua y vino cambian de lugar muy despacio.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 52»

«weighing water against air, experiments with pendulums, showing that the time of descent is the same along all arcs, and»y la serie de pruebas: pesar agua contra aire, experimentos con péndulos que muestran que el tiempo de descenso es el mismo por todos los arcos; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 52»

«When the tones were higher, the marks were closer together and when deeper, farther apart.»en la prueba del sonido, a tonos más altos correspondían marcas más juntas y a los más graves más separadas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 52»

«the distances traversed during equal intervals of time by a body falling from rest stand to one another in the same ratio as the odd numbers beginning with unity,»y la ley de caída: las distancias recorridas en intervalos iguales de tiempo por un cuerpo que cae desde el reposo guardan entre sí la razón de los números impares empezando por la unidad.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 52»

«the same experiment which at first glance seemed to show one thing, when more carefully examined, assures us of the contrary.»la cautela que Galileo pone al método: el mismo experimento que a primera vista parecía mostrar una cosa, examinado con más cuidado nos asegura de lo contrario.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 53»

«Galileo recognized the existence of certain perils in experimentation and set limitations to the use of the experimental method, preferring rigid geometrical demonstration where that was possible.»de suerte que reconocía ciertos peligros en la experimentación y le ponía límites, prefiriendo la demostración geométrica rígida donde fuera posible.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 53»

«In his De motu, discussing why less heavy bodies at first fall faster than heavier bodies, he asserts that wood at first drops faster than lead, but after a little the motion of the lead is so accelerated that it leaves the wood behind, “and, if they are released from a tall tower, precedes it by a great space; and of this I have often made trial.”»y en el *De motu* sostiene que la madera cae al principio más rápido que el plomo, hasta que el movimiento del plomo se acelera tanto que la deja atrás, de lo cual dice haber hecho prueba a menudo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 53»

«Writing in 1606 of his own experiments with the magnet, Galileo said that he had made it sustain twice its own weight and that he had in mind (nella fantasia) “some other artifices to render this yet more marvelous.”»de sus experimentos con el imán escribía en 1606 haberle hecho sostener el doble de su peso y tener en la fantasía otros artificios para volverlo aún más maravilloso.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 54»

«Twenty years later he wrote that for three months he had been busy with an admirable device of multiplying artificially and extremely the virtue of the magnet in sustaining iron.»y veinte años después, llevar tres meses ocupado en un artificio admirable para multiplicar artificial y extremadamente la virtud del imán en sostener hierro.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 54»

«Experiment is also still employed for purposes of deception and entertainment, as well as causing astonishment.»una de las tesis del capítulo: el experimento se sigue empleando también para el engaño y el entretenimiento, además de para causar asombro.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 55»

«Then, whether the ball was pushed to the bottom of the vessel or lifted to the surface, it would come back to the middle.*°»con el caso: empujada la bola al fondo del vaso o alzada a la superficie, volvía al medio.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 55»

«But Galileo would not seem to have had much sympathy with the doctrine of sympathy and antipathy.»y Thorndike anota que Galileo no parece haber tenido mucha simpatía por la doctrina de la simpatía y la antipatía.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 55»

«Although Galileo thought that he had invented two new sciences, * he recognized to some extent the work of predecessors.»concede que Galileo, creyendo haber inventado dos ciencias nuevas, reconocía hasta cierto punto la obra de predecesores.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 56»

«He accepted Aristotle's assertion that all elements except fire have weight, and his experiment showing that a leather bottle weighs more when inflated than when collapsed.”»aceptaba de Aristóteles que todos los elementos salvo el fuego tienen peso, y su experimento de que un odre pesa más inflado que desinflado.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 56»

«Thus the impression is given that one should begin where Aristotle left off and correct his Physics, whereas its doctrines, especially as to motion, had been repeatedly criticized in the later Latin middle ages.»pero de ahí la impresión, que Thorndike objeta, de que haya que empezar donde Aristóteles dejó y corregir su *Física*, cuando sus doctrinas, y sobre todo las del movimiento, habían sido criticadas repetidamente en la baja Edad Media latina.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 56»

«Yet the experiment with two flat plates or surfaces goes back at least to Henry of Hesse in the fourteenth century,»con el ejemplo que lo prueba: el experimento de las dos placas planas se remonta por lo menos a Enrique de Hesse en el siglo XIV.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 56»

«Most modern physicists do not repeat Galileo’s mistake of studying only ancient science and neglecting medieval activity in physics, for the simple reason that they do not pay any attention to the history of science.»y remata con ironía: la mayoría de los físicos modernos no repiten el error de Galileo de estudiar solo la ciencia antigua y desatender la actividad medieval en física, por la simple razón de que no prestan ninguna atención a la historia de la ciencia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 57»

«The Bible was still a factor to be reckoned with, in the history of science in the seventeenth century.»otra de las tesis del capítulo: la Biblia seguía siendo factor a tener en cuenta en la historia de la ciencia del siglo XVII.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 57»

«Not only was it cited against the Copernican theory and for creation, and accepted as authoritative by many in scientific matters.»citada contra la teoría copernicana y a favor de la creación, y aceptada por muchos como autoridad en materias científicas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 57»

«Men still wondered at what time of year creation occurred, what the carnivorous animals lived on in Noah’s ark, and directed their zoological and mineralogical investigations to the animals mentioned in Scripture or the gems found»y todavía se preguntaban en qué tiempo del año ocurrió la creación y de qué vivían los animales carnívoros en el arca de Noé, y dirigían sus investigaciones zoológicas y mineralógicas a los animales que menciona la Escritura; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 57»

«Galileo gave voice to it, as well he might, in a letter addressed to Christine of Lorraine, Grand-Duchess of Tuscany, at about the time of the decree of 1616 against the teaching of the Copernican system.»Galileo dio voz al problema en una carta a Cristina de Lorena, gran duquesa de Toscana, hacia el tiempo del decreto de 1616 contra la enseñanza del sistema copernicano.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 58»

«It was first printed at Treves in 1636,°* with a camouflaged title which puts Galileo’s contentions in the mouths of the Church Fathers and theologians.”»impresa por primera vez en Tréveris en 1636 con un título camuflado que pone las tesis de Galileo en boca de los Padres de la Iglesia y de los teólogos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 58»

«A Prussian, Robertus Robertinus, writing on January 6, 1635, from Danzig, sent to Matthias Bernegger, translator into Latin of Galileo’s dialogues on the two systems of the world»de su transmisión manuscrita: el prusiano Robertus Robertinus escribe desde Danzig el 6 de enero de 1635 a Matthias Bernegger, traductor al latín de los diálogos de Galileo sobre los dos sistemas del mundo; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 58»

«Galileo says that, if one always followed the sacred text verbatim, one would not only fall into error but attribute to it contradictory statements and even false, heretical and blasphemous ones.»y el argumento de la carta: seguir siempre el texto sagrado al pie de la letra no solo haría caer en error sino atribuirle enunciados contradictorios y aun falsos, heréticos y blasfemos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 58»

«Galileo quotes a high cleric that the Holy Spirit teaches us how to get to heaven, not how the heavens move.»con la fórmula que cita de un alto eclesiástico: el Espíritu Santo nos enseña cómo ir al cielo, no cómo se mueven los cielos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 59»

«To condemn the books of Copernicus, after they have been accepted for so many years and increasingly proved true by many new observations, is to slam the door in the face of truth and forbid the whole science of astronomy.»y su alegato: condenar los libros de Copérnico, aceptados tantos años y probados cada vez más verdaderos por muchas observaciones nuevas, es cerrarle la puerta en la cara a la verdad y prohibir la ciencia entera de la astronomía.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 59»

«He quotes Jerome that many things in the Scriptures are said according to the opinion of the time when they occurred and not according to absolute truth.»cita a Jerónimo para decir que muchas cosas de las Escrituras se dicen según la opinión del tiempo en que ocurrieron y no según la verdad absoluta.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 59»

«It does not follow, because all the Church Fathers admitted the immobility of the earth, that this is an article of Faith.»y niega la consecuencia: que todos los Padres admitieran la inmovilidad de la tierra no hace de ella artículo de fe.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 59»

«Galileo’s many new discoveries have already brought odium upon him, but, after many thousands of hours of speculation, he has finally reached conclusions “which are far removed from our earlier ideas and. .. remarkable for their novelty.»y la queja del propio Galileo: sus muchos descubrimientos nuevos ya le han traído odio, y tras miles de horas de especulación ha llegado a conclusiones muy alejadas de las ideas anteriores y notables por su novedad; se corta antes de la llamada de nota.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 50»

«On the other hand, it was a workman called in to repair a pump who told Sagredo that no pump could lift water above eighteen cubits, and gunners were the first to inform him that the maximum range for artillery was obtained from an elevation of 45 degrees.»el hallazgo del otro lado: fue un obrero llamado a reparar una bomba quien dijo a Sagredo que ninguna bomba levanta agua más de dieciocho codos, y fueron artilleros los primeros en informarle de que el alcance máximo se obtiene con elevación de 45 grados; se corta antes de la llamada de nota.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 55»

«A rather crude experiment is described to determine whether the propagation of light is instantaneous»describe un experimento más bien tosco para determinar si la propagación de la luz es instantánea; el verbatim se corta antes de la llamada de nota, que el troceo imprime pegada, y el texto sigue *but it was a first step towards the Morley-Michelson experiment*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 51»

«Aguillon says that the surrounding cold prevents expiration and forces the inflammable spirits together, so that by the unity of its material the fire is made sharper.»según Thorndike, Aguillon explica que el frío circundante impide la expiración y junta los espíritus inflamables, de modo que por la unidad de su materia el fuego se hace más agudo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 60»

«For Aguillon agrees with the most experienced medical men that this spirit glows with perpetual fire.»y coincide con los médicos más experimentados en que ese espíritu arde con fuego perpetuo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 61»

«He believed that they announced winds, tempests, sterility, bad weather, pestilence, earthquakes and floods, but he was doubtful whether they signalled the death of leading men.»de Geraldinus recoge lo que adjudicaba a los cometas —vientos, tempestades, esterilidad, mal tiempo, peste, terremotos e inundaciones— y su duda sobre si señalaban la muerte de los hombres principales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 61»

«Geraldinus noted that three common opinions as to the origin of rivers were all included in Aristotle's Meteorology and that he rejected them in favor of the explanation that air was turned into water in the caverns of mountains.»y su tratamiento del origen de los ríos: las tres opiniones comunes están todas en la *Meteorología* de Aristóteles y él las rechaza en favor de que el aire se vuelva agua en las cavernas de los montes.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 61»

«Biancani ascribes the tides to the action of the moon and discusses the height of the lunar mountains.»Biancani adjudica las mareas a la acción de la luna y discute la altura de las montañas lunares.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 63»

«He attributes the invention of measuring the depth of the sea by releasing a float as the weight hits the bottom and timing its return to the surface, to Leo Battista Alberti, unmindful of the earlier Metrologum de pisce cane et volucre of Giovanni da Fontana.»Thorndike le señala un olvido: atribuye a Leon Battista Alberti la invención de medir la profundidad del mar soltando un flotador al tocar fondo el peso y cronometrando su vuelta, sin tener presente el *Metrologum de pisce cane et volucre* anterior de Giovanni da Fontana.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 63»

«He suggests that comets and new stars may be only new-appearing, moving towards and away from us.»Biancani sugiere que cometas y estrellas nuevas puedan ser solo de aparición nueva, moviéndose hacia nosotros y alejándose.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 63»

«He retains the ninth sphere “to save all the movements of the fixed stars.”»y conserva la novena esfera para salvar todos los movimientos de las estrellas fijas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 63»

«not merely to fellow Catholics such as Tycho and Galileo, but even to a Protestant astronomer like Kepler.»y rinde honores no solo a católicos como Tycho y Galileo sino aun a un astrónomo protestante como Kepler.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 64»

«He died in 1624, but new editions of his book appeared at Modena in 1635 and 1654, so that its influence was more than momentary.»con la nota de recepción que Thorndike añade: murió en 1624, pero nuevas ediciones de su libro salieron en Módena en 1635 y 1654, de suerte que su influencia fue más que momentánea.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 64»

«But some eminent astronomers put the sun at rest at the center, and the fixed stars motionless in highest heaven, and only the earth and other planets in movement.»de Mulerius recoge que algunos astrónomos eminentes ponen el sol en reposo en el centro, inmóviles las fijas en el cielo más alto, y en movimiento solo la tierra y los demás planetas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 64»

«The contention between the two schools is erudite and keen but without ill-feeling»y que la contienda entre las dos escuelas es erudita y aguda pero sin animosidad; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 64»

«It may involve absurdities, but they are mere hypotheses»de la teoría copernicana concede que puede envolver absurdos, pero que no son más que hipótesis; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 64»

«Mulerius would be better pleased if Copernicus had left the earth at the center of the universe but had it revolve»y declara que le placería más que Copérnico hubiera dejado la tierra en el centro del universo pero haciéndola girar; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 64»

«The answer of course is, although Tanner did not give it, Yes, in so far as his observations were confirmed after his death by the telescope.»de Tanner, Thorndike da la respuesta que él no dio: sí, en la medida en que sus observaciones quedaron confirmadas después de su muerte por el telescopio.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 65»

«Aristotle is usually preferred to other authorities, but not in the case of comets, although a sop is thrown to him by»y anota que a Aristóteles suele preferírselo a las demás autoridades salvo en el caso de los cometas, aunque se le eche un hueso; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 66»

«But the minimum parallax of others proves them celestial.»porque la paralaje mínima de otros los prueba celestes.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 66»

«But no one in his right mind can account for all such apparitions recorded in histories as the results of natural chance.»de Fromondus recoge el argumento de las apariciones: nadie en su sano juicio puede dar cuenta de todas las registradas en las historias como resultados del azar natural.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 67»

«He rejects the attempt of atheists to account for them as reflections of such happenings in the clouds.»y rechaza el intento de los ateos de explicarlas como reflejos de tales sucesos en las nubes; se corta antes de la llamada de nota.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 67»

«Fear of God is the final cause of earthquakes.»con la causa final que adjudica a los terremotos: el temor de Dios; se corta antes de la llamada de nota.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 67»

«In general Fromondus is not averse to signs of the future, treating of presages of storms and prodigious rains,” and, while denying that comets are causes of calamities, accepting them as signs divinely instituted.»Thorndike resume su postura: no es adverso a los signos del futuro, trata de los presagios de tormentas y lluvias prodigiosas y, negando que los cometas sean causas de calamidades, los acepta como signos divinamente instituidos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 67»

«Thus the comet of 1577 made Sebastian, king of Portugal, cross to Africa to his destruction.»con el ejemplo: el cometa de 1577 hizo pasar a Sebastián, rey de Portugal, a África para su ruina.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 67»

«He says that winds are not made of air but of vapors, and by their gravity they flow downwards to earth like torrents and rivers.»y sostiene que los vientos no están hechos de aire sino de vapores, y que por su gravedad fluyen tierra abajo como torrentes y ríos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 67»

«Despite Copernicus, he regards the earth as immobile at the center of the universe,‘ although he grants that it forms one globe with the element water.»de Metius: pese a Copérnico, tiene la tierra por inmóvil en el centro del universo, aunque conceda que forma un solo globo con el elemento agua.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 68»

«The second conclusion is that angels are the cause moving the planets.»de Borri, la segunda conclusión: los ángeles son la causa que mueve a los planetas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 69»

«Borri rejects the theory of Kepler, in his work on the planet Mars, that the sun like a magnet draws the other planets.»y rechaza la teoría de Kepler, en su obra sobre el planeta Marte, de que el sol atraiga como un imán a los demás planetas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 69»

«Borri, who regards the sun as moving, says, “after it,” but this misrepresents the view of Kepler, who held the heliocentric theory and said “about itself.”»Thorndike le enmienda la cita sin arbitrar la doctrina: Borri, que tiene el sol por móvil, dice *tras él*, y eso tergiversa a Kepler, que sostenía la teoría heliocéntrica y decía *en torno a sí*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 69»

«Whether the latter is solid or tenuous is a matter of indifference to Borri’s hypothesis, but it more probably is not solid, and the stars in it are moved, like the planets, by intelligences or angels.»que el cielo sea sólido o tenue le es indiferente a la hipótesis de Borri, aunque más probablemente no sea sólido, y las estrellas en él son movidas, como los planetas, por inteligencias o ángeles.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 69»

«The answer is that he cannot do so in three dimensions, which immensity is characteristic of God alone.»a la pregunta de si un ángel puede obrar en todas partes responde que no en tres dimensiones, porque esa inmensidad es propia de Dios solo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 69»

«But he can do so in two dimensions by making the area of his activity narrower and longer.»pero sí en dos, estrechando y alargando el área de su actividad.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 69»

«Scriptural passages implying solid heavens are explained away, and Borri concludes that the heavens are three in number: aerial of the planets, sidereal of the fixed stars, and the empyrean beyond it, although Cajetan held that there was no scriptural authorit»los pasajes de la Escritura que implican cielos sólidos se explican de otro modo, y Borri concluye que los cielos son tres: aéreo de los planetas, sidéreo de las fijas y empíreo más allá, aunque Cayetano sostuviera que no había autoridad escrituraria; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 69»

«The questions themselves, however, are not new.»y Thorndike acota que las preguntas mismas no son nuevas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 70»

«The last is answered in the negative, nor is fire the matter of the heavens.»a la última se responde que no, y que el fuego tampoco es la materia de los cielos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 70»

«Nor is water, Borri prefering air as the material of the heavens.»ni el agua: Borri prefiere el aire como materia de los cielos; el impreso trae *prefering* con una sola erre.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 70»

«It is very probable that both heavens and stars are subject to corruption, though to a less degree than sublunar bodies.»tiene por muy probable que cielos y estrellas estén sujetos a corrupción, aunque en menor grado que los cuerpos sublunares.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 70»

«The stars are solid bodies, not perfectly spherical, and differ from the heaven as earth does from air.»las estrellas son cuerpos sólidos, no perfectamente esféricos, y difieren del cielo como la tierra del aire.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 70»

«Nay more, that the stars differ from one another is suggested by their diversity of color and of influence, and their substantial form differs from all the forms of sublunar bodies.»y más aún: que difieran entre sí lo sugiere su diversidad de color y de influencia, y su forma sustancial difiere de todas las formas de los cuerpos sublunares.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 70»

«Borri makes no approach towards any universal law of gravitation, holding that the matter of each star tends towards its own center and has no relation either of gravity or levity with respect to the earth or center of the world.»Thorndike marca el límite: Borri no se acerca a ninguna ley universal de gravitación, y sostiene que la materia de cada estrella tiende a su propio centro y no guarda relación de gravedad ni de levedad respecto de la tierra o centro del mundo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 70»

«He denies the earth's motion of nutation.»y niega el movimiento de nutación de la tierra.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 70»

«New stars are very likely formed from condensed ether.»las estrellas nuevas se forman muy probablemente de éter condensado.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 70»

«But there would be nothing miraculous about either action.»sin que haya nada de milagroso en ninguna de las dos acciones.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 70»

«Following Cysatus, Borri similarly explains comets as new aggregations; he has no idea of their coming»siguiendo a Cysatus, explica igual los cometas como agregaciones nuevas, sin idea de su venida; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 70»

«The firmament was formed from water, and Borri accepts the existence of waters both above and below it, although all this may seem inconsistent with his previously expressed preference for air as the material»y sostiene que el firmamento se formó del agua y que hay aguas encima y debajo de él, lo que Thorndike halla inconsistente con su preferencia declarada por el aire como materia; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 70»

«When God said, “Let there be light,” that light was not the sun but something like a very bright cloud, and an angel placed that lucid body about the earth.»de la luz del Génesis dice que no era el sol sino algo como una nube brillantísima, y que un ángel colocó ese cuerpo lúcido en torno a la tierra.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 70»

«In conclusion Borri states that he has won others over to his views not only in Europe but almost the world over in his journeyings,»y concluye declarando haber ganado a otros a sus opiniones no solo en Europa sino casi en el mundo entero en sus viajes; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 70»

«The association seems to us today incongruous, but at the time it may have aided the new astronomy more than it injured it.»el juicio de Thorndike sobre esa mezcla de astronomía nueva y ángeles motores: la asociación nos parece hoy incongruente, pero en su momento pudo ayudar a la astronomía nueva más de lo que la dañó.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 71»

«And what it does not reveal, requires the observations of astronomers and mathematicians rather than the contemplation of theologians.»y lo que la Biblia no revela pide las observaciones de astrónomos y matemáticos antes que la contemplación de los teólogos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 72»

«He would, however, restore the annual anomalies to the circle in which the sun appears to move.»de Boulliau: restituiría las anomalías anuales al círculo en que el sol parece moverse.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 73»

«However, he praised Kepler's hypotheses, except that rejection of real mean motion»elogió las hipótesis de Kepler salvo el rechazo del movimiento medio real; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 73»

«He recognized that the heavens were not solid, that comets had proved that generation and corruption went on in the heavens, and that sunspots showed that the sun revolved about its axis in twenty-six days.»y reconocía que los cielos no eran sólidos, que los cometas habían probado que hay generación y corrupción en ellos, y que las manchas solares mostraban que el sol gira sobre su eje en veintiséis días.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 74»

«Elliptical orbits satisfied all the phenomena so far as eccentricity was concerned, but, whereas Kepler had represented the planets as of themselves inert and moved by the force* of the sun, Boulliau held that they were moved by their own form.»con la divergencia que Thorndike consigna sin armonizar: las órbitas elípticas satisfacían todos los fenómenos en cuanto a la excentricidad, pero donde Kepler presentaba los planetas como inertes de suyo y movidos por la fuerza del sol, Boulliau sostenía que los movía su propia forma.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 74»

«Cabeo rejected Galileo's explanation of the tides, and correctly attributed them to the moon, but incorrectly to its peculiar virtue of exciting»Cabeo rechazó la explicación galileana de las mareas y las adjudicó a la luna, correctamente según Thorndike, pero incorrectamente a su virtud peculiar de excitar; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 74»

«It is further added that Aquinas has written variously as to the dependence of sublunar bodies upon the motion of the celestial bodies.»se añade que Aquino escribió de diversos modos sobre la dependencia de los cuerpos sublunares respecto del movimiento de los celestes.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 75»

«But it is noted that Thomas Aquinas, after diligent consideration of the matter, changed his opinion and denied such influence.»y se anota que Tomás de Aquino, tras considerarlo con diligencia, cambió de opinión y negó tal influencia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 75»

«The latter shows that, however good a mathematician Biancani may have been, his chronological and historical information was very faulty.»según Thorndike, la cronología de matemáticos famosos que Biancani añade muestra que, por bueno que fuera como matemático, su información cronológica e histórica era muy defectuosa.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 62»

«He puts Campanus of Novara in the eleventh century with Alhazen and Arzachel, but goes on to say that he wrote on computus in the year 1200, “as he himself says.” The first translation of the Almagest from the Arabic is ascribed to Frederick II; Thebit ben Corat is placed in the thirteenth century; Roger Bacon and Marco Polo, in the fourteenth; Leonard of Pisa, in the fifteenth; Giovanni Bianchini in the sixteenth.»con el inventario de los desajustes: Campano de Novara en el siglo XI junto a Alhacén y Azarquiel aunque escribiera de cómputo en 1200, la primera traducción del *Almagesto* del árabe adjudicada a Federico II, Thabit ben Qurra en el siglo XIII, Roger Bacon y Marco Polo en el XIV, Leonardo de Pisa en el XV y Giovanni Bianchini en el XVI.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 62»

«Biancani, however, has to yield the palm for a useless compilation to Samuel Reyher who, over half a century later, produced at Kiel a Mathesis Mosaica, or mathematical passages of the Pentateuch explained mathematically, with an appendix of other mathematical passages of Scripture.»y le cede la palma de la compilación inútil a Samuel Reyher, que medio siglo después produjo en Kiel una *Mathesis Mosaica*, pasajes matemáticos del Pentateuco explicados matemáticamente, con apéndice de otros pasajes matemáticos de la Escritura.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 62»

«In response to repeated requests from his students, Biancani also published a book on the Sphere." A new presentation was needed, he said, in order to summarize the great recent progress in astronomy from discoveries made with the telescope.»Biancani publicó además, a instancias repetidas de sus alumnos, un libro sobre la Esfera, alegando que hacía falta una presentación nueva que resumiera el gran progreso reciente de la astronomía por los descubrimientos hechos con el telescopio.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 62»

«He still, however, cited Pliny” and he still put the earth at the center of the universe and denied that it moved, stating that the Copernican system was forbidden by the Church.»y Thorndike anota lo que no cambió: seguía citando a Plinio, seguía poniendo la tierra en el centro del universo y negando que se moviera, declarando que el sistema copernicano estaba prohibido por la Iglesia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 62»

«We should perhaps remind ourselves that the Advancement of Learning appeared in English in 1605, and Novum Organum in Latin in 1620, the year before Bacon's impeachment and retirement from public life.»Thorndike fecha las obras antes de juzgarlas: el *Advancement of Learning* en inglés en 1605 y el *Novum Organum* en latín en 1620, el año anterior a la destitución de Bacon y a su retiro de la vida pública.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 77»

«In the dedication to King James I of the Great Instauration, Bacon represented his position as completely novel, saying, “It is at least new, even in its very nature,” and that the only wonderful circumstance in it is that the first conception of the matter and so deep suspicions of prevalent notions should ever have entered into any person’s mind.»según Thorndike, en la dedicatoria de la *Gran Instauración* a Jacobo I, Bacon presenta su posición como enteramente nueva: nueva al menos en su misma naturaleza.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 78»

«By making a virtue of not citing authorities he avoided any mention of the sources of his ideas.»y le objeta el efecto de esa novedad declarada: haciendo virtud de no citar autoridades, evitó toda mención de las fuentes de sus ideas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 78»

«Let us now proceed to physicians. I see Galen, a man of the narrowest mind, a forsaker of experience, and a most vain pretender.»con la muestra: Bacon despacha a Galeno como hombre del ingenio más estrecho, desertor de la experiencia y pretendiente vanísimo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 78»

«No statement could be more unjust and erroneous.»Thorndike objeta sin rodeos: ningún enunciado podría ser más injusto ni más erróneo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 78»

«Of all extant ancient writers Galen approaches most closely to the conception of experimental method, and was often cited by medieval authors for the recognition of experience as a criterion of truth.»porque de todos los escritores antiguos conservados Galeno es el que más se acerca a la concepción del método experimental, y los autores medievales lo citaban a menudo por su reconocimiento de la experiencia como criterio de verdad.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 78»

«But when we come to consider Bacon's own medicine, I feel sure that the reader will prefer that of Galen and Hippocrates.»y anticipa el saldo en primera persona: al llegar a la medicina del propio Bacon, el lector preferirá la de Galeno e Hipócrates.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 78»

«Bacon’s defects in the réle of a protagonist of experimental science did not escape the eyes of his contemporaries.»y anota que esos defectos en el papel de protagonista de la ciencia experimental no escaparon a los ojos de sus contemporáneos; el OCR imprime *réle* por *rôle*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 78»

«in 1625 made three criticisms of him: first, that he should have consulted the savants of different countries before laying down rules which were either practiced already or of no use; second, that he often proposed experiments which had already been performed; third, that he introduced innovations in terminology which would retard scientific progress.»de Mersenne recoge las tres objeciones de 1625: que debió consultar a los sabios de otros países antes de dictar reglas ya practicadas o inútiles, que a menudo proponía experimentos irrealizables, y que su innovación terminológica retrasaría el progreso científico.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 79»

«Yet the title of Lord Verulam under which his works appeared commanded universal respect in England and abroad.»con todo, el título de lord Verulam bajo el que aparecieron sus obras impuso respeto universal en Inglaterra y fuera.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 79»

«He was therefore critical of such statements as that the clouds are to water the earth, the leaves to protect the fruit, the bones to support the frame, the skins of animals to protect them from heat or cold, and the eyelids to protect the sight?»Bacon critica las explicaciones por fin: que las nubes sean para regar la tierra, las hojas para proteger el fruto, los huesos para sostener la armazón, las pieles de los animales para guardarlos del calor o del frío y los párpados para proteger la vista.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 80»

«Bacon would study nature as a whole and all at once.»y quiere estudiar la naturaleza como un todo y de una vez.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 80»

«He speaks slightingly of the experimental specialization of Gilbert with the magnet, and of that of the alchemists.»con lo que menosprecia la especialización experimental de Gilbert con el imán y la de los alquimistas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 80»

«Like Aldrovandi, Bacon would try to exclude fables and marvels, curiosities and traditions.»y, como Aldrovandi, intentaría excluir fábulas y maravillas, curiosidades y tradiciones.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 80»

«Mere observation, as in Aristotle’s History of Animals, is not enough; purposive artifical experimentation is further required.»la mera observación, como la de la *Historia de los animales* de Aristóteles, no basta: hace falta además experimentación artificial con propósito; el impreso trae *artifical*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 81»

«However, experiments are the fundamental elements for science, as the letters of the alphabet are for language.»y los experimentos son para la ciencia los elementos fundamentales que las letras del alfabeto son para la lengua.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 81»

«He admitted that his Sylva sylvarum was an undigested heap of particulars, and that many of the “experiments” were “vulgar»admitía él mismo que su *Sylva sylvarum* era un montón indigesto de particulares y que muchos de los experimentos eran vulgares; el troceo intercala aquí las notas al pie y el verbatim se corta antes de ellas, siguiendo *and sordid, curious and fruitless*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 81»

«Yet he asserts elsewhere that experimental science has hitherto been a failure because men have “sought out experiments for the sake of gain and not of knowledge.”»y en otro sitio afirma que la ciencia experimental había fracasado hasta entonces porque los hombres buscaron experimentos por la ganancia y no por el conocimiento.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 82»

«A noiseless gunpowder “is a dangerous experiment, if it should be true, for it may cause secret murders.”»con un límite moral puesto al experimento: una pólvora silenciosa es experimento peligroso, si fuera verdadera, porque puede causar asesinatos secretos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 82»

«As a man’s disposition is never well known till he be crossed, nor Proteus ever changed shapes till he was straitened and held fast; so the passages and variations of nature cannot appear so fully in the liberty of nature as in the trials and vexations of art.»y con la fórmula que justifica forzar la naturaleza: como no se conoce bien el carácter de un hombre hasta contrariarlo, ni Proteo cambió de forma hasta verse apretado y sujeto, así los pasos y las variaciones de la naturaleza no se muestran en su libertad como en las pruebas y vejaciones del arte.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 82»

«Bacon held, however, that monsters which were merely prodigious and natural might be considered with the history of generation, leaving unnatural monstrosities and the superstitious history of miracles to a separate treatment.»Bacon sostenía que los monstruos meramente prodigiosos y naturales podían tratarse con la historia de la generación, dejando las monstruosidades no naturales y la historia supersticiosa de los milagros para tratamiento aparte.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 83»

«He declared that heat and cold “are Nature’s two hands whereby she chiefly worketh,” and he was certain that heat was the chief of all the powers in nature.”»declaraba que calor y frío son las dos manos con que la naturaleza obra principalmente, y tenía por cierto que el calor era el primero de todos los poderes de la naturaleza.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 83»

«He first listed “all the known instances of heat which agreed in the same nature,” or “a table of existence and presence.” Next he drew up “a table of deviation” or of absence in proximity.»el primer paso de su método inductivo: listar todas las instancias conocidas de calor que concordaban en la misma naturaleza, o tabla de existencia y presencia, y después levantar una tabla de desviación o de ausencia en proximidad.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 84»

«Bacon may have been influenced by van Helmont's prolonged experiment with a tree, from which he concluded that it took all its nourishment from water and none from the soil, rather than have taken the suggestion from Nicholas of Cusa.»Thorndike propone la filiación del experimento del árbol: Bacon pudo estar influido por el experimento prolongado de van Helmont, que concluyó que el árbol tomaba todo su alimento del agua y ninguno del suelo, antes que haber tomado la sugerencia de Nicolás de Cusa.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 84»

«He put such questions as why the voice changes at puberty and why cock birds are always the better songsters.»de sus preguntas retiene dos: por qué cambia la voz en la pubertad y por qué los pájaros machos cantan siempre mejor.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 85»

«He also graciously granted that much had already been accomplished in astronomy, since he would add to the treasury of Ptolemy and Copernicus the observations of moderns.»y concedía graciosamente que en astronomía ya se había logrado mucho, puesto que añadiría al tesoro de Ptolomeo y Copérnico las observaciones de los modernos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 85»

«‘To the moon Bacon still attributed such influences as eduction of heat and induction of putrefaction, increase of moisture, exciting the spirits in the human body—of which lunatics are a crucial instance, and the effect of new and full moons upon winds and weather.»a la luna Bacon seguía atribuyendo la educción del calor y la inducción de la putrefacción, el aumento de la humedad y la excitación de los espíritus en el cuerpo humano, con los lunáticos por instancia crucial.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 86»

«He added that there might be other secret effects of the moon not yet brought to light, and further promised to discuss the general question of astrological influence more fully later.»y añadía que podía haber otros efectos secretos de la luna aún no sacados a luz, prometiendo discutir después con más amplitud la cuestión general del influjo astrológico.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 86»

«In his Natural History of Winds he afÏrmed that winds both preceded and followed planetary conjunctions, unless the conjunction was with the sun, in which case there would be fair weather.»en su historia natural de los vientos afirmaba que los vientos precedían y seguían a las conjunciones planetarias, salvo si la conjunción era con el sol, en cuyo caso habría buen tiempo; el OCR imprime *afÏrmed*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 86»

«At the rising of the Pleiades and Hyades come showers of rain, but gentle ones; after the rising of Arcturus and Orion, tempests.»con el detalle estacional: al orto de las Pléyades y las Híades vienen chubascos suaves, y tras el de Arturo y Orión, tempestades.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 86»

«Bacon followed Pliny in locating rich soil at the ends of the rain»y seguía a Plinio poniendo suelo rico en los extremos del arco iris; el troceo parte *rainbow* en el salto de renglón.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 86»

«He granted that the celestial bodies exerted other influences than those of heat and light.»concedía que los cuerpos celestes ejercían otras influencias además de las del calor y la luz.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 87»

«He had no doubt that the moon in Leo had more power over terrestrial bodies than when in Pisces, or that a planet was more active when in its apogee, and more communicative when in its perigee.»y no dudaba de que la luna en Leo tuviera más poder sobre los cuerpos terrestres que en Piscis, ni de que un planeta fuera más activo en su apogeo y más comunicativo en su perigeo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 87»

«He would also drop horoscopes, astrological houses, and emphasis upon the hour of birth or initiating an undertaking or making an inquiry.»de la astrología descartaría en cambio los horóscopos, las casas astrológicas y el énfasis en la hora del nacimiento, del inicio de una empresa o de una consulta.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 87»

«He discarded the reign of the planets in turn over the hours of the day, although he admitted that they got their names in this way.»y descartaba el reinado sucesivo de los planetas sobre las horas del día, aunque admitiera que de ahí les vinieron los nombres.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 87»

«Bacon also indulges in such fanciful explanations as that, because birds have no means of urinating, all their excess moisture goes into their feathers.»Thorndike le señala las explicaciones fantasiosas: que, por no tener las aves modo de orinar, todo su exceso de humedad se les va a las plumas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 88»

«He still accepted spontaneous generation and “living creatures that come of putrefaction.”»seguía aceptando la generación espontánea y las criaturas vivas que vienen de la putrefacción.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 88»

«He asserted thrice that bears waxed fat during their winter sleep.»afirmó tres veces que los osos engordaban durante su sueño invernal.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 89»

«He doubted whether the flesh of deer and snakes would greatly prolong life,® but conceded that there might be some truth in the notion that application of the guts or the skin of a wolf would cure colic, for the reason that the wolf was an animal “of great edacity and digestion,”»dudaba que la carne de ciervo y de serpiente alargara mucho la vida, pero concedía que pudiera haber algo de verdad en que aplicar las tripas o la piel del lobo curara el cólico, por ser el lobo de gran voracidad y digestión.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 89»

«Bacon scorned sympathy as the explanation why some plants grew best in close proximity, the real explanation being that they required different nourishment from the soil.»desdeñaba la simpatía como explicación de que ciertas plantas crezcan mejor juntas, siendo la explicación real que requieren alimento distinto del suelo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 89»

«He very properly condemned as a foolish bit of magic, the burning of a chameleon on a house-top in order to cause a storm, the theory being, “according to their vain dreams of sympathies,” that because the chameleon lived on air, its carcass and ashes should exert great virtue in affecting the air.»y condenaba, con toda razón según Thorndike, como necedad mágica quemar un camaleón en un tejado para causar tormenta, cuya teoría, según los vanos sueños de las simpatías, era que por vivir el camaleón del aire tenía gran virtud para afectarlo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 89»

«Yet he repeated as a creditable report the statement that earth from the Nile valley, although removed to a great distance, would increase in weight during the inundation of that river.»y con todo repetía como noticia fidedigna que la tierra del valle del Nilo, aun llevada a gran distancia, aumentaba de peso durante la inundación del río.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 89»

«So it is observed by some that there is a virtuous bezoar and another without virtue, which appear to the show alike.»y recoge que algunos observan que hay bezoar virtuoso y otro sin virtud, que a la vista parecen iguales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 90»

«We pass on to Bacon’s favorite explanation of such phenomena, which is that in all tangible bodies there are very fine, rarefied, subtle and invisible spirits, which are neither heat nor vacuum, air or fire, but differ from one another as much as tangible bodies do.»la explicación predilecta de Bacon para tales fenómenos: en todos los cuerpos tangibles hay espíritus finísimos, rarificados, sutiles e invisibles, que no son calor ni vacío, aire ni fuego, y que difieren entre sí tanto como los cuerpos tangibles.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 90»

«‘They are almost never at rest and are easily dissipated, evaporate, infuse and boil away.»casi nunca están en reposo y se disipan, evaporan, infunden y consumen con facilidad.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 90»

«Yet we presently find Bacon not only suggesting that, if wearing the bloodstone really checks nosebleed, it is doubtless by astriction and cooling of the spirits, but further asking if the stone taken out of the head of a toad is not of like virtue, “for the toad loveth shade and coolness,”»Thorndike consigna la incoherencia sin armonizarla: enseguida está Bacon sugiriendo que si llevar la piedra de sangre corta la hemorragia nasal será por astricción y enfriamiento de los espíritus, y preguntando además por la piedra que se saca de la cabeza del sapo, porque el sapo ama la sombra y el fresco.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 90»

«The leaf of burrage has “an excellent spirit to repress the fuliginous vapor of dusky melancholy and so to cure madness.»de la hoja de borraja dice que tiene un espíritu excelente para reprimir el vapor fuliginoso de la melancolía oscura y así curar la locura.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 91»

«The force of explosives proves that a small amount of spirits in the brain and sinews will sufÏce to move the whole body.»y que la fuerza de los explosivos prueba que basta poca cantidad de espíritus en el cerebro y los tendones para mover el cuerpo entero; el OCR imprime *sufÏce*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 91»

«Nitre, though cold, cleans clothes because it has a subtle spirit, and quicksilver is the coldest of the metals because it is the fullest of spirit.»el nitro, con ser frío, limpia la ropa porque tiene espíritu sutil, y el mercurio es el más frío de los metales porque es el más lleno de espíritu.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 91»

«When Bacon suggested weighing vegetation “that sprouts out of the ground” to discover whether the air had contributed to its growth»al proponer pesar la vegetación que brota del suelo para descubrir si el aire contribuyó a su crecimiento, Bacon fue, según Thorndike, un paso más lejos que Nicolás de Cusa, que había sugerido un experimento parecido; el verbatim se corta antes de la llamada de nota, que el troceo imprime pegada.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 84»

«Bacon illustrates the tendency in seventeenth century England for every lord and lady to be his or her own physician, dabbling in medical recipes and perhaps chemical experiments.»Thorndike lo toma por testigo de época: Bacon ilustra la tendencia inglesa del siglo XVII a que todo señor y señora fuera su propio médico, metiéndose en recetas médicas y quizá en experimentos químicos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 92»

«Bacon believed that the wise physician should diligently search for medicinal simples with extremely subtle parts, such as elderflowers for the stone, fumitory for the spleen, dwarf-pine for jaundice, and hartshorn for a»Bacon creía que el médico sabio debía buscar con diligencia simples medicinales de partes extremadamente sutiles, como la flor de saúco para la piedra, la fumaria para el bazo y el pino enano para la ictericia; el tramo se corta ahí. La capa de texto parte *elder-flowers* y *jaun-dice* en el salto de renglón y `span()` los devuelve unidos: la restitución es de la herramienta.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 92»

«One finds nut oil sovereign for stomach-ache, fevers, pest, dropsy and many other ills; imperial water admirable against poison, melancholy, headache, toothache, etc.»del recetario de época recoge el aceite de nuez como soberano para el dolor de estómago, las fiebres, la peste y la hidropesía, y el agua imperial como admirable contra el veneno, la melancolía, el dolor de cabeza y el de muelas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 92»

«the subtlest of all motions in the parts of bodies, the putrefied parts of plants and animals make excellent medicines.»y la doctrina que los sostiene: por ser el más sutil de todos los movimientos en las partes de los cuerpos, las partes putrefactas de plantas y animales hacen medicinas excelentes.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 93»

«On the other hand, frequent blood-letting might be beneficial by renewing the fluids of the body.”»del otro lado, la sangría frecuente podría beneficiar renovando los fluidos del cuerpo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 93»

«He thought that purges were more conducive to a long life than exercise and sweats, arguing that perspiration drove out not only noxious humors but also good juices and spirits.»tenía las purgas por más conducentes a una vida larga que el ejercicio y los sudores, arguyendo que la transpiración expulsa no solo humores nocivos sino también jugos y espíritus buenos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 93»

«He held that persons with long legs were likely to live longer than those with long trunks.»y sostenía que los de piernas largas vivirían probablemente más que los de tronco largo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 93»

«Bacon seems to have been more interested in the prolongation of life and health than in the cure of disease.»Thorndike anota el desnivel de su interés: más por la prolongación de la vida y la salud que por la cura de la enfermedad.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 93»

«He knew a great man who attained a long life and whose custom it was to have a fresh sod of earth brought to him every morning while in bed and he would hold his head over it for some time.»con la anécdota: conoció a un gran hombre de vida larga que acostumbraba hacerse traer cada mañana un tepe de tierra fresca a la cama y tener la cabeza sobre él un rato.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 93»

«In the History of Life and Death he recommended bathing of the feet at least once a week in a bath made of lye with bay-salt, and a little sage, camomile, fennel, sweet-marjoram, and pepper-wort, with the leaves of angel»en la *Historia de la vida y de la muerte* recomendaba baños de pies al menos una vez por semana en lejía con sal de bahía y un poco de salvia, manzanilla, hinojo, mejorana y mastuerzo; el tramo se corta ahí, ante *angelica*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 94»

«Bacon had little faith either in witchcraft, fascination or the power of imagination over other bodies, especially at great distances, Neither the confessions of witches nor the evidence against them were to be rashly ac»Bacon tenía poca fe en la brujería, en la fascinación y en el poder de la imaginación sobre otros cuerpos, en especial a gran distancia, y ni las confesiones de las brujas ni la evidencia contra ellas debían aceptarse a la ligera; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 95»

«Paracelsus and “the disciples of pretended natural magic” had grossly overestimated the power of imagination in fascination, and had justified ceremonial magic as strengthening the imagination»le adjudica a Paracelso y a los discípulos de la pretendida magia natural haber sobrestimado groseramente el poder de la imaginación en la fascinación y haber justificado la magia ceremonial como fortalecedora de la imaginación; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 95»

«But for Bacon The experiments which may certainly demonstrate the power of imagination upon other bodies are few or none: for the experiments of witchcraft are no clear proofs; for they may be by a tacit operation of mal»y para Bacon los experimentos que podrían demostrar con certeza el poder de la imaginación sobre otros cuerpos son pocos o ninguno, porque los de la brujería no son pruebas claras: pueden darse por operación tácita de espíritus malignos; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 95»

«He further was opposed to ceremonies, characters and charms per se,'* and regarded resort to occult virtues as slothful.»se oponía además a las ceremonias, los caracteres y los ensalmos en sí, y tenía por perezoso el recurso a las virtudes ocultas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 95»

«He classed astrology, natural magic, and alchemy together in the Advancement of Learning as “sciences ... which have had better intelligence and confederacy with the imagination of man than with his reason.»en el *Advancement of Learning* clasificaba juntas la astrología, la magia natural y la alquimia como ciencias que han tenido mejor inteligencia y confederación con la imaginación del hombre que con su razón.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 95»

«But in the Advancement of Learning of 1605 he was speaking of a degenerate natural magic whereof now there is mention in books, containing credulous and superstitious conceits and observations of sympathies and antipathi»Thorndike acota de qué magia hablaba: de una magia natural degenerada de la que ahora se hace mención en los libros, con conceptos crédulos y supersticiosos y observaciones de simpatías y antipatías; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 95»

«He distinguished between it and the true natural magic which is that great liberty and latitude of operation which dependeth upon the knowledge of forms.»porque la distinguía de la magia natural verdadera, que es aquella gran libertad y latitud de operación que depende del conocimiento de las formas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 95»

«He found it, too, deficient at that date but endeavored to fill the gap with the Sylva sylvarum, which he described as “not natural»la hallaba deficiente a esa fecha e intentó llenar el hueco con la *Sylva sylvarum*; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 95»

«Neither am I of opinion, in this history of marvels, that superstitious narrations of sorceries, witchcrafts, dreams, divinations, and the like, where there is an assurance and clear evidence of the fact, be altogether excluded, For it is not yet known to what cases, and how far, effects attributed to superstition do participate of natural causes; and therefore howsoever the practice of such»y su regla de inclusión, en primera persona: no es de su opinión que en esta historia de maravillas las narraciones supersticiosas de hechicerías, brujerías, sueños y adivinaciones, donde hay seguridad y evidencia clara del hecho, queden del todo excluidas; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 96»

«For it is not yet known to what cases, and how far, effects attributed to superstition do participate of natural causes; and therefore howsoever the practice of such things is to be condemned»porque todavía no se sabe en qué casos ni hasta dónde los efectos atribuidos a la superstición participan de causas naturales, y por eso, aunque la práctica de tales cosas deba condenarse, el registro no.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 96»

«He said that physiognomy and the interpretation of natural dreams had a solid foundation in nature and were useful in daily life.»daba a la fisiognomía y a la interpretación de los sueños naturales fundamento sólido en la naturaleza y utilidad en la vida diaria.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 96»

«But he soon added that chiromancy was an imposture, and that at present the interpretation of natural dreams was full of ineptitudes.»aunque enseguida añadiera que la quiromancia era impostura y que la interpretación de los sueños naturales estaba por entonces llena de ineptitudes.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 96»

«Often Bacon qualifies the beliefs and traditions which he repeats, with some such expression as, “if it be true.”»Thorndike señala su muletilla: a menudo Bacon califica las creencias y tradiciones que repite con un *si es verdad*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 96»

«For instance, if it be true that the salamander lives in fire and can extinguish fire, it must have “a very close skin” and further, “some extreme cold and quenching virtue” in its body.»con el ejemplo de la salamandra: si es verdad que vive en el fuego y puede apagarlo, ha de tener una piel muy cerrada y además alguna virtud extremadamente fría y extintora en el cuerpo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 96»

«Bacon mildly questions the facts but swallows the contradiction hook, line and sinker, and even heightens it.»y su lectura del procedimiento: Bacon cuestiona suavemente los hechos pero se traga la contradicción entera, y aun la agranda.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 96»

«We have heard Mersenne make three general critictisms of Francis Bacon.»recuerda las tres objeciones generales de Mersenne a Francis Bacon; el impreso trae *critictisms*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 97»

«It may be worth while to give further a criticism of details in his works by a contemporary, Isaac Beeckman, in his Journal for the years 1604-1634,»y añade la crítica de detalle de un contemporáneo, Isaac Beeckman, en su diario de 1604 a 1634.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 97»

«He also discussed recent inventions, like telescopes, pumps, air thermometers, and Drebbel’s devices.»que discutía además invenciones recientes: telescopios, bombas, termómetros de aire y los artificios de Drebbel.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 97»

«He came back again and again to the experiment of the candle going out when covered with a glass,»y volvía una y otra vez al experimento de la vela que se apaga cubierta con un vaso.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 97»

«Along with such adumbrations of modern science," Beeckman’s Journal shows a considerable resemblance still to the collections of secrets and experiments that we noted in the thirteenth century»con el hallazgo de doble filo: junto a esos atisbos de ciencia moderna, el diario de Beeckman se parece todavía bastante a las colecciones de secretos y experimentos del siglo XIII.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 97»

«He doubted tales of witchcraft and explained incubi upon a physical basis, but, while holding that devils change nothing in nature, discussed their influence upon our thoughts and soul.»dudaba de los relatos de brujería y explicaba los íncubos sobre base física, pero, sosteniendo que los diablos no cambian nada en la naturaleza, discutía su influjo sobre nuestros pensamientos y nuestra alma.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 98»

«He afÏrmed that the cause of frigidity in the air was greater or less density;»afirmaba que la causa de la frigidez en el aire era la mayor o menor densidad; el OCR imprime *afÏrmed*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 99»

«He declared that all diseases arise from the four first qualities—hot, cold, dry and moist.»y que todas las enfermedades nacen de las cuatro primeras cualidades: caliente, frío, seco y húmedo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 99»

«or that water is hotter just before boiling than when it boils,»entre sus errores, que el agua esté más caliente justo antes de hervir que cuando hierve.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 99»

«He held that missiles would not make so strong a percussion at the start as a little further on.»y que los proyectiles no harían tan fuerte percusión al arrancar como un poco más adelante.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 100»

«He held that there could be no inclination in an irrational body like parchment, and that its shrivelling was produced by the fire entering the portion nearest to it, mingling with its humor, and carrying it away with it»sostenía que no puede haber inclinación en un cuerpo irracional como el pergamino, y que su encogimiento lo produce el fuego al entrar en la parte más próxima, mezclarse con su humor y llevárselo consigo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 100»

«He pointed out that, if this were the case, water would not rise into the glass when it was imposed»y objetaba que, de ser así, el agua no subiría al vaso al imponérselo; el troceo intercala aquí la nota al pie y el verbatim se corta antes de ella: la frase sigue *changed to air, but that Mersenne adhered to the common opinion which had come down from Aristotle*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 100»

«In conclusion there is not much that one can say for Francis Bacon.»el saldo del capítulo, dicho sin atenuantes: en conclusión, no hay mucho que se pueda decir en favor de Francis Bacon.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 101»

«He was a crooked chancellor in a moral sense and a crooked naturalist in an intellectual and scientific sense.»canciller torcido en sentido moral y naturalista torcido en sentido intelectual y científico.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 101»

«Even a Lord High Chancellor, even a Francis Bacon, could not think straight when he thought as a naturalist and tried to amass “experiments” on the o»y su explicación del caso: ni un lord gran canciller, ni un Francis Bacon, podía pensar derecho cuando pensaba como naturalista y trataba a la vez de amasar experimentos por un lado y de habérselas con la tradición mágica y la superstición por el otro; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 101»

«The path of magic and experimental science was no straight and narrow one; it was not true, and its course did not run smooth,»con la fórmula que ordena el volumen: el camino de la magia y la ciencia experimental no era recto ni estrecho, no era verdadero y su curso no corría liso.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 101»

«It was a relatively easy thing to criticize the past and present state of learning, and to advocate a new program including “experimental science.” Roger Bacon had done it three and a half centuries before.»criticar el estado pasado y presente del saber y abogar por un programa nuevo que incluyera la ciencia experimental era relativamente fácil: Roger Bacon lo había hecho tres siglos y medio antes.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 101»

«But when it came to getting down off one’s high horse of generalities and putting one’s shoulder to the problem of particular phenomena of nature and dealing with specific facts and beliefs and traditions and errors, Francis Bacon was as helpless as Pliny had been in antiquity or as any one else was in the early seventeenth century.»pero al bajarse del caballo de las generalidades y arrimar el hombro al problema de los fenómenos particulares y de los hechos, creencias, tradiciones y errores específicos, Francis Bacon quedó tan inerme como Plinio; el tramo se corta y sigue por la comparación.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 101»

«The best that one can say for him is that he really tried.»y lo mejor que puede decirse de él es que de verdad lo intentó.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 101»

«Attacks upon astrology were numerous in the seventeenth century.»abre el capítulo de la astrología hasta 1650 con el dato de conjunto: los ataques a la astrología fueron numerosos en el siglo XVII.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 102»

«We have already described several of them in our sixth volume and need not here repeat what was said there concerning George of Ragusa, Alexander de Angelis, and Giannini. On the other hand, we have already seen that the papal bulls against astrology of 1586 and 1631 had only a limited effect, and that the subject continued»y remite a su propio volumen sexto por George of Ragusa, Alexander de Angelis y Giannini, recordando que las bulas papales contra la astrología de 1586 y 1631 tuvieron efecto limitado; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 102»

«Chamber remarked that astrological superstition had been long tolerated, but held that it was inconsistent with Christianity.»según Thorndike, John Chamber observaba que la superstición astrológica se había tolerado largo tiempo y sostenía que era incompatible con el cristianismo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 103»

«He further objected that the number of stars was not known nor the exact time of birth, and that casters of nativities hesitated whether to rely on the latter or the hour of conception.»y objetaba que no se conocía el número de las estrellas ni el tiempo exacto del nacimiento, y que los que levantan natividades dudaban entre fiarse de este o de la hora de la concepción.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 103»

«Both philosophers and emperors had opposed the art in the past, and God had reserved to Himself knowledge of the future.»con el argumento de autoridad: filósofos y emperadores se habían opuesto al arte en el pasado, y Dios se había reservado el conocimiento del futuro.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 103»

«The defense of astrology was assumed by Sir Christopher Heydon, a member of Parliament, who rebutted Chamber's arguments in a series of parallel chapters with both longer headings»la defensa la tomó sir Christopher Heydon, miembro del Parlamento, que refutó los argumentos de Chamber en capítulos paralelos; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 104»

«Chamber composed a reply to Heydon which was not printed but is preserved in a manuscript at the Bodleian, dedicated to King James I and entitled: “A Confutation of Astrologicall Daemonologie or the divells schole, in defence of a treatise intituled against Iudiciarie Astrologie & oppugned in the name of Syr Christopher Heydon»y Chamber compuso una réplica que no se imprimió y se conserva manuscrita en la Bodleiana, dedicada a Jacobo I y titulada como confutación de la demonología astrológica o escuela del diablo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 104»

«Another justification of astrology by Heydon, who had died in 1623, together with his Judgment from the great conjunction of 1608, was printed posthumously in 1650,»otra justificación de la astrología por Heydon, muerto en 1623, se imprimió póstumamente en 1650 junto con su juicio de la gran conjunción de 1608.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 105»

«Thomas Wright of Oxford, who in 1601 had published a moral discourse on Passions of the Mind,” thought not unfit to be inserted in its last book, A Succinct Philosophical Declaration of the Nature of Clymactericall Yeeres, occasioned by the death of Queen Elizabeth* in 1603 at the age of seventy.»de Thomas Wright de Oxford, que en 1601 publicó un discurso moral sobre las pasiones del ánimo, retiene la declaración sucinta sobre los años climatéricos, insertada a propósito de la muerte de la reina Isabel a los setenta años.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 105»

«Physicians by long experience had found that “men of lusty constitution” usually lived an even score of years, dying at 40, 60, 80, 100»los médicos habían hallado por larga experiencia que los hombres de constitución vigorosa vivían un número par de veintenas, muriendo a los 40, 60, 80 o 100.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 105»

«Those humors which alter the bodie and dispose it to sicknesse and death, the same bend the soule to take inordinate affections and passions.»con la correspondencia que Wright traza: los humores que alteran el cuerpo y lo disponen a la enfermedad y a la muerte doblegan el alma a tomar afectos y pasiones desordenados.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 105»

«Some physicians give an astrological explanation for climacteric years, Others say that God created all things in number, measure and weight.»y las dos explicaciones que recoge para los años climatéricos: unos médicos dan la astrológica y otros dicen que Dios creó todas las cosas en número, medida y peso.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 105»

«‘These ... I will not confute. For, albeit I do think them both in some things most true, yet they are too general and remote.»ante las cuales Wright se abstiene: no las confutará, porque, teniéndolas en algo por verdaderísimas, le resultan demasiado generales y remotas; los puntos suspensivos son del impreso.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 105»

«Wright notes other bodily periods. Man grows in height until 21»y anota otros períodos corporales: el hombre crece en estatura hasta los 21.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 105»

«After a digression concerning an attack of ague which he had at Como, and citing Vallesius, De sacra philosophia, as to critical days, Wright argues that noxious humors accumulate during a period of six or eight years, If insufÏcient to do harm at seven, they go on multiplying until nine; if they fail then, to fourteen; then to eighteen; and so on.»tras una digresión sobre unas tercianas que padeció en Como y citando la *De sacra philosophia* de Valles sobre los días críticos, Wright arguye que los humores nocivos se acumulan en períodos de seis u ocho años.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 106»

«I myself have known a man almost with half his lungs rotten with a consumption, and yet boldly avouch that he was strong, for Ab assuetis»y da su propio testimonio: conoció a un hombre con casi medio pulmón podrido por consunción que sostenía audazmente estar fuerte, por aquello de *ab assuetis*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 106»

«Although a man cannot exceed his clymacteric period, there are many ways in which he»y concede que, si un hombre no puede pasar de su período climatérico, hay muchos modos de acortarlo; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 106»

«His final word is that he “would give any physician most hearty thanks who in few words would teach me a better way.»con su palabra final: daría las gracias más cordiales a cualquier médico que en pocas palabras le enseñara mejor camino.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 106»

«Thomas Dekker parodied astrological predictions in The Raven's Almanacke of 1609.»Thomas Dekker parodió las predicciones astrológicas en su *Raven's Almanacke* de 1609.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 106»

«John Cotta, who also wrote against witches,” included astrological medicine in an attack upon quack medical practitioners which had three editions between 1612 and 1619.»John Cotta, que escribió también contra las brujas, incluyó la medicina astrológica en un ataque a los curanderos que tuvo tres ediciones entre 1612 y 1619.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 106»

«Of ten compositions by Franciscus a S. Clara or Christopher Davenport (1598—1680), a Roman Catholic, which are listed in the Dictionary of National Biography, all are on religious subjects except a treatise against judicial astrology, and very likely his opposition to it was based largely upon religious grounds,»de las diez obras de Franciscus a Sancta Clara, o Christopher Davenport, católico, todas son de materia religiosa salvo un tratado contra la astrología judiciaria, fundado en buena parte en razones religiosas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 106»

«He puts under astrology all orders, states and degrees of men, distinctions of persons, dignities, gifts, ofÏces, and every kind of life as well naturally ordained by God himself as thought of and invented by humane wit.»del lado contrario, pone bajo la astrología todos los órdenes, estados y grados de los hombres, las distinciones de personas, dignidades, dones, oficios y todo género de vida, tanto los ordenados naturalmente por Dios mismo como los pensados e inventados por el ingenio humano; el OCR imprime *ofÏces*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 107»

«Astrology is synonymous with philosophy or universal knowledge “of all the wonderful and secret things of God.»y hace de la astrología sinónimo de filosofía o conocimiento universal de todas las cosas maravillosas y secretas de Dios.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 107»

«All this is well illustrated by one of three philosophic discourses which Jourdain Guibelet, a physician of Evreux, published there in 1603, and which is entitled, De la comparaison de VThomme avec le monde.»lo ilustra con uno de los tres discursos filosóficos que Jourdain Guibelet, médico de Évreux, publicó allí en 1603, el de la comparación del hombre con el mundo; el OCR imprime *VThomme* por *l'homme*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 107»

«Guibelet relates the hair to the fixed stars and other parts of the human body to the signs of the zodiac, but he adds that some give the eyes to sun and moon, the ears t»según Thorndike, Guibelet liga el cabello a las estrellas fijas y otras partes del cuerpo humano a los signos del zodiaco, y añade que algunos dan los ojos al sol y la luna; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 108»

«He also now notes that the astrologers ic humor to the influence of Mars and Saturn, but that we see many melancholics who are not under those planets, and many persons who are under those planets who are not melancholy.»y objeta a los astrólogos que adjudican el humor melancólico al influjo de Marte y Saturno: se ven muchos melancólicos que no están bajo esos planetas y muchos que están bajo ellos sin serlo; el escaneo se come el arranque de la frase y deja *the astrologers ic humor*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 108»

«Thus he tacitly accepts planetary influence on men, although denying the truth of astrological prediction.»el hallazgo que Thorndike saca del caso: Guibelet acepta tácitamente el influjo planetario sobre los hombres mientras niega la verdad de la predicción astrológica.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 108»

«It further indicates that these doctrines are being disassociated from astrology, although they may seem logically to go with it.»y lo generaliza: esas doctrinas se están desasociando de la astrología aunque lógicamente parezcan ir con ella.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 108»

«Nancelius wonders that such grave men as Conciliator, Cardan and Albertus Magnus could waste time over such matters—although he himself devotes considerable space thereto*“—while he has no use whatever for such writers as Corvo, Tricasso, John of Indagine and Cocles.»Thorndike anota la incoherencia de Nancelius, que se asombra de que hombres graves como el Conciliador, Cardano y Alberto Magno perdieran el tiempo en tales materias mientras él mismo les dedica espacio considerable.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 109»

«In the former he not only held that the sun was flame but nourished by vapors from our globe of earth and water, which were impregnated by the influence of the planets.»de Bourdin recoge que el sol era llama nutrida por vapores de nuestro globo de tierra y agua, impregnados por el influjo de los planetas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 110»

«Bourdin held that the earth was at rest and did not move about the sun.»y que tenía la tierra en reposo, sin girar en torno al sol.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 110»

«Air was the equivalent of the empyrean; and skin, of the firmament.»del paralelo microcosmo y macrocosmo: el aire equivale al empíreo y la piel al firmamento.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 110»

«Brain, arms and thighs paralleled the starry spaces; above the diaphragm, corresponded to planetary space; below it, to the moon and earth.»cerebro, brazos y muslos corren parejos con los espacios estelares; lo que está sobre el diafragma corresponde al espacio planetario y lo que está debajo, a la luna y la tierra.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 110»

«As in the days of the Roman emperors, the attitude of monarchs and governments to astrologers was largely swayed, not by the validity or vanity of the art of astrology, but by the favorableness or unfavorableness of the prediction.»la tesis del apartado sobre potentados: como en tiempos de los emperadores romanos, la actitud de monarcas y gobiernos hacia los astrólogos la regía no la validez o vanidad del arte sino lo favorable o desfavorable de la predicción.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 111»

«Jean Aimes de Chavigny flattered Henri IV by a collection, under the title of Pleiades,* of seven past predictions which, he insisted, all foretold the happy advent of that monarch.»con el caso de Jean Aimes de Chavigny, que halagó a Enrique IV con una colección titulada *Pleiades*, siete predicciones pasadas que a su juicio anunciaban todas el feliz advenimiento del monarca.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 111»

«But when the physician Senelles predicted from the horoscope of Louis XIII the death of the king in September, 1631, he was accused of lése-Majesté together»y el caso inverso: cuando el médico Senelles predijo del horóscopo de Luis XIII la muerte del rey en septiembre de 1631, se lo acusó de lesa majestad; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 112»

«But the view of Morandi prevailed and drew various foreign cardinals to Rome in expectation of a conclave to elect Urban’s successor.»la predicción de Morandi sobre la muerte de Urbano VIII prevaleció y atrajo a Roma a varios cardenales extranjeros a la espera de un cónclave.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 112»

«Frangois de Cauvigny, who was related to Malherbe, published a refutation of judicial astrology in 1614, and the Sorbonne forbade its practice on May 22, 1619.»del lado francés, François de Cauvigny publicó una refutación de la astrología judiciaria en 1614 y la Sorbona prohibió su práctica el 22 de mayo de 1619; el OCR imprime *Frangois*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 113»

«A long chapter on the failure of astrologers to foresee their own deaths is then followed by a shorter one arguing that the devil is the author of judicial astrology, after which the volume terminates in a series of chapters criticizing the Copernican astronomy and astrological technique.»con el argumento que Thorndike destaca: un capítulo largo sobre que los astrólogos no previeran su propia muerte, seguido de otro más breve que hace del diablo el autor de la astrología judiciaria.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 113»

«Heurtevyn matches the incorrect predictions of the astrologers by historical errors and exaggerations of his own, such as the assertion that all the astrologers of Asia, Africa and Europe, and StoefÒer in particular, had predicted a universal flood for 1524,»y anota que Heurtevyn iguala las predicciones erradas de los astrólogos con errores y exageraciones históricos propios, como que todos los astrólogos de Asia anunciaran una inundación universal para 1524.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 113»

«He contends that Aristotle did not recognize other influences of the heavens than by their motion and light, but he admits that bodies which are placed under the sky so depend upon the celestial bodies that they cannot long persevere without them.»sostiene que Aristóteles no reconocía en los cielos otras influencias que el movimiento y la luz, y admite que los cuerpos puestos bajo el cielo no pueden perseverar mucho sin ellas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 114»

«He further admits that these occult virtues may be produced by the stars.»y admite además que esas virtudes ocultas puedan ser producidas por las estrellas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 114»

«But he regards genitures as fallacious and forbidden, astrological elections as frequently fraudulent, and astrological images as forbidden and magical.»pero tiene las geniuras por falaces y prohibidas, las elecciones astrológicas por fraudulentas con frecuencia y las imágenes astrológicas por prohibidas y mágicas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 114»

«They cannot predict contingent events, and it is ridiculous to say that the stars incline me to play or read or walk or drink at this or that time.»los astros no pueden predecir los eventos contingentes, y es ridículo decir que las estrellas me inclinan a jugar, leer, pasear o beber a esta o aquella hora.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 114»

«He denies that matter is prepared for forms by the heavens alone, or even that critical days are due to the moon.»niega que la materia sea preparada para las formas por los cielos solos, y aun que los días críticos se deban a la luna.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 114»

«Astrologers could not have learned the forces of the stars from experience.»y que los astrólogos no pudieron aprender por experiencia las fuerzas de las estrellas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 114»

«Judicial astrology was condemned in French in a little book of 272 pages by Claude Pithoys (1596-1676), printed at Sedan in 1641% and reflecting a Huguenot point-of-view, as Pithoys had declared himself a Protestant in 1632, and taught philosophy at Sedan.»de Claude Pithoys consigna el librito de 272 páginas impreso en Sedán en 1641, de punto de vista hugonote.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 115»

«He holds that judicial astrology is a magic art, condemned alike by God, canon law, the Fathers and theologians, civil law, philosophy, medicine and astronomy.»que hace de la astrología judiciaria un arte mágico condenado por igual por Dios, el derecho canónico, los Padres y los teólogos, el derecho civil, la filosofía, la medicina y la astronomía.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 115»

«It attempts the impossible, for the stars cannot act upon the rational soul; the rules and methods of astrology are absurd and ridiculous; the art is not justified by exp»intenta lo imposible, porque las estrellas no pueden obrar sobre el alma racional, y sus reglas y métodos son absurdos y ridículos; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 115»

«Kepler and Tycho Brahe are represented as among its foes.»y Pithoys presenta a Kepler y a Tycho Brahe entre sus enemigos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 115»

«The vanity and unreliability of astrology, Saumaise maintains, are shown by the disagreement between astrological authors, by the fact that the present art differs from the ancient, which is today unknown, and by the gross errors made by Arabic translators from the Greek and by medieval Latin translators from the Arabic.»de Saumaise recoge las pruebas de vanidad del arte: el desacuerdo entre los autores astrológicos y el que el arte presente difiera del antiguo; el tramo llega hasta los traductores latinos del árabe.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 116»

«Moreover, the signs of the zodiac are mere creations of human imagination.»y que los signos del zodiaco son meras creaciones de la imaginación humana.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 116»

«The Chaldeans recognized only eleven signs, having no Libra, and Scorpio covering sixty degrees.»con el argumento histórico: los caldeos reconocían solo once signos, sin Libra, y con Escorpión cubriendo sesenta grados.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 116»

«Our zodiac is late and based upon Greek mythology, and much astrological detail is drawn from the fables of the poets.»nuestro zodiaco es tardío y se apoya en la mitología griega, y mucho detalle astrológico sale de las fábulas de los poetas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 116»

«There probably are other stars, invisible to us, in the vast intervals which separate the named constellations, and so there is nothing solid and true about present celes»probablemente hay otras estrellas invisibles para nosotros en los vastos intervalos que separan las constelaciones nombradas, de suerte que nada hay sólido y verdadero en las configuraciones celestes actuales; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 116»

«He notes that astrology was condemned by the Christian emperors and by many classical authors, and asks why it continues, when other forms of divination have disappeared.»y se pregunta por qué la astrología continúa, condenada por los emperadores cristianos y por muchos autores clásicos, cuando las otras formas de adivinación han desaparecido.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 116»

«If the stars are inanimate, they can produce only physical effects, not grammarians or rhetoricians or medical men or musicians or smiths or astrologers.»si las estrellas son inanimadas solo pueden producir efectos físicos, no gramáticos ni retóricos ni médicos ni músicos ni herreros ni astrólogos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 116»

«Either the stars are gods, or there is no astrology.»de donde el dilema: o las estrellas son dioses, o no hay astrología.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 116»

«Moreover, the telescope has shown us more than seven planets, and if the Copernican system is true, astrology is outlawed along with the Ptolemaic astronomy.»y el argumento nuevo: el telescopio ha mostrado más de siete planetas, y si el sistema copernicano es verdadero la astrología queda proscrita junto con la astronomía ptolemaica.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 116»

«Saumaise holds that climacteric years depend upon the horoscope and so stand or fall with it, that sixty-three is not necessarily the grand climacteric, and that even twins have different climacteric years, as they do horoscopes.»sostiene que los años climatéricos dependen del horóscopo y caen con él, y que sesenta y tres no es necesariamente el gran climatérico.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 117»

«Saumaise might attack astrology, but he still believed that there were “marvelous secrets” of chemistry and medicine, and praised his friend, Johann Elichman of Silesia, for his knowledge of them.»Thorndike marca el límite de esa crítica: Saumaise podía atacar la astrología y seguía creyendo que había secretos maravillosos de química y medicina, y alababa por ellos a su amigo Johann Elichman de Silesia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 117»

«He who has Pisces in his horoscope will win naval battles, seek out new worlds, and be a wonderful shipbuilder, pilot, and forecaster of winds and tempests.»del lado del interés astrológico francés: quien tenga Piscis en su horóscopo ganará batallas navales, buscará mundos nuevos y será constructor de naves, piloto y pronosticador de vientos y tempestades admirable.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 118»

«Father Octoul, who was a Minime, published Inventa astronomica at Avignon in 1643, with diffuse dedicatory epistles to the Virgin and Louis XIV, then a child of five.»el padre Octoul, mínimo, publicó en Aviñón en 1643 sus *Inventa astronomica* con epístolas dedicatorias difusas a la Virgen y a Luis XIV, niño de cinco años entonces.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 118»

«Jacques Alleaume was a pupil of Vieta and, although a Huguenot, prominent at Paris in mathematical and scientific circles.»y Jacques Alleaume, discípulo de Viète y hugonote, era figura prominente de los círculos matemáticos y científicos de París.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 118»

«Codronchi composed a defense of climacteric years in 1609, but deferred publishing it until 1620 in order to get others’ criticisms of it first,»Codronchi compuso en 1609 una defensa de los años climatéricos y difirió su publicación hasta 1620 para recoger antes las críticas ajenas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 119»

«Floridus abandons any resort to Pythagorean theory of number in favor of a purely astrological explanation.»Floridus abandona el recurso a la teoría pitagórica del número en favor de una explicación puramente astrológica.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 120»

«The fifty-fourth year of one’s life is very perilous because of the lordship of Mars, and the fifty-sixth year because of the rule of Saturn.»con el reparto: el año cincuenta y cuatro es peligrosísimo por el señorío de Marte y el cincuenta y seis por el de Saturno.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 120»

«Astrologers say that humidity reaches its height in one’s twenty-first year, heat at forty-two, dryness at sixty-three, and cold at eighty-four.»y las cuatro cimas que los astrólogos fijan: la humedad a los veintiuno, el calor a los cuarenta y dos, la sequedad a los sesenta y tres y el frío a los ochenta y cuatro.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 120»

«The last part of old age is governed by Venus whose mild and placid influence preserves men of that age in marvelous wise, so that they rarely die then, but the sixty-sixth year is dangerous for the phlegmatic,»la última parte de la vejez la gobierna Venus, cuya influencia suave y plácida conserva maravillosamente a los de esa edad, de suerte que rara vez mueren entonces; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 120»

«And if death comes during that year, one ought to render immortal thanks to God for His kindness in prolonging one’s life that far.»y si la muerte llega en ese año hay que rendir gracias inmortales a Dios por haber prolongado la vida hasta allí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 120»

«the tides were attributed to the influence of the sun as well as to that of the moon.»en su diálogo sobre el mar y las mareas, estas se adjudican al influjo del sol tanto como al de la luna.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 120»

«De Dominis in his treatise speaks favorably of the aspects of the planets.»De Dominis, arzobispo de Spalato, habla con favor de los aspectos de los planetas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 121»

«Giulio Cesare Claudini, who taught the practice of medicine at Bologna from 1578 to 1618, had questioned the astrological explanation of critical days in 1612, but Hyppolitus Obicius, in the appendix to his latroastronomicon of 1618, held that Claudini had not rightly understood Galen.»de Giulio Cesare Claudini, que enseñó práctica médica en Bolonia de 1578 a 1618, recoge que cuestionó en 1612 la explicación astrológica de los días críticos, y que Hyppolitus Obicius sostuvo que no había entendido bien a Galeno.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 121»

«The work which Silvaticus published in 1615 against the doctrine of climacteric years® strikes one as labored and inferior to that of 1605 on the unicorn, bezoar stone, emerald and pearls, of which we treat elsewhere.»y juzga que la obra de Silvaticus de 1615 contra la doctrina de los años climatéricos resulta trabajosa e inferior a la suya de 1605 sobre el unicornio y la piedra bezoar.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 121»

«But in Bonaventura’s work itself we find him defending Galen on critical days against Pico, Fracastoro and others, while the evident natural cause which he had found was the stars.»Thorndike coteja la cita contra la fuente y le objeta en su propio terreno: en la obra de Bonaventura se lo halla defendiendo a Galeno sobre los días críticos contra Pico y Fracastoro, y la causa natural evidente que había hallado eran las estrellas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 122»

«Codronchi included even the patriarchs of the Old Testament among his examples, reckoning their grand climacteric as 910, or seven times 130, instead of 63, which is seven times nine.»Codronchi incluía entre sus ejemplos hasta a los patriarcas del Antiguo Testamento, computándoles un gran climatérico de 910, siete veces 130, en vez de 63.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 122»

«He contended that they were not superstitious, but were supported by both authorities and experience, and by analogy with critical days in disease and with the division of man’s life into seven-year periods, marked by teething at seven, puberty at fourteen, and so on.»y sostenía que los años climatéricos no eran supersticiosos sino apoyados en autoridades y experiencia, y en la analogía con los días críticos de la enfermedad y con las divisiones de la vida.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 123»

«There was considerable difference of opinion as to which climacteric year—49, 63 or 81—was most critical and perilous, but Columbus regarded 63 as the most crucial.»había desacuerdo considerable sobre cuál de los climatéricos —49, 63 u 81— era el más crítico y peligroso, y Columbus tenía por más crucial el 63.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 123»

«He also, although writing as a philosopher and physician rather than astrologer, and suggesting other possible causes for climacteric years, tended to select the stars as the chief cause, the order of the planets reverting every seventh year to Saturn.»y, aun escribiendo como filósofo y médico antes que como astrólogo y sugiriendo otras causas posibles, tendía a escoger las estrellas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 123»

«But the fact of their existence was enough for him.»con lo que Thorndike declara su criterio: el hecho de que existieran le bastaba.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 123»

«Jlario Altobelli of Montecchio in Piceno received the doctorate in 1591, was made historian (chronologus) of the Franciscan Order in 1617, and died in 1628.»de Ilario Altobelli da los datos: doctorado en 1591, cronólogo de la orden franciscana en 1617, muerto en 1628; el OCR imprime *Jlario*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 123»

«A letter in Italian by him, in which he opposed the Aristotelian doctrine of comets, was printed at Venice in 1627.»con una carta suya en italiano contra la doctrina aristotélica de los cometas, impresa en Venecia en 1627.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 124»

«the year following a Demonstration that Regiomontanus’s method of directions and determining astrological houses did not agree with that ‘of Ptolemy.»y al año siguiente una demostración de que el método de Regiomontano para las direcciones y las casas astrológicas no concordaba con el de Ptolomeo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 124»

«The use of the words inclinatio and conjectura in its title show a desire to avoid any appearance of attributing fatal necessity to the influence of the stars,»Thorndike lee el título como cautela: el uso de *inclinatio* y *conjectura* muestra el deseo de no aparentar que se atribuye necesidad fatal al influjo de las estrellas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 124»

«Four unfavorable astrological directions are also noted between 1607 and 1612, and it is held that two very strong movements, never before made in the heavens since the origin of Venice, are about to threaten its destruction.»de la predicción sobre Venecia: se anotan cuatro direcciones astrológicas desfavorables entre 1607 y 1612 y se sostiene que dos movimientos fortísimos amenazan su destrucción.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 125»

«God is angry at the violation of religion by Venice, but if she amends her ways, she will be renewed like the eagle; “alioquin ad extremum.”»y se cierra con la condición: Dios está airado por la violación de la religión en Venecia, pero si enmienda sus caminos se renovará como el águila; *alioquin ad extremum*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 125»

«It is noteworthy that the work is addressed to one of the cardinals.»con la nota que Thorndike añade: es digno de observarse que la obra vaya dirigida a uno de los cardenales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 125»

«But when his teacher in philosophy there, Baranzani, came down with fever, he feared that hope of a path-breaking, methodical work of philosophy, and especially astrology, by the intervention of his genius, was gone.»de Murator recoge el temor de que la fiebre de su maestro Baranzani se llevara la esperanza de una obra metódica y rompedora de filosofía y sobre todo de astrología.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 125»

«Baranzani recovered and dictated solely from memory his very rare and out-of-the-way (peregrina) opinions, seldom heard in courses of philosophy, although Murator realizes that the space of only two months cannot attain the heights of his teacher's archetype, and he has had to omit most of the citations.»Baranzani se restableció y dictó de memoria sus opiniones rarísimas y peregrinas, poco oídas en los cursos de filosofía, aunque Murator advirtiera que faltaban casi todas las citas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 125»

«The book of Baranzani is more astrological than either philosophical or astronomical.»y el juicio de Thorndike sobre el libro: es más astrológico que filosófico o astronómico.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 126»

«it is noted that Firmicus, Avenezra, Campanus, Alcabitius and Ptolemy differ as to this,»y se anota que Fírmico, Avenezra, Campano, Alcabicio y Ptolomeo difieren en el modo de levantar el horóscopo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 126»

«Here Tycho’s hypothesis is called more improbable, because that of Copernicus is simpler.»donde la hipótesis de Tycho se llama más improbable porque la de Copérnico es más simple.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 127»

«Astrology rests upon the assured basis of the influence of the heavens over inferior bodies.»y el fundamento que Baranzani le da: la astrología descansa sobre la base asegurada del influjo de los cielos sobre los cuerpos inferiores.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 127»

«Consequently an astrologer may predict as to length of life and the constitution (complexio) of the human body.»según Thorndike, Ferrante de Septem concede al astrólogo la predicción de la duración de la vida y de la complexión del cuerpo humano.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 128»

«Astrologers cannot predict purely rational effects and can note only inclination in those mixed events dependent on both soul and body.»pero no los efectos puramente racionales: en los sucesos mixtos, dependientes de alma y cuerpo, solo cabe señalar inclinación.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 128»

«The Bull of Sixtus V against astrology is no deterrent to Ferrante.»y anota que la bula de Sixto V contra la astrología no lo disuade.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 128»

«Ptolemy may seem to predict with certainty events which are dependent upon human free will, but he says to begin with that the stars only incline and do not necessitate.»porque Ptolomeo parecerá predecir con certeza sucesos dependientes del libre albedrío humano, pero empieza diciendo que las estrellas solo inclinan y no necesitan.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 128»

«Ferrante’s closing words are that not merely is astrology not unworthy of a Christian but that it is fitting for every good and pious man.»con sus palabras finales: la astrología no solo no es indigna de un cristiano, sino que conviene a todo hombre bueno y piadoso.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 128»

«Bartolini thus keeps roughly within the limitations fixed by the Bull against astrology of Sixtus V in 1586.»Bartolini, en cambio, se mantiene a grandes rasgos dentro de los límites que fijó la bula de 1586.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 129»

«At its close GiufÏ refers to the Bull of Sixtus V against astrology and explains that he is writing only for physicians, sailors and farmers and so is not violating it.»y Giuffi remite al cierre a esa misma bula y explica que escribe solo para médicos, marinos y labradores, de modo que no la viola; el OCR imprime *GiufÏ*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 129»

«He held that the will was free, the mind divine, education potent, and that hence astrological predictions concerning individuals were undependable.»de Bonhombra recoge el argumento: la voluntad es libre, la mente divina y la educación potente, y de ahí que las predicciones astrológicas sobre individuos no sean de fiar.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 130»

«He denied the contention of astrologers that dreams were caused by the stars, and the opinion of Albertus Magnus—and Dante—that a continuous efÒuvium from a celestial form affected the imagination of the dreamer, and the view that the Intelligences which moved the heavenly spheres were responsible for divining dreams.»y niega que los sueños los causen las estrellas, y con ello la opinión de Alberto Magno y de Dante sobre un efluvio continuo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 130»

«But he denies that southerners are timid and short-lived because the planet Saturn rules over them, and northerners bellicose and long-lived because Mars governs them.»y niega que los meridionales sean tímidos y de vida corta porque los rija Saturno, ni belicosos y longevos los septentrionales porque los rija Marte.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 130»

«Also Saturn rules in India, and yet there they are long-lived.»con el contraejemplo: Saturno rige también en la India y allí son longevos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 130»

«He corresponded with Kepler and Galileo, and defended the Sydereus Nuntius of the latter against the Bohemian, Martin Hork.»de Roffeni consigna que se carteaba con Kepler y Galileo y defendió el *Sydereus Nuntius* contra el bohemio Martin Hork.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 131»

«Five customary significatores are the sun, moon, ascendent, zenith and Pars fortunae, adding the governing planet.»del tecnicismo astrológico recoge los cinco *significatores* acostumbrados: sol, luna, ascendente, cenit y Parte de la Fortuna, más el planeta regente.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 132»

«Promissores may be the planets, their aspects, termini, antiscii, contra antiscii, fixed stars, beginnings of houses, and so on.»y los *promissores*: los planetas, sus aspectos, términos, antiscios, contraantiscios, estrellas fijas y comienzos de casas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 132»

«He denies occult qualities to the heavens or that they are the cause of metals.»de Cavalieri: niega cualidades ocultas a los cielos y que sean causa de los metales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 133»

«The empyrean heaven does not act upon the inferior world; the heavens influence the intellect only indirectly; and critical days do not depend upon th»el cielo empíreo no actúa sobre el mundo inferior, los cielos influyen en el intelecto solo indirectamente y los días críticos no dependen de la luna; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 133»

«No change of kingdoms and empires may be inferred from the movement of stars from one sign of the zodiac into another, and astrological houses are rej»ni cabe inferir mudanza de reinos e imperios del paso de las estrellas de un signo a otro, y se rechazan las casas astrológicas; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 133»

«‘At Padua, Giacomo Filippo Tomasini (1595-1655?) both praised and practiced astrology.»en Padua, Giacomo Filippo Tomasini alabó y practicó la astrología.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 133»

«an astrologer advised him not to undertake any journey, but he persisted in going to Mantua to give medical attendance to its reigning prince.»con el caso que cuenta: un astrólogo le aconsejó no emprender viaje alguno y él porfió en ir a Mantua a atender médicamente al príncipe reinante.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 133»

«Cesare Cremonini (1550— 1631) taught at Padua from 1590 to 1631.»Cesare Cremonini enseñó en Padua de 1590 a 1631.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 133»

«He maintained the view of Aristotle that they were a fifth substance, distinct from the elements,“° and that there were movers of the heavens.»y sostenía con Aristóteles que los cielos eran una quinta sustancia distinta de los elementos y que había motores de los cielos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 134»

«The Inquisition more than once took exception to the teaching of Cremonini, but he insisted that he was merely setting forth the De motoribus coeli abstractis,»la Inquisición objetó más de una vez su enseñanza, y él insistía en que solo exponía el *De motoribus coeli abstractis*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 134»

«that the true opinion concerning all separate substances is to be had from the theologians.»y en que la opinión verdadera sobre todas las sustancias separadas ha de tomarse de los teólogos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 134»

«The eleventh chapter maintains that the outcome of illness may be more rationally and evidently investigated by astrological method than by the medical art;»de Argoli recoge que el desenlace de la enfermedad puede investigarse más racional y evidentemente por método astrológico que por el arte médico.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 136»

«the crises in diseases do not follow a numerical order or proportion,’® and that a horoscope should be drawn up at the beginning of the illness.»que las crisis de las enfermedades no siguen orden ni proporción numérica, y que debe levantarse horóscopo al comenzar la dolencia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 136»

«The new star of 1604 is said to have announced the election of Paul V.»y que la nueva estrella de 1604 habría anunciado la elección de Paulo V.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 136»

«We further see that astrology went on at the University of Padua in the seventeenth century as well as at Bologna and at Salamanca.»el saldo que Thorndike saca del bloque italiano: la astrología siguió en la Universidad de Padua en el siglo XVII, como en Bolonia y en Salamanca.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 137»

«The idea suggested by this title goes back at least to Severinus, Idea medicinae philosophicae, 1571, where it is said that fevers, epilepsy, dropsy, catarrhs, and so forth correspond to meteors in the great world,»y filia la idea de los meteoros del microcosmo en Severino, *Idea medicinae philosophicae*, de 1571; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 137»

«The representatives of the Inquisition, in their approbation of the work, note that Rodericus revives atomism and regards water as the principle of things, but only philosophically.»los representantes de la Inquisición anotan en su aprobación que Rodericus revive el atomismo y tiene el agua por principio de las cosas, pero solo filosóficamente.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 137»

«Asking whether fever is a quality or a substance, Rodericus concludes that all diseases are substances.»y Rodericus, preguntándose si la fiebre es cualidad o sustancia, concluye que todas las enfermedades son sustancias.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 138»

«Epilepsy, apoplexy and paralysis are the lightning and thunderbolts of the microcosm.»con la correspondencia que da título a la obra: epilepsia, apoplejía y parálisis son el relámpago y el rayo del microcosmo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 138»

«After discussing the nature and causes of winds in the great world, we turn to wind in the microcosm.»y tras la naturaleza y las causas de los vientos en el mundo grande se pasa al viento en el microcosmo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 138»

«Adrian Spigelius or Spiegel (1578-1625) in his anatomical work published posthumously at Venice in 1627, accepted the observation of Falloppia that in the case of deep wounds of the head the brain swelled at the full of the moon and subsided as the moon waned.»Adrian Spigelius acepta en su obra anatómica póstuma de 1627 la observación de Falopio sobre las heridas de cráneo y la luna.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 138»

«Furthermore Spigelius held that from this it followed that greater inconveniences would result from a blow on the head when the moon was waning.»y de ahí concluye que de un golpe en la cabeza se seguirían mayores inconvenientes con luna menguante.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 138»

«For then veins were more apt to be severed because of the interval left between the cranium and the hard membrane.»porque entonces las venas se cortaban con más facilidad, por el intervalo que queda entre el cráneo y la duramadre.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 138»

«Like many, if not most critics of astrology, Antonio Merenda was not an astronomer.»Thorndike anota de sus críticos lo que casi siempre se repite: como la mayoría, Antonio Merenda no era astrónomo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 139»

«He objects that the influence of the stars at the time of conception or birth is not immutable but subject to change from subsequent celestial influences, and that the astrologers should stick to either the moment of conception or that of biirth.»objeta que el influjo de las estrellas al tiempo de la concepción o del nacimiento no es inmutable sino sujeto a cambio por influencias celestes posteriores; el OCR imprime *biirth*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 139»

«He denies that the Bible supports astrology, declares that papal bulls detest it, and that the church fathers were unanimously against it.»niega que la Biblia apoye la astrología, declara que las bulas papales la detestan y que los Padres de la Iglesia estuvieron unánimemente contra ella.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 139»

«Merenda grants that it is easier to predict the weather or the health of a community than the fortune of an individual.»concede que es más fácil predecir el tiempo o la salud de una comunidad que la fortuna de un individuo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 140»

«Merenda further attacks the doctrine that some one planet is lord of the year.»y ataca la doctrina de que algún planeta sea señor del año.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 140»

«A birth may be delayed or hastened and so miss its proper and natural constellation.»porque un nacimiento puede retrasarse o adelantarse y errar así su constelación propia y natural.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 140»

«He is much offended that astrologers promise even a cardinalate or the papacy to their clients.»y le ofende mucho que los astrólogos prometan a sus clientes hasta el cardenalato o el papado.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 140»

«Urban VILL, who issued a bull against judicial astrology in 1631, appointed Caesar Carena an inquisitor.»Urbano VIII, que promulgó en 1631 una bula contra la astrología judiciaria, nombró inquisidor a Cesare Carena; el OCR lee *Urban VILL*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 141»

«He states that natural astrology, which conjectures what naturally happens from the aspect of the stars, and, if it considers the nativity, infers from it human temperaments and propensities, is licit.»que declara lícita la astrología natural, la que conjetura lo que naturalmente ocurre por el aspecto de las estrellas e infiere de la natividad los temperamentos y propensiones.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 141»

«But one should not consider the horoscope of Christ despite @Ailly’s doing so, nor predict concerning the pope and the church, which is forbidden by t»pero no debe considerarse el horóscopo de Cristo, pese a que d'Ailly lo hiciera, ni predecir sobre el papa y la iglesia; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 141»

«This conclusion is certain, nor can there be any doubt about it, because the stars act directly upon the body and its humors,” as Aquinas well proved»con el fundamento que da: la conclusión es cierta y no cabe duda, porque las estrellas obran directamente sobre el cuerpo y sus humores, como Aquino probó bien.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 141»

«But actual prediction is an uncertain matter, and Carena does not agree with Hurtado that astrologers can know for certain a time beyond which a person cannot live.»aunque la predicción efectiva sea materia incierta, y Carena no concuerde con Hurtado en que los astrólogos puedan conocer con certeza un plazo más allá del cual no se vive.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 141»

«It is licit to construct a figura coeli of the beginning of a disease and for the moment of taking to one’s bed, of which Maginus treats in his work on the legitimate use of astrology in medicine.»tiene por lícito levantar *figura coeli* del comienzo de una enfermedad y del momento de guardar cama.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 141»

«But such a figure alone by itself is unreliable, and Campanella in his medical works says that it is insufÏcient unless it agrees with the horoscope»pero tal figura por sí sola no es de fiar, y Campanella dice en sus obras médicas que es insuficiente si no concuerda con el horóscopo; el OCR imprime *insufÏcient*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 141»

«But Carena disapproves of erecting figures for the parents from that of the son, although Cardan, Campanella and Regiomontanus in one of his problems do so.»y Carena desaprueba levantar figuras de los padres a partir de la del hijo, aunque Cardano, Campanella y Regiomontano lo hagan.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 142»

«Raphael de la Torre holds that predicting human inclinations is not superstitious nor forbidden by the bull of Sixtus V, but Carena insists that prediction of inclinations and of future contingencies are both bad and are forbidden by both papal bulls.»con el desacuerdo consignado: Raphael de la Torre sostiene que predecir inclinaciones humanas no es supersticioso ni lo prohíbe la bula de Sixto V, y Carena insiste en que sí lo prohíben las dos bulas papales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 142»

«The division of the zodiac into astrological houses is uncertain, and astrologers disagree among themselves as to directions and other points, so that there is no sure foundation for judgments, although Carena grants that the planets exert influence not only per se but according to their positions in the signs.»la división del zodiaco en casas astrológicas es incierta y los astrólogos discrepan entre sí sobre las direcciones y otros puntos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 142»

«But one cannot predict future contingent events for individuals, much less political changes.»de modo que no cabe predecir sucesos contingentes futuros para los individuos, y menos aún cambios políticos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 142»

«Campanella in his judicial astrology claims to have purged it from all superstition, but actually whatever is superstitious in all astrology is found in that book, which is only a compendium of Cardan’s commentary on the Quadripartitum of Ptolemy.»y a Campanella, que en su astrología judiciaria dice haberla purgado de toda superstición, le señala que lo supersticioso de toda la astrología está en el comentario de Cardano al *Quadripartitum*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 142»

«Asking what astrology is licit and what is illicit, Sempilius gives the bull of Sixtus V against astrologers but adds that many points are raised by theologians affecting the interpretation of this bull, and that the first point is whether from the aspect of the stars not merely storms and the sterility or fecundity of the soil may be predicted, but also from consideration of the time of birth the temperaments and propensities of men.»y su pregunta por lo lícito y lo ilícito, con la bula de Sixto V por delante.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 143»

«but notes that of these Suarez and Sanchez wisely warn that such divination as to temperament and inclinations cannot exceed the bounds of conjecture and surmise without imprudent rashness and mendacity.»con la advertencia que toma de Suárez y Sánchez: tal adivinación del temperamento y las inclinaciones no puede exceder los límites de la conjetura sin temeridad imprudente y mendacidad.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 143»

«Albumasar's book on great conjunctions was condemned by the theologians of Paris for subjecting religious change to these, but this does not prevent Sempilius from following Origanus, Cirvelo and Cardan in choosing as the lord of a great conjunction the planet which is higher in eccentric and epicycle.»el libro de Albumasar sobre las grandes conjunciones lo condenaron los teólogos de París por sujetar a ellas el cambio religioso, sin que eso impida a Sempilio seguir la tradición.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 144»

«Astrological elections are not permissible for religious rites such as baptism, but are licit for flebotomy, bathing, scarification, and when to take medicine, shear sheep, sow crops, wean children, or begin a journey.»las elecciones astrológicas no valen para ritos religiosos como el bautismo, y sí para la flebotomía, el baño, la escarificación y el momento de emprender viaje.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 144»

«But it is superstitious to consult the stars as to the best time to meet a magistrate or teacher, and such matters as riches and the fate of kinsmen should not be predicted from one’s nativity.»pero es supersticioso consultar a las estrellas la mejor hora de ver a un magistrado o a un maestro, y no deben predecirse de la natividad las riquezas ni la suerte de los parientes.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 144»

«He recognized the importance of parallax, but noted that there was disagreement among philosophers and astronomers whether comets were in the uppermost region of air, or in the heavens, or both above and below the moon.»reconocía la importancia de la paralaje, y anotaba el desacuerdo de filósofos y astrónomos sobre si los cometas estaban en lo más alto o bajo la luna.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 144»

«Kepler made them exhalations from the ethereal globes, but Sempilius holds that they are made from sunspots and are eternal bodies.»con la divergencia sin armonizar: Kepler los hacía exhalaciones de los globos etéreos y Sempilio los tiene por hechos de manchas solares y cuerpos eternos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 145»

«Rockenbach still held the Aristotelian theory of comets and does not even mention the observations of Tycho Brahe and other astronomers to the contrar»Rockenbach seguía en la teoría aristotélica de los cometas y ni siquiera menciona las observaciones de Tycho Brahe y de otros astrónomos en contra; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 145»

«Rockenbach was a doctor of laws and ordinary professor of mathematics and Greek, and extraordinary of law at Frankfurt on the Oder.»era doctor en leyes y catedrático ordinario de matemáticas y griego, y extraordinario de derecho, en Fráncfort del Óder.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 145»

«The hold that astrological medicine maintained in northern Germany through the first third of the seventeenth century is well illustrated by the Dissertatio latromathematica of Johannes Assverus Ampsing (1558»el arraigo de la medicina astrológica en el norte de Alemania durante el primer tercio del siglo XVII lo ilustra bien, según Thorndike, la disertación de Johannes Assverus Ampsing.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 145»

«In the preface Ampsing holds that chronic diseases follow the movement of the sun; acute diseases, that of the moon.»cuyo prefacio hace seguir las enfermedades crónicas al movimiento del sol y las agudas al de la luna.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 146»

«Later he defends the dependence of critical days upon the moon, and testifies from his own experience in Zeeland that patients die with the ebbing tid»y defiende después la dependencia de los días críticos respecto de la luna, testimoniando por su propia experiencia en Zelanda que los enfermos mueren con la marea que baja; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 146»

«The times of the equinoxes and solstices are not safe for medication.»y que los tiempos de los equinoccios y los solsticios no son seguros para medicar.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 146»

«Ampsing contends that Hippocrates, Galen and Pliny favored astrological medicine, and that Regiomontanus, Garcaeus and Cardan even went a little too far in the direction of Chaldaean superstition.»sostiene que Hipócrates, Galeno y Plinio favorecieron la medicina astrológica y que Regiomontano, Garcaeus y Cardano fueron incluso algo lejos en dirección a la superstición caldea.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 146»

«Despite his belief in astrological medicine, Ampsing had no liking for the followers of Paracelsus, whom he characterized as “g ridiculous kind of phi»y Thorndike anota el deslinde: con toda su creencia en la medicina astrológica, Ampsing no gustaba de los seguidores de Paracelso, a los que llamaba género ridículo de filósofos; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 147»

«As its long Latin title shows, it emphasizes the doctrine of signatures in plants and animals, and relations of sympathy and antipathy, as well as the rule of superior celestial over inferior terrestrial bodies.»de Etzler dice que su largo título latino subraya la doctrina de las signaturas en plantas y animales y las relaciones de simpatía y antipatía.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 147»

«Bickerus, however, disapproves of astrological images or of making a homunculus to attract and avert all sorcery by magnetic force, and instead advises prayer to God for aid against incantations.»Bickerus desaprueba las imágenes astrológicas y hacer un homúnculo para atraer y apartar toda hechicería por fuerza magnética, y aconseja en su lugar rogar a Dios contra los encantamientos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 149»

«he says he does not so esteem amulets and pentacles that he thinks all mental perturbations can be tranquilized by wearing these.»y dice no estimar tanto amuletos y pentáculos como para creer que llevándolos se aquieten todas las perturbaciones mentales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 149»

«If star or sky is adverse, moderate it by application of solar, jovial or Venerial spirits, or by exaltation of your star against it.»con la receta que sí da: si la estrella o el cielo son adversos, moderarlos aplicando espíritus solares, joviales o venéreos, o exaltando contra ellos la estrella propia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 150»

«Bickerus advises medicaments which abound in solar and jovial virtue, compounded at the time when the moon hastens from conjunction with Venus to sextile aspect with the sun.»y aconseja medicamentos abundantes en virtud solar y jovial, compuestos cuando la luna corre de la conjunción con Venus al sextil con el sol.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 150»

«The halcyon bird is a fine medicine with which to renew one’s youth, because it yearly sheds its wings and assumes new ones, and breathes forth a frag»el alción es buena medicina para renovar la juventud, porque cada año muda las alas y toma otras nuevas; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 150»

«‘Air is the vehicle of life or aether. If one is without it for even a quarter of an hour, one is sure to die.»el aire es el vehículo de la vida o éter: sin él ni un cuarto de hora, se muere con seguridad.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 150»

«No one feels the weight of his members because of internal aethereal air.»y nadie siente el peso de sus miembros a causa del aire etéreo interno.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 150»

«And since there is no vacuum in nature, who will assert that there is any internal cavity ... without air?»con el argumento que lo cierra: no habiendo vacío en la naturaleza, ¿quién afirmará que haya cavidad interna sin aire?; los puntos suspensivos son del impreso.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 150»

«But although Kirchner thinks that no:fatal ‘necessity should be placed :im the courses Of the stars,»de Kirchner, que no pone necesidad fatal en los cursos de las estrellas; el escaneo de esta plana entrevera las columnas y salpica el renglón de signos, y el verbatim va tal cual lo imprime la capa de texto.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 151»

«Goclenius complained that astrology, like all noble sciences, had been fouled and distorted by the vulgar crowd.»Goclenio se queja de que la astrología, como toda ciencia noble, quedó ensuciada y torcida por la turba vulgar.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 152»

«But he does not think much of the attack on astrology by Pico della Mirandola who, although very erudite otherwise, did not understand that art and who revamped time-worn arguments which Bellantius and others have refuted.»y no estima mucho el ataque de Pico della Mirandola, que, erudito por lo demás, no entendía ese arte.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 152»

«Goclenius holds that universal influences of the heavens upon men at large do not override the particular genitures of individuals.»y sostiene que las influencias universales del cielo sobre los hombres en general no anulan las geniuras particulares de los individuos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 152»

«Astrology was treated in a separate book from astronomy, but the properties of the planets, including such astrological matters as houses, triplicitie»de Sempilio consigna el reparto: la astrología en libro aparte de la astronomía, aunque las propiedades de los planetas, con casas y triplicidades, quedaran del lado astronómico; el verbatim se corta antes de la llamada de nota.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 143»

«The years of the birth and death of Andreas Argolus or Andrea Argoli are given by Zedler as 1570—1651,"48 by Sudhoff*° as 1568»de Andrea Argoli anota el desacuerdo de las fuentes sobre sus fechas, que Zedler da como 1570-1651 y Sudhoff como 1568-1657, y lo deja sin arbitrar.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 135»

«He was born at Taghacozzo in the Abruzzi, was a student with Magini, and taught Wallenstein and his astrologer Giambattista Zenno at the University of Padua.»y da su carrera: nacido en Tagliacozzo en los Abruzos, alumno de Magini, maestro de Wallenstein y de su astrólogo Giambattista Zenno en la Universidad de Padua; el OCR imprime *Taghacozzo*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 135»

«which we shall further consider here as an example of the continued prevalence of astrology in the seventeenth century.»y declara por qué lo trata: como ejemplo de la prevalencia continuada de la astrología en el siglo XVII.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 135»

«The first chapter,takes up'the history of medicine and represents iancient Egypt-as a paradise of most secret arts) with: huge libraries “and men éxcelling in;knowledge-of all the arts who cultivated this me»del *Hermes Redivivus* de Joannes Bickerus recoge que el primer capítulo toma la historia de la medicina y presenta el Egipto antiguo como paraíso de artes secretísimas, con bibliotecas enormes y hombres excelentes en el conocimiento de todas las artes; el escaneo de esta plana entrevera las columnas y salpica el renglón de paréntesis y comas, y el verbatim va tal cual lo imprime la capa de texto.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 148»

«Goclenius connects critical days with the moon, and says that lunatics evidently experience the force of that star.»Goclenio liga los días críticos a la luna y dice que los lunáticos experimentan a ojos vistas la fuerza de ese astro.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 153»

«He remarks that Saturn is now far distant from the earth and by reason of its eccentric and epicycles is moving through the farthest parts of Sagittarius.»observa que Saturno está ahora lejos de la tierra y, por su excéntrico y sus epiciclos, va por las partes más remotas de Sagitario.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 153»

«So it is of less efÏcacy than when it is in Gemini as in the year 1441 under Frederick III, when its nearness to the earth produced a winter so cruelly cold and long that it is still remembered.»de suerte que tiene menos eficacia que cuando estuvo en Géminis en 1441, bajo Federico III, cuando su cercanía a la tierra produjo un invierno que aún se recuerda; el OCR imprime *efÏcacy*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 153»

«now states that he does not propose to found new rules and canons from his own judgment but to collect in one repertory the opinions of the old astrologers as to varied weather changes.»de otro autor consigna la declaración de método: no propone fundar reglas y cánones nuevos de su propio juicio sino reunir en un repertorio las opiniones ajenas sobre las mudanzas del tiempo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 154»

«In his preface he shows the usual pessimism as to his own age, saying, “ do not think that there ever was any age so rich in contumelies and envy, so sterile in piety and sincerity, as ours.”»y el pesimismo de época que Thorndike llama usual: no cree que haya habido jamás edad tan rica en contumacia y tan estéril en piedad y sinceridad como la suya.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 154»

«Goclenius proceeds to quote at length its twelve seals for the twelve signs of the zodiac, and declares them too superstitious as involving prayers, carving of the names of angels, and the like.»Goclenio cita por extenso los doce sellos para los doce signos del zodiaco y los declara demasiado supersticiosos por los nombres de ángeles y demás.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 155»

«For Goclenius maintains that the sun, moon and other planets affect inferiors not merely by their light, heat and motion, but also by an occult and magnetic virtue,»porque sostiene que el sol, la luna y los demás planetas afectan a los inferiores no solo por su luz, calor y movimiento sino por una virtud oculta y magnética.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 155»

«Every thing or individual, when it comes under a determined constellation, receives a marvelous power of operating or suffering apart from that which it has as a member of a species.»y que toda cosa o individuo, al caer bajo una constelación determinada, recibe un poder maravilloso de obrar o padecer.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 155»

«Frommann, writing in 1675, held that Goclenius had defended the employment of characters in the former treatise which Roberti had criticized,»con la recepción posterior: Frommann sostenía en 1675 que Goclenio había defendido el empleo de caracteres que Roberti le criticó.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 155»

«The Paramirum of Paracelsus is quoted to the effect that planets, stars and all the firmament constitute-no.ipart of our body, do not act on us with respect to colorybeauty, mores, virtues or peculiarities.»del *Paramirum* de Paracelso se cita que planetas, estrellas y todo el firmamento no constituyen parte alguna de nuestro cuerpo ni obran sobre el color, la belleza, las costumbres, las virtudes o las peculiaridades; el escaneo pega *constitute-no.ipart* y *colorybeauty*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 156»

«If Saturn had never existed, there would nevertheless be men of Saturnine disposition.»de donde se sigue que, si Saturno no hubiera existido nunca, habría con todo hombres de disposición saturnina.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 156»

«However, men and the rest of lower creation cannot exist without the stars and firmament, although they do not exist by them,»y con todo, los hombres y el resto de la creación inferior no pueden existir sin las estrellas y el firmamento, aunque no existan por ellos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 156»

«And the stars are ‘useful to us only insofar as we cannot get along without cold, heat, food, drink and air.»siéndonos útiles solo en cuanto no podemos pasar sin frío, calor, comida, bebida y aire.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 156»

«Combach, however, finds it difÏcult to accept this statement,»que es lo que a Combach le cuesta aceptar; el OCR imprime *difÏcult*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 156»

«He does not deny, however, that worms are generated from the scattering of the seed of flies in decaying matter.»no niega que los gusanos se generen de la simiente de las moscas esparcida en materia en descomposición.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 157»

«He not merely attributes the spontaneous generation of lower forms of life to the heavens, but even suggests that a human being may be formed by their influence in a cow.»pero adjudica a los cielos la generación espontánea de las formas inferiores de vida y aun sugiere que un ser humano pueda formarse por su influjo en una vaca.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 157»

«He rejects the excesses of the genethliaci, but will not limit prediction to generalities.»de Origano: rechaza los excesos de los *genethliaci* y no quiere limitar la predicción a generalidades.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 157»

«‘The Prooemium states that judicial astrology is of moderate or mediocre certainty, although not to be compared in this respect with astronomy.»su proemio da a la astrología judiciaria certeza moderada o mediocre, no comparable en esto con la astronomía.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 158»

«Origanus holds that it is not impious to inquire into the celestial causes of political changes, and regards the time of the founding of a city or state as significant.»y tiene por no impío indagar las causas celestes de los cambios políticos, y por significativo el momento de la fundación de una ciudad o de un estado.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 158»

«The influence of the sky is generally recognized, but whether the future can be predicted is disputed.»la fórmula con que Thorndike resume el estado de la cuestión: el influjo del cielo se reconoce en general, y lo disputado es si el futuro puede predecirse.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 158»

«A very few of them were true, most of them false, and many contradictory. But he had no time for such nonsense.»de los aforismos astrológicos recoge el juicio: poquísimos verdaderos, la mayoría falsos y muchos contradictorios, sin tiempo que perder en tal necedad.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 160»

«Medicus microcosmus, 1633, cites Tidicaeus, De theriaca, of 1607 but not his Microcosmus, which had therefore probably not yet appeared in 1633.»Thorndike data por el aparato: el *Medicus microcosmus* de 1633 cita el *De theriaca* de Tidicaeus de 1607 pero no su *Microcosmus*, que por tanto probablemente aún no había aparecido.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 161»

«The work of Tidicaeus, although not quite so long as that of Nancelius, is like it filled with quotations, often in Greek or poetry.»y juzga la obra: menos larga que la de Nancelius y como ella llena de citas, a menudo en griego o en verso.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 161»

«But man alone regards the heavens2* Even works of art are held to be contained in man, and he is compared to a house, and his cranium to a roof, States of life, too, are depicted in him, political, ecclesiastical, economic.»del microcosmo tidiceano retiene que solo el hombre mira a los cielos, que las obras de arte se tienen por contenidas en él y que se lo compara a una casa; el troceo imprime la llamada de nota pegada a *heavens* y parte la palabra en el salto de renglón, de modo que el verbatim la trae con la cifra de nota pegada, releída en el crudo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 161»

«The Microcosmus of Tidicaeus was called “an evidently new work” (opus plane novum) in the aforesaid Privilegium of 1618, although Guibelet had published his book on the subject in 1603, and Nancelius his tremendous tome in 1611.»y le objeta la novedad declarada: el privilegio de 1618 lo llamó obra evidentemente nueva, aunque Guibelet y Nancelius hubieran publicado antes.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 161»

«It is granted that astrologers differ greatly in their methods of predicting, But is is held that nothing in astrology is necessarily contrary to Scripture; rather the two are often in wonderful agree»de Caspar Bartholinus: se concede que los astrólogos difieren mucho en sus métodos de predecir, y se sostiene que nada de la astrología es necesariamente contrario a la Escritura.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 164»

«It is most certain that such celestial apparitions warn us of divine vengeance and are announcers of the future.»que es certísimo que tales apariciones celestes nos advierten de la venganza divina y son anunciadoras del futuro.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 164»

«Some astrologers go too far, but no discipline or science is so maligned as astrology.»y que algunos astrólogos van demasiado lejos, pero ninguna disciplina o ciencia está tan difamada como la astrología.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 164»

«Astrological prediction is either certain, as in the cases of forecasting eclipses; or probable, as in the case of the weather and of disease; or false, as in the case of the superstitious Chaldeans and their followers.»con la partición en tres: cierta, como al pronosticar eclipses; probable, como en el tiempo; o falsa, como en los caldeos y sus seguidores.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 164»

«The solar eclipse at the time of the Passion was not natural, and the star which appeared to the Magi was not a new creation, since God had created a perfect world to begin with, but was miraculously produced in the air from sublunar matter.»el eclipse solar de la Pasión no fue natural, y la estrella que apareció a los Magos no fue creación nueva.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 164»

«Bartholinus goes on to say that it was shown to the Magi as astrologers, as if they would have mistaken a mere aerial apparition for a star.»y añade que se mostró a los Magos como astrólogos, como si hubieran confundido una mera aparición aérea con una estrella.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 164»

«Yet he accepts the existence of new stars other than comets in the ethereal region above the moon, and inclines to restrict the term, comet, to natural or preternatural phenomena generated in the air.»aun así acepta la existencia de estrellas nuevas distintas de los cometas en la región etérea sobre la luna, y tiende a reservar el nombre de cometa para lo generado en el aire.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 164»

«The first maintained against its adversaries that it possessed some certitude, and that the stars influenced by their motion and light.»la primera disputación sostiene contra sus adversarios que la astrología tiene alguna certidumbre y que las estrellas influyen por su movimiento y su luz.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 165»

«Johannes Franckenius (1591-1661), professor of medicine at Upsala, published there in 1626 a discussion of the influence, force and efÏcacy of the celestial stars upon sublunar bod»y de Johannes Franckenius, profesor de medicina en Upsala, consigna la discusión que publicó allí en 1626 sobre la influencia y la fuerza de las estrellas celestes sobre los cuerpos sublunares.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 165»

«Some writer of the early seventeenth century whose name has escaped me said that the alchemists of his day spent more time in scribbling than they did in experimenting.»abre la alquimia con una cita que él mismo declara no poder atribuir: algún escritor de comienzos del siglo XVII, cuyo nombre se le ha escapado, dijo que los alquimistas de su tiempo gastaban más tiempo en garabatear que en experimentar.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 166»

«This tendency is illustrated by various manuscript collections such as that of Agnolo della Casa of Florence who, between 1592 and 1618, filled some eighteen volumes of from 100 to 900 leaves each with matter that was mainly alchemical.»y lo ilustra con colecciones manuscritas como la de Agnolo della Casa de Florencia, de materia principalmente alquímica.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 166»

«And much of this scribbling, and even of what was printed, consisted of quotations ad nauseam from earlier writers.»con el diagnóstico: mucho de ese garabateo, y aun de lo impreso, consistía en citas hasta la náusea de escritores anteriores.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 166»

«But this failing also too often characterizes books of that period in other fields, Pierre Borel, in his mid-century bibliography, professed to list 4000 chemical authors (or titles?)»aunque acote que ese defecto caracteriza también con demasiada frecuencia a los libros de otros campos, y que Pierre Borel, en su bibliografía de mediados de siglo, decía listar cuatro mil autores químicos, o títulos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 166»

«There are not that many authors or even titles in its 272 tiny 2 Bibliotheca Chimica seu catalo- pages, a8 many are mere names»porque no hay tantos autores ni títulos en sus 272 páginas diminutas, y muchos son meros nombres; el troceo intercala aquí la nota al pie.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 166»

«That the writings of past adepts and authorities in alchemy still commanded a wide circle of readers as well as scribblers, is seen from the currency of Zetzner's Theatrum Chemicum,»la prueba de que los escritos de los adeptos y autoridades del pasado seguían teniendo lectores es la difusión del *Theatrum Chemicum* de Zetzner.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 167»

«First issued at Ursel in 1602 in four volumes, it was reprinted at Strasburg in 1613.»publicado primero en Ursel en 1602 en cuatro volúmenes y reimpreso en Estrasburgo en 1613.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 167»

«From 1659 to 1661, also at Strasburg, appeared the final edition in six volumes which is today usually cited, each containing a score or more of treatises.»y de 1659 a 1661, también en Estrasburgo, la edición final en seis volúmenes que hoy suele citarse, con una veintena o más de tratados cada uno.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 167»

«Meanwhile Nicolas Barnaud, under the title, De occulta philosophia, Leyden, 1601, printed several past alchemical works which were to re-appear in Zetzner.»entretanto Nicolas Barnaud imprimió en Leiden en 1601, bajo el título *De occulta philosophia*, varias obras alquímicas pasadas que reaparecerían en Zetzner.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 167»

«Others, ascribed to Roger Bacon, were published in Sanioris medicinae..., at Frankfurt in 1603.»otras, adjudicadas a Roger Bacon, salieron en la *Sanioris medicinae* de Fráncfort en 1603.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 167»

«Joachim Tanckius edited Opuscula Chemica in German at Leipzig, 1605, and others in Promptuarium alchemiae, in two volumes of 1610 and 1614.»Joachim Tanckius editó los *Opuscula Chemica* en alemán en Leipzig en 1605 y otras piezas en el *Promptuarium alchemiae* de 1610 y 1614.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 167»

«In 1608 Benedictus Figulus edited two alchemical collections: Thesaurinella Olympica aurea tripartita, at Frankfurt, dedicated to Rudolf Il, and containing works of Paracelsus, Bernard, Koffsky and Raymond Lull;® and Pandora magnalium naturalium,»y en 1608 Benedictus Figulus editó dos colecciones alquímicas, la *Thesaurinella Olympica aurea tripartita* y la *Pandora magnalium naturalium*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 167»

«But most of the medieval alchemical works which J. D. Mylius printed in the second book of his Philosophia reformata of 1622, under the caption, “De authoritatibus philosophorum,” had already been included in the first volume of Artis auriferae quam chemiam vocant in 1597.»y anota la reimpresión sin novedad: la mayoría de las obras alquímicas medievales que J. D. Mylius imprimió en 1622 ya estaban en el *Artis auriferae quam chemiam vocant* de 1597.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 168»

«At Frankfurt in 1625 H. Condeesyanus had published his Harmonia inperscrutabilis chymico-philosophica in two volumes, each of which contained a decade of treatises, for the most part by medieval authors.»en Fráncfort en 1625 H. Condeesyanus publicó su *Harmonia inperscrutabilis chymico-philosophica* en dos volúmenes, compuestos en su mayor parte por autores medievales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 168»

«In 1647 Ludwig Combach edited such alchemical works as those of Ferrarius, John Belye, Edward Kelley and John Isaac Hollandus; and in 1649 the Opera omnia of George Ripley of the fifteenth century.»en 1647 Ludwig Combach editó obras de Ferrarius, John Belye, Edward Kelley y John Isaac Hollandus, y en 1649 la de George Ripley.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 168»

«In mid-century Zetzner’s title and collection were imitated by Elias Ashmole in his Theatrum Chemicum Britannicum, published in 1652 at London, of which, however, only the first part in one volume appeared.»y a mediados de siglo Elias Ashmole imitó el título y la colección de Zetzner en su *Theatrum Chemicum Britannicum*, del que solo apareció la primera parte en un volumen.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 168»

«Two years later there came out at Paris the Bibliotheca Chemica ad annum 1658 of Pierre Borel, a bibliography already mentioned.»dos años después salió en París la *Bibliotheca Chemica ad annum 1658* de Pierre Borel.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 168»

«There are no manuscripts of Basil Valentine earlier than the middle of the seventeenth century, and the name first appears in 4599.41 Works of alchemy under his name, which were really composed by Johann Thilde, with such titles as occult philosophy, the microcosm, and the triumphal chariot of antimony, were first printed in German in the early years of the seventeenth century,” and did not appear in Latin translation until the forties.»sobre Basilio Valentín declara lo que la evidencia sostiene: no hay manuscritos anteriores a mediados del siglo XVII, y la traducción latina no llega hasta los años cuarenta.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 169»

«Basil Valentine was supposed to have been a monk of the fifteenth century and precursor of Paracelsus, who in point of fact had genuine forerunners in the alchemists of the fourteenth century, when too John of Rupescissa had sung the praises of the fifth essence of antimony, centuries before the Triumph-Wagen Antimonii was published.»aunque se lo supusiera monje del siglo XV y precursor de Paracelso.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 169»

«Bongars especially recommends “our balsam,” which is beyond the elements, and declares that one must know the universal harmony of all creation.»de Bongars recoge la recomendación del bálsamo *nuestro*, que está más allá de los elementos, y la exigencia de conocer la armonía universal de toda la creación.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 171»

«He says that Paracelsus recognized four elements divided between two globes, the upper containing the heavens or fire and air; the lower, water and earth.»y que Paracelso reconocía cuatro elementos repartidos entre dos globos: el superior con los cielos o fuego y aire, el inferior con agua y tierra.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 171»

«Sendivogius was supposed to have achieved transmutation at the Polish court, at Prague in 1604 before the emperor Rudolf, who himself made the projection, and at Stuttgart in 1605 before the duke of Wurtemberg.»de Sendivogius consigna la transmutación que se le suponía lograda en la corte polaca y en Praga en 1604 ante el emperador Rodolfo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 171»

«Martin Ruland the Younger had issued in 1607 a work in three parts consisting of chemical problems and the true way of making the philosophers’ stone.*” The work has sometimes been erroneously ascribed to Martin Ruland the Elder.»y desenreda una atribución: Martin Ruland el Joven publicó en 1607 una obra en tres partes de problemas químicos y del modo verdadero de hacer la piedra, adjudicada al mayor.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 172»

«The former was reprinted by Manget in 1702 as the work of Marsilio Ficino, to whom we have already heard it ascribed by Albineus in 1653, but its closing chapter of questions, which a philosopher named Ylerdus in Catalonia put to a spirit, dates back to manuscripts of the fifteenth century in which Elardus or Hilardus or Hylardus, as his name is there spelled, is more frankly termed a necromancer.”»reimpresa por Manget en 1702 como obra de Marsilio Ficino, a quien ya se la había oído adjudicar a Albineus.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 172»

«Among the questions asked earlier are: whether alchemy is a part of philosophy, an art, or a figment of the imagination; whether salt, mercury and sulphur are perfect principles of mixed bodies or inventions of chemists; whether medicus and chemicus are the same, which is denied.»de las preguntas que la obra plantea recoge si la alquimia es parte de la filosofía, un arte o un desvarío de la imaginación, y si *medicus* y *chemicus* son lo mismo, que se niega.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 172»

«That quicksilver is a poison is denied, and that a mercurial girdle can be worn without harm is afÏrmed.»se niega que el mercurio sea veneno y se afirma que puede llevarse sin daño un cinturón mercurial; el OCR imprime *afÏrmed*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 173»

«Thus in the main body of the book the word, experiment, is used in the sense of a medical recipe, while the preface is based on authority and savors of magic and astrology.»con el hallazgo de vocabulario que Thorndike subraya: en el cuerpo del libro la palabra *experimento* se usa en el sentido de receta médica, mientras el prefacio se apoya en la autoridad y sabe a magia y astrología.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 174»

«Dienheim does not deny that diverse medicines may be applied in diverse diseases according to the quality of each disease, but he contends that they may be sharpened»Dienheim no niega que puedan aplicarse medicinas diversas a enfermedades diversas según la cualidad de cada una, pero sostiene que pueden aguzarse; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 174»

«He also discusses the philosophers’ stone but admits that he does not know how to make it.»y discute la piedra filosofal admitiendo que no sabe hacerla.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 175»

«Some say that the elements are discordant and cannot be combined into one inseparable and homogeneous quintessence and universal medicine, but Dienheim asserts that experimentation has proved that they can be.»frente a los que dicen que los elementos son discordes y no pueden combinarse en una quintaesencia inseparable y homogénea, sostiene que sí pueden.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 175»

«Miiller says that transmutation is not difÏcult in itself but has been rendered so by the obscurity of writers thereon.»según Thorndike, Philipp Müller sostiene que la transmutación no es difícil de suyo y que la volvió tal la oscuridad de quienes escribieron sobre ella; el OCR imprime *Miiller* y *difÏcult*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 177»

«He does not, however, pretend to be experienced “in this divine and rare work,” but merely to set forth plainly and in proper order what has been said obscurely and in disorder.»y no pretende ser experimentado en esa obra divina y rara sino exponer llanamente lo que se dijo oscuramente y en desorden.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 177»

«are really not his but come down from Paracelsus through Guinther of Andernach and Wecker.»con la filiación de las recetas que se le adjudican: no son suyas sino que vienen de Paracelso por Guinther de Andernach y Wecker.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 177»

«Cinnamon taken in any way aids the memory, as do various other simples.»de su recetario: la canela tomada de cualquier modo ayuda a la memoria, como otros simples.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 178»

«under the caption, “rancid Butter of Philipp Miiller,” said that Miiller esteemed his May Dew above all others and as an arcanum which he showed only concealed by a cloud, but that “he would have lessened the admiration, if he had said butter.»y la burla que le valió: bajo el rótulo de mantequilla rancia de Philipp Müller se dijo que estimaba su rocío de mayo por encima de todos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 178»

«Numerous works on the Rosicrucians appeared at this time.»abre la materia rosacruz con el dato de conjunto: numerosas obras sobre los rosacruces aparecieron por entonces.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 179»

«first seems to have been the Common and General Reformation of the whole world and the fame of the fraternal Order of the Rosy Cross.»la primera parece haber sido la reforma común y general del mundo entero con la fama de la orden fraternal de la Rosa Cruz.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 180»

«Pegasus of the Firmament, or a brief Introduction to the Wisdom of the Ancients which was once called Magic by the Egyptians and Persians but today by the venerable fraternity of the Rosy Cross is rightly called Pansophia, written for the sake of pious and studious youth, appeared in 1619 under the name of Josephus Stellatus, the pseudonym of Christoph Hirsch.»y el *Pegaso del firmamento*, breve introducción a la sabiduría de los antiguos que los egipcios llamaron magia, bajo el seudónimo de Christoph Hirsch.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 180»

«In the preface to the Brotherhood, which is dated 1618, he says that the book was written because almost all our German schools are infected with paganism from reading ethnic and classical authors.»cuyo prefacio a la Hermandad, fechado en 1618, dice que el libro se escribió porque casi todas las escuelas alemanas se habían vuelto paganas por la lectura de autores étnicos y clásicos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 180»

«Of the three kinds of philosophers in modern schools he prefers the Paracelsan to the Peripatetic or Ramean, and recommends especially the reading of Michael Maier (Meijerus).»de los tres géneros de filósofos de las escuelas modernas prefiere el paracelsista al peripatético y al ramista, y recomienda la lectura de Michael Maier.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 180»

«The true fount of knowledge is the book of Scripture and the book of Nature.»y hace de los dos libros la fuente verdadera del conocimiento: el de la Escritura y el de la Naturaleza.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 180»

«Of the latter the first interpreter was Hermes Trismegistus; the second, Paracelsus; and the third, Basil Valentine.»con el linaje de intérpretes del segundo: Hermes Trismegisto el primero, Paracelso el segundo y Basilio Valentín el tercero.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 180»

«The light of grace peculiar to those who have been born again comprises three degrees: an instinctive feeling for God, predicting dreams, and prophetic visions.»y los tres grados de la luz de gracia propia de los renacidos: sentimiento instintivo de Dios, sueños predictivos y visiones proféticas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 180»

«In it he declared that a water or oil could not be got from gold by any art, but he was later to write on potable gold.»Thorndike consigna la contradicción sin armonizar: declaró que no podía obtenerse agua ni aceite del oro por arte alguno, y después escribiría sobre el oro potable.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 181»

«Billich had been a student under Sala and in 1622 published a defense of his master’s Chymiatric Aphorisms.»Billich había sido alumno de Sala y publicó en 1622 una defensa de los aforismos quimiátricos de su maestro.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 182»

«Anthony was in 1600 examined by the London College of Physicians, found ignorant of the medical art, and forbidden to pr»Francis Anthony fue examinado en 1600 por el Colegio de Médicos de Londres, hallado ignorante del arte médico y prohibido de ejercerlo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 182»

«He points out how it can injure the human body and how to guard against this.»del antimonio señala cómo puede dañar el cuerpo humano y cómo guardarse de ello.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 182»

«He tells how to separate from it a more metallic and fixed substance known as Regulus antimonii, how to derive vomitories and purgatives from it, how to prepare Crocus metallorum and Flos antimonii, and a preparation of antimony which purges by means of perspiration and insensible transpiration.»y cómo separar de él la sustancia más metálica y fija llamada *regulus antimonii*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 182»

«Anthony had held that the most potent force in medicine resided in metals, that among metals gold took first place in medicinal preparations, and that potable gold deserved to be called the universal medicine.»Anthony sostenía que la fuerza más potente en medicina residía en los metales y que entre ellos el oro tenía el primer lugar.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 183»

«He furthermore condemned Anthony's preparation as not potable gold,»y Sala condenaba su preparación por no ser oro potable.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 184»

«In addition he smothered his opponent under a tremendous mass of oratorical verbiage and literary quotation, especially from classical authors, both Greek and Latin, but also Giovanni Francesco Pico»Thorndike anota el método de la polémica: sofocaba al adversario bajo una masa tremenda de verborrea oratoria y cita literaria.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 184»

«One of Willis’s propositions was that all matter had been created from nothing.»de las proposiciones de Willis, que toda la materia había sido creada de la nada.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 184»

«The difference between metals was specific from the proper form of each, but each metal could be resolved»que la diferencia entre los metales era específica y venía de la forma propia de cada uno, aunque cada metal pudiera resolverse; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 184»

«Two defenses of it by Fludd were printed at Leyden in 1616 and 1617.»y de Fludd, dos defensas impresas en Leiden en 1616 y 1617.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 186»

«They go on, however, to dicuss these principia further, quoting Rosarius, Hermes, Morienus, Avicenna, and “Arnoldus,” then pass on to the metals under their planetary names with quotation of other medieval Arabic authors such as Geber and Rasis.»del diálogo alquímico recoge que los principios se discuten citando a Rosarius, Hermes, Morieno, Avicena y Arnaldo; el impreso trae *dicuss*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 186»

«Thomas Aquinas is said to call the matter of the philosophers’ stone “gross water.”»y que a Tomás de Aquino se le adjudica llamar *agua gruesa* a la materia de la piedra filosofal.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 186»

«An exception, under Experiments, is, “Albertus tells many ways of winning the love of men.”»de un recetario destaca la excepción, bajo el rótulo de experimentos: Alberto cuenta muchos modos de ganarse el amor de los hombres.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 187»

«Henning Scheunemann, who in 1608 had written on the pest as a mercurial disease,” in 1610 on fever as a sulphuric disease,” and in 1613 on Paracelsan hydromancy,'” in 1617 published a Reformed Medicine or Hermetic Decade, in which he traced all diseases to ten roots, four mercurial, three sulphuric, and three saline, also touching on transplantation of disease and astral influences.»Henning Scheunemann escribió en 1608 sobre la peste como enfermedad mercurial y en 1610 sobre la fiebre como enfermedad sulfúrica.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 187»

«Ferguson, Il, 213, says, “I have not met with any notice of this»y Thorndike cita a Ferguson diciendo no haber dado con noticia alguna de esa obra.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 187»

«Finck gravely argues whether to publish such secrets openly or in cryptic form.»Finck discute gravemente si publicar tales secretos abiertamente o en forma críptica.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 188»

«Finck takes remedies from old-wivesTM* as well as from books and physicians.»y toma remedios de las viejas tanto como de los libros y de los médicos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 189»

«The front of the human skull is more medicinal than the back, and use should be made of the cranium of a person of the same sex as the patient.»del cráneo humano dice que la parte frontal es más medicinal que la posterior y que debe usarse el de una persona del mismo sexo que el paciente.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 189»

«Finck goes on to explain that the reason for this amulet is not completely occult, since the elder-tree and its seeds are beneficial to this disease (epilepsy).»y explica que la razón de ese amuleto no es del todo oculta, porque el saúco y sus semillas son benéficos para la epilepsia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 189»

«There are those who assert that this elder growing above a willow comes from the putrefied corpse of an epileptic sparrow.»aunque haya quienes afirmen que ese saúco crecido sobre un sauce viene del cadáver putrefacto de un gorrión epiléptico.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 189»

«An “experiment known not only to the ancients but also to moderns” is prepared from green frogs. By it Frederick IV, elector Palatine, was completely liberated from a pertinacious epilepsy contracted in his youth.»con el experimento conocido de antiguos y modernos que se prepara de ranas verdes, por el cual Federico IV se curó de una epilepsia pertinaz contraída en su juventud.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 189»

«Blackened teeth are made very white by rubbing them hard daily with the ash of Indian tobacco.”»y la droga del Nuevo Mundo: los dientes ennegrecidos se blanquean frotándolos a diario con ceniza de tabaco de Indias.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 189»

«Astrological ceremony is to be observed, as in digging a root of peony under a waning moon in March or April—but some prefer dog-days, or gathering mistletoe»la ceremonia astrológica debe observarse, como al arrancar raíz de peonía con luna menguante en marzo o abril, aunque algunos prefieran la canícula o cortar muérdago.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 189»

«In view of the opposition of the medical faculty at Paris to chemical remedies, it is a little surprising to hear Finck say that he had seen a Consilium of 1612 composed by medici Parisienses for a most illustrious and noble boy, in which they prescribed spirit of vitriol against epilepsy.»Thorndike destaca la incongruencia: siendo la facultad médica de París contraria a los remedios químicos, sorprende un poco oír a Finck citar un consejo suyo de 1612 que prescribe espíritu de vitriolo contra la epilepsia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 190»

«The only quotation of a dissenting voice with regard to such remedies that I noticed was from a letter of Thomas Moffett (Mufetus) disapproving of the common practice of dissolving pearls and coral in vinegar because of the presence of too much acidity and pungency of sal ammoniac.»y declara en primera persona el único disenso que notó: una carta de Thomas Moffett contra disolver perlas y coral en vinagre.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 190»

«The second or Basilica chymica contained seven books, of which three were on metals, the others on gems, minerals, vegetables and animals respectively.»de la *Basilica chymica* dice que tenía siete libros, tres de metales y los otros de gemas, minerales, vegetales y animales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 190»

«It is illustrated by metaphorical pictures in sets of four each, and couched in enigmatic and figurative language, “hiding what is manifest, and revealing what is hid.”»ilustrada con imágenes metafóricas en juegos de cuatro y escrita en lenguaje enigmático y figurado, que oculta y revela a la vez lo escondido.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 190»

«Mercurial water is not the mercury of the philosophers; it is the first matter from all metals.»y define el agua mercurial: no es el mercurio de los filósofos sino la materia primera de todos los metales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 190»

«‘What remains at the bottom of the vessel is our salt, that is, our earth, and it is black in color, the dragon devouring its tail.»lo que queda al fondo del vaso es nuestra sal, es decir nuestra tierra, negra de color, el dragón que devora su cola.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 191»

«And scom not the ash which is at the bottom of the vessel, since it is the diadem of your heart.»y no se desdeñe la ceniza del fondo del vaso, que es la diadema de tu corazón; el impreso trae *scom* por *scorn*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 191»

«‘Also the arcanum of the art of gold is made from male and female, because the female receiving the force of the male rejoices, in that the female is strengthened by the male.»el arcano del arte del oro se hace de macho y hembra, porque la hembra, recibiendo la fuerza del macho, se fortalece por él.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 191»

«The dragon dies not unless slain with both his brother and his sister, sun and moon; and the dragon is quicksilver extracted from bodies having in themselves body, soul and spirit.»y el dragón no muere si no se lo mata con su hermano y su hermana a la vez, sol y luna; el dragón es el mercurio.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 191»

«But other alchemical tenets are severely criticized. The contention that sulphur, mercury and salt differ from both elements and mixed bodies, that no body is made immediately from the elements, and that these three chemical principles are secondary substances, is declared absurd, since they are mixed and do not differ really from mixed bodies.»del otro lado, otras tesis alquímicas se critican con dureza: que azufre, mercurio y sal difieran de los elementos y de los cuerpos mixtos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 193»

«The Hermetics are called malign and tricky in their three arguments against the conception of temperament, ‘one of which is that morals, talents, nature and custom do not come from temperament but from the stars.»y a los herméticos se los llama malignos y tramposos en sus tres argumentos contra la noción de temperamento, uno de los cuales hace venir los rasgos del hombre de las estrellas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 193»

«Also Bartoletti stands by the old doctrine of contraries curing contraries, although he gladly uses some chemical remedies.»Bartoletti se mantiene en la vieja doctrina de que los contrarios curan los contrarios, aunque use de buen grado algunos remedios químicos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 193»

«When they object that a remedy is discovered by its resemblance in form and property to the disease, he replies that these specific cures are also recognized by Galen, but that they are not regular cures.»y cuando le objetan que un remedio se descubre por su semejanza de forma y propiedad con la enfermedad, responde que tales no son curas regulares.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 193»

«Thus, although it claims to employ a method which is both Galenic and chemical, it seems to have been adopted by the iat»con el hallazgo de doble filiación: aunque la obra dice emplear un método a la vez galénico y químico, parece haber sido adoptada por los iatroquímicos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 193»

«At least his medicine was good for all diseases having a cold cause.»de una medicina universal consigna el alcance que su autor le da: buena al menos para todas las enfermedades de causa fría.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 194»

«Many patients might be adduced who have benefitted by it, but Goclenius contents himself with a letter from one and a noteworthy example of the cure of a serving maid by it in 1610.»y que podrían aducirse muchos pacientes beneficiados, aunque Goclenio se contente con una carta y un caso.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 194»

«De Nuisement holds that the world is alive and possessed of spirit, soul and body; that all which has essence and life is made by the spirit of the world from first matter.»De Nuisement sostiene que el mundo está vivo y dotado de espíritu, alma y cuerpo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 194»

«Hermes called the sun the father of these last two, and the moon their mother,»y que Hermes llamó al sol padre de esas dos cosas y a la luna madre de ellas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 194»

«Later we are told that air is the root of the spirit of the world, and that earth nourishes it.»y después, que el aire es la raíz del espíritu del mundo y que la tierra lo nutre.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 194»

«published in 1621 an alchemical treatise in Latin divided into three sections headed Nothing, Something, and All.»de John Thornborough consigna el tratado alquímico latino de 1621, dividido en tres secciones: Nada, Algo y Todo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 195»

«The Nothing of the philosophers arises from corruption, solution, and privation of prior form.»la Nada de los filósofos nace de la corrupción, la solución y la privación de la forma anterior.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 195»

«Our Nothing is the key to the whole art.»y nuestra Nada es la llave del arte entero.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 195»

«The Something from Nothing of the philosophers, lika a flower in the desert, teaches from the humility of Christ his goodness and glory.»el Algo salido de la Nada, como flor en el desierto, enseña desde la humildad de Cristo su bondad y su gloria; el impreso trae *lika* por *like*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 195»

«Our Something is water extracted from earth and returned to earth to make it fertile.»y nuestro Algo es agua extraída de la tierra y devuelta a la tierra para volverla fértil.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 195»

«He asserts that the subject has never been treated before but has al»con la pretensión de novedad que Thorndike registra: afirma que la materia nunca se trató antes y siempre estuvo oculta.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 196»

«Despite the claim to novelty?” and pretense of revealing great secrets for the first time, the work further professes to expound the ancient medicaments of Hippocrates, Galen and Celsus,»y le objeta con el propio libro: pese a esa pretensión y al fingimiento de revelar grandes secretos por primera vez, la obra declara además exponer los medicamentos antiguos de Hipócrates, Galeno y Celso.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 196»

«True philosophy is not within human power, but is the breath of God»la filosofía verdadera no está en poder del hombre sino que es el soplo de Dios.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 197»

«Paracelsus, “the true monarch of true philosophy and medicine,” spent years as captive among the Egyptians in order to acquire it, and returned bearing rich spoils in the shape of beautiful remedies.»y de Paracelso, monarca verdadero de la verdadera filosofía y medicina, se dice que pasó años cautivo entre los egipcios.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 197»

«Scaliger, “subtlest of subtle philosophers,” is represented as having said (but no specific passage is cited), that “inferior forms are fostered by superiors, and superiors are not destitute of the benignity of inferiors.”»de Escalígero, sutilísimo de los filósofos sutiles, se dice sin citar pasaje que los superiores no están destituidos de la benignidad de los inferiores.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 197»

«Of all waters antimony is the greatest cordial, in which lies hid so great virtue of balsam that it cures “all deplored and desperate diseases.”»y de todas las aguas el antimonio es el mayor cordial, con tanta virtud de bálsamo escondida que cura todas las enfermedades deploradas y desesperadas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 197»

«But the astrological factor persists to the end, for the concluding passage of the text, against phlebotomy in certain diseases, is as follows: Jt should be observed in certain fevers, especially tertian, and in all other astral diseases and epidemic, mercurial, arsenical, not to open a vein.»con el saldo de Thorndike: el factor astrológico persiste hasta el final, porque el pasaje que cierra el texto va contra la flebotomía en ciertos días.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 197»

«The divine science of alchemy requires fear of God and the whole man.»de Espagnet: la ciencia divina de la alquimia exige temor de Dios y al hombre entero.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 198»

«One should beware of pseudo-philosophers and read few authors but the best, and be suspicious of books which are easy to understand.»hay que guardarse de los pseudofilósofos, leer pocos autores y los mejores, y desconfiar de los libros fáciles de entender.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 198»

«Now in 1624 the Sorbonne or theological faculty censured as rash and insolent a number of alchemical theses.»en 1624 la Sorbona censuró como temerarias e insolentes varias tesis alquímicas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 198»

«The theses further denied the existence of virtual qualities, declared that alteration was not merely in accidents but that some of the atoms of the compound must be lost or gained.»que negaban la existencia de cualidades virtuales y declaraban que la alteración no está solo en los accidentes sino que exige perder o ganar átomos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 199»

«The five elements or principles, however, could not be transmuted into one another, but Aristotle was wrong to deny that all things are in all things, and that all things are composed of atoms.»aunque los cinco elementos o principios no pudieran transmutarse entre sí, y Aristóteles errara al negar que se compongan de átomos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 199»

«Morin says that Villon, wishing to attack Aristotle and all celebrated sects of philosophy, but knowing little chemistry himself, used de Clave as a cat’s paw to pull chestnuts out of the fire for him.»según Morin, Villon quiso atacar a Aristóteles y a todas las sectas célebres de filosofía y, sabiendo poco de química, se sirvió de de Clave para sacarle las castañas del fuego.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 199»

«It is further noteworthy that these alchemical theses were refuted in detail by Morin, although he had published an astrological treatise only the year before.»y Thorndike anota la incongruencia: esas tesis alquímicas las refutó en detalle Morin, que había publicado un tratado astrológico el año anterior.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 200»

«Mersenne, who informs us of this censure, later in the same book advocates the establishment of an academy of alchemists in each kingdom or in the chief city of each province in order better to regulate their activities.»Mersenne, que informa de la censura, aboga en el mismo libro por establecer una academia de alquimistas que regule sus actividades.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 200»

«Strowski has already pointed out that in this same book Mersenne is quite favorable to alchemy based upon experience but does not share the alchemists’ profound contempt for Aristotle—yet, as we have just seen, they ascribed alchemical treatises to him—or their admiration for Bacon's Novum Organum, and does not approve of their quoting Scripture»con el matiz que ya había señalado Strowski: en ese mismo libro Mersenne se muestra bastante favorable a la alquimia fundada en la experiencia, y no aprueba que citen la Escritura.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 201»

«Descartes found it more plausible than scholasticism, but not without difÏculties, and inferior to what he himself already had in mind.»y Descartes halló la filosofía de Chandoux más plausible que la escolástica, aunque no sin dificultades e inferior a lo que él ya tenía en mente; el OCR imprime *difÏculties*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 201»

«Michael Maier*® (1568-1622) received his M.D. at Rostock in 1597 and was in the service of Emperor Rudolf II and of the Landgrave of Hesse.»de Michael Maier da los datos: doctor en medicina en Rostock en 1597, al servicio del emperador Rodolfo II y del landgrave de Hesse.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 185»

«Espagnet later published a brief popular booklet in French entitled The Mirror of Alchemists»y el mismo Espagnet publicó después un librito popular en francés, *El espejo de los alquimistas*, en que los tacha con sus propios autores; el verbatim se corta antes de la llamada de nota.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 198»

«A few of the questions may be noted as illustrative of the popular scientific interest of that period.»Thorndike declara por qué recoge las preguntas de Linemann: por ilustrativas del interés científico popular de aquel período.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 162»

«Others are why clouds do not fall, why days are longer than stated in the Calendar, why there is greater heat in mid-spring than in summer, when dog-days begin and end, and whether one should observe the planets “in der Metall-Arbeit.»con la muestra: por qué no caen las nubes, por qué los días son más largos de lo que dice el calendario, por qué hay más calor a mediados de primavera que en verano, cuándo empieza y acaba la canícula y si conviene observar los planetas en el trabajo del metal.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 162»

«He also answers in the negative the first question of the prediction for 1637, namely, Can the weather for the entire year be predicted from its twelfth day?»y responde que no a la primera pregunta del pronóstico para 1637: si puede predecirse el tiempo del año entero por su día doce.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 162»

«Finally in 1654 it is asked why a good year for wine is a bad year for vegetables and vice versa; why plain glass windows frost more than stained glass in wintry weather; and why horses are less subject to plague than cattle.»y en 1654 pregunta por qué un buen año para el vino es malo para las hortalizas y al revés, por qué los vidrios lisos se escarchan más que los vitrales en tiempo invernal y por qué los caballos son menos propensos a la peste que el ganado.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 163»

«A fleeting glance in the direction of Czecho-Slovakia shows that Wenzel Budowez, a counselor of Ferdinand II who was beheaded by that monarch’s order together with other rebels at Prague in 1621, had published at Hanover in 1616 a Circle of the Solar and Lunar Clock, that is, a brief synopsis, historical, figurative and mystical, illustrated by various figures and emblems, representing from Old and New Testament a continuous series of the chief changes in church and state.»de Wenzel Budowez, consejero de Fernando II decapitado en Praga en 1621 con otros rebeldes, consigna el *Círculo del reloj solar y lunar* de Hanóver, 1616, sinopsis histórica, figurativa y mística de las mudanzas principales de la iglesia y del estado.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 163»

«Events before Christ are grouped under twelve hours of the moon, and those since under twelve hours of the sun, The two closing chapters are “De cacochymicis” and “De tempestatibus mundi.” But the work is primarily religious.»con los sucesos anteriores a Cristo agrupados bajo doce horas de la luna y los posteriores bajo doce horas del sol, aunque la obra sea primariamente religiosa.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 163»

«Going back to the first year of the seventeenth century, we encounter several works for the first time.»declara el corte con que ordena el capítulo alquímico: vuelve al primer año del siglo XVII para encontrar por primera vez varias obras.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 170»

«The New Alchemy of Giovanni Battista Birelli also appeared in the first year of the century in Italian at Florence,"* and was printed in German transation at Frankfurt in 1603,° while Copenhagen saw the publication of a Latin version in 1654.»con la *Nueva alquimia* de Giovanni Battista Birelli, aparecida en italiano en Florencia en el primer año del siglo, en traducción alemana en Fráncfort en 1603 y en versión latina en Copenhague en 1654; el OCR parte *translation* en *trans- ation*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 170»

«It was in the nature of a key toa poem entitled Mercurius triumphans which precedes it and which had been dedicated to Rudolf II in 1599.»y de los *Apotelesmata* de Martin Copus dice que eran a modo de clave de un poema, el *Mercurius triumphans*, que lo precede y había sido dedicado a Rodolfo II en 1599; el OCR pega *toa*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 170»

«Of the five books into which the work is divided, the first has chapters on instruments, with ten figures, on the material of the philosophers’ stone in general, on mercury, its preparation and purification, sun and moon (ie, gold and silver), and the work itself in the usual seven stages.»de los *Chemical Miracles* de Philipp Müller describe el primero de sus cinco libros: instrumentos con diez figuras, la materia de la piedra filosofal en general, el mercurio con su preparación y purificación, sol y luna —es decir oro y plata— y la obra misma en sus siete etapas acostumbradas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 176»

«Novel features are the exposure of Hermetic impostures as to humors, temperaments, three substances or principia, and generation of metals; additional questions, and such matters, hitherto treated by no one, as aqua benedicta from the crocus of metals, salt of antimony, sweet oil of the same, a method of extracting balsamic mercury from gold and silver, an appendix on oils and waters with a new way of making salts, gemmed liquors of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, et cetera.»del *Tyrocinium medicum* de Bartoletti recoge lo que su prefacio declara nuevo: la exposición de las imposturas herméticas sobre humores, temperamentos, los tres principios y la generación de los metales, más el agua bendita del croco de los metales, la sal de antimonio y el modo de extraer mercurio balsámico del oro y la plata.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 192»

«As this preface makes evident, the work combines criticism of alchemy with faith in chemical remedies and processes.»y el saldo que Thorndike saca del prefacio: la obra combina la crítica de la alquimia con la fe en los remedios y procesos químicos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 192»

«Saturn is the signifi¢ator of Jews;,Jupiter-and the sun; of Christians; Mars, of ‘Turks:and Tartars;»del reparto de los pueblos entre los planetas: Saturno significador de los judíos, Júpiter y el sol de los cristianos, Marte de turcos y tártaros; el verbatim se corta ahí porque el OCR de esta plana imprime un guillemet de cierre dentro del renglón siguiente, y el escaneo entrevera las columnas y salpica el texto de signos, que van tal cual.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 159»

«Vincenzo Solombrino, a Jesuit father, wrote at Turin on the marvelous virtue of antimony, with an account of 115 cases in which it had been administered during the three years preceding.»según Thorndike, el jesuita Vincenzo Solombrino escribió en Turín sobre la virtud maravillosa del antimonio, con relación de 115 casos administrados en los tres años anteriores.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 202»

«He recognizes that he lives in an age of evil enchantments,‘* but he believes in the excellence of man and harmonic analogies with the Megacosm, in signatures, sympathies and antipathies, and virtues of animals, vegetables and minerals serving longevity.»de Dieudonné recoge que reconoce vivir en una edad de malos encantamientos y que cree en la excelencia del hombre y en las analogías armónicas con el megacosmo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 202»

«Nature, including the influence of the heavens, is still as strong as in the first age of the world.»y que la naturaleza, con el influjo de los cielos incluido, sigue tan fuerte como en la primera edad del mundo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 202»

«Climacteric years do not prevent one from living to be one hundred and twenty, a consideration which leads to further discussion of critical days and the mysteries of the number seven.»que los años climatéricos no impiden llegar a los ciento veinte, lo que lleva a discutir los días críticos y los misterios del número siete.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 202»

«Dieudonné believes in astrological medicine but not that the stars bring ills to man.»con el deslinde: cree en la medicina astrológica pero no en que las estrellas traigan males al hombre.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 202»

«He digresses in connection with water to afÏrm that fountains are derived from the sea.»y digresiona a propósito del agua para afirmar que las fuentes se derivan del mar; el OCR imprime *afÏrm*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 202»

«Other specimens of his contents are the admirable virtues of the eagle-stone (aetites), potable gold, “the balsamic medicine of the ancient Hermetics, sole, unique, true, catholic,” a secret to sharpen the sight, and a secret amulet.»de su contenido cita las virtudes admirables de la piedra de águila, el oro potable y la medicina balsámica de los antiguos herméticos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 203»

«Instead of proclaiming 4 new discovery in science and medicine, they revamped old traditions in the field of alchemy, “considerations of ancient writers in alchemy,” and Mercurius redivivus, although in one instance they claimed to reveal “a way of making the tincture... sought by the olden philosophers but as yet transmitted by no one.”»el juicio de Thorndike sobre esa literatura: en vez de proclamar un descubrimiento nuevo en ciencia y medicina, rehacían tradiciones viejas de la alquimia; el OCR lee *4* por *a*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 203»

«Even the engravings in these alchemical treatises seem to have been executed by the same man as that in Harvey's volume.»con un indicio material: hasta los grabados de esos tratados alquímicos parecen ejecutados por el mismo hombre que el del volumen de Harvey.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 203»

«The Fasciculus chemicus of Arthur Dee (1579-1651), first-born son of John Dee, “from our Museum at Moscow, March 1, 1629,” where he was physician to the Czar, but printed at Paris in 1681,»el *Fasciculus chemicus* de Arthur Dee, primogénito de John Dee, fechado en su museo de Moscú el 1 de marzo de 1629, donde era médico del zar.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 203»

«By my hope of heaven I have declared to you what my eyes have seen,»con el juramento que Thorndike le cita: por su esperanza del cielo declara lo que sus ojos han visto.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 203»

«He afÏrmed the occult hates and friendships of things, which produced new and marvelous effects far beyond the scope of the elements.»afirma los odios y las amistades ocultos de las cosas, que producen efectos nuevos y maravillosos muy por encima del alcance de los elementos; el OCR imprime *afÏrmed*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 204»

«But he rejected the three principles of the chemists. Mercury, sulphur and salt were neither principles nor prime miscibles.»pero rechaza los tres principios de los químicos: mercurio, azufre y sal no son ni principios ni primeros miscibles.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 204»

«Their terra mortua was not sterile, but so fertile and lively that it would resuscitate an herb, if its seed was committed to it.»y su *terra mortua* no era estéril sino tan fértil y viva que resucitaría una hierba si se le confiara su semilla.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 204»

«Potable gold was a figment, but the empiric of Verona, Vittorio Algarotta, by his powder of Mercury of Life had not only restored many sick to health, but won a fortune of some thousand gold pieces and an immortal name.»el oro potable era invención, aunque el empírico de Verona, Vittorio Algarotta, con su polvo de Mercurio de Vida hubiera devuelto la salud a muchos enfermos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 204»

«He asserted that some were stinking, that chemists abused them both in preparing them and in applying them.»de los remedios químicos afirma que algunos hedían y que los químicos abusaban de ellos al prepararlos y al aplicarlos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 205»

«In 1635 de Clave published at Paris a volume in the preface of which he argued in favor of chemical remedies and held that chemistry was the principal and most essential part of medicine.»en 1635 de Clave publicó en París un volumen cuyo prefacio argumenta en favor de los remedios químicos y hace de la química la parte principal de la medicina.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 205»

«Quartan fevers yield within a few days to the excellence of our remedies without vomiting and without violence, as do intestinal hernias or ruptures which we cure in fifty days up to the age of fifty-five by application of plasters only, venereal disease in three weeks.»con la promesa terapéutica: las cuartanas ceden en pocos días a la excelencia de nuestros remedios, sin vómito y sin violencia, como las hernias y el mal venéreo en tres semanas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 205»

«The ancients had discovered something in the animal and vegetable kingdoms, but very little, and that faulty, in the mineral domain.»y con el reparto histórico: los antiguos descubrieron algo en los reinos animal y vegetal, y muy poco, y defectuoso, en el mineral.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 205»

«He will also treat of the central fire which is the efÏcient cause of all subterranean generations.»promete tratar además del fuego central, causa eficiente de todas las generaciones subterráneas; el OCR imprime *efÏcient*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 205»

«In any case, this formidable program of publication seems fortunately not to have progressed very far.»y Thorndike anota con ironía que ese programa formidable de publicación parece afortunadamente no haber avanzado mucho.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 205»

«Webster credited Rhumelius with an analogous gold-alone theory and said that he distinguished four sorts or states of gold, namely, the astral, mineral, metal and elemental.»John Webster adjudica a Rhumelius una teoría del oro solo y cuatro suertes o estados de oro: astral, mineral, metálico y elemental.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 206»

«Potable gold made from it was superior to that from perfect common gold.»el oro potable hecho del primero era superior al del oro común perfecto.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 206»

«Elemental gold was any earth, mineral or stone wherein the spirit of gold lay hid.»y oro elemental era cualquier tierra, mineral o piedra donde estuviera escondido el espíritu del oro.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 206»

«Faber was no better at history than logic, for he asserts that Raymond Lull, who died in 1315, made gold for Edward III of England about 1354.»Thorndike le señala el anacronismo a Faber: no era mejor en historia que en lógica, pues sostiene que Raimundo Lulio, muerto en 1315, hizo oro para Eduardo III de Inglaterra hacia 1354.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 208»

«He held that God from eternity had set an ultimate term of life for every man beyond which neither medicine nor other human effort could prolong it.»de Zaccagnini: Dios fijó desde la eternidad a cada hombre un término último de vida que ni la medicina ni otro esfuerzo humano pueden prolongar.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 208»

«He accepted the influence of the stars, critical days, and astrology in moderation, but concluded that no sure faith could be placed in astrological prediction of length of life, because the human will was free and future contingents could not be determined.»aceptaba el influjo de las estrellas, los días críticos y la astrología con moderación, y concluía que no cabe poner fe segura en la predicción astrológica.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 208»

«The philosophers’ stone might prolong life notably but not perpetuate it as the tree of life could.»la piedra filosofal podría prolongar notablemente la vida, aunque no perpetuarla como el árbol de la vida.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 208»

«For, although it cannot be assimilated by our innate heat as food can, it acts on the human body as a medicament, communicating arcane virtues to the heart and preserving the vital spirits for prolongation of life.»porque, sin poder asimilarse como el alimento por nuestro calor innato, obra sobre el cuerpo humano como medicamento comunicándole virtudes arcanas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 208»

«One must have a body which is neither mineral nor vegetable nor animal, but in which nature has joined purest sulphur, mercury and salt, which is always at hand and before our eyes, which you have daily and cannot live without»y la definición del cuerpo que hace falta: ni mineral ni vegetal ni animal, sino aquel en que la naturaleza ha juntado azufre, mercurio y sal purísimos; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 208»

«It is more likely, in my opinion, to have been by Georg Kirsten (1613—1660), professor of medicine at Stettin and royal physician,?° who three years later attacked the commentary of Johann Agricola on Johann Poppe for its false and fraudulent use of chemical remedies, potable gold and other panaceas.»Thorndike adjudica en primera persona una obra anónima: le parece más probable que sea de Georg Kirsten, profesor de medicina en Stettin y médico real.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 210»

«This little booklet seems to have exerted a wholesome influence.»y le adjudica influencia saludable.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 210»

«Johann Rudolph Glauber was born early in the century and at the age of twenty-one had discovered in a mineral spring at Vienna the salt (sulphate of soda) which has since borne his name.»de Johann Rudolph Glauber consigna que a los veintiún años descubrió en un manantial mineral de Viena la sal que lleva su nombre.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 210»

«But whereas Paracelsus had stressed the three principles—mercury, sulphur and salt, and earlier alchemists had regarded all metals as compounds of mercury and sulphur, Glauber made mercury and salt the principles of metals, and salt the source of all things.»y la divergencia con Paracelso: donde este subrayaba los tres principios, Glauber hacía de la sal la fuente de todas las cosas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 211»

«In other passages, however, he spoke of all minerals and metals as composed of earth and water, which were perhaps equivalents of salt and mercury.»aunque en otros pasajes hablara de todos los minerales y metales como compuestos de tierra y agua, quizá equivalentes de sal y mercurio.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 211»

«Although he was much given to figurative expressions such as iron man for a furnace, and white swan for a stage in the process, his descriptions of experiments and chemical processes are unusually clear for his time.»Thorndike le concede lo que otros no tienen: pese a su afición a las expresiones figuradas —hombre de hierro por horno, cisne blanco por una etapa del proceso—, sus descripciones de experimentos son inusualmente claras para su tiempo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 211»

«He was sure that piety, as well as true knowledge of superior and inferior bodies, was essential for success in alchemy,?* and that God would never allow pseudo-Christians and the proud and avaricious to discover the secret of the philosophers’ stone.»tenía por cierto que la piedad, y el conocimiento verdadero de los cuerpos superiores e inferiores, eran esenciales para acertar en alquimia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 211»

«Yet he was perhaps the first to note the existence of chlorine, working with hydrochloric acid and the metallic chlorides.»y acaso fue el primero en notar la existencia del cloro, trabajando con el ácido clorhídrico y los cloruros metálicos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 211»

«He admitted that he himself was ignorant and inexperienced as to the transmutation of metals, on which he had not dared to spend time and money, but it had been believed in for many centuries by the most famous men among Jews, pagans and Christians and proved by most certain reasons.»admitía ser ignorante e inexperto en la transmutación de los metales, en la que no se había atrevido a gastar tiempo ni dinero.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 212»

«He also believed in a most efÏcacious and incomparable remedy for all diseases, “for which praise and glory to eternity to God immortal who has revealed to us so great secrets."»y creía en un remedio eficacísimo e incomparable para todas las enfermedades, por el que da alabanza y gloria eterna a Dios inmortal; el OCR imprime *efÏcacious*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 212»

«Since it is indisputable that all life proceeds from the heat of the sun, the ancient philosophers sought to unite gold, the terrestrial sun and fixed and perfect body caused by the sun's rays, with man by aid of the spirit of wine.»el fundamento del oro potable: siendo indisputable que toda vida procede del calor del sol, los antiguos filósofos buscaron unir el oro, sol terrestre y fijo, con el espíritu del vino.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 212»

«But he goes on to say that gold, “occultly endowed with the virtues and properties of the sun,” is reducible by chemical art to what it was before it coagulated, forsooth into a warming and vivifying spirit which will communicate its virtues and gifts to the human body.»y el oro, ocultamente dotado de las virtudes y propiedades del sol, es reducible por arte químico a lo que era antes.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 212»

«Glauber goes on to state that this tincture or true potable gold is next to the philosophers’ stone the most outstanding of all medicines, and that there is only this difference between them.»esa tintura u oro potable verdadero es, después de la piedra filosofal, la más señalada de todas las medicinas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 214»

«For although the soul of gold is its most potent part, yet it is not fixed in fire but volatile, whereas the philosophers’ stone, because of longer digestion, is fixed in fire and permanent.”»porque, con ser el alma del oro su parte más potente, no es fija al fuego sino volátil, mientras la piedra filosofal, por digestión más larga, es fija y permanente.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 214»

«For it is soluble in any humidity and hence can be preserved in liquid form as a Panacea of many most desperate diseases.»es soluble en cualquier humedad y por eso puede conservarse en forma líquida como panacea de muchas enfermedades desesperadísimas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 214»

«The soul of gold is volatile and has no ingress into imperfect metals, and so cannot transmute them into pure gold, as the philosophers’ stone is said»y el alma del oro es volátil y no tiene ingreso en los metales imperfectos, de suerte que no puede transmutarlos en oro puro; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 214»

«He pointed out that neither Greeks, Phoenicians, nor Egyptians attributed the invention of medicine to Hermes; that chemistry was not very old and that it was not ascribed to Hermes by the first artificers; that the Hermetic writings mentioned by the ancients were lost and in any case were spurious like those now in existence.»Conring objeta la antigüedad del arte: ni griegos ni fenicios ni egipcios atribuyeron la invención de la medicina a Hermes, la química no era muy antigua y los escritos herméticos eran espurios.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 214»

«Conring afÏrmed that Paracelsus gave more attention to metallic remedies, but that the new chemical pharmacy had not yet been reduced to an art, while the Paracelsists had corrupted natural philosophy with their quintessence, three principles, and what-not.»y afirma que Paracelso prestó más atención a los remedios metálicos, aunque la nueva farmacia química no estuviera reducida todavía a arte; el OCR imprime *afÏrmed*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 215»

«In connection with the notion of a fifth essence Conring denied that there was any evidence for the existence of a celestial substance in sublunar bodies.»negaba además que hubiera evidencia alguna de una sustancia celeste en los cuerpos sublunares.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 215»

«Paracelsus himself did not claim to be Hermetic, but his school employs magic even more than the Hermetic did, witness their use of weapon ointment.»y consigna el deslinde de Conring: Paracelso mismo no se decía hermético, y su escuela emplea la magia aún más de lo que la hermética lo hizo, como muestra su uso del ungüento de armas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 215»

«The replies from the theological faculties of eight German universities acquitting him from the charge of heresy and blasphemy, made by Freitag because Sennert had held that the souls of other animals than man were also created by God from nothing, date from December 23, 1635, to May 28, 1637.»de Sennert consigna el episodio de la acusación: las respuestas de las facultades teológicas de ocho universidades alemanas lo absolvieron del cargo de herejía y blasfemia que le hizo Freitag.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 217»

«Sennert’s collected works fill three huge folio volumes comprising some three thousand double-columned pages.»y da la medida del corpus: tres volúmenes en folio con unas tres mil páginas a doble columna.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 217»

«Later in the century Sennert was accused of plagiarism by John Rhodius and G. C. Schelhammer who charged him with having copied Laurentius (André Du Laurens, d. 1609) de crisibus whole cloth and Octavianus Roboretus de peticulari febre, word for word.»más tarde en el siglo lo acusaron de plagio John Rhodius y G. C. Schelhammer, que le imputaron copiar a Laurentius palabra por palabra.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 217»

«He not only repeatedly cites such noted authors as Cardan, Fernel, Scaliger and Libavius, but also obscurer persons like Ioannes Wolffgangus Dinheimius or»cita repetidamente a autores notables como Cardano, Fernel, Escalígero y Libavio, y también a personas más oscuras; el tramo se corta en la grafía doble del nombre de Dienheim.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 217»

«Another reason for Sennert’s diffuseness is his digressing to debate controversial questions in scholastic style with presentation of all the conflicting views and rebuttal of those rejected.»otra razón de su difusión es digresionar a debatir cuestiones controvertidas en estilo escolástico, con presentación de todas las opiniones en conflicto.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 218»

«He denied that a seal of a scorpion could cure its sting, no matter with what astrological or magical observances it might be combined.»negaba que un sello de escorpión curara su picadura, con cualesquiera observancias astrológicas o mágicas se lo combinara.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 222»

«The potent effects produced by very small quantities, as in the case of poisons, could not be accounted for by heat and cold, dry and moist.»pero los efectos potentes de cantidades pequeñísimas, como en los venenos, no se explicaban por caliente y frío, seco y húmedo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 223»

«Nor could the marvelous instances of sympathy and antipathy be explained in terms of these manifest qualities.»ni los casos maravillosos de simpatía y antipatía en términos de esas cualidades manifiestas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 223»

«Strong purgatives also exercised their force by occult qualities, as did specifics and amulets.»los purgantes fuertes obraban también por cualidades ocultas, y otro tanto los específicos y los amuletos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 223»

«He still believed with Galen in the virtue against epilepsy of a peony root hung round the neck.»seguía creyendo con Galeno en la virtud contra la epilepsia de una raíz de peonía colgada al cuello.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 224»

«He cites Albertus Magnus for wearing a precious stone next one’s skin to ward off poison.»cita a Alberto Magno por llevar una piedra preciosa a raíz de la piel para apartar el veneno.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 224»

«He appeals to Pliny for the truth of the belief that the little echeneis stops ships.»y apela a Plinio por la verdad de que la pequeña rémora detiene las naves.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 224»

«Even as to manifest qualities there was in Sennert’s time much uncertainty.»el hallazgo que Thorndike subraya: aun en las cualidades manifiestas había en tiempos de Sennert mucha incertidumbre.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 224»

«He tells us that it is disputed among medical men whether camphor is of hot or cold temperament.»porque entre los médicos se disputaba si el alcanfor era de temperamento caliente o frío.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 224»

«Some say that there are two substances in it, as in rhubarb and roses, the one cold and the other hot, but Sennert denies this.»algunos decían que hay en él dos sustancias, como en el ruibarbo y las rosas, una fría y otra caliente, y Sennert lo niega.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 224»

«Scaliger (Exercit. 104, Sect. 8) contended that the notion that it was an anti-aphrodisiac had been disproved experimentally.»y Escalígero sostenía que la fama de antiafrodisíaco del alcanfor se había refutado por experimento.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 224»

«Sennert also held the semi-magical doctrine that like attracts like.»Sennert sostenía además la doctrina semimágica de que lo semejante atrae lo semejante.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 225»

«This was the reason why camphor drew atoms of fire and sulphur to itself.»razón por la cual el alcanfor atraía a sí átomos de fuego y de azufre.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 225»

«It was thus that he explained how placing the carcass of a scorpion over the wound it had inflicted would cure the same.»y así explicaba que poner el cadáver del escorpión sobre la herida que infligió la curara.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 225»

«But Sennert denies that any such animal can kill or be killed by mere sight.»del basilisco niega que animal alguno pueda matar o ser muerto por la sola mirada.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 226»

«Death must be caused by a venomous exhalation, just as the presence of a menstruating woman clouds a mirror.»la muerte ha de causarla una exhalación venenosa, como la presencia de una mujer menstruante empaña un espejo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 226»

«He then concludes for himself that these birds are not born from rotting wood but from shells which adhere to it.»y de las barnaclas concluye por sí que esas aves no nacen de madera podrida sino de las conchas que se le adhieren.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 226»

«But then he remarks rather disconcertingly and inconsistently that he does not regard their generation as spontaneous, “but I think that they are generated like other shell»Thorndike consigna la inconsistencia sin armonizarla: enseguida observa, desconcertante e incongruentemente, que no tiene su generación por espontánea.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 227»

«Imagination was not accepted by Sennert as a means of working marvelous external effects and natural magic.»Sennert no aceptaba la imaginación como medio de obrar efectos externos maravillosos ni magia natural.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 227»

«No other reason, however, than the effect of imagination can be given why a pregnant woman, who is startled by a mouse, dog or ape, imprints on the foetus some mark of the animal.»aunque ninguna otra razón que el efecto de la imaginación pueda darse de que una embarazada asustada por un ratón, un perro o un mono imprima en el feto alguna marca del animal.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 227»

«Astrologers can predict the weather, diseases, and other natural change with fair probability, but not always with certainty, much less human actions dependent on the will, or contingent and fortuitous affairs.»los astrólogos pueden predecir el tiempo, las enfermedades y otros cambios naturales con probabilidad razonable, pero no siempre con certeza, y menos aún las acciones humanas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 228»

«On divination from dreams Sennert was also brief and non-committal, but not unfavorable.»y sobre la adivinación por sueños se muestra breve y sin comprometerse, aunque no desfavorable.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 229»

«Sennert held that the transmutation of metals had been proved by experience, and that therefore it was a waste of time to dispute about it further.»sostenía que la transmutación de los metales estaba probada por la experiencia y que por tanto era perder el tiempo seguir disputándolo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 229»

«He classed chemistry as an art and not a science, but traced it back to such mythical personages as its inventors as Tubal Cain, Hermes Trismegistus, and Mary, the sister of M»clasificaba la química como arte y no como ciencia, y la remontaba a inventores míticos como Tubalcaín y Hermes Trismegisto; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 229»

«Sennert was accused by Freitag of founding an new Sennertiano-Paracelsica sect, but he pointed out the errors of Paracelsus and the defects of his personal character very freely.»Freitag lo acusó de fundar una secta sennertiano-paracelsista, y él señalaba los errores de Paracelso y los defectos de su carácter personal con toda libertad.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 229»

«Although he often mentions Paracelsus, and may be regarded as developing further the latter's natural philosophy and chemical medicine, he spoke of himself as having no light from his predecessors, not interpreting the findings of others or disputing with authorities (yet he often attacks the schoolmen and their Aristotle), but as a new author of medicine, setting forth everything new and unheard of.»de van Helmont: aunque mencione a menudo a Paracelso y pueda verse como quien desarrolla su filosofía natural y su medicina química, hablaba de él como de quien expone todo lo nuevo e inaudito.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 232»

«He turned to the Stoicism of Seneca and Epictetus and the mysticism of Thomas & Kempis and Tauler, but was warned in a dream of the danger from paganism.»se volvió al estoicismo de Séneca y Epicteto y al misticismo de Tomás de Kempis y Tauler, y un sueño le advirtió del peligro del paganismo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 232»

«He refused to take the degree of master of arts, because he felt that he was not yet even a disciple.»rehusó el grado de maestro en artes porque sentía no ser todavía ni siquiera discípulo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 232»

«Reading Mattioli and Dioscorides, he realized that botany had made no progress since the days of Dioscorides* and found the doctrine of degrees unsati»leyendo a Mattioli y a Dioscórides advirtió que la botánica no había progresado desde los días de Dioscórides; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 232»

«“I had learned, ’tis true, to dispute problematically concerning any disease, but I did not know how to cure even a toothache completely.”»con la frase que resume su ruptura: había aprendido a disputar problemáticamente sobre cualquier enfermedad, y no sabía curar del todo ni un dolor de muelas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 233»

«Helmont objected that Aristotle tried to subject nature to mathematics, whereas the rules of mathematics accord ill with nature, “for man does not measure nature; but it, him.”»objetaba a Aristóteles haber querido sujetar la naturaleza a las matemáticas, cuando las reglas matemáticas casan mal con ella: el hombre no mide la naturaleza, sino ella a él.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 233»

«Fire was neither an element nor matter; it was not for generation but destruction.»el fuego no era elemento ni materia, y no era para la generación sino para la destrucción.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 233»

«Presently, however, Helmont afÏrms that air and water are primigenial elements and not to be changed into each other by cold or heat.»y enseguida afirma que aire y agua son elementos primigenios y no se cambian uno en otro por frío ni por calor; el OCR imprime *afÏrms*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 233»

«But there is no generation so long as the water is deprived of seed.»aunque no haya generación mientras el agua esté privada de semilla.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 234»

«He also believed in apparitions of spirits made immediately in place, color, figure and light, but not in body.»creía además en apariciones de espíritus hechas inmediatamente en lugar, color, figura y luz, pero no en cuerpo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 234»

«In short, the stars have no causative power over us except through the Blas meteorum, and the present uncertain state of astronomy makes astrology the more difÏcult, so that it is not surprising that the devil takes a hand in it.»y su saldo sobre la astrología: las estrellas no tienen poder causativo sobre nosotros salvo por el *blas meteorum*, y el estado incierto de la astronomía la deja al diablo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 235»

«He came to the somewhat lame conclusion that he would not inquire into celestial secrets, when he knew so little of terrestrial.»con la conclusión que Thorndike llama algo coja: no indagará los secretos celestes cuando tan poco sabe de los terrestres.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 235»

«It was not light but a certain form assisting the air and transmitting the blas of the stars instantaneously.»no era la luz sino cierta forma que asiste al aire y transmite instantáneamente el *blas* de las estrellas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 235»

«Harvey's discovery of the circulation of the blood published in 1628, is unmentioned by Sennert.»y el silencio que Thorndike registra como dato: el descubrimiento de la circulación de la sangre por Harvey, publicado en 1628, no lo menciona Sennert.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 217»

«In Hercules piochymicus not only the twelve labors of Hercules are interpreted alchemically but also his begetting fifty sons from the fifty daughters of Thespius in a single night and his death from the poisoned robe of Nessus.»de Pierre Jean Fabre consigna el *Hercules piochymicus*, donde no solo los doce trabajos de Hércules se interpretan alquímicamente sino su engendrar cincuenta hijos en una noche de las cincuenta hijas de Tespio y su muerte por el manto envenenado de Neso.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 207»

«The conclusion of the whole work is an anathema to those who would have alchemy made perfectly plain to fools in words of one syllable, and a request that believers in transmutation await the appearance of his Pan»cuya conclusión es un anatema contra quienes querrían la alquimia puesta en claro para necios en palabras de una sílaba; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 207»

«He states that there are few chemists in Milan, and that most medical men there are hostile to the art»de Locatelli recoge que hay pocos químicos en Milán y que la mayoría de los médicos de allí son hostiles al arte.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 209»

«After this and more by way of preamble, Glauber gives the following instructions for the preparation of true potable gold:»tras el preámbulo, Glauber da las instrucciones para preparar el oro potable verdadero.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 213»

«Take one part of live gold and three parts of live mercury, not vulgar but philosophic, obtainable everywhere without expense or labor.»la receta: una parte de oro vivo y tres de mercurio vivo, no vulgar sino filosófico, obtenible en todas partes sin gasto ni trabajo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 213»

«Daniel Sennert was born in Breslau in 1572 and died at Wittenberg in 1637 of the seventh recurrence of the plague which had afÒicted that town since he first came there as a student»de Daniel Sennert da la vida: nacido en Breslavia en 1572, muerto en Wittenberg en 1637 de la séptima recurrencia de la peste que afligía la ciudad desde que llegó allí de estudiante; el OCR imprime *afÒicted*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 216»

«Sennert still remained a name to conjure with in 1674, when Jacobus Barnerus, doctor of philosophy and medicine, published at Augsburg a Prodrome of the New Sennert, or, Delineation of a New System of Medicine.»y la vigencia de su nombre: en 1674 Jacobus Barnerus publicaba en Augsburgo un *Pródromo del nuevo Sennert*, delineación de un sistema nuevo de medicina.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 230»

«As Sylvius dealt with methodus medendi in seven lectures, so Barnerus promises to teach all medicine in six weeks to one already acquainted with anatomy and chemistry.»donde promete enseñar toda la medicina en seis semanas a quien ya conozca la anatomía y la química.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 230»

«Johannes Baptista van Helmont (1577—1644), or Helmont, as we shall henceforth call him for short, was the most original alchemical or iatrochemical writer of the first half of the seventeenth century, in fact the most so since Paracelsus.»el juicio con que Thorndike abre el capítulo: van Helmont fue el escritor alquímico o iatroquímico más original de la primera mitad del siglo XVII, y el más original desde Paracelso.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 231»

«Van Helmont’s penchant for astrological medicine is well shown in another letter to Mersenne, in which he holds that “in my poor judgment” the skin disease herpes mordax does not come from the liver but from the influence of the planet Mars, which by virtue of its mere aspect converts the balm of the martial places of the physiognomy into a mineral salt of a sort that he sees no hope of recovery from except in a planetary remedy to transplant the adverse radiations, Every recurring ailment, whether connected with the moon or other star, laughs at elementary and qualitative medicines.»su inclinación a la medicina astrológica se ve bien en otra carta a Mersenne, donde se ríe de las medicinas elementales y cualitativas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 236»

«However, if Mersenne does not have the right planetary remedy at hand, he may try touching the sore with the hand of one who has died a slow death, until the patient feels a.great chill.»y si Mersenne no tiene a mano el remedio planetario debido, puede probar a tocar la llaga con la mano de un muerto hasta que el paciente sienta gran frío.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 236»

«Astrological images, however, Helmont rejected. In a letter to Mersenne concerning Gaffarel’s book on talismanic sculpture, he declared that Gaffarel had composed a superstitious rhapsody concerning the non-existent.»las imágenes astrológicas, en cambio, Helmont las rechaza: en carta a Mersenne sobre el libro de Gaffarel llama al asunto rapsodia sobre lo inexistente.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 236»

«In a later letter, however, Helmont recommended a rod or ring of iron, which was to be carried in the palm of the left hand, against sudden death; on the ring finger of the left hand, against vertigo and epilepsy; on the second finger of the right hand, against gout, unless it was hereditary; and so on.»aunque en carta posterior recomendara una varilla o anillo de hierro llevado en la palma de la mano izquierda.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 236»

«he would not admit that calcined tin weighed more than crude tin, and asserted that he could demonstrate the falsity of this hypothesis.»Thorndike consigna el límite de su experimentación: no admitía que el estaño calcinado pesara más que el crudo, y decía poder demostrar la falsedad de esa hipótesis.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 237»

«When the ecclesiastical authorities found horoscopes of Richelieu, Helmont’s daughter Clémence, and Helmont himself among his effects, he testified on March 21, 1634, that he had not studied astrology and that his daughter's horoscope was false, since she had died at the age of only four, although the astrologer had predicted that she would live to be seventy.»cuando las autoridades eclesiásticas hallaron entre sus papeles horóscopos de Richelieu, de su hija Clémence y suyo propio.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 237»

«Helmont performed various chemical experiments and believed that he had found an inextinguishable and “insuffocable” fire,3t but inclined to secrecy in such matters.»hizo varios experimentos químicos y creía haber hallado un fuego inextinguible e insofocable, aunque era dado al secreto en tales materias.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 237»

«In yet another letter to Mersenne Helmont states that sin has left its mark on the bodies of the sinners and their offspring in various signatures, whence physiognomy had its beginning.»en otra carta a Mersenne sostiene que el pecado dejó su marca en los cuerpos de los pecadores y de su descendencia, y que ahí empezó la fisiognomía.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 238»

«In the action of poisons, formal and utterly abstract properties emanate from the forms and are luminaries and firelets, as it were, of the form itself.»de la acción de los venenos dice que emanan de las formas propiedades formales y del todo abstractas, que son como luminarias y fueguecillos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 238»

«Helmont argues that, if a very little poison kills a man almost instantly, a remedy like Butler's stone should act on the Archeus far more potently and quickly in less quantity.»y arguye que, si un poco de veneno mata casi al instante, un remedio como la piedra de Butler debería obrar sobre el Arqueo con más potencia y prontitud en menor cantidad.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 239»

«It is hardly necessary to add that Helmont accepted the action of amulets, believed in the sympathetic remedy or absent treatment of the wound with powder of chalcanthos, felt admonished by sacred Scripture to credit great virtue to stones, and held that there were herbs which by mere touch would stop atrocious pains instantly»apenas hace falta añadir que aceptaba la acción de los amuletos y creía en el remedio simpático o tratamiento a distancia; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 239»

«Helmont’s credulity extended to the belief that large objects could enter the body through the pores without breaking the skin, or be vomited, although twice the size of the throat.»su credulidad llegaba a creer que objetos grandes podían entrar en el cuerpo por los poros sin romper la piel.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 239»

«Helmont in these passages greatly restricts the power of the devil and demons and makes the witch rather than the devil an indispensable factor in magic.»el hallazgo de voz que Thorndike subraya: en esos pasajes Helmont restringe mucho el poder del diablo y de los demonios y hace de la bruja, y no del diablo, el factor indispensable de la magia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 240»

«Helmont will show that the aid of Satan is not needed to make a solid body pass through a space much smaller than itself, yet without any diminution of itself.»porque mostrará que no hace falta la ayuda de Satanás para que un cuerpo sólido pase por un espacio mucho menor que él.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 240»

«The demon has power to move bodies but not to alter their form»el demonio tiene poder de mover cuerpos, no de alterar su forma.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 240»

«The devil is responsible for one thing, however, and that is making the objects invisible when they are injected or penetrate.»y de una sola cosa es responsable: de volver invisibles los objetos cuando se inyectan o penetran.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 240»

«He afÏrms not merely the possibility of natural magic but of human magic.»afirma no solo la posibilidad de la magia natural sino la de la magia humana; el OCR imprime *afÏrms*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 240»

«For not only does he attribute vision by extramission to the basilisk, but asserts that the torpedo fish, too, “throws the poison of its glance not by chance on anyone who is nearer but rather and solely on the person who is drawing in the ropes (ie., of the nets) from a distance.”»porque no solo adjudica al basilisco la visión por extramisión, sino que sostiene que también el pez torpedo arroja el veneno desde lejos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 241»

«On the other hand, a Scottish doctor, William Maxwell, in a work on magnetic medicine which was published by Georg Franck, dean of the medical faculty at Heidelberg, in 1679, but composed years before, represented Helmont as having silenced “the idle uproar of certain theologians clamoring as to the superstition” of “that famous sympathetic unguent and our magnetic water and the magnetic powder.”®* Actually, as we have seen, it was Helmont who was silenced.»del otro lado, el escocés William Maxwell, en una obra de medicina magnética, sostiene que fue Helmont quien quedó silenciado.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 242»

«Helmont was author of a treatise on the alphabet of nature? in which he held that the very Hebrew characters for letters represented the motions and configurations of the tongue and mouth which were required to produce the sounds of the letters, and that consequently Hebrew was the easiest language to learn for a deaf and mute who also had weak sight.»Helmont escribió un tratado del alfabeto de la naturaleza donde sostenía que los propios caracteres hebreos representan algo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 242»

«But there was the danger that it might encourage the belief in the operative and magical force of words, characters and the Cabala»con el riesgo que Thorndike le señala: que alentara la creencia en la fuerza operativa y mágica de las palabras, los caracteres y la cábala.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 242»

«Many of Helmont’s writings were first published posthumously by his son in the Ortus medicinae, id est, initia physicae inaudita, of 1648 at Amsterdam; reprinted at Venice, 1651, with an Index by Tachenius; again at Amsterdam, 1652, and at Lyons in 1655 and 1667. Evidently they had a great vogue.»muchos de sus escritos los publicó póstumamente su hijo en el *Ortus medicinae*, que tuvo gran boga.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 243»

«His being cited by Meyssonnier was no great compliment, and when Conring suggested to Gui Patin that someone at Paris should write against Helmont, Patin refused to do so on the ground that it would be a waste of time.»y anota la recepción con ironía: ser citado por Meyssonnier no era gran cumplido.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 243»

«Caspar Schott in his Magia universalis of 1657-1659 repeated Helmont almost in his own words as to the injection of large solid bodies, but he did so in order to show “how fantastic he is and how prone to invent without any foundation.”»Caspar Schott repitió a Helmont casi con sus propias palabras sobre la inyección de cuerpos sólidos grandes.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 243»

«Rattray held that the only true remedy was extinction of the exotic ferment, not of a fantastic idea, or calming a perturbed Archeus.»Rattray sostenía que el único remedio verdadero era extinguir el fermento exótico, no una idea fantástica, o calmar un Arqueo perturbado.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 244»

«On the other hand, Rattray, like Helmont, held that all things which used to be thought mixed are made from water alone.»y, como Helmont, que todas las cosas que solían tenerse por mixtas están hechas de agua sola.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 244»

«Joachim Polemann wrote a New Medical Light in which he explained the excellent teaching of Helmont of the lofty secret of the sulphur of the philosophers.»Joachim Polemann escribió una *Nueva luz médica* donde explicaba la doctrina de Helmont sobre el secreto elevado del azufre de los filósofos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 244»

«Boyle in The Sceptical Chymist in 1661 was of the opinion that Helmont, because of his experiments, was to be more highly esteemed than it seemed to many learned men he should be, although Boyle recognized that the falsehoods in his treatise on the magnetic cure of wounds rendered his other statements suspect.»Boyle opinaba en *The Sceptical Chymist* que a Helmont había que estimarlo más por sus experimentos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 245»

«Helmont therefore held that water was the material cause of mixed bodies or the sole element of mixed bodies, and even Boyle says nothing of the possibility of the tree’s receiving sustenance from the air as well as from water.»Helmont sostenía que el agua era la causa material de los cuerpos mixtos, o su único elemento.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 245»

«‘At the end of five years, although the weight of the tree had increased from five to 169 pounds, the weight of the earth in which it grew had decreased only about two ounces.»con el experimento del árbol: a los cinco años, aunque el peso del árbol había subido de cinco a 169 libras, el de la tierra solo había bajado unas dos onzas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 245»

«Helmont, however, had declared the use of gold and gems in medicine ridiculous.»Helmont había declarado ridículo el uso del oro y de las gemas en medicina.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 246»

«But it would be too much to expect anyone else to duplicate precisely Helmont’s extraordinary combination of occasional scepticism and hard common sense with unbridled theorizing and sheer flights of fancy.»y el saldo de Thorndike sobre él: sería mucho esperar que ningún otro duplicara con precisión su combinación extraordinaria de escepticismo ocasional y puro vuelo de fantasía.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 246»

«Du Hamel in 1670 suggested that what Helmont had written on magnetic cure of wounds was not entirely false nor what he reported concerning Butler's stone.»Du Hamel sugería en 1670 que lo escrito por Helmont sobre la cura magnética de heridas no era del todo falso.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 247»

«John Webster, discussing in 1671 “those authors that have treated of metals and minerals,” included van Helmont, “though he left no treatise (that ever came to light) that was purposely written upon this subject.”»John Webster, al tratar en 1671 de los autores que escribieron de metales y minerales, incluyó a van Helmont.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 247»

«John Locke wrote on February 11, 1679: “In the Ile d’Elva in Italy are toads above a foot broad which the inhabitants will not suffer any one to kill, imagining that they draw to them the yenom of that country,”»y John Locke escribía el 11 de febrero de 1679 sobre los sapos de más de un pie de ancho de la isla de Elba.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 247»

«Helmont was quoted once more as to the use of toads as an amulet against pest by Paul Ammann in 1675, who also ascribed to him the view that vipers are not venomous unless enraged, that usnea of the cranium receives seed from the heavens, and that the comforting virtue of drugs consists in their odor.»Paul Ammann lo citaba todavía en 1675 por el uso de sapos como amuleto contra la peste.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 248»

«‘And on the contrary, others, struck by fear, though living far from all contagion, have sucked in the seeds of pestilence as if derived from the stars.»y al contrario, otros, heridos de miedo y viviendo lejos de todo contagio, han sorbido las semillas de la pestilencia como si vinieran de las estrellas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 248»

«Thomas Willis in his book on fevers says that he has known many who—and they are wont to use the words of Helmont—by fortifying the Archeus with wine and confidence and using no other alexipharmaca, have gone among the pestridden without catching the contagion.»Thomas Willis dice en su libro de las fiebres haber conocido a muchos que, con las palabras de Helmont, se fortalecieron sin coger el contagio.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 248»

«Sebastian Wirdig in 1678 credited Helmont with having reduced the employment of talismans in medicine by disassociating them from the macrocosm or influence of the stars and making their force depend upon man the microcosm.»Sebastian Wirdig le adjudicaba en 1678 haber reducido el empleo de talismanes en medicina desasociándolos de los astros.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 248»

«“Tt cannot be denied,” he said, “that Helmont is easily supreme among the saner philosophers.”»con el elogio que recoge: no puede negarse que Helmont es sin disputa el primero entre los filósofos más sanos; el OCR lee *Tt* por *It*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 249»

«von der Beck followed van Helmont in holding that water or alkali was the matter of all things, while seeds or fire or acid were the formal principle.»von der Beck lo seguía en sostener que el agua o álcali era la materia de todas las cosas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 249»

«the reviewer in Philosophical Transactions noted that he “looks upon Helmont to be very faithful where intelligible, and to be imitated as far as possible, since he suggests the best method of curing a priori.”»y el reseñista de las *Philosophical Transactions* anotaba que se tiene a Helmont por fidelísimo donde es inteligible.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 249»

«Schelhammer in 1697 regarded the Archeus furens of Helmont as the creature of his brain, just as Pallas was said to have sprung from the brow of Zeus.»Schelhammer tenía en 1697 el *Archeus furens* de Helmont por criatura de su cerebro, como se decía de Palas salida de la frente de Zeus.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 250»

«Helmont was cited more often than any other author.»y Thorndike mide su peso por la cita: se lo citaba más a menudo que a ningún otro autor.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 250»

«Helmont accepted only two elements, water and air, rejecting fire because it was not mentioned in the biblical account of creation.»aceptaba solo dos elementos, agua y aire, y rechazaba el fuego porque no se menciona en el relato bíblico de la creación.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 250»

«In the latter instance it is to the effect that amulets have a blas by which they compel objects to obey them as the stars do, “and they act only on their own objects and not on an alien one, though it be nearer”!»con la fórmula de los amuletos: tienen un *blas* con que obligan a los objetos a obedecerles como las estrellas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 250»

«Helmont said that there was no sensitive soul in man until after the fall of Adam, since none was needed.»sostenía que no hubo alma sensitiva en el hombre hasta después de la caída de Adán, porque antes no hacía falta.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 252»

«He would not admit the tartar of Paracelsus as a cause of disease, held that fever was the material part of the Archeus disturbed by indignation, and that medicaments operated most potently by their odors.»Martin Heer no admitía el tártaro de Paracelso como causa de enfermedad y tenía la fiebre por la parte material del Arqueo perturbado.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 252»

«Ferment was a sort of formal creation which was neither substance nor accident, but, after the manner of light,»y el fermento por una suerte de creación formal que no era ni sustancia ni accidente, sino a la manera de la luz.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 252»

«Really they did not belong to either the animal or the mineral kingdom, but to “one vast realm” of marvels.»con la clasificación que Thorndike destaca: no pertenecían ni al reino animal ni al mineral sino a un vasto reino de maravillas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 254»

«Silvaticus makes the surprising assertion that, although the bezoar stone was famed among the Arabs, it was not long after forgotten until the present age, when an epidemic of pestilential fevers had led to resumption of its use.»de Silvaticus recoge la afirmación sorprendente de que la piedra bezoar, famosa entre los árabes, quedó olvidada poco después.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 255»

«But he insists that this is not proven by authorities, reason or experience, and that many of the horns are not genuine.»del cuerno de unicornio insiste en que no lo prueban ni autoridades ni razón ni experiencia, y que muchos cuernos no son genuinos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 255»

«His final conclusion is that the notion is idle, superstitious, untrustworthy and full of impostures.»con la conclusión: la noción es ociosa, supersticiosa, indigna de fe y llena de imposturas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 255»

«In discussing unicorn’s horn, Silvaticus had incidentally rejected all that was written as to the properties of sapphires, topazes and granates, and had declared ridiculous such statements as that of Serapion, that the stone hyacinth or a seal made from it would preserve one from lightning.»al tratar del cuerno de unicornio había rechazado de paso cuanto se escribió sobre las propiedades de zafiros y topacios.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 256»

«But whereas Mundella favored use of the emerald as an amulet, Silvaticus doubts if the occult virtue or specific form of the gem would so operate.»con el desacuerdo consignado: donde Mundella favorecía la esmeralda como amuleto, Silvaticus duda de que la virtud oculta o forma específica de la gema obre así.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 256»

«He is ready to admit that there are medicaments which are effective, although they pass rapidly and apparently unaltered through the stomach, as Dioscorides teaches in the case of the chameleon because of its maximum abstersive, biting and burning properties.»está pronto a admitir que hay medicamentos eficaces aunque pasen rápido y al parecer inalterados por el cuerpo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 256»

«But the emerald has no more effect taken internally than when worn as an amulet.»pero la esmeralda no obra más tomada por dentro que llevada como amuleto.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 256»

«After this denial of any medical virtue to emeralds, it comes as @ surprise to find Silvaticus afÏrming the medical properties of pearls both as simples and in compounds, and against the putridity of malignant fevers in particular.»y Thorndike anota la incoherencia: tras negar toda virtud médica a las esmeraldas, sorprende hallar a Silvaticus afirmando las propiedades médicas de las perlas; el OCR lee *@* por *a*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 256»

«He also asserts that all writers agree that a celestial dew enters into their composition.»y que todos los escritores concuerdan en que un rocío celeste entra en su composición.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 256»

«He urges physicians, however, to employ pearls confidently against such fevers, using the same method as in the case of the bezoar stone.»insta a los médicos a emplear las perlas con confianza contra tales fiebres, con el mismo método que con la piedra bezoar.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 257»

«held that pearls were by no means to be classed among alexipharmaca which operated by their whole substance or occult property.»Catelan, en cambio, sostenía que las perlas no debían contarse entre los alexifármacos que obran por toda su sustancia o por propiedad oculta.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 257»

«Yet because they strengthen the heart, they are called cordials.»aunque por fortalecer el corazón se las llame cordiales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 257»

«He says that he is the first author to treat of the subject in French and that he possesses one of the finest, rarest and most extraordinary Oriental bezoars, as large as a hen’s egg and weighing two ounces.»Catelan se declara el primer autor en tratar la materia en francés y dice poseer una de las piedras más finas, raras y grandes.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 258»

«He has written this treatise to reassure princes and great lords as to the probable genuineness of such stones in their possession.»y haber escrito el tratado para tranquilizar a príncipes y grandes señores sobre la probable autenticidad de las piedras que poseen.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 258»

«His chief novel suggestion is that the bezoar stone is formed in the pouch of marsupials, where they store their food and ruminate it.»su sugerencia más nueva es que la piedra bezoar se forma en la bolsa de los marsupiales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 259»

«He blames the recent popularity of the bezoar upon Spanish and Portuguese physicians who visited the Indies, and who also had been extensively cited by Catelan.»y culpa de la popularidad reciente del bezoar a los médicos españoles y portugueses que visitaron las Indias.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 259»

«When Johann Michaelis wrote on bezoardic tincture in 1678, he explained that the bezoar stone was not a constituent in it, since it was not usable in a tincture.»cuando Johann Michaelis escribió en 1678 de la tintura bezoárdica explicó que la piedra bezoar no entraba en ella por no ser utilizable en tintura.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 259»

«Robert Pitt (1653-1713), writing early in the next century,TM* said that the bezoar stone “has held its name and reputation almost»Robert Pitt escribía a comienzos del siglo siguiente que la piedra bezoar ha conservado su nombre y reputación casi intactos; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 259»

«Coming back to Catelan and his treatise on the lycorne, we note that he again claims to be the first to write on the subject in French, and to be the possessor of an entire horn, “recovered at great pains from the depths of Ethyopia,” beautiful to see, and corresponding to the descriptions in Pliny, Aelian and other authors.»volviendo al tratado de Catelan sobre el unicornio, vuelve a reclamar ser el primero en escribir del asunto en francés.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 260»

«His text opens with the statement that Nature keeps its best treasures secret.»cuyo texto abre con que la naturaleza guarda secretos sus mejores tesoros.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 260»

«Catelan gives eighteen objections to its existence and then answers them at length.»y da dieciocho objeciones a la existencia del unicornio que responde por extenso.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 260»

«Imperato still had faith in the occult virtues of gems.»Imperato mantenía la fe en las virtudes ocultas de las gemas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 261»

«‘An amethyst, placed on the navel, frees its bearer from intoxication.»la amatista puesta sobre el ombligo libra de la embriaguez a quien la lleva.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 261»

«Wearing a sard fulfills the function of recreation and dispels fear.»llevar una sarda cumple la función de recreación y disipa el miedo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 261»

«The sapphire cleanses the eyes; the ancients thought that wearing it extinguished lust.»el zafiro limpia los ojos, y los antiguos creían que llevarlo extinguía la lujuria.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 261»

«Crystal by its frigidity restrains poisonous draughts, and as the celestial rainbow announces coming rain and fair weather, so the crystal may be taken for future adversity or felicity.»el cristal, por su frigidez, refrena las pociones venenosas, y como el arco iris celeste anuncia lluvia y buen tiempo, así anuncia él adversidad o felicidad futuras.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 261»

«Wearing a jasper checks haemorrhage and menses, and augments the natural virtue of the stomach; but experience shows that the oriental heliotrope is more efÏcacious.»llevar jaspe corta la hemorragia y la regla y aumenta la virtud natural del estómago, aunque la experiencia muestre que el heliotropo oriental es más eficaz; el OCR imprime *efÏcacious*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 261»

«But he did not believe that gems engraved with characters or celestial signs, or astrological and magical images acquired any further powers thereby unless from the demon.»pero no creía que las gemas grabadas con caracteres o signos celestes, ni las imágenes astrológicas y mágicas, adquirieran nada más si no era del demonio.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 261»

«Such engraved images were a superstition introduced by Satan and justly condemned by “our holy Catholic religion.”»tales imágenes grabadas eran superstición introducida por Satanás y justamente condenada por nuestra santa religión católica.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 261»

«Some said that the stone should be removed from the toad’s head in August; others, under a waning moon; others, on dog day.»de la piedra del sapo: unos decían que había que sacarla de la cabeza en agosto, otros con luna menguante, otros en la canícula.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 262»

«But Imperato’s father, who had spent much time in observing toads, had disproved all these assertions and had shown that other stones had been taken for the Rospo.»y el padre de Imperato, que dedicó mucho tiempo a observar sapos, había refutado todas esas afirmaciones.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 262»

«The book gave more attention to the mineral than to the animal and vegetable kingdoms, devoting its first five books to mining and nine others to alchemy.»de la *Historia Naturale* del padre dice que atendía más al reino mineral que al animal y al vegetal, con cinco libros de minería y nueve de alquimia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 262»

«Avicenna is cited that, if pyrites is worn on an infant’s neck, it defends him from all fear.”»se cita a Avicena diciendo que la pirita llevada al cuello de un niño lo defiende de todo miedo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 263»

«But those who claim to segregate the four elements in vitriol at one distillation by means of a vessel with four outlets go too far for Canepario, and he calls them tricksters (praestigiatores).»y a quienes dicen segregar los cuatro elementos del vitriolo en una destilación con un vaso de cuatro salidas los llama tramposos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 264»

«The fourth Descriptio, on inks for books and writing, asks what the ancients used; describes printer's ink as compounded of a pound of varnish, an ounce of soot, and enough linseed oil or nutoil to mix them; and devotes several chapters to encaustic.»la cuarta descripción, sobre tintas de libros y de escribir, pregunta qué usaban los antiguos y describe la tinta de imprenta. El impreso escribe *nut oil* en dos palabras en otra plana; aquí lo parte en el salto de renglón y `span()` lo devuelve fundido en *nutoil*, que es forma de la herramienta y no del libro.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 264»

«He tells how to soften and sweeten oil of vitriol, howsoever fiery and corrosive it may be.»y enseña a ablandar y endulzar el aceite de vitriolo, por ígneo y corrosivo que sea.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 265»

«The History of Corals by Johann Ludwig Gans, M.D., of Frankfurt, was largely chemical or alchemical and offered little that was new.»la *Historia de los corales* de Johann Ludwig Gans era en gran parte química o alquímica y ofrecía poco nuevo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 266»

«His opinion is that coral is form’d out of a glutinous juice which, being turned into stone by a salt abounding in it, riseth up in the form of a shrub, the salt being the cause that maketh plants spread into branches.»con la opinión de que el coral se forma de un jugo glutinoso vuelto piedra por una sal que abunda en él.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 267»

«Webster in 1671 criticized Cesi as too digressive and as mixing tares with the wheat.”»Webster criticaba en 1671 a Cesi por digresivo y por mezclar la cizaña con el trigo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 267»

«the study of mineralogy helps one to understand the Bible, as Augustine said.”»con el argumento de utilidad: el estudio de la mineralogía ayuda a entender la Biblia, como dijo Agustín.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 268»

«The moons of Jupiter raise the question whether the number of planets is seven or eleven, but we are next assured that we learn by daily experiments that the force of the magnet is dulled by garlic.»las lunas de Júpiter plantean si los planetas son siete u once, y enseguida se nos asegura que el imán se embota con ajo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 269»

«The fifth property of jasper is that it is believed to dispel all apparitions. Jerome says so, and Mylius and Rueus assert it categorically.»la quinta propiedad del jaspe es que se cree que disipa todas las apariciones, según Jerónimo, y Mylius y Rueus lo afirman categóricamente.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 270»

«But for its tenth virtue that worn on the person it keeps one safe and powerful and frees from adversities, while Isidore, Albert, Mylius and Mattioli are cited, it is said that they well add that this is magical and superstitious.»pero su décima virtud, que llevado sobre la persona guarda a salvo y poderoso y libra de adversidades, se declara mágica y supersticiosa.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 270»

«Gilbert’s work on the magnet was not to pass unnoticed by other Jesuits, however, and we shall presently consider four successive works by members of that Order which in large measure consist of reflection or grotesque refraction of the inspiring scientific light that had streamed forth from his De magnete.»la obra de Gilbert sobre el imán no iba a pasar inadvertida a otros jesuitas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 270»

«In his book of 1635 on stones Etienne de Clave held that they were generated from seed and produced by the action of subter»en su libro de 1635 sobre las piedras, Étienne de Clave sostenía que se generan de semilla y se producen por la acción del fuego subterráneo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 270»

«‘A book entitled Mundi lapis Lydius, by Antoine de Bourgogne,” has nothing to do with gems but is a moralizing dialogue between Vanitas and Veritas, somewhat after the fashion of Petrarch’s De remediis utriusque fortunae.»y el *Mundi lapis Lydius* de Antoine de Bourgogne no trata de gemas sino que es un diálogo moralizante en la línea del *De remediis utriusque fortunae* de Petrarca.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 270»

«But such an expression as blas lunare is more evident in the 1702 than in the 1682 edition»y anota la variación entre ediciones: una expresión como *blas lunare* es más evidente en la edición de 1702 que en la de 1682.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 251»

«Thomas Baker in his Reflections upon Learning, after enumerating recent “discoveries” and fads, added: ‘Anwald’s Panacea, discussed by Libavius, and Butler's stone, so much magnified by Helmont, were as much talked of in their time . . . and yet they are dead and have been buried with their authors.»Thomas Baker, tras enumerar los descubrimientos y las modas recientes, añadía que la panacea de Anwald y las demás están muertas y enterradas con sus autores.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 251»

«But his own Archeus irritatus was attacked by Schelhammer (1649—1716) as an asylum for ignorance.»del lado contrario, Schelhammer atacaba el *Archeus irritatus* como asilo de la ignorancia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 253»

«What does he mean by his Archeus faber? What does he mean by his water gas? ‘What is his Blas meteoron? What Duelech? What archeal diseases? What meteoron anomalon? That is talking nonsense in a»y Bartholomaeus de Moor preguntaba en su oración sobre las hipótesis médicas qué quiere decir con su *Archeus faber*, su gas de agua, su *Blas meteoron*, su *Duelech* y sus enfermedades arqueales, y lo llamaba hablar sin sentido en materia seria.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 253»

«Barba was born in Andalusia but when he wrote the book was priest of a parish at Potosi in Peru, the center of an important mining region.»según Thorndike, Barba nació en Andalucía y al escribir el libro era párroco en Potosí, en el Perú, centro de una región minera importante.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 271»

«In the opening chapter of the second book Barba states that the mountain and city of Potosi have already produced between 400,000,000 and 500,000,000 pieces of eight, enough to cover the ground for a space sixty leagues square, but that a lack of care and needless waste have accompanied this glut of wealth.»cuyo segundo libro abre con lo que el cerro y la villa de Potosí han producido ya.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 271»

«There is a crying need for better refiners.»con la queja práctica: hace falta a gritos mejores refinadores.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 271»

«Earlier, in the first book, Barba said that little use had been made of quicksilver, until it was employed to collect the silver from the ore.»y el dato técnico: poco se había usado el mercurio hasta emplearlo para recoger la plata del mineral.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 272»

«Although Barba grants that the name, alchemist, has been made hateful by ignorant pretenders, he repeats the view that metals are generated by the influence of the heavenly bodies, and defends the doctrine that they are compounds of sulphur and mercury.»concede Barba que el nombre de alquimista se ha vuelto odioso por pretendientes ignorantes, y repite que los metales son compuestos de azufre y mercurio.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 273»

«He also afÏrms that more difÏcult transmutations than that of metals are performed both by art and nature.»y afirma que el arte y la naturaleza realizan transmutaciones más difíciles que la de los metales; el OCR imprime *afÏrms* y *difÏcult*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 273»

«By art, he says, wasps and beetles are made out of the dung of animals, and scorpions from the plant alvaca or alvahaca, “peresta en el lugar y modo que conviene.”»con los ejemplos: por arte se hacen avispas y escarabajos del estiércol de los animales, y escorpiones de la albahaca.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 273»

«In Scotland ducks are engendered from driftwood and the fruit of trees that falls into the sea.»y en Escocia los patos se engendran de madera flotante y del fruto de los árboles que cae al mar.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 273»

«Barba declares that they are so lifelike that only the Author of Nature could have produced such a piece of workmanship.»de unas figuras naturales declara que son tan vivas que solo el Autor de la Naturaleza pudo hacer tal obra.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 274»

«He also states that those who have written of the eagle-stone have promised many vain things which exceed the limits not only of medicine but of nature.»y que quienes escribieron de la piedra de águila prometieron muchas cosas vanas que exceden los límites no solo de la medicina sino de la naturaleza.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 275»

«He was credulous, however, as to the generation of snakes, frogs and fish in rocks and marbles from the more humid putrescent substantia of the stone, as worms are generated.»aunque fuera crédulo sobre la generación de serpientes, ranas y peces en rocas y mármoles.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 275»

«Although these two treatises seem to be compilations from previous authorities, I did not notice any reference to Lauremberg’s work on the eagle-stone and perhaps Bausch did not know of it.»Thorndike declara en primera persona lo que no halló: en esos dos tratados no advirtió referencia alguna a Lauremberg.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 276»

«The Metallographia or history of metals of John Webster, dating from London in 1671 and dedicated to Prince Rupert,’* praises Bernard Trevisan, Basil Valentine, Paracelsus and Van Helmont, and belongs as much to the history of alchemy as to that of mineralogy.»la *Metallographia* de John Webster, de Londres, 1671, dedicada al príncipe Ruperto.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 276»

«Morhof two years later criticized Webster's book as largely taken from German authors with a few observations of his own.»que Morhof criticó dos años después por tomada en gran parte de autores alemanes, con unas pocas observaciones propias.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 276»

«A contemporary reviewer was impressed by the apparent inconsistency that, while drinking the scrapings of rusty brass is fatal to many animals, driving a brass nail into meat and especially game keeps it from decay.»y un reseñista contemporáneo se impresionó con la aparente inconsistencia de beber raspaduras de latón oxidado.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 277»

«He followed Helmont in holding that everything on earth was made of water, “condensed by the power of seeds... with the assistance of their fermentive odors,” and that stones were no exception to this rule, but had their seeds.»seguía a Helmont sosteniendo que todo en la tierra está hecho de agua, condensada por el poder de las semillas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 277»

«The purpose of this First Essay was to show that not only stones but all bodies “owe their original to seeds and water.”»el propósito de ese primer ensayo era mostrar que no solo las piedras sino todos los cuerpos deben su origen a las semillas y al agua.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 277»

«There is nothing so hidden and wonderful as the virtues of stones.»con la fórmula: nada hay tan escondido y maravilloso como las virtudes de las piedras.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 278»

«Saint-Romain would answer for the curative properties of only those which he had proved and approved, since they have to be quarried under a certain aspect of the stars which is not known to all, and he has a way of testing whether this astrological condition has been observed which is not known to the lapidaries or dealers in precious stones.»Saint-Romain respondería de las propiedades curativas solo de aquellas que él mismo probó y aprobó.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 278»

«Both alter the order of the five Reflexions into which Saint Romain divided his Discours and introduce an appeal to past authorities, where he appealed only to reason and experience.»Thorndike coteja las reediciones: ambas alteran el orden de las cinco reflexiones en que Saint-Romain dividió su discurso e introducen un llamado a la autoridad pasada donde él apelaba solo a la razón y a la experiencia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 279»

«Candy, however, noted on his title page, “One will find at the close of this Discours the address of the aforesaid sieur Candy, who alone sells the said divine stone.”»y descubre el interés comercial en la portada: Candy anota que al final del discurso se hallará la dirección del señor que vende en exclusiva esa piedra divina.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 279»

«Cabeo liked Gilbert's sure and accurate method of experimentation, but thought that reasons and physical causes for what he said were still desiderata.»a Cabeo le gustaba el método seguro y exacto de experimentación de Gilbert, aunque echara de menos razones y causas físicas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 280»

«He believed that there was magnetic force in the whole terrestrial globe, but confuted Gilbert’s opinion that the earth was a great magnet.»creía que había fuerza magnética en todo el globo terrestre, pero confutaba la opinión de Gilbert de que la tierra fuera un gran imán.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 281»

«He held that from electrum or any body attracting electrically there flows off a most tenuous efÒuvium which is diffused through the air but then returns to the electric body and brings with it straws and other particles that it encounters.»y que del electro o de cualquier cuerpo que atrae eléctricamente fluye un efluvio tenuísimo que se difunde; el OCR imprime *efÒuvium*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 281»

«He asks why in so many centuries of revolving about the earth, the heavens may not have so affected it as to produce polarity, and again asserts that the earth must receive influences and virtues from the heavens and stars.»se pregunta por qué en tantos siglos de girar en torno a la tierra no habrían los cielos podido afectarla hasta producir polos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 281»

«Later on, after citing Ficino as to planetary influence, he adds that this opinion may seem to lean towards dreams of astrologers, but, lest he seem to condemn»y, tras citar a Ficino sobre el influjo planetario, añade que esa opinión puede parecer inclinarse a los sueños de la astrología; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 281»

«Cabeo also doubts if perpetual motion can be achieved by use of the magnet.»y duda de que pueda lograrse el movimiento perpetuo con el imán.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 281»

«The preface to the reader further represents the magnet as a priceless treasure which unlocks “all the sacraments of recondite nature,” and Proteus-like assumes the form of every science.»el prefacio al lector presenta el imán como tesoro inapreciable que abre todos los sacramentos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 282»

«He denied that the magnet attracted by diffusion of magnetic corpuscles, since its force operated if copper, lead or gold was interposed, or if the magnet was immersed in water.»negaba que el imán atrajera por difusión de corpúsculos magnéticos, porque su fuerza obra aunque se interponga cobre, plomo u oro.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 283»

«He disclaimed any “divinatory writing,” and based his treatise upon reading since 1612 the literature on the subject (he almost never, however, cites any particular author by name) and testing it by repeated independent experimentation.»desautorizaba toda escritura adivinatoria y fundaba su tratado en la lectura de la literatura del asunto desde 1612.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 283»

«He had once been professor of mathematics in the Jesuit College at Rome but now dedicated his book to the duke of Parma.»había sido profesor de matemáticas en el Colegio Jesuita de Roma y dedicaba ahora su libro al duque de Parma.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 283»

«He therefore held that magnetic virtue was the true form of the magnet’s “qualificative accident.”»y sostenía que la virtud magnética era la forma verdadera del accidente calificativo del imán.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 283»

«So much concerning magnetic virtue which, shrouded in darkness and error in preceding centuries, our time has brought to such light of truth that it occupies with dignity a place of its own in philosophy.»con la fórmula de época que Thorndike recoge: la virtud magnética, envuelta en tinieblas y error en los siglos anteriores, la ha traído nuestro tiempo a lugar propio en la filosofía.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 284»

«But the moon has no magnetic correspondence to sun, earth or sea, and there is no magnetic relation between the sun and planets which may be used to argue that they move about it rather than about the earth.»pero la luna no tiene correspondencia magnética con sol, tierra ni mar, ni hay relación magnética entre el sol y la tierra.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 284»

«Also the gravity of the earth is an argument against its rotation.»y la gravedad de la tierra es argumento contra su rotación.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 284»

«Natural magic is the working of marvelous effects, which may seem preternatural, by a knowledge of occult forces in nature without resort to supernatural assistance.»la definición con que Thorndike abre el capítulo de la magia natural: obrar efectos maravillosos, que pueden parecer preternaturales, por conocimiento de fuerzas ocultas en la naturaleza y sin recurso a asistencia sobrenatural.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 285»

«It was therefore regarded, unless employed for evil purposes, as permissible, whereas diabolical magic, worked by demon aid, was illicit.»y por eso se la tenía por permisible, salvo si se empleaba para el mal, mientras la magia diabólica, obrada con ayuda de demonios, era ilícita.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 285»

«Natural magic was also distinguished from natural science, as being more mysterious and less explicable in universal, regular and mathematical terms.»se la distinguía además de la ciencia natural por más misteriosa y menos explicable en términos universales, regulares y matemáticos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 285»

«Indeed, since demons were often thought to work their magic simply by superior insight into the secrets of nature based on long experience, the connection between natural and diabolical magic was somewhat closer than that between natural magic and classified and generally accepted natural science.»y, como se creía a menudo que los demonios obraban su magia por mera penetración superior en los secretos de la naturaleza, el deslinde no era firme.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 285»

«On the other hand, the frontiers of natural science have been gradually extended over that wild borderland, which was once the domain of natural magic.»con la imagen que ordena el capítulo: las fronteras de la ciencia natural se han ido extendiendo sobre esa tierra de nadie que era el dominio de la magia natural.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 286»

«Forests of occult virtues have been cleared; swamps of erroneous notions have been reclaimed; the old savages that inhabited them have been civilized, and the imaginary gnomes, satyrs and specters that once haunted them have ceased to exist.»se han talado bosques de virtudes ocultas y desecado pantanos de nociones erróneas, y los viejos salvajes que los habitaban han dejado de existir.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 286»

«At one point the author declares that all sciences not acquired from God or divine magic or the Christian cabala by prayers and tears are furtive waters and not perfect gifts from the Father of lights.»de Khunrath: declara que toda ciencia no adquirida de Dios o de la magia divina o de la cábala cristiana por la oración no viene del Padre de las luces.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 286»

«He adjures the reader not to be the slave or ape of another's opinion and declares that “great men commit great errors.”»y conjura al lector a no ser esclavo ni mono de la opinión ajena, porque los grandes hombres cometen grandes errores.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 287»

«Khunrath also speaks of good men as those who strive with all their might under the guidance of the wisdom of Jehovah for the simplicity of the Monad.»habla de los hombres buenos como los que se esfuerzan con todas sus fuerzas, bajo la guía de la sabiduría de Jehová, por la simplicidad de la Mónada.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 288»

«Riviera, in a book written in Italian and printed in 1603 with the title, The Magic World of the Heroes, quoted with approval Trithemius who, writing to Joachim, marquis of Brandenburg, said that natural magic not only worked visible effects but marvelously illuminated the intellect in knowledge of God and supplied the soul with invisible fruits.»Riviera, en *El mundo mágico de los héroes*, impreso en 1603, cita con aprobación lo que provee al alma frutos invisibles.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 288»

«He also speaks of a mechanical magic with a superior sun and moon and another inferior sun and moon.»y habla de una magia mecánica con un sol y una luna superiores y otro sol y otra luna inferiores.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 288»

«According to him, St. Thomas says, “Monad begets monad and reflects its ardor on itself.»adjudicando a santo Tomás la fórmula de que la mónada engendra mónada y refleja su ardor sobre sí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 288»

«fore, as with Khunrath, natural magic dissolves into theosophy and alchemical mysticism.»con el saldo de Thorndike: como en Khunrath, la magia natural se disuelve en teosofía y misticismo alquímico.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 289»

«Their sole importance for our investigation is to show that these expressions, Secrets of Nature and Occult Philosophy, were still attractive captions to catch the eye of the reading public, and words to conjure with.»de los dos libritos de Pierre Morestel declara la única importancia que tienen para su investigación: mostrar que las expresiones *Secretos de la naturaleza* y *Filosofía oculta* eran todavía palabras de conjuro.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 289»

«Gerosa asserts the existence of three worlds—intellectual, celestial and elemental, and the rule of superior over inferior bodies, He has no doubt that God created the world in the spring»Gerosa afirma la existencia de tres mundos —intelectual, celeste y elemental— y el dominio de lo superior sobre lo inferior.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 290»

«‘That for melancholy has 95 ingredients; a soporific, only twenty; but that for pest and poison fills three or four pages.»con la medida del recetario: el de la melancolía lleva 95 ingredientes, el soporífero solo veinte, y el de la peste y el veneno llena tres o cuatro páginas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 290»

«In 1610 appeared the first edition of a work in German by Wolfgang Hildebrand on natural magic.»en 1610 apareció la primera edición de una obra alemana de Wolfgang Hildebrand sobre magia natural.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 290»

«It contains recipes for coloring the hair, improving the memory, making a man merry or melancholy,»con recetas para teñir el cabello, mejorar la memoria y poner a un hombre alegre o melancólico.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 290»

«To see by night one rubs one’s eyes with the blood of a bat, a prescription taken from the De mirabilibus mundi current under the name of Albertus Magnus.»para ver de noche hay que frotarse los ojos con sangre de murciélago, receta tomada del *De mirabilibus mundi* corriente bajo el nombre de Alberto Magno.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 290»

«How to detect magical butter is taken from Luther's Table Talk.»y el modo de detectar la mantequilla mágica está tomado de la *Table Talk* de Lutero.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 290»

«That Kornmann’s scientific standards are neither high nor recent may be seen from his citing Pliny, Isidore of Seville and Bartholomaeus Anglicus that the salamander is so cold that it extinguishes fire, and Bartholomew alone that a scorpion does not injure other women as quickly as it does a virgin.»Thorndike mide a Kornmann por sus fuentes: que sus normas científicas no sean altas ni recientes se ve en que cite a Plinio y a Isidoro de Sevilla.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 291»

«He cites Scaliger that sitting on a certain root breaks the maidenhead.»y cita a Escalígero para decir que sentarse sobre cierta raíz rompe la virginidad.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 291»

«Aristotle, we are told, testifies that he had seen a man who lived on air and sunlight alone.»se nos dice que Aristóteles atestigua haber visto a un hombre que vivía solo de aire y de luz del sol.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 292»

«The problem is once more argued whether the witch of Endor really resuscitated Samuel.»y vuelve a discutirse si la pitonisa de Endor resucitó realmente a Samuel.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 293»

«A corpse is heavier than the living body because it is without the levitation of the vital spirits and heat.»un cadáver pesa más que el cuerpo vivo porque le falta la levitación de los espíritus vitales y del calor.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 293»

«According to the tradition of the Magi, there are three kinds of spiritual beings: supercelestial who are very close to God, celestial intelligences for the spheres and stars, and demons for each of the four elements.»según la tradición de los Magos hay tres géneros de seres espirituales, los supercelestes muy cercanos a Dios entre ellos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 293»

«There are also fiery men and aerial men, and four animals who feed on a single element: the mole on earth, the alec on water, the chameleon on air, and the salamander nourished on fire.»hay además hombres ígneos y hombres aéreos, y cuatro animales que se alimentan de un solo elemento: el topo de tierra y la salamandra de fuego.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 293»

«The dog has a marvelous sense of nature; a tick taken from the left ear of a dog that is entirely black is a potent remedy;»el perro tiene sentido maravilloso de la naturaleza, y una garrapata del oído izquierdo de un perro enteramente negro es remedio potente.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 294»

«A dog won't bark at a person who has a dog's tongue in his sock, especially if he is also anointed with the herb, cynoglossa, or if he carries a dog’s head.»y un perro no ladra a quien lleva lengua de perro en el calcetín.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 294»

«But the remaining insane nonsense of the chiromancers about mountains of the planets, girdle of Venus, Milky Way, solar line, triangle of Mars, are utterly vain, fallacious, superstitious and deservedly condemned.»del otro lado, el resto de los disparates de los quiromantes sobre montes de los planetas y cinturón de Venus se declara supersticioso y merecidamente condenado.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 294»

«Later on he inquires whether the empyrean is square, whether the heavens are animated, but ridicules Avicenna’s series of celestial intelligences, and rejects those of Trithemius with their successive rule in history as contrary to freedom of the will.»Zara indaga si el empíreo es cuadrado y si los cielos están animados, y ridiculiza la serie de Avicena.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 295»

«One variety is natural and true, based on the occult natures and virtues of things, an intimate part of philosophy, free from all superstition and pure from the artifices and malefices of demons.»y parte la magia en dos: una natural y verdadera, fundada en las naturalezas y virtudes ocultas de las cosas, parte íntima de la filosofía, libre de los artificios y maleficios de los demonios.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 295»

«The other variety of magic is diabolical, in connection with which Zara ascribes wide powers to demons.»y otra diabólica, a propósito de la cual Zara adjudica amplios poderes a los demonios.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 295»

«They cannot upset the world order nor fill places which are wide apart without occupying the medium at the same time, nor so alter the quantity of bodies that one is in several places or that several occupy the same place.»con sus límites: no pueden trastornar el orden del mundo ni llenar lugares distantes sin ocupar a la vez el medio.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 295»

«They cannot transform species, generate human beings from man and brute, or produce the souls of the dead.»no pueden transformar especies, ni generar seres humanos de hombre y bruto, ni producir las almas de los muertos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 295»

«But they can produce winds, storms, and darkness, stop rivers for a time, draw water from rocks, injure crops and enchant animals.»pero sí producir vientos, tormentas y tinieblas, detener ríos por un tiempo, sacar agua de las rocas, dañar las cosechas y encantar animales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 295»

«Zara lists various *mancies alphabetically, with cabala, divination, goetia, theurgia, oracles and lots interspersed between them.»y Zara lista alfabéticamente las diversas mancias, con la cábala, la adivinación, la goecia, la teurgia, los oráculos y las suertes intercalados.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 295»

«Goclenius denied these charges, and, in order to show that he knew what he was talking about, listed twenty-four performances of magi which cannot be referred to natural causes,»Goclenio negó esos cargos y, para mostrar que sabía de qué hablaba, listó veinticuatro operaciones.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 296»

«He maintained, however, that all bodies in the world are connected, that the virtue of the world soul is spread through all things by the spirit of the universe, and that this was the explanation of such phenomena as signatures in plants and the seemingly marvelous action of weapon ointment.»sosteniendo que todos los cuerpos del mundo están conectados y que la virtud del alma del mundo se difunde por él.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 296»

«Goclenius also wrote a book on the marvels of nature and concords and repugnances in plants and animals which was published posthumously in 16257* and again in 1643.»escribió además un libro sobre las maravillas de la naturaleza y las concordias y repugnancias en plantas y animales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 296»

«The work is not well arranged, which may be because its author died before having really completed it.»de otra obra dice que no está bien ordenada, quizá porque su autor murió antes de acabarla.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 297»

«Much of it seems to be notes taken from Pliny’s Natural History, as was the case in at least four out of six passages which I selected at random.»y declara su propia comprobación: mucho parece notas tomadas de la *Historia Natural* de Plinio, como ocurrió en cuatro de seis pasajes que escogió al azar.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 297»

«There are in corporeal things, through all the elements of the world, seed-beds and occult motives by which, when the opportune moment and cause comes, they burst forth in species and effects befitting their ways and ends.”»con la fórmula que recoge: hay en las cosas corpóreas, por todos los elementos del mundo, semilleros y motivos ocultos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 297»

«Goclenius further defends cures by use of characters and natural seals, and gives images of Chael, Thetel and Hermes,® although in 1617 he had denied faith in them.»Goclenio defiende además las curas por caracteres y sellos naturales, y da imágenes de Chael, Thetel y Hermes.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 298»

«He is not yet persuaded that drinking potable gold will lengthen life, because that effect seems to him to surpass the powers of nature, and he finds it difÏcult to explain why bitter almonds prevent intoxication.»no está aún persuadido de que beber oro potable alargue la vida, porque ese efecto le parece exceder el poder de la cosa.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 298»

«However, despite such doubts and partial scepticism, he publishes the posthumous and credulous work of his father.»y Thorndike anota la incoherencia: pese a esas dudas y a su escepticismo parcial, publica la obra póstuma y crédula de su padre.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 298»

«We have seen that the Uranoscopia of Father Baranzani of Vercelli, which posed in 1617 as a new work, contained more old astrology than anything else.»recuerda que la *Uranoscopia* del padre Baranzani, que en 1617 se presentaba como obra nueva, contenía más astrología vieja que otra cosa.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 299»

«Magicians can produce real marvelous effects, but there are limits to the powers of demons.»los magos pueden producir efectos maravillosos reales, pero hay límites a los poderes de los demonios.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 299»

«Men can live a long time without food, but it is stupid to hold that a man’s complexio causes certain prodigious actions, and impious to explain miracles in this way.»los hombres pueden vivir mucho sin comer, pero es necio sostener que la complexión de un hombre cause ciertas acciones prodigiosas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 300»

«The imagination has incredible virtue on one’s own body, but none on another's.»la imaginación tiene virtud increíble sobre el propio cuerpo y ninguna sobre el ajeno.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 300»

«though Baranzani remarks that no philosopher ordinarily treats of it, and some ridicule occult qualities as the refuge of ignorance.»aunque Baranzani observe que ningún filósofo trata ordinariamente de ello y algunos ridiculicen las cualidades ocultas como refugio de la ignorancia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 300»

«Some animals, however, are prevented by occult virtue from living in certain regions.»algunos animales quedan impedidos por virtud oculta de vivir en ciertas regiones.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 301»

«Using a candle of hhuman fat to search for hidden treasure is not only impious but quite unlikely to succeed.»usar una vela de grasa humana para buscar tesoro escondido no solo es impío sino bastante improbable que resulte; el OCR imprime *hhuman*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 301»

«No amatory draught or sorcery or poisoning, with howsoever great occult virtue it may be thought endowed, moves the will directly but only affects it indirectly.»ningún filtro amatorio, hechicería o envenenamiento, por grande que se le crea la virtud oculta, mueve la voluntad: solo la afecta indirectamente.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 301»

«But it is incredible that the swords, needles and other objects, which most certainly come out of the bodies of persons bewitched, could have been produced naturally in their bodies.»y es increíble que las espadas, agujas y demás objetos que salen de los cuerpos de ciertas personas se produzcan naturalmente en ellos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 301»

«What we encounter by chance when walking about can have no efÏcacy in disposing our actions for good or evil, but the lineaments of the body and lines of the face, hands and feet have an occult afÏnity with the qualities of mind and soul.»lo que se encuentra por azar al andar no puede tener eficacia alguna en disponer nuestras acciones para bien o para mal; el OCR imprime *efÏcacy*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 301»

«These are marvels and yet true.»con la fórmula que Thorndike recoge del autor: son maravillas y con todo verdaderas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 302»

«He could say much more of the nature and virtues of these stones, but they are not the subject of the present work.»podría decir mucho más de la naturaleza y las virtudes de esas piedras, pero no son la materia de la obra presente.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 303»

«The use of wooden pegs in ship-building in the Maldive Islands is, however, because of Jack of iron there rather than due to fear that iron nails would be extracted on passing magnetic cliffs or mountains.»y el uso de clavijas de madera en la construcción naval de las Maldivas se debe a la falta de hierro y no a acantilados magnéticos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 303»

«The herb pentaphilon resists poisons and demons by its quinary virtue; its leaf taken in wine twice a day cures ephemeral fever; thrice, tertian; and four times, quartan.»la hierba pentafilón resiste venenos y demonios por su virtud quinaria, y su hoja tomada en vino dos veces al día cura la efímera.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 303»

«The Cabala has been admired almost through eternal ages. It is very difÏcult to acquire, and other sciences are prerequisite and a natural ingenuity. But it does not require knowledge of superstitious arts.»de la cábala recoge que ha sido admirada casi por siglos eternos, que es dificilísima de adquirir y que otras ciencias son requisito previo; el OCR imprime *difÏcult*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 304»

«The work of the Jesuit, Julius Caesar Bulenger, on licit and forbidden magic, contains very little as to licit magic, which may have been put in the title as a pious fraud to attract readers.»y de la obra del jesuita Julius Caesar Bulenger sobre la magia lícita y prohibida dice que trae muy poco de magia lícita.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 304»

«The book on rings of Johann Kirchmann (1575-1643) of Liibeck, first published in 1623,1°° is mainly a mosaic of quotations from the classics, and, while it treats briefly of magic rings and talismans and omens from rings, represents the carving of astrological images as a superstitious custom,‘ and states that recent medici have disproved the old notion that a muscle or vein connects the ring finger with the heart.»el libro de los anillos de Johann Kirchmann de Lübeck, de 1623, es sobre todo un mosaico de citas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 304»

«Campanella (15681639) had shown himself a disciple of Telesio and also was influenced by the writings of Cardan.»de Campanella consigna que se mostró discípulo de Telesio y recibió influencia de los escritos de Cardano.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 304»

«Campanella holds that all nature is sentient.»y que sostiene que toda la naturaleza es sensitiva.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 305»

«All beings abhor a vacuum and rejoice in mutual contact, therefore they are sentient and the world as a whole is an anim»todos los seres aborrecen el vacío y se gozan en el contacto mutuo, luego son sensitivos y el mundo entero es un animal.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 306»

«He admits, however, that man has a mind and soul infused by God, which brute animals do not possess.»admite con todo que el hombre tiene mente y alma infundidas por Dios, que los brutos no poseen.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 306»

«The world too must have a soul and divine mind, created and infused by God, or macrocosm would be inferior to microcosm.»y que el mundo ha de tener también alma y mente divina creadas e infundidas por Dios, o el macrocosmo sería inferior al microcosmo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 306»

«Campanella adds that the Holy Inquisition objected that in this case the world soul would inform vermin and other unworthy objects, but he retorted that it would no more do so than the human soul informs black-heads and tape worms.»y añade que la Santa Inquisición objetó que en ese caso el alma del mundo informaría a las alimañas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 306»

«Sky and stars are of the nature of fire and are sentient.»cielo y estrellas son de naturaleza de fuego y son sensitivos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 307»

«Since we cook with fire and are nourished, grow and move by its virtue, it must be that it controls our feelings and consciousness too.»y, puesto que cocinamos con fuego y por su virtud nos nutrimos, crecemos y nos movemos, ha de gobernar también nuestros sentimientos y nuestra consciencia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 307»

«This aged rock with such long duration should surely know more than I.»con la frase que Thorndike le cita: esta roca añeja, de tan larga duración, debe de saber más que yo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 307»

«He does not claim to be a prophet, “but I am so addicted to my God, from whom I have seen miracles and angels and demons, and have suffered much, that I am wholly turned into spirit.”»Campanella no se dice profeta, pero se declara tan adicto a su Dios, de quien ha visto milagros y ángeles y demonios.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 308»

«He will reform astronomy and the calendar. He will prove the end of the world by fire against Aristotle, Ptolemy and Copernicus in favor of the Evangel.»de su oferta al cardenal Farnesio: reformará la astronomía y el calendario y probará el fin del mundo por fuego contra Aristóteles, Ptolomeo y Copérnico.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 309»

«He will open the whole world like a book from his mouth in two months, and, “when you hear me, your books will seem to you mere tricks of jugglers.”»abrirá el mundo entero como un libro desde su boca en dos meses, y al oírlo los libros parecerán meros trucos de titiriteros.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 309»

«If he but opens his mouth at Rome, “you will see a new heaven and a new earth, and from north and south a great rush to the Catholic Faith.”»y con solo abrir la boca en Roma se verá un cielo nuevo y una tierra nueva, y una gran carrera del norte y del sur hacia la fe católica.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 309»

«In De sensu rerum et magia, too, he expresses his belief in the existence of both angels and demons, and condemns as impious the opinion that no demons exist.»en el *De sensu rerum et magia* expresa su creencia en ángeles y demonios y condena por impío decir que no existen demonios.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 309»

«On the other hand, as he states in his Six Books on Astrology, neither good angel nor devil has sovereignty over nature, but they employ magic, applying active to passive at the right time and under favoring conditions of the stars and of matter.»y en sus seis libros de astrología declara que ni el ángel bueno ni el diablo tienen soberanía sobre la naturaleza.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 309»

«It is true that other animals sense coming weather changes as men do not, but that is because they are more exposed to the air and more exclusively intent on their food and self-preservation.»es cierto que otros animales sienten los cambios de tiempo que vienen como los hombres no, por estar más expuestos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 309»

«Nevertheless man is far superior in divination, because he has presentiments of angels, God and a life after death.»y con todo el hombre es muy superior en la adivinación, porque tiene presentimientos de ángeles, de Dios y de una vida después de la muerte.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 309»

«The dreams of Joseph and Daniel, however, were of direct divine transmission and straight from God.»los sueños de José y de Daniel fueron de transmisión divina directa.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 310»

«Nor does Campanella agree with Ficino in De vita coelitus comparanda and many other writers, that melancholy is a cause of prevision.»ni concuerda con Ficino ni con otros muchos en que la melancolía sea causa de previsión.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 310»

«And it is true that in the world all things are closely associated (consimiles) and that he who does not distinguish well is often deceived.»y es cierto que en el mundo todas las cosas están estrechamente asociadas y que quien no distingue bien se engaña a menudo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 310»

«He believes that the stars only incline and do not necessitate, but they render the spirit lucid and so favorable to divination, and also apt to receive divine inspiration and angelic visions, as Origen has said.»cree que las estrellas solo inclinan y no necesitan, aunque vuelvan lúcido el espíritu y así favorable a la adivinación.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 310»

«What is labelled the revelation of one’s secret thoughts to the absent by force of the magnet turns out to be simply»Thorndike acota el rótulo: lo que se anuncia como revelación de los pensamientos secretos a un ausente por fuerza del imán resulta ser simplemente un aparato entre dos cuartos contiguos con letras del alfabeto en el borde; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 282»

«At any rate, it was not until February 1, 1625, that the book of Khunrath was condemned by the»y fecha la condena: el libro de Khunrath no fue condenado hasta el 1 de febrero de 1625; el tramo se corta en el límite de plana.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 288»

«In 1626 the Notes of Gaspar Wenckh (1589—1634) on the magnetic unguent»las notas de Gaspar Wenckh sobre el ungüento magnético, de 1626; el troceo intercala aquí las notas al pie y el verbatim se corta antes de ellas: la frase sigue preguntando si el universo entero era un animal.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 298»

«held that speech and words originated in the effort of the spirit or spirits within the body to signify its sentiments to others by forming on the air breathed a likeness of the thing meant with movements sounding in the mouth and reflected in various figures, “and so the first speakers formed names from impressions received.”»según Thorndike, Campanella hace nacer el habla y las palabras del esfuerzo del espíritu dentro del cuerpo por significar su sentir, y a los primeros hablantes formar los nombres de las impresiones recibidas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 312»

«Different nations are variously affected and have different methods of expressing the air, Germans pronounce many consonants because the impetus of the spirit in speaking is thrust back by their cold climate.»las naciones se afectan de modo distinto y tienen modos distintos de expresar el aire, y los alemanes pronuncian muchas consonantes por su clima frío.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 312»

«The Venetians, living on the water, have many liquids and vowels.»los venecianos, que viven sobre el agua, tienen muchas líquidas y vocales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 312»

«The Spaniards, because of the heat and sharpness of their region, have words abounding in vowels and sibilants.»los españoles, por el calor y la agudeza de su región, palabras abundantes en vocales y sibilantes.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 312»

«The Italians are, like their climate, midway between these last two.»y los italianos, como su clima, a medio camino entre unos y otros.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 312»

«In antiquity, before the sun was so near the earth, they pronounced Latin with more consonants.»en la Antigüedad, antes de que el sol estuviera tan cerca de la tierra, pronunciaban el latín con más consonantes.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 312»

«But with the continuous descent of the sun and mixture of nations in the peninsula the language has undergone continuous variation.»y con el descenso continuo del sol y la mezcla de naciones en la península la lengua ha variado sin parar.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 312»

«In another passage Campanella says that, if verbal language had not yet been worked out, men would understand one another according to the emotion or state of mind impressed on the air,»y en otro pasaje, que si no se hubiera elaborado el lenguaje verbal los hombres se entenderían por el estado de ánimo impreso en el aire.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 312»

«Coming now to the chapter on the power of words, its heading states that words have force over absent things, but that often demons craftily intervene.»el capítulo del poder de las palabras encabeza diciendo que tienen fuerza sobre las cosas ausentes, pero que a menudo intervienen mañosamente los demonios.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 312»

«The subsequent text is even more hesitant, stating that it is difÏcult to see how words can affect the absent, although Campanella asserts that he was cured as a child of an ailment of the spleen by words uttered by an old-wife.»y el texto que sigue es aún más vacilante: es difícil ver cómo las palabras afecten a lo ausente; el OCR imprime *difÏcult*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 312»

«Ceremonies per se are of no avail.»las ceremonias por sí mismas no sirven de nada.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 312»

«But Campanella cannot understand how the stars or weather can be changed by incantations alone or the crops dried up.»Campanella no entiende cómo puedan cambiarse las estrellas o el tiempo por solos encantamientos, ni secarse las cosechas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 312»

«The voice and imagination cannot alter sky and sea.»la voz y la imaginación no pueden alterar el cielo ni el mar.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 312»

«Nor can mere sound move great rocks and plants, as Orpheus is said to have done.»ni el mero sonido mover grandes rocas y plantas, como se dice que hizo Orfeo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 312»

«Campanella accepts the existence of diabolical witchcraft, and holds that the physician should not regard the books of exorcists as wholly vain, for Paracelsus praises exorcisms as true and fitting remedies.»acepta la existencia de la brujería diabólica y sostiene que el médico no debe tener por remedios verdaderos y convenientes los libros de los hechiceros.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 313»

«Campanella recognizes, however, that Paracelsus was somewhat given to superstition, and rejects his further assertion that witchcraft is removed by other witchcraft.»aunque reconoce que Paracelso era algo dado a la superstición y rechaza su afirmación de que la brujería se quita con otra brujería.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 313»

«He also defends such personages as Anselm of Parma, Henry Cornelius Agrippa, Merlin and Nostradamus, as well as ancient philosophers like Pythagoras, Democritus and Empedocles, writers in Arabic like Alkindi, Geber and Thebit, medieval Latins like Michael Scot, Aquinas, Albertus Magnus, Roger Bacon and Peter of Abano, or more recent personages such as Pico della Mirandola and Savonarola, Trithemius and Paracelsus.»de Naudé recoge la defensa de Anselmo de Parma, Enrique Cornelio Agripa, Merlín y Nostradamus, junto con Savonarola, Tritemio y Paracelso.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 315»

«Zoroaster was not the author of either goetia or theurgy; Orpheus was not a magician; Numa Pompilius and the poet Vergil are defended as well as Popes Sylvester II (Gerbert) and Gregory VII, or Joseph, Solomon and the three Magi.»y sus negativas: Zoroastro no fue autor de la goecia ni de la teurgia, Orfeo no fue mago, y Numa Pompilio y el poeta Virgilio tampoco.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 315»

«The book opens with a chapter on historical criticism and closes with an exhortation to writers on demons and witchcraft to be more seeptical.»el libro abre con un capítulo de crítica histórica y cierra exhortando a los que escriben de demonios y brujas a ser más escépticos; el impreso parte *sceptical* en el salto de renglón como *seep-tical*, con la ce leída como e, y `span()` lo devuelve unido en *seeptical*: la forma es de la herramienta sobre un OCR ya corrupto.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 315»

«But, as has been indicated, Naudé himself might have shown more scepticism as to the natural basis of certain occult arts.»pero, según Thorndike, el propio Naudé pudo mostrar más escepticismo sobre la base natural de ciertas artes ocultas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 315»

«Yet a letter of Guy Patin represents himself, Gassendi and Naudé as in matters of philosophy and religion “all three cured of the fear of bugbears and liberated from the disease of scruples, that tyrant of consciences.”»una carta de Guy Patin lo presenta a él, a Gassendi y a Naudé como coincidentes en filosofía y religión.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 315»

«Patin also quotes Naudé as warning not to be deceived by four things: prophecies, miracles, revelations, and apparitions, and as saying that it was not worth while to keep changing one’s religion.»y cita a Naudé advirtiendo que no se dejen engañar por cuatro cosas: profecías, milagros, revelaciones y apariciones.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 315»

«That a man so learned and enlightened should still maintain such a position with regard to astrology, and other supposed arts of natural divination, and to natural magic is significant of the hold which such subjects still had.»el saldo de Thorndike: que un hombre tan docto e ilustrado mantuviera aún esa posición ante la astrología muestra el agarre que esas materias conservaban.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 315»

«Naudé, however, could smile at a modern writer who, leaving no stone unturned in his effort to be thought a magician, published a Rhetoric in five parts: the art of Trithemius for invention, theurgy for elocution, the art of Armadel for disposition, the Pauline art for pronunciation, and the Lullian art for memory.»aunque Naudé pudiera sonreír ante un escritor moderno que no dejaba piedra por mover para que lo tuvieran por mago.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 315»

«‘As this last list suggests, Naudé includes some occult arts of questionable standing under natural magi»y esa lista sugiere que Naudé incluye bajo la magia natural algunas artes ocultas de reputación cuestionable; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 315»

«‘The same Jesuit, Jean Roberti, who had attacked the treatise of Goclenius on the magnetic cure of wounds, also criticized Naudé’s Apologie.»el mismo jesuita Jean Roberti que había atacado el tratado de Goclenio sobre la cura magnética criticó también la *Apologie* de Naudé.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 316»

«Naudé’s sceptical bent was shown again a few years later in a treatise questioning the danger from poisons,»y su inclinación escéptica se mostró otra vez unos años después en un tratado que cuestionaba el peligro de los venenos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 316»

«Gaffarel contends that astrological images are natural and not diabolical.»Gaffarel sostiene que las imágenes astrológicas son naturales y no diabólicas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 318»

«He insists that something is to be ascribed to figure; a square piece of wood for example will not spin as well as a round ‘one.»e insiste en que algo hay que adjudicar a la figura: un trozo cuadrado de madera no gira tan bien como uno redondo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 318»

«He will not, however, accept those images which violate free will, and agrees that some of these figures are by now destitute of any efÏcacy.»no acepta en cambio las imágenes que violan el libre albedrío, y concede que algunas figuras están ya destituidas de toda eficacia; el OCR parte *efÏcacy*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 318»

«Ficino was wrong in ascribing to the Rabbis the view that the brazen serpent which Moses lifted up in the wilderness was a talisman to avert the evil influence of Mars and Scorpio.»Thorndike consigna las correcciones que Gaffarel hace a otros: Ficino erraba al adjudicar a los rabinos que la serpiente de bronce de Moisés recibiera el influjo de Marte y Escorpión.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 318»

«Nor was the golden calf, as some astrologers think, intended to receive the force of Venus and the moon.»ni el becerro de oro, como creen algunos astrólogos, se hizo para recibir la fuerza de Venus y la luna.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 318»

«The Druids of Gaul employed them most successfully, and learned men of later times rescued them from darkness and oblivion.»los druidas de la Galia las emplearon con el mayor éxito, y hombres doctos de tiempos posteriores las rescataron de la oscuridad y el olvido.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 318»

«Paracelsus applied such diligence that some of those he fabricated are the safest amulets against the plague.»y Paracelso puso tal diligencia que algunas de las que fabricó son los amuletos más seguros contra la peste.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 318»

«He does not believe that images can assure victory in war, and sorcery with wax images is not natural but diabolical.»no cree que las imágenes aseguren la victoria en la guerra, y la hechicería con imágenes de cera no es natural sino diabólica.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 318»

«He does not accept the argument against the influence of such images that action must be by contact.»no acepta el argumento de que la acción haya de ser por contacto.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 318»

«One does not need to touch the fire to be warmed by it, and the attractive influence of the magnet is natural, piricus.»porque no hace falta tocar el fuego para calentarse, y la atracción del imán es natural.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 318»

«Some of the Fathers have inveighed against images, but the Church has never forbidden their legitimate use.»algunos Padres han clamado contra las imágenes, pero la Iglesia nunca prohibió su uso legítimo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 319»

«Gaffarel incorrectly represents Aquinas as favorable to them like Albertus Magnus and Cajetan, although he correctly cites William of Auvergne and Gerson as opposing them.»y Thorndike le señala el error: Gaffarel presenta incorrectamente a Aquino como favorable a ellas, y correctamente a Gerson como opuesto.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 319»

«Gaffarel further contends that the astrology of the ancients was neither idolatry nor the cause of idolatry, and accuses Scaliger and others of having misrepresented the astrology of the ancient Hebrews, Egyptians and Arabs.»sostiene además que la astrología de los antiguos no fue idolatría ni causa de idolatría.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 319»

«On August 1, 1629, the faculty of theology at Paris condemned Gaffarel’s book as “entirely to be disapproved,” and called its doctrine false, erroneous, scandalous, opposed to Holy Writ, contumelious towards the Church Fathers, and superstitious besides.»y el 1 de agosto de 1629 la facultad de teología de París condenó su libro como enteramente reprobable y además supersticioso.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 319»

«He held that works of human art receive no new virtue from the stars.»con la tesis contraria: las obras del arte humano no reciben virtud nueva de las estrellas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 319»

«He added that the stars were secondary causes which God used in showering their various gifts upon men, and that if one knew his particular inclination and applied himself thereto, he would succeed the better, or know how to avoid such ills as it involved.»y que las estrellas eran causas segundas de que Dios se sirve para derramar sus dones sobre los hombres.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 321»

«But the wise faculty of theology of Paris pronounced against this Livre de la verge de Jacob which attributed to the stars these virtues on the inclinations of men even to the point of supernatural gifts, and in 1629 obliged Gaffarel to retract what he had written on this subject and to publish his retraction which was printed at Paris by Jean Guillemot.»pero la facultad de teología de París se pronunció contra el *Livre de la verge de Jacob*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 321»

«It is suspected, and correctly, that booksellers of Rouen from hope of gain published it once and again not without great corruption both of the style and the meaning.»Thorndike coteja la bibliografía: se sospecha, con razón, que libreros de Ruan lo publicaron una y otra vez por afán de lucro, no sin daño del estilo y del sentido.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 322»

«Its only other notable feature is putting natural magic first in its title, presumably as more likely to attract readers than the superstitious and diabolical variety.»y del título anota lo único notable: poner la magia natural primero, presumiblemente por atraer lectores mejor que la variedad supersticiosa y diabólica.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 322»

«The cosmopolitan character which marked many men of letters and science in the seventeenth century is well illustrated in the person of John Jonston or Johnstone (1603—1675), a naturalist of English ancestry who was born and buried in Poland, studied at the universities of St. Andrews and Cambridge, lived a while in London, received the M.D. degree and practiced medicine in Leyden, married twice with German women, traveled extensively on the continent, published his numerous works in Latin at Amsterdam, Leyden and Breda in the Netherlands and Frankfurt-am-Main, Leipzig, Jena and Breslau in Germany, retiring for the last score of years of his life to his country place in Silesia.»el carácter cosmopolita que marcó a muchos hombres de letras y de ciencia del siglo XVII se ilustra bien en el caso que sigue.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 323»

«The magnet did not attract iron by such virtue but by reason of a likeness in temperament which depended on manifest qualities.»el imán no atraía el hierro por virtud oculta sino por semejanza de temperamento, dependiente de cualidades manifiestas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 323»

«For, if the magnet was smeared with garlic, it would no longer attract iron, because the garlic prevented the species of the stone from being represented to the iron as it was—rather, quite differently, since garlic is destructive to iron, making it rust and»porque, untado de ajo, dejaba de atraer el hierro; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 323»

«Alexander says that the suspension of the peony does not work now-a-days, but that some afÏrm that we do not have the right species, enumerated by Galen.»dice que la suspensión de la peonía ya no obra hoy, aunque algunos afirmen que no tenemos la especie debida; el OCR imprime *afÏrm*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 324»

«Pimpinella on the thigh will not prevent conception, although taken internally it has the force of moving the menstrua and purging the womb.»la pimpinela en el muslo no impedirá la concepción, aunque tomada por dentro tenga fuerza de mover la regla.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 324»

«Shell-fish are better at the full of the moon, not from celestial influence, as is commonly believed, nor because they are more nourished then, but because, being bloodless, they rejoice in warmth, and the nights are warmer when the moon is full.»los mariscos son mejores con luna llena, no por influjo celeste como se cree comúnmente.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 325»

«But the old explanations seem about as plausible and convincing as do Alexander's new ones.»y el saldo de Thorndike: las explicaciones viejas parecen tan plausibles y convincentes como las nuevas de Alexander.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 325»

«Paracelsus is quoted that the stars possess reason, wisdom, heat, wrath and other emotions no less than man, who indeed receives these from them and has, as an intermediary between the rational soul and blind body, an astral spirit, which is a most subtle substance, source of all political virtues and natural functions sensual and imaginative, and which preserves the body from decay and death to the term destined by God.»se cita a Paracelso diciendo que las estrellas poseen razón, sabiduría, calor, ira y otras emociones no menos que el hombre.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 327»

«Even deluded imagination cures many, and the demon teaches the weak witch an art by which internal imagination operates externally.»hasta la imaginación engañada cura a muchos, y el demonio enseña a la bruja débil un arte por el que la imaginación interna obra hacia afuera.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 327»

«Dreams are spiritual semblances of things, formed by the spirits of the imagination in the supreme region or lunar sphere of the human body.»los sueños son semejanzas espirituales de las cosas formadas por los espíritus de la imaginación en la región suprema.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 327»

«But not all dreams foretell the future.»aunque no todos los sueños anuncien el futuro.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 327»

«Occult qualities are scorned as “the anchor of asses,” but a world soul is accepted and natural spirits in stars, air, water, forests, and underground.»las cualidades ocultas se desdeñan como el ancla de los asnos, y se acepta en cambio un alma del mundo y espíritus naturales en las estrellas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 327»

«Even the demons cannot harm or even deceive man without his aid, while their operation can by impeded by natural means and their art deluded by art.»ni los demonios pueden dañar ni engañar al hombre sin su concurso, y su operación puede impedirse por medios naturales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 327»

«The magician knows how to remove diseases inflicted by magic art by contrary means, and even how to transfer them back whence they came.»el mago sabe quitar por medios contrarios las enfermedades infligidas por arte mágico, y aun devolverlas de donde vinieron.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 327»

«Ghosts no longer appear, if the corpses are burned and the ashes scattered on water.»los fantasmas dejan de aparecer si se queman los cadáveres y se esparcen las cenizas en el agua.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 327»

«But if the specters were demons and not ghosts of the dead, their operation could not be impeded by fire.»pero si los espectros fueran demonios y no fantasmas de muertos, su operación no podría impedirse con fuego.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 327»

«Kozak disapproves of imprisoning spirits in bottles, rings and the like and making slaves of them, They were placed by God in the elements free, and their service by natural means is permissible provided not employed against God or one’s neighbor.»Kozak desaprueba encerrar espíritus en botellas y anillos y hacerlos esclavos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 327»

«But some things work more by the imagination and credulity of the patient than by their own natural efÏcacy.»y algunas cosas obran más por la imaginación y la credulidad del paciente que por su eficacia natural propia; el OCR imprime *efÏcacy*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 327»

«Such are scrolls worn about the neck inscribed with unknown characters, of which innumerable formulae exist, which I think are concocted by medical men and magicians not for their operative power but to excite confidence in the patient.»tales son los rollos llevados al cuello con caracteres desconocidos, de los que hay fórmulas innumerables.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 327»

«“It is the blood which suffers, not which afÒicts.»con la sentencia sobre la sangre: es la sangre la que padece, no la que aflige; el OCR imprime *afÒicts*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 328»

«Valerio Martini, who had published medical works at Venice in 1698 and 1636, issued in 1638 another volume which was primarily concerned with occult and specific properties.»Valerio Martini, que había publicado obras médicas en Venecia, sacó en 1638 otro volumen sobre las propiedades ocultas y específicas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 328»

«By their means things hitherto enveloped in Nature's secret archives are brought into the open light.»por ellas se traen a la luz abierta cosas hasta ahora envueltas en los archivos secretos de la naturaleza.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 328»

«Martini, who is a very wordy writer, rejects the view of Fernel and also that of Scaliger as to occult virtues.»Martini, escritor muy palabrero según Thorndike, rechaza la opinión de Fernel y la de Escalígero sobre las virtudes ocultas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 328»

«Martini holds that light is required for color, although Averroes is represented as arguing that color existed independently without light, which it required only as a medium, or even that color was visible per se without the aid of light.»sostiene que la luz se requiere para el color, aunque a Averroes se lo presente argumentando que el color existía sin ella.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 329»

«Martini professed to have revealed for the first time the properties of the whole substance, which had hitherto been occult and were known to God and nature alone2»y declaraba haber revelado por primera vez las propiedades de toda la sustancia, hasta entonces conocidas solo de Dios y de la naturaleza.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 330»

«But his explanations are none too clear.»aunque Thorndike anote que sus explicaciones no son nada claras.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 330»

«The virtues of the magnet and remora are, he claims, the only ones that he cannot reduce to terms of manifest qualities, and he regards the latter's property as false.»las virtudes del imán y de la rémora son, dice, las únicas que no puede reducir a cualidades manifiestas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 330»

«‘After such indulgence in antitheses, Martini afÏrms the truth of spontaneous generation, and in a final chapter inquires whether consideration of the heavens with reference to generation is physical or metaphysical.»tras tal derroche de antítesis, Martini afirma la verdad de la generación espontánea; el OCR imprime *afÏrms*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 331»

«Olaus Borrichius, or Ole or Oluf Borch (1626-1690), held that no force to dispel disease was implanted by nature in characters, words, seals and images.»Olaus Borrichius sostenía que la naturaleza no implantó en caracteres, palabras, sellos e imágenes fuerza alguna para disipar la enfermedad.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 331»

«Sckegk and Christian Matthias had argued that a saw would not work unless indented, and that therefore figure was important, but Borrichius replies that a paper saw would not work and that therefore mere figure accomplishes nothing.»Schegk y Christian Matthias habían argüido que una sierra no cortaría sin dientes y que por tanto la sola figura nada logra; el OCR imprime *Sckegk*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 331»

«Music was invented for its psychic ‘effect, not to dispel disease, although it may help some accidentally by taking the patient's mind off his sickness.»la música se inventó por su efecto psíquico y no para disipar la enfermedad, aunque ayude accidentalmente distrayendo al paciente.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 331»

«Reason may seem to be against them, but they appeal to innumerable experiences, so Borrichius leaves this in doubt.»la razón parece estar contra ellos, pero apelan a experiencias innumerables, y Borrichius lo deja en duda.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 332»

«the beauty of figures and images gladdens man, but magic figures are ill-shaped and the words barbarous.»la belleza de las figuras y las imágenes alegra al hombre, pero las figuras mágicas son mal formadas y las palabras bárbaras.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 332»

«Oger Ferrier ascribes their efÏcacy to the meeting of minds and confidence of physician and patient, but Borrichius rejects this and seems not to know hypnotism.»Oger Ferrier adjudica su eficacia al encuentro de los ánimos y a la confianza entre médico y paciente, y Thorndike anota que Borrichius parece no conocer el hipnotismo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 332»

«Many things are attributed to the devil which are not his, and not without signal injury»muchas cosas se adjudican al diablo que no son suyas, y no sin daño señalado.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 333»

«But he will not agree that the imagination of the microcosm can affect the macrocosm, as writers like Croll and Burggrav have asserted.»pero no concede que la imaginación del microcosmo pueda afectar al macrocosmo, como afirmaron Croll y Burggrav.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 333»

«Occult qualities, which Borrichius had not been ready to deny, were afÏrmed the next year in a New Philosophy and Medicine based upon them, which was published at Lisbon by Edoard Medeira of Arras.»las cualidades ocultas, que Borrichius no estaba dispuesto a negar, las afirmó al año siguiente una *Nueva filosofía*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 333»

«“An hundred aphorisms conteyning the whole body of naturall magick” are found in two manuscripts at the British Museum, both of the seventeenth century.»de los cien aforismos que contienen el cuerpo entero de la magia natural consigna los dos manuscritos del British Museum.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 333»

«The hundred Aphorisms have been ascribed to William Maxwell, and in Chapter 34 we shall find him»los cien aforismos se han adjudicado a William Maxwell; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 333»

«In 1660 William Williams published a book of 159 pages with the following fulsome title:»en 1660 William Williams publicó un libro de 159 páginas con un título que Thorndike llama empalagoso.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 334»

«The Third and Last Book is a Denarian Tract, shewing how to cure all Disease with ten Medicaments;»cuyo tercer y último libro es un tratado denario que muestra cómo curar toda enfermedad con diez medicamentos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 334»

«A preparation of terra sigillata is effected by repeatedly burning it with Aqua vitae.»una preparación de tierra sellada se logra quemándola repetidamente con aguardiente.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 334»

«The Eagle-stone is white and round like a Tennis-ball, and hath a stone that shaketh within it.»la piedra de águila es blanca y redonda como una pelota de tenis y tiene dentro una piedra que suena.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 334»

«‘There is a Crocus Albinatus in a quarry in the end of the new walk in Greenwich in a white Starre, somewhat yellowish.»y hay un *Crocus Albinatus* en una cantera al final del paseo nuevo de Greenwich, en una estrella blanca algo amarillenta.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 335»

«Some diseases arise from the weak and doubting mind, which not knowing its proper strength and faculty, yields to all sorts of Evil.»algunas enfermedades nacen de la mente débil y dudosa que, no conociendo su propia fuerza, cede a todo mal.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 335»

«Many rare Doctors that were before Hippocrates did only make use of the faculty of the Spirit and Mind, without any Corporeal Medicaments to cure all Diseases meerly by the will and Imagination of the Patients.»muchos doctores raros anteriores a Hipócrates usaban solo de la facultad del espíritu y de la mente, por la voluntad y la imaginación de los pacientes.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 335»

«They even raised the dead, commanded the elements, and solidified water.»y hasta resucitaban muertos, mandaban a los elementos y solidificaban el agua.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 335»

«In the Iberian peninsula, where Arabic schools of necromancy were supposed to have flourished in the middle ages at Toledo and Salamanca, and where astrology continued to be taught in the modern period at Salamanca later than at any other university, there seems to have been a somewhat more favorable attitude towards occult science than elsewhere in western Europe, and less of an inclination to account for all magic as diabolical.»abre el bloque ibérico con el contraste: donde se suponía que habían florecido escuelas árabes de nigromancia en la Edad Media, se explica ahora toda magia como diabólica.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 336»

«he held that spoken words could produce effects by their natural force, and that even»Chamisso sostenía que las palabras habladas podían producir efectos por su fuerza natural; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 336»

«Chamisso further maintained that words varied both in signification and in power, as their imposition by Adam in the case of every beast and every fowl, and the potency of the name of Jesus indicated.»y que las palabras varían en significación y en poder, como lo indicó su imposición por Adán y la potencia del nombre de Jesús.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 337»

«He saw no more reason for denying the efÏcacy of literary elements, when properly ordered as in the cabala, than for denying the marvelous force of the magnet.»no veía más razón para negar la eficacia de los elementos literales, bien ordenados como en la cábala, que para negar la fuerza maravillosa del imán; el OCR imprime *efÏcacy*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 337»

«He therefore reduced practically all incantations of things sensitive and insensitive to the natural force of words.»y reducía por eso casi todos los encantamientos de las cosas sensibles e insensibles a la fuerza natural de las palabras.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 337»

«Chamisso afÏrms that after their fall demons were subjected by God to sensible things, and that some spoken words put them to rout.»afirma que tras su caída los demonios quedaron sujetos por Dios a las cosas sensibles y que algunas palabras habladas los ponen en fuga; el OCR imprime *afÏrms*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 337»

«Valle de Moura, in a book published fifteen years later, did not agree with the position of his fellow-countryman of Portugal, load Bravo Chamisso, but held that words and even divine names did not have the natural force to produce the effects then ascribed to incantations.»con el desacuerdo consignado: Valle de Moura, quince años después, no concuerda con la posición de su compatriota.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 337»

«Nor could the modulation of the voice be the cause.»ni la modulación de la voz podía ser la causa.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 337»

«Against certain medical men he further maintained that it could not be known from the signs of the zodiac whether a disease or wound was lethal.»y sostenía contra ciertos médicos que no puede saberse por los signos del zodiaco si una enfermedad o una herida es letal.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 337»

«But he recognized that some serious persons defended and that most Christian princes were said to have made use of astrological rings and images.»aunque reconociera que algunas personas serias los defendían y que se decía que la mayoría de los príncipes cristianos usaban anillos e imágenes astrológicas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 337»

«He believes that the asp really closes its ears to incantations, as stated in the Psalms.»cree que el áspid cierra realmente los oídos a los encantamientos, como dicen los Salmos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 338»

«He quotes Holcot of the fourteenth century that dealers catch dragons by incantations and sell them to the Ethiopians who eat them for their cooling effect in that hot climate.?»y cita a Holcot, del siglo XIV, sobre los tratantes que cazan dragones con encantamientos y los venden a los etíopes.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 338»

«On the other hand, certain bedbugs kill by natural force.»del otro lado, ciertas chinches matan por fuerza natural.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 338»

«Anyone with the least smattering of philosophy knows that there are occult virtues in nature by which marvels might be worked, if they were well known»cualquiera con la menor noción de filosofía sabe que hay en la naturaleza virtudes ocultas por las que podrían obrarse maravillas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 339»

«It is not denied that he can transfer from place to place, and he can transport human bodies.»de Torreblanca sobre el diablo: no se niega que pueda trasladarse de lugar a lugar ni transportar cuerpos humanos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 340»

«He did not lose his natural powers by the fall, and can apply active to passive, and by local motion stir up winds and storms.»no perdió sus poderes naturales por la caída, y puede aplicar lo activo a lo pasivo y levantar vientos y tormentas por movimiento local.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 340»

«That storms cannot be excited by demons is an error defended by heretics like Wier and Godelmann and even among Catholics by Molitor.»y que los demonios no puedan excitar tormentas es error defendido por herejes como Wier y Godelmann y aun por el católico Molitor.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 340»

«He can effect levitation but cannot resuscitate perfect animals, nor even those born of putrefaction in the same number,»puede obrar levitación y no resucitar animales perfectos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 340»

«He cannot produce a vacuum, which is contrary to the principles.»no puede producir el vacío, contrario a los principios.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 340»

«He can induce darkness; corrupt air, water and earth in certain places; and produce earthquakes.»puede inducir tinieblas, corromper aire, agua y tierra en ciertos lugares y producir terremotos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 341»

«The devil can give the victory to whom he pleases but cannot give men such strength that they can hold up huge weights or increase their natural speed.»puede dar la victoria a quien quiera y no dar a los hombres fuerza para sostener pesos enormes.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 341»

«He cannot render a large colored body invisible but he can form objects from the elements as a painter does from colors and, by moving the air, move them.»no puede volver invisible un cuerpo grande y coloreado, y sí formar objetos de los elementos como un pintor de colores.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 341»

«God alone can transform men into beasts but the devil can deceive them into thinking that they are so transformed.»solo Dios puede transformar hombres en bestias, y el diablo puede engañarlos para que se crean transformados.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 341»

«Change of sex occurs in nature, but the devil can affect it only in the case of hermaphrodites.»el cambio de sexo ocurre en la naturaleza, y el diablo solo puede obrarlo en los hermafroditas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 341»

«Torreblanca doubts if mares conceive from the wind.»Torreblanca duda de que las yeguas conciban del viento.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 341»

«It is not possible to restore virginity, although both the devil and doctors may counterfeit it.»no es posible restaurar la virginidad, aunque el diablo y los médicos puedan fingirla.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 341»

«The devil can also induce long trances by perturbing the humors or adminstering soporific herbs.»el diablo puede inducir trances largos perturbando los humores o administrando hierbas soporíferas; el impreso trae *adminstering*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 342»

«It is true that Samuel appeared to Saul, but that was by special divine order.»es cierto que Samuel se apareció a Saúl, pero por orden divina especial.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 342»

«Thus far Torreblanca has jumbled together natural and diabolical magic almost inextricably, but his remaining chapters are on witchcraft, with the two last on natural and divine remedies against it.»y Thorndike juzga el conjunto: hasta aquí Torreblanca ha embrollado casi inextricablemente la magia natural y la diabólica.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 343»

«‘The question whether there is natural fascination is followed by a chapter on notable properties of animals such as the catoblepas, which, Pliny says, fortunately keeps its eyes fixed on the ground, for everyone who sees them drops dead.»la pregunta de si hay fascinación natural la sigue un capítulo sobre propiedades notables de los animales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 344»

«He gives the opinion of Avicenna and Pomponazzi as to its cause, also that of the astrologers (planetarios), and asks if there is a natural fascination of love, whether one can fascinate oneself, and if the basilisk can stare itself to death in a mirror, Then several chapters are devoted to the corpse bleeding in the presence of the murderer, and a single chapter to weapon ointment.»Eusebio da la opinión de Avicena y de Pomponazzi sobre su causa, y la de los astrólogos, y dedica un capítulo al ungüento de armas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 344»

«The second book notes Solomon's knowledge of natural history and the science of Adam, whereas the Cabala, magic and metoposcopy are listed as vicious sciences.»el segundo libro anota el conocimiento de historia natural de Salomón y la ciencia de Adán, mientras la cábala y la magia se listan como ciencias viciosas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 344»

«But physiognomy is expounded as true and certain, and those who deny it are called superstitious.»y la fisiognomía se expone como verdadera y cierta, llamando supersticiosos a quienes la niegan.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 344»

«But fifteen chapters later it is afÏrmed that love is the bond and cement of the world.»quince capítulos después se afirma que el amor es el vínculo y el cemento del mundo; el OCR imprime *afÏrmed*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 345»

«The books on divination from dreams of Nicephorus, Astrampsychus, Achmet and Artemidorus are condemned, as is the superstitious abuse of characters and astrological images.»se condenan los libros de adivinación por sueños de Nicéforo, Astrampsico, Achmet y Artemidoro, y el abuso supersticioso de caracteres e imágenes astrológicas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 345»

«The movement of the earth is denied, and such a question is put as, of what animals did Adam and Eve wear the skins?»se niega el movimiento de la tierra y se pregunta de qué animales vistieron Adán y Eva las pieles.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 345»

«It is not only a science but is superior to other sciences.»de la magia natural: no solo es ciencia sino superior a las demás ciencias.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 346»

«Gutierrez concludes that fascination is naturally impossible, for it is supposed to be produced either by infected eyes or words or both, with a malignant cast of mind.»Gutiérrez concluye que la fascinación es naturalmente imposible.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 347»

«He takes up the customary position that force of imagination cannot immediately alter external objects, although it may affect a person’s own spirits and humors and so affect another man by contagion.»y toma la posición acostumbrada de que la fuerza de la imaginación no puede alterar inmediatamente los objetos externos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 347»

«He even denies diabolical fascination, for the devil cannot transmute material bodies by his own virtue,»niega hasta la fascinación diabólica, porque el diablo no puede transmutar cuerpos materiales por su propia virtud.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 348»

«He grants that man has marvelous occult virtues with respect to other living beings or mixed bodies, but not with respect to another man.»concede que el hombre tiene virtudes ocultas maravillosas respecto de otros vivientes o cuerpos mixtos, y no respecto de otro hombre.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 348»

«But natural magic is knowledge of secret things “through the revolutions of the heavens and the courses of the stars, or by the essences of things or the essential properties of things,” and is especially concerned with sympathies and antipathies.»y otra definición de la magia natural: conocimiento de las cosas secretas por las revoluciones de los cielos y los cursos de las estrellas, con las simpatías y antipatías.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 349»

«He classes Ars notoria under it but seems to regard physical ligatures as a part of natural magic.»clasifica bajo ella el Ars notoria y parece tener las ligaduras físicas por parte de la magia natural.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 349»

«Predicting the future and speaking a foreign language are not necessarily a sign of being possessed by demons, but may be the result of melancholy or of natural divination, such as is possessed by brute animals.»predecir el futuro y hablar una lengua extranjera no son necesariamente señal de posesión demoníaca.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 349»

«Nor is the generation of monstrous objects within the body a sure sign of bewitchment, for nature can do almost anything.»ni la generación de objetos monstruosos dentro del cuerpo es señal segura de embrujamiento, porque la naturaleza puede casi todo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 349»

«Some think that if there is any vegetative virtue left in the corpse, it sufÏces to make the blood flow through a certain hostile antipathy.»del cadáver que sangra ante el asesino: algunos creen que basta con que quede virtud vegetativa en él.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 349»

«But Heredia holds that the causes are so hidden and occult that they are known to God alone.»Heredia sostiene que las causas son tan escondidas y ocultas que solo Dios las conoce.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 350»

«Man ever tries to penetrate to the inner nature of things: the heaven of the philosophers, celestial fire, potable gold, abstruse sympathies, unknown antipathies, known to no other age.»el hombre trata siempre de penetrar en la naturaleza íntima de las cosas: el cielo de los filósofos, el fuego celeste, el oro potable.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 350»

«But Heredia is ready to anathematize those who live at ease, know nothing of nature and do nothing for the state, yet dare to damn precious secrets.»y Heredia está pronto a anatematizar a quienes viven en la holgura, nada saben de la naturaleza y nada hacen por el estado, y aun así se atreven a condenar los secretos preciosos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 350»

«He stresses the power of celestial influx and strong imagination and the marvelous consensus both in the elements and mixed bodies.»subraya el poder del influjo celeste, de la imaginación fuerte y del consenso maravilloso en los elementos y los cuerpos mixtos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 350»

«Aside from demon activity, the only natural effect must be by the impression made in speaking upon the air,»y aparte de la actividad demoníaca, el único efecto natural ha de venir de la impresión que el hablar hace en el aire; el tramo se corta en el límite de plana y sigue *which might convey it to a distance*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 312»

«‘Alexander de Vicentinis in his book of 1634»Alexander de Vicentinis atacó en su libro de 1634 no solo la astrología sino el postulado básico de la magia natural; el verbatim se corta antes de la llamada de nota.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 323»

«As for natural magic, “Whatever wise men do in imitating nature or aiding it by art, not merely unknown to the populace but to the general run of men, we call a magic work.»la definición que Campanella da de la magia natural: cuanto hacen los sabios imitando a la naturaleza o ayudándola por arte, ignorado no solo del vulgo sino de la generalidad de los hombres, lo llamamos obra mágica.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 311»

«Before an art becomes known, it is always called magic.»con el corolario que Thorndike subraya: antes de que un arte se conozca, siempre se le llama magia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 311»

«Gunpowder, printing and the magnet once were magical. Mechanical clocks soon lost their charm because everyone could see how they ran.»la pólvora, la imprenta y el imán fueron mágicos en su hora, y los relojes mecánicos perdieron pronto su encanto porque cualquiera veía cómo andaban.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 311»

«But medicine, astrology and religion are very rarely divulged; therefore the ancients restricted the term magic to them.»pero la medicina, la astrología y la religión rara vez se divulgan, y por eso los antiguos les reservaron el nombre de magia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 311»

«Meanwhile Campanella, whose astrology had lost him the pope’s favor, had come to France in 1634.»y la biografía que lo explica: Campanella, a quien su astrología le había costado el favor del papa, vino a Francia en 1634.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 314»

«Jacques Gaffarel, of whom we spoke above in connection with Campanella, was born in Provence in 1601, educated at the universities of Valence and Paris, where he received the degree of doctor of canon law, became a priest and chaplain of Richelieu, and had a wide knowledge of oriental languages—Hebrew, Arabic, Syrian and Persian.»de Jacques Gaffarel da los datos: nacido en Provenza en 1601, doctor en derecho canónico, sacerdote y capellán de Richelieu, con amplio conocimiento del hebreo, el árabe, el sirio y el persa.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 317»

«ithe stated that he had not meant to teach or to assert as true what he wrote in the book entitled Curiositez inouyes, but merely to record various opinions collected from the writings of the Arabs and Hebrews.»de su retractación recoge la fórmula: no quiso enseñar ni afirmar como verdadero lo escrito en las *Curiositez inouyes* sino solo registrar opiniones diversas recogidas de los escritos de árabes y hebreos; el OCR pega *ithe*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 320»

«But he does not specify what they are, and nothing is said about altering the text of his book.»y Thorndike anota el límite de la retractación: no especifica cuáles son, y nada se dice de alterar el texto del libro.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 320»

«Man is said to consist of three principles: an elementary body, a balsamic humor, and innate heat.»y del hombre se dice que consta de tres principios: cuerpo elemental, humor balsámico y calor innato.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 326»

«Turning to interest in themes related to the occult, we may first note three dissertations at the university of Dillingen under the presidency or sponsorship of Jesuit fathers, In 1608 Ioannes Frey held forth on More Secret Philosophy or Natural Magic under Simon Som, S. J. as Praeses,»abre el capítulo de las universidades alemanas volviéndose al interés por los temas ligados a lo oculto, empezando por tres disertaciones.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 352»

«He admits that imagination by the patient aids in effecting cures, but denies that it can affect other bodies and external objects, although he notes that Avicenna and Albertus Magnus answered this question in the afÏrmative, holding that as Intelligences move the orbs, so our soul can affect the elements.»según Thorndike, Nymann admite que la imaginación del paciente ayuda a las curas y niega que pueda afectar a otros cuerpos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 353»

«Nymann further holds that there is no force in characters or weapon ointment and that all cures by such means are really worked by diabolical magic.»y sostiene que no hay fuerza en los caracteres ni en el ungüento de armas, y que todas esas curas las obra la magia diabólica.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 353»

«He also denies that the corpse will bleed at the approach of the murderer, unless by divine miraculous action.»niega además que el cadáver sangre al acercarse el asesino, si no es por acción milagrosa divina.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 353»

«But he still believes in “an occult faculty” in amulets, which he explains by efÒuvia imperceptible to us.»y con todo sigue creyendo en una facultad oculta de los amuletos, que explica por efluvios imperceptibles para nosotros; el OCR imprime *efÒuvia*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 353»

«He believes that witches do not act of their free will but as a result of alienated reason, emotional outbursts, and delusion of phantasy and by the devil.»Tandler cree que las brujas no obran por libre voluntad sino por razón enajenada y engaño de la fantasía.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 354»

«He therefore holds that witchcraft is merely a dream or delirjum of the witches or a delusion of the devil.»y tiene la brujería por mero sueño o delirio de las brujas o engaño del diablo; el impreso trae *delirjum*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 354»

«They may think that they have made a pact with him; “but that contract is of no weight.”»pueden creer que hicieron pacto con él, pero ese contrato no tiene peso.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 354»

«Tandler grants that demons can transport men through the air, but it cannot be done through incantation.»concede que los demonios puedan transportar hombres por el aire, pero no por encantamiento.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 354»

«Men cannot be transformed into beasts; werwolves do not devour children.»los hombres no pueden transformarse en bestias y los hombres lobo no devoran niños.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 354»

«Man has no power over the heavens, though the demon is an excellent weather prophet.»el hombre no tiene poder sobre los cielos, aunque el demonio sea excelente pronosticador del tiempo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 354»

«Infants and women are more subject to fascinum than others, but fascinum can neither bring on disease nor cure it.»niños y mujeres están más sujetos al *fascinum*, que ni trae la enfermedad ni la cura.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 354»

«Like Nymann, Tandler holds that there is no natural force in weapon ointment.»como Nymann, no halla fuerza natural en el ungüento de armas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 354»

«He admits occult antipathies, such as rue’s dispelling toads, figs ripening rue and maturing the flesh of fowl, and feathers of an eagle consuming the feathers of other birds, but these do not demonstrate the possibility of fascination.»admite antipatías ocultas, como que la ruda aleje a los sapos, y niega que demuestren la posibilidad de la fascinación.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 354»

«For only visual spirits emanate from the eye—Tandler does not seem to be aware that the theory of vision by extramission had been long since abandoned —not venemous ones, which would also be injurious to the emitter.»porque del ojo solo emanan espíritus visuales, y Thorndike anota que Tandler no parece saber que la teoría de la visión ya había cambiado.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 354»

«On the other hand, he says that no sane person would deny the existence of natural magic.»del otro lado dice que nadie en su sano juicio negaría la existencia de la magia natural.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 355»

«The magi cannot stop the motion of the celestial bodies nor change the order of nature; they cannot reduce in size so as to go through a small hole; they cannot truly transform.»los magos no pueden detener el movimiento de los cuerpos celestes ni cambiar el orden de la naturaleza, ni transformar de verdad.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 355»

«He will not accept the stars as the cause of a sudden gift of tongues or acquisition of learning, nor melancholic humor as the cause of these or of knowledge of hidden and future things.»no acepta las estrellas como causa de un don repentino de lenguas ni de la adquisición del saber.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 356»

«Whereas Tandler had denied that fascinum could cause or cure disease, Schmilaverus holds that witches can inflict disease with the aid of the devil.»con el desacuerdo consignado: donde Tandler negaba que el *fascinum* causara o curara enfermedad, Schmilaverus sostiene que las brujas pueden con ayuda del diablo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 356»

«It is certain that there are specters; in fact, there are three kinds of them.»es cierto que hay espectros, y de hecho hay tres géneros de ellos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 357»

«The souls of the dead do not return as specters, and the reputed transformation of men into brutes is a diabolical illusion.»las almas de los muertos no vuelven como espectros, y la transformación reputada de hombres en brutos es ilusión diabólica.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 357»

«He quoted various authorities that such bleeding was no proof of guilt.»y cita varias autoridades para decir que tal sangrado no es prueba de culpa.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 357»

«Nine meteorological dissertations under Tandler in another volume”® do not seem to border on the occult, although one of them, by Michael Rollenberg, denies that comets are ethereal.”»nueve disertaciones meteorológicas bajo Tandler no parecen rozar lo oculto, aunque una niegue que los cometas sean etéreos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 358»

«In the former disputation, under J. Martini as Praeses, it was denied that the souls of witches could be separated from their bodies and attend sabbats, and afÏrmed that their bodies could be borne through the air by demons.»en la primera disputación se negó que las almas de las brujas pudieran ser llevadas por el aire por demonios.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 358»

«The second of these disputations alluded to “the most celebrated physiognomist and astrologer of our university,” Nicolaus Pompeius, “my teacher and sponsor,” and cited a passage from his Anthro»la segunda aludía al fisiognomista y astrólogo más célebre de aquella universidad.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 359»

«It is asserted that the existence of the basilisk is undeniable, since one was seen at Warsaw by more than two thousand men.»se afirma que la existencia del basilisco es innegable, porque uno fue visto en Varsovia por más de dos mil hombres.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 360»

«But it is false to say that it is hatched from an egg laid by a cock or that it kills by aspect alone,»aunque sea falso que nazca de huevo puesto por un gallo o que mate con la sola mirada.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 360»

«No one denies that the unicorn’s horn resists poisons,»nadie niega que el cuerno de unicornio resista los venenos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 360»

«Moreover, the existence of flying dragons is afÏrmed.»se afirma además la existencia de dragones voladores; el OCR imprime *afÏrmed*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 361»

«On the other hand, it is denied that the bird of Paradise subsists on dew or air, keeps in continual flight, and has no feet.»y se niega que el ave del paraíso subsista de rocío o de aire y que no tenga pies.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 361»

«He said that there was not a week and hardly a day of the past winter that we were not terrified by such winds, and that now a comet had been seen which was not to be ignored as a sign of future ills.»dijo que no hubo semana ni casi día del invierno pasado en que no nos aterrara alguna señal de males futuros.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 361»

«He opposed Erastus®® repeatedly as to the signification of comets, and said that no one would deny that the comet of 1618 heralded the Thirty Years War (bellum nostrum Europaeum).»se opuso repetidamente a Erasto sobre el significado de los cometas y dijo que nadie negaría que anunciaron la Guerra de los Treinta Años.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 361»

«Since Aquila is the nearest star to the current comet, he doubts not that judgment should proceed from this star.»y, siendo el Águila la estrella más cercana al cometa presente, no duda de que el juicio deba partir de esa estrella.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 361»

«Ziegra believed in occult virtues and the influence of the stars.»Ziegra creía en las virtudes ocultas y en el influjo de las estrellas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 362»

«Gottfried Voigt discussed the bleeding corpse again at Wittenberg in 1665.»Gottfried Voigt volvió sobre el cadáver que sangra en Wittenberg en 1665.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 362»

«He listed ceremonies employed to excite storms such as throwing stones behind one’s back towards the west, or tossing sand from the bed of a torrent into the air, dipping a broom in water and scattering drops skyward, making a little»y enumeró las ceremonias con que se excitan tormentas, como arrojar piedras por encima del hombro hacia el oeste.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 363»

«Freygang’s conclusion is that only the devil could have persuaded men that the weather would be affected by such inefÏcacious rites.»la conclusión de Freygang es que solo el diablo pudo persuadir a los hombres de que el tiempo se afectara por ritos tan ineficaces; el OCR imprime *inefÏcacious*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 364»

«True it is that God alone has control over tempests, but He sometimes permits the devil and witches to produce them.»verdad es que solo Dios manda en las tempestades, pero a veces permite al diablo y a las brujas producirlas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 364»

«Moreover, the devil is a very skilled meteorologist and, when he sees a storm coming, instigates the witches to ply their rites, and thus persuades them that they have caused the storm.»y el diablo es meteorólogo hábil: al ver venir la tormenta instiga a las brujas para que crean haberla causado.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 364»

«But the natural causes of all storms are the stars, which draw now these, now those efÒuvia from earth and waters and so produce now rain, now winds, now thunder storms, now other weather changes.»pero las causas naturales de todas las tormentas son las estrellas, que sacan de la tierra unos u otros efluvios; el OCR imprime *efÒuvia*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 364»

«Freygang will not concede that either the devil or his addicts have any power over the stars, and he does not agree with Bodin and Helmont that the devil is the cause of all thunder storms.»Freygang no concede que el diablo ni sus adictos tengan poder alguno sobre las estrellas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 364»

«Thunder and lightning are the result of a mixture of efÒuvia of sulphur and nitre similar to that in gunpowder.»el trueno y el relámpago resultan de una mezcla de efluvios de azufre y nitro parecida a la de la pólvora.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 364»

«Thus the physical causes of storms are God acting through the stars and the stars acting through terrestrial efÒuvia.»de modo que las causas físicas de las tormentas son Dios obrando por las estrellas y las estrellas por los efluvios terrestres.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 364»

«The devil and witches are not physical but merely moral causes.»y el diablo y las brujas no son causas físicas sino solo morales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 364»

«Nevertheless they show that subjects bordering upon the field of magic or likely to involve semi-magical therapeutic, were discussed at Basel during the first thirty years of the century.»la tesis con que Thorndike justifica el capítulo: esas disertaciones muestran que las materias limítrofes con la magia seguían discutiéndose en las universidades.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 365»

«Peterman stated that the foundation of magic was sympathy and antipathy, and action at a distance.»Peterman declaraba que el fundamento de la magia era la simpatía y la antipatía y la acción a distancia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 366»

«He accepted sympathy and antipathy but not the action at a distance of a universal spirit of the world.»aceptaba la simpatía y la antipatía y no la acción a distancia de un espíritu universal del mundo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 366»

«But Peterman rejected the corpse bleeding at the approach of the murderer, Simon discussed the powers of angels and demons as to augmentation, alteration and locomotion.»y rechazaba el sangrado del cadáver al acercarse el asesino.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 367»

«Johann Hofmann of Culmbach, in a treatise published at Erfurt in 1636, treated of the process in witch-trials, refuted the arguments of witches, and argued for the death penalty for them.»Johann Hofmann de Culmbach trató en 1636 del proceso en los juicios de brujas y abogó por la pena de muerte.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 367»

«Follcwing Sennert, he distinguished between natural lycanthropy, which was a derangement of the patient’s imagination and akin to melancholy, ecstasy, and mania or rabies, and diabolical lycanthropy, in which the devil also deluded the imaginations or senses of by-standers so that they too thought that the man was»siguiendo a Sennert, distinguía entre licantropía natural, que era un trastorno del paciente, y la otra; el impreso trae *Follcwing*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 367»

«The ancient belief that certain herbs resist fascination and incantations is a superstition, but not all virtue is to be denied them.»la creencia antigua de que ciertas hierbas resisten la fascinación y los encantamientos es superstición, aunque no haya que negarles toda virtud.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 368»

«But, to use the words of our illustrious Rolfinck, leaders in medicine have eliminated these fables, among whom Aetius was not the last.»con la fórmula que recoge: los jefes de la medicina han eliminado esas fábulas, y entre ellos Aecio no fue el último.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 369»

«Similarly Johann Wilhelm Baier the Younger (1675-1729) in a brief disputation of 1699 at Jena, held that presentiments of the future could only be explained as coming from God.»Johann Wilhelm Baier el Joven sostenía en 1699 que ciertos presentimientos solo podían explicarse como venidos de Dios.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 369»

«These dissertation subjects did not become any less magical in the first decade of the next century, when enchanted persons were discussed in 1701, philters in 1704, and the spirit of the world in 1707.»y Thorndike anota la continuidad: esos temas de disertación no se volvieron menos mágicos en la primera década del siglo siguiente.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 370»

«Peripatetics do not accept the theory of emanation of simulacra of Democritus and Synesius, but Soner contends that to represent external objects as acting directly upon our phantasy without the medium of the senses is good Aristotelianism and no more contrary to action by contact than is the action of the torpedo fish, magnet and weapon ointment, or being struck dumb at the sight of a wolf, It is thus that old-wives fascinate infants by their glance without infecting the medium, and those with an antipathy to cats sense their unseen presence.»los peripatéticos no aceptan la teoría de la emanación de simulacros de Demócrito y Sinesio.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 371»

«Soner further afÏrms that the imagination in some cases has power even over other bodies or minds.»Soner afirma que la imaginación tiene en algunos casos poder aun sobre otros cuerpos o mentes; el OCR imprime *afÏrms*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 371»

«It opposed the views of Wier, Scot and Abraham Palingus of Haarlem who had written in the vernacular in 1659.»una disertación se opuso a las opiniones de Wier, Scot y Abraham Palingus de Haarlem.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 372»

«The author of the dissertation complained that the view that witches were merely melancholy and deluded women was now received in Belgium by almost common consent, even of the learned.»cuyo autor se quejaba de que la opinión de que las brujas eran solo melancólicas y engañadas ganaba terreno aun entre los doctos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 372»

«They still maintained that witches made pacts with demons but rejected the test of floating in water and the supposed marks of witches and advocated greater caution in accepting testimony.»seguían sosteniendo que las brujas pactaban con demonios y rechazaban la prueba de flotar en el agua, y aconsejaban más cautela con los testimonios.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 372»

«There is not a live crab in cancerous breasts, and so superstitious women try in vain to kill it.»no hay cangrejo vivo en los pechos cancerosos, y las mujeres supersticiosas tratan en vano de matarlo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 373»

«Considerable scepticism is expressed as to the composition and efÏcacy of medicines.»se expresa un escepticismo considerable sobre la composición y la eficacia de las medicinas; el OCR imprime *efÏcacy*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 374»

«The stone bezoar does not enter into bezoartic tincture, which is composed merely of vegetables.»la piedra bezoar no entra en la tintura bezoárdica, compuesta solo de vegetales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 374»

«The cause of the tides is still regarded as an ‘open question.»la causa de las mareas se sigue teniendo por cuestión abierta.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 375»

«It is asserted more than once that we are never deceived, if our ideas are clear and distinct.»se afirma más de una vez que nunca nos engañamos si nuestras ideas son claras y distintas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 377»

«The opinion of the schoolmen that iron is attracted by the magnet is rejected, there being no such thing as attraction without contact.»se rechaza la opinión de los escolásticos de que el hierro sea atraído por el imán, porque no hay atracción sin contacto.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 377»

«And the search for final causes is idle and frivolous in physics.»y la búsqueda de causas finales se declara ociosa y frívola en física.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 377»

«But in 1686 it is said that no man knows that the sun is the center of the universe, although it is estimated that the world began in autumn with the sun in Libra.”»pero en 1686 se dice que nadie sabe que el sol sea el centro del universo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 378»

«One declares that it is possible for angels to assume bodies and appear to exercise corporal functions.»una tesis declara posible que los ángeles asuman cuerpos y parezcan ejercer funciones corporales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 378»

«Many specters are nothing but the effects of very strong imagination overcoming the evidence of the senses, and an ignis fatuus is not a specter.»muchos espectros no son sino efectos de una imaginación fortísima que vence al testimonio de los sentidos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 378»

«But specters are not always the effects of a very strong imagination but may also come from an evil spirit.»aunque no siempre lo sean y puedan venir también de un espíritu maligno.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 378»

«The opening thesis is that unusual apparitions without natural cause but produced by the precise direction of a diabolical mind are called specters.»la tesis inicial llama espectros a las apariciones inusuales sin causa natural.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 378»

«there is no natural way of averting diabolical specters from ‘oneself and one’s house,»no hay modo natural de apartar de uno y de su casa los espectros diabólicos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 379»

«The demon suppresses the forces of the soul and so moves the animal spirits of the possessed as to direct their nerves and muscles.»el demonio suprime las fuerzas del alma y mueve de tal modo los espíritus animales del poseso que dirige sus nervios y músculos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 379»

«The power of imagination is also seen in the case of somnambulists, who abound in foaming blood and fervid spirit, and whom very strong imagination inflames in sleep to walking “and committing I know not what crimes.”»el poder de la imaginación se ve también en los sonámbulos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 379»

«Man is a most compendious mirror of the entire macrocosm.»con la fórmula del microcosmo: el hombre es el espejo más compendioso de todo el macrocosmo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 379»

«The fixed stars, at an immense distance from us, do not exert so much virtue on sublunars.»las estrellas fijas, a inmensa distancia, no ejercen tanta virtud sobre los sublunares.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 379»

«Similarly the moon, though near the earth, is not the chief efÏcient cause of the tides but merely procataractic or occasional.’*»ni la luna, con estar cerca, es la causa eficiente principal de las mareas sino solo procatárctica u ocasional; el OCR imprime *efÏcient*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 379»

«A thesis of 1681 had already held that reason does not teach that comets are producers of evil,»una tesis de 1681 ya sostenía que la razón no enseña que los cometas produzcan el mal.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 380»

«our disputant, on the eve of Halley's prediction of the return of the comet of 1682 in 1758, declares that science does not know how to foretell the advent of comets.»y el disputante, en vísperas de la predicción de Halley, declara que no se sabe predecir la venida de los cometas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 380»

«Heat is identified with the vehement motion of subtle particles, and it is stated that no more action is required to impel a body than to stop it when in motion.»el calor se identifica con el movimiento vehemente de partículas sutiles.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 381»

«But a vacuum is still deemed impossible, and “space in which there is no substance involves a contradicti»el vacío se sigue teniendo por imposible, y el espacio sin sustancia por contradictorio.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 381»

«Other theses, however, state that their soul consists in the blood, animal spirits, and disposition of organs; their life, in vegetation, locomotion and purely bodily sensation; and that they are living hydraulic-pneumatic automata.»otras tesis hacen consistir el alma de los animales en la sangre y los espíritus animales, y los llaman autómatas hidráulico-neumáticos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 381»

«He admitted that it was difÏcult to find sure signs of such possession because of impostors and the deceit of the devil, but distinguished between primary and secondary indications thereof.»admitía que era difícil hallar señales seguras de tal posesión por los impostores; el OCR imprime *difÏcult*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 381»

«The question whether witch, magician or diviner was possessed, he answered in the negative, and held that most heretics were not, although some were.»a la pregunta de si la bruja, el mago o el adivino estaban poseídos responde que no, aunque algunos lo estuvieran.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 382»

«Believers might not only be possessed but even die in that state.»los creyentes podían no solo estar poseídos sino morir en ese estado.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 382»

«Demons in possession should not be questioned, and the assistance of papal exorcists should not be sought against them, although medical aid might be requisitioned.»a los demonios de la posesión no debe interrogárselos, y no ha de pedirse la asistencia de exorcistas papales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 382»

«Ridiculous ideas and superstitious notions were current concerning it, but he scorned them as old-wives’ tales and unworthy of attention.»corrían ideas ridículas y nociones supersticiosas al respecto, y él las desdeñaba como cuentos de viejas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 382»

«In the early decades of the seventeenth century, before Descartes had advanced his daring theories of a mechanically operating universe, or Torricelli had performed his epoch-making experiment with the tube of mercury, the ordinary university or seminary course or text in philosophy or physical science still followed closely in the footsteps of Aristotle and his medieval scholastic commentators.»abre el capítulo del *cursus* recordando que en las primeras décadas del siglo XVII, antes de que Descartes propusiera sus teorías, la enseñanza seguía a Aristóteles y a sus comentadores escolásticos medievales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 385»

«Such a confusion of natural with supernatural forces suggests the likelihood of a further infusion of preternatural and magical factors, and mingling of occult with physical science.»la tesis que Thorndike saca del caso: tal confusión de fuerzas naturales y sobrenaturales hace probable una infusión mayor de lo preternatural y una mezcla de lo oculto con la ciencia física.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 386»

«In the years 1602—1608 an Augustinian, brother Nicolas Solier, took notes on the lectures of Isambertus (or, Ysambertus), a doctor and professor of the Sorbonne, which were delivered at the Lycaeum, or Augustinian convent, at Bourges.»entre 1602 y 1608 el agustino Nicolas Solier tomó notas de las lecciones de Isambertus.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 386»

«This course, however, is more inclusive, treating of philosophy in general and of logic and moral philosophy before taking up the Physics and other ‘Aristotelian books of natural philosophy, followed as in the earlier course by De anima and the Metaphysics.»ese curso es más inclusivo y trata de la filosofía en general, de la lógica y de la filosofía moral.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 387»

«Nor does he forget the Biblical waters above the firmament,’ or to inquire whether like acts on like.»ni olvida las aguas bíblicas sobre el firmamento, ni preguntar si lo semejante obra sobre lo semejante.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 387»

«Isambert, in commenting on the Sphere of Sacrobosco with reference to the extent of the habitable world had mentioned the discoveries of the Portuguese and Spaniards.”»Isambert, al comentar la *Esfera* de Sacrobosco sobre la extensión del mundo habitable, atiende a los descubrimientos de portugueses y españoles.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 387»

«Boucher is even more up-to-date on occasion, alluding to the new star of 1572 and the comet of 1577, and the question of parallax,»Boucher está aún más al día a veces, aludiendo a la estrella nueva de 1572 y al cometa de 1577 y a la cuestión de la paralaje.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 387»

«Also whether the future could be foreknown from observation of the stars, to which the answer was, Yes, as a matter of probability.»y si el futuro podía preverse observando las estrellas, a lo que se respondía que sí, como materia de probabilidad.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 388»

«‘The matter of the heavens is a fifth something, distinct from the matter of all subcelestial bodies.»la materia de los cielos es un quinto algo, distinto de la materia de todos los cuerpos subcelestes.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 389»

«The celestial substance is not so fluid and not so readily dissipated as air is, and it is immutable.»la sustancia celeste no es tan fluida ni se disipa tan fácilmente como el aire, y es inmutable.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 389»

«Celestial motion is exactly circular and the swiftest of all motions.»el movimiento celeste es exactamente circular y el más veloz de todos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 389»

«The stars have no elementary qualities themselves but produce heat and the like in inferiors, acting first on the elements, then on mixed bodies, inanimate and animate, including the human body and indirectly the higher faculties of man.»las estrellas no tienen cualidades elementales pero producen calor y demás en los inferiores.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 389»

«Noting that Bodin, whom he cites frequently, denied the existence of four primary qualities, Keckermann afÏrms that heat is the chief quality, since no mixture of the elements is possible without it.»Keckermann anota que Bodin, a quien cita con frecuencia, negaba la existencia de cuatro cualidades primarias.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 390»

«But cold is also an active quality, while humidity and dryness are passive qualities.»pero el frío es también cualidad activa, mientras humedad y sequedad son pasivas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 390»

«Valla, Cardan, Patrizi and Lambert Daneau have contended that fire is not an element, but Keckermann still accepts it as such.»Valla, Cardano, Patrizi y Lambert Daneau sostuvieron que el fuego no es elemento, y Keckermann lo sigue aceptando como tal.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 390»

«Caspar Peucer is authority that for divining dreams are required an equable temperament, pure and subtle animal spirits, the efÏcacy of the heavens and freedom of the rational soul from bodily functions.»Caspar Peucer es la autoridad de que para los sueños adivinatorios se requiere temperamento equilibrado y espíritus puros y sutiles.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 391»

«As it is fatuous to observe every dream, so it is rash to scorn and disregard them all.»con la regla media: así como es fatuo observar todo sueño, es temerario desdeñarlos y desatenderlos todos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 391»

«As to gems Keckermann is very brief, although he speaks of their marvelous efÏcacy and ascribes their formation from subtler matter to “singular celestial influence.”»de las gemas es muy breve, aunque hable de su eficacia maravillosa y adjudique su formación a un influjo celeste singular; el OCR imprime *efÏcacy*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 391»

«But Keckermann dwells mainly upon their bad effects. “We say that the deaths of kings and changes of empires are merely remote and indirect effects of comets, and that these are denoted by comets more supernaturally than naturally.”»de los cometas se detiene sobre todo en sus malos efectos: las muertes de reyes y las mudanzas de imperios se significan más sobrenatural que naturalmente.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 391»

«But soon Keckermann tells how to predict naturally from comets.»y enseguida enseña cómo predecir naturalmente por los cometas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 391»

«We shall find, however, that Keckermann was far from being the last person in the century to hold that water contracted as it froze.»aunque, según Thorndike, no fue el último del siglo en sostener que el agua se contrae al helarse.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 392»

«All bodies are said to be composed of atoms, but under divine providence and not as a mere play of chance.»de Gorlaeus: todos los cuerpos se dicen compuestos de átomos, pero bajo providencia divina y no por mero juego del azar.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 392»

«Despite such drastic criticism of Peripatetic astronomy, Gorlaeus still held that the earth did not move.»y Thorndike anota el límite: pese a esa crítica drástica de la astronomía peripatética, Gorlaeus seguía sosteniendo que la tierra no se movía.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 392»

«He defends astrology, discusses monsters and “illustrious examples of things preternatural,” hyperphysica and miracles, and asserts that specters cannot be the souls or bodies of the dead and must be demons.»defiende la astrología y discute los monstruos y los ejemplos ilustres de cosas preternaturales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 393»

«Light is that divine vehicle of the virtue of sun and stars and an instrument not passive but active in marvelous ways.»la luz es ese vehículo divino de la virtud del sol y de las estrellas, instrumento no pasivo sino activo de modos maravillosos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 393»

«But, in addition to light and heat, there is the occult influence or action of the stars on these inferiors by virtual contact.»y además de la luz y el calor está el influjo oculto o acción de las estrellas sobre estos inferiores por contacto virtual.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 393»

«But whereas Aristotle had regarded the heavens as a fifth essence, distinct from the inferior elements, Abra considers more probable the opposite view that celestial and sublunar matter are “of the same relation and specific nature, and distinct only in certain accidents.»con la divergencia: donde Aristóteles tenía los cielos por quinta esencia distinta de los elementos inferiores, Abra los distingue solo en ciertos accidentes.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 394»

«Abra believes that epicycles are not only real but solid, and that a planet has no free movement of its own but is fastened to its epicycle.»Abra cree que los epiciclos no solo son reales sino sólidos y que el planeta no tiene movimiento propio sino que va fijo a su epiciclo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 394»

«Rivers and springs which are not perennial may be produced by precipitation, or from air and vapors transmuted into water, but those that flow continually draw their waters from the sea.»los ríos y las fuentes no perennes pueden producirse por precipitación o de aire y vapores.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 395»

«The Star of Bethlehem was not a comet but a new meteor produced by divine or angelic virtue and moved by an angel rather than by»la Estrella de Belén no fue un cometa sino un meteoro nuevo producido por virtud divina o angélica.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 395»

«The dissertation on the phoenix by Peter Oheimb occurred on May 28, 1660.»la disertación de Peter Oheimb sobre el fénix se defendió el 28 de mayo de 1660; el verbatim se corta antes de la llamada de nota, y el texto sigue: para él el fénix no era más que invención y no ente.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 360»

«Sea water excites rather than extinguishes a fire, and springs are still said to come from the sea.»el agua de mar excita el fuego más que apagarlo, y las fuentes se siguen diciendo venidas del mar; se corta antes de la llamada de nota.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 381»

«Both lecturers included a disputation concerning alteration and discussed mixtio and the elements»ambos incluyeron una disputación sobre la alteración y discutieron la *mixtio* y los elementos; el verbatim se corta antes de la llamada de nota.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 388»

«Beeckman in his Journal on September 6, 1618,” noted that Keckermann was wrong»Beeckman anotaba en su diario el 6 de septiembre de 1618 que Keckermann erraba al decir que el hielo ocupa menos espacio que el agua líquida; el verbatim se corta antes de la llamada de nota.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 391»

«Such were the traces of fantastic science and of magic left in academic minds in the last quarter of the seventeenth century.»el saldo del capítulo, dicho con esas palabras: tales eran las huellas de la ciencia fantástica y de la magia que quedaban en las mentes académicas del último cuarto del siglo XVII.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 376»

«The reviewer of Horst’s book in the Journal des Seavans records one delightful detail which had escaped me.»y declara en primera persona lo que se le escapó: el reseñista del libro de Horst en el *Journal des Sçavans* registra un detalle delicioso que él no había visto; el OCR imprime *Seavans*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 376»

«In the eighth chapter on diagnostic signs of that disease, he accepted astrological indications as offering some certitude, if taken from the horoscope of the patient or from the constellations at the time when the disease set in.»del capítulo octavo, sobre las señales diagnósticas del frenesí, consigna que aceptaba las indicaciones astrológicas como de alguna certidumbre si se tomaban del horóscopo del paciente o de las constelaciones del comienzo de la dolencia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 383»

«Of twenty-six juvenile exercises, disputations and orations connected with Biblical passages by Johannes Marckius at the University of Franeker in Friesland, founded in 1685, five were on the apparition of Samuel.»de los veintiséis ejercicios juveniles de Johannes Marckius en Franeker, cinco fueron sobre la aparición de Samuel.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 384»

«the following show curiosity as to the marvelous and occult: of miracles not miracles or of nature’s arcana which are wrongly thought to be miracles by the vulgar crowd; of divinations (1604); of astrology (1607-8, 1635, 1678); of the stars and their properties»de las tesis doctorales danesas destaca las que muestran curiosidad por lo maravilloso y lo oculto: de los milagros que no son milagros o arcanos de la naturaleza que el vulgo tiene mal por milagros, de las adivinaciones, de la astrología y de las estrellas y sus propiedades; es lista bibliográfica con años entre paréntesis, releída entera en el crudo y extraída con la guarda anticosido apagada.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 384»

«Abra had concluded that the making of gold by alchemy is possible but very difÏcult.»según Thorndike, Abra concluye que hacer oro por alquimia es posible pero muy difícil; el OCR imprime *difÏcult*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 396»

«To the query whether there are celestial as well as elementary qualities, the answer is, Yes, light.»a la pregunta de si hay cualidades celestes además de las elementales, la respuesta es que sí: la luz.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 397»

«The salamander is of such a very cold and wet nature that it extinguishes a few coals by its touch but is finally consumed unless it retires.»la salamandra es de naturaleza tan fría y húmeda que apaga unas brasas al tocarlas, aunque acaba consumida si no se retira.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 397»

«Some things exposed to the sun are colder than in the shade.»y algunas cosas expuestas al sol están más frías que a la sombra.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 397»

«It is rather surprising to find that Isidore of Seville of the seventh century casts the deciding vote in the seventeenth as to whether the ‘ocean is the father of all waters.»Thorndike se sorprende de la autoridad que decide: Isidoro de Sevilla, del siglo VII, da el voto dirimente sobre el padre de todas las aguas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 398»

«Zanardus agrees with the philosophers that frogs are born of putrid matter by virtue of the sun, and goes on to other marvels of fishes.»Zanardus concuerda con los filósofos en que las ranas nacen de materia pútrida por virtud del sol.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 398»

«In one place Zanardus says that earth and water make one globe, but in another that the sphere of water is above that of earth.»y Thorndike le anota la contradicción: en un lugar dice que tierra y agua hacen un solo globo y en otro que la esfera del agua está por encima de la de la tierra.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 398»

«Many hold that comets are ethereal and of celestial nature, but Zanardus agrees with Aristotle and all Peripatetics that they are not, and even asserts that learned astronomers have proved by mathematical instruments that they are below the moon.»muchos tienen los cometas por etéreos y de naturaleza celeste, y Zanardus concuerda con Aristóteles en que están bajo la luna.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 398»

«They deceive astrologers, but Zanardus gives six rules to follow in determining their effects.»engañan a los astrólogos, y aun así Zanardus da seis reglas para determinar sus efectos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 398»

«Observance of lucky and unlucky days for business and journeys is condemned by the church, but not of the time for blood-letting»la iglesia condena observar días fastos y nefastos para los negocios y los viajes, y no el tiempo de la sangría.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 399»

«Espagnet repeatedly afÏrmed the influence of the heavenly bodies upon inferior creation.»Espagnet afirmó repetidamente el influjo de los cuerpos celestes sobre la creación inferior; el OCR imprime *afÏrmed*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 401»

«But precious stones and gems draw their forms from the most limpid springs of sky and sun.»las piedras preciosas y las gemas sacan sus formas de los manantiales más límpidos del cielo y del sol.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 401»

«Since, however, the nature of the celestial bodies and their relations to man are largely unknown, their rule is uncertain and deceptive to us.»pero, siendo en gran parte desconocidas la naturaleza de los cuerpos celestes y sus relaciones con el hombre, la cosa nos queda incierta y engañosa.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 401»

«Thus while d’Espagnet asserts the influence of the stars, he does not hold out much hope for successful astrological prediction.»de suerte que, afirmando el influjo de las estrellas, no da muchas esperanzas a la predicción astrológica.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 401»

«It must be said further that d’Espagnet’s positions are not always consistent; sometimes they seem quite conflicting.»y Thorndike consigna la incoherencia sin armonizarla: sus posiciones no siempre concuerdan y a veces parecen francamente contrarias.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 401»

«And he holds that the forms of animals and vegetation are rational, not indeed as human beings are but in their own way.»sostiene que las formas de los animales y de la vegetación son racionales, no como lo son los seres humanos sino a su modo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 402»

«If this seems an odd hodge-podge and an example of irresponsible eclecticism, which sounds a little as if d’Espagnet tried to please everybody, it also seems to have been to the taste of its century,»y su saldo: si esto parece una mezcolanza rara y un ejemplo de eclecticismo irresponsable, sonaba al gusto de su siglo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 402»

«The heavens act upon inferiors by light, motion and influence.»los cielos obran sobre los inferiores por la luz, el movimiento y el influjo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 403»

«Pico della Mirandola and others deny occult influence, but experience proves it.»Pico della Mirandola y otros niegan el influjo oculto, y la experiencia lo prueba.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 403»

«It is also this occult influence of the heavens which makes the magnetic needle turn towards the pole.»y es ese influjo oculto el que hace girar la aguja magnética hacia el polo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 403»

«The heavens act upon man but are not the principal cause of any perfect animal, whereas imperfect animals owe their origin to the heavens.»los cielos obran sobre el hombre sin ser la causa principal de ningún animal perfecto, mientras los imperfectos les deben el origen.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 403»

«Jacchaeus appears never to have heard of the Copernican system.»Thorndike anota el silencio: Jacchaeus parece no haber oído nunca del sistema copernicano.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 403»

«He still accepts four elements and reckons the earth’s circumference as 19080 miles.»sigue aceptando cuatro elementos y computa la circunferencia de la tierra en 19 080 millas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 403»

«Comets are still classed as meteors or exhalations in the supreme region of air, where with it they follow the circular movement of the heavens.»y los cometas se siguen clasificando como meteoros o exhalaciones en la región suprema del aire.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 403»

«The Physical Handbook of Caspar Bartholinus the Dane (1585— 1629), printed at Strasburg in 1625, is a chunky volume of 865 small pages.»el manual de física de Caspar Bartholinus el danés, impreso en Estrasburgo en 1625, es de 865 páginas pequeñas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 404»

«Aristotle held falsely that the world is eternal.»Aristóteles sostuvo falsamente que el mundo es eterno.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 405»

«The Talmud says that the world will last 6000 years, and Chaldean estimates of long ages already elapsed are excessive.»el Talmud dice que el mundo durará seis mil años, y los cómputos caldeos de edades ya transcurridas son excesivos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 405»

«A fair estimate is that 5563 years have passed from creation to the present year, 1614.»y un cómputo razonable da 5 563 años de la creación al año presente, 1614.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 405»

«Caspar concludes that those are nearer the truth who make the moon the main cause and the sun an auxiliary cause.»Caspar concluye que están más cerca de la verdad quienes hacen de la luna la causa principal de las mareas y del sol la auxiliar.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 405»

«The chief source of springs is from the sea, although rain and snow are an auxiliary cause.»y que la fuente principal de los manantiales es el mar, con la lluvia y la nieve por causa auxiliar.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 405»

«Aversa contends that it is not necessary to suppose other mobile heavens beyond the fixed stars, because their varied movements are the only reason for such an hypothesis and Scripture says nothing of such heavens.»Aversa sostiene que no hace falta suponer otros cielos móviles más allá de las fijas, porque la Biblia no habla de ellos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 407»

«But Aversa accepts the empyrean heaven as the seat of the blest ‘and holds that the heavens are solid because the Bible talks of the firmament.»acepta en cambio el cielo empíreo como sede de los bienaventurados y tiene los cielos por sólidos, porque la Biblia habla del firmamento.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 407»

«‘Although most of his astronomical variations thus far have been motivated by the Bible, he denies that there are true elementary waters above the heavens and holds that the heavens are incorruptible.»y Thorndike anota de dónde vienen sus variaciones: casi todas motivadas por la Biblia, aunque niegue que los cielos sean incorruptibles.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 407»

«Aversa asserts more than once and in very emphatic terms that the heavenly bodies rule and govern these inferiors.»afirma más de una vez y en términos muy enfáticos que los cuerpos celestes rigen y gobiernan estos inferiores.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 408»

«He goes on to make the usual caution and qualification that the stars act upon man only by way of inclination and not compulsion.»con la cautela acostumbrada: las estrellas obran sobre el hombre por inclinación y no por compulsión.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 408»

«Aversa contends that Holy Scripture does not teach that the water is higher than the earth, nor that it is kept from overflowing the earth by a standing miracle, nor that rivers have their origin from the sea.»sostiene que la Sagrada Escritura no enseña que el agua esté más alta que la tierra.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 408»

«He holds that there is more earth than water.»y que hay más tierra que agua.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 409»

«Aversa asserts that the acceleration of falling bodies is not because the medium offers less resistance as the motion progresses but because the medium impels it down more, the more it falls.»adjudica la aceleración de los cuerpos que caen no a que el medio ofrezca menos resistencia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 409»

«In the case of violent motion, however, he rejects Aristotle's explanation and adopts the impetus theory, although he grants that the air may aid somewhat.»y en el movimiento violento rechaza la explicación de Aristóteles y adopta la teoría del ímpetu.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 409»

«Coming to comets again, he states that their supposed effects seem utterly groundless naturally, but that they may be divine signs.»de los cometas dice que sus efectos supuestos parecen del todo infundados naturalmente, aunque puedan ser signos divinos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 409»

«The transmutation of metals is difÏcult but not impossible.»la transmutación de los metales es difícil pero no imposible; el OCR imprime *difÏcult*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 409»

«Unlike Aversa, he attributes the increasing velocity of falling bodies both to increasing pressure from the air above, which rushes in to prevent a vacuum, and diminishing resistance from the air underneath.»con la divergencia consignada: a diferencia de Aversa, adjudica la velocidad creciente de los cuerpos que caen a la presión creciente y a la resistencia menguante del aire de abajo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 410»

«In the case of the so-called perpetual lamps, the oil will rarefy for a time and so fill the space, but when it has attained the maximum of rarefication, it is converted into air, “and so will neither burn forever nor produce a vacuum.”»de las llamadas lámparas perpetuas dice que el aceite se rarifica un tiempo y llena el espacio, sin producir vacío.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 410»

«They are not animated by a soul as form, but are moved by external assisting Intelligences.»los cielos no están animados por un alma como forma sino movidos por Inteligencias asistentes externas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 411»

«Astrologers can predict eclipses, the weather, disease and other natural effects, but not what is subject to divine»los astrólogos pueden predecir eclipses, el tiempo, la enfermedad y otros efectos naturales, y no lo que está sujeto a lo divino.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 411»

«He says nothing of the doctrine of signatures in connection with plants.»y Thorndike registra el silencio: nada dice de la doctrina de las signaturas a propósito de las plantas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 412»

«Some animals are born of putrefaction and the heavens are the efÏcient cause of this, but perfect animals cannot be so produced.»algunos animales nacen de putrefacción y los cielos son su causa eficiente, y los perfectos no pueden producirse así; el OCR imprime *efÏcient*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 412»

«Turning to the heavens, although Arriaga admits that many points are customarily discussed here which bear upon the interpretation of Scripture, and others which have more to do with divination than with truth, he contents himself, if not his hearers, with a single disputation on the nature, number and movement of the heavens.»Arriaga admite que suelen discutirse aquí muchos puntos sobre el movimiento de los cielos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 413»

«But other problems which might be disputed concerning meteors, comets and tides, “I prudently omit,” for they are very dubious matters whose causes are totally unknown and which cannot be discussed without having recourse to their occult qualities and secret influences, and consequently always having to divine or guess.»y declara omitir prudentemente otros problemas sobre meteoros, cometas y mareas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 414»

«Arriaga even contends that a falling body does not increase in velocity, but merely makes a greater impression, the greater the height from which it f»llega a sostener que el cuerpo que cae no aumenta de velocidad sino que solo hace mayor impresión.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 414»

«He has abandoned the Aristotelian explanation of comets as terrestrial exhalations.»ha abandonado la explicación aristotélica de los cometas como exhalaciones terrestres.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 415»

«But some of his views are distinctly backward. Arriaga’s book was frequently cited by the Franciscan, John Poncius, in his Scotist Cursus,° and Poncius, in his turn, was cited in the 1669 edition of Arriaga’s work.»aunque algunas de sus opiniones sean claramente atrasadas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 415»

«The chapter, “De vacuo,” still repeats such arguments as that the influence of the heavenly bodies could not pass through a vacuum, or that the Ascension of Christ and Assumption of the Virgin would leave an empty space.»y el capítulo del vacío repite todavía argumentos como que la influencia de los cuerpos celestes no podría llegar.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 415»

«Burgersdyck holds that the heavens are made of the same form and matter as other bodies, and that their form is not soul.»Burgersdyck sostiene que los cielos están hechos de la misma forma y materia que los demás cuerpos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 416»

«He accepts the Copernican rather than the Ptolemaic theory, the decisive factor for him being the tremendous distance and speed that Saturn and the fixed stars would have to travel, if it were true that they revolved daily.»acepta la teoría copernicana antes que la ptolemaica.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 416»

«Similarly the fact that they have no parallax has convinced him that new stars and comets exist in the heavens.»y la falta de paralaje lo ha convencido de que las estrellas nuevas y los cometas existen en los cielos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 416»

«The tail of a comet is the light of the sun or some other star shining through the comet with evident refraction, and therefore the tail is always in the opposite direction from that star.»la cola de un cometa es la luz del sol o de otra estrella que brilla a través de él.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 416»

«Burgersdyck regards the notion of solid spheres of the planets as a figment—and so it was, for few pre-Copernican astronomers entertained it.»tiene por invención la noción de esferas sólidas de los planetas, y Thorndike le da la razón porque pocos astrónomos precopernicanos la sostuvieron.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 416»

«It is probable that the fixed stars are either absolutely immobile, as Copernicus held, or, if they move according to the Ptolemaic theory—which is the more accepted opinion—that they are carried along by the motion of their spheres.»es probable que las estrellas fijas sean absolutamente inmóviles, como sostuvo Copérnico.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 417»

«He distinguished three regions of air: the lowest from the earth’s surface to where the rays of the sun ceased to be reflected from that surface; the middle region, from that point on to the tops of the highest mountains; the uppermost region, from there to the sphere of fire.»distinguió tres regiones del aire, la más baja de la superficie de la tierra a donde llegan los rayos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 417»

«The tides go with the moon but cannot be due to its light.»las mareas van con la luna y no pueden deberse a su luz.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 417»

«Those animals are said to be generated spontaneously which are produced by occult causes, as when worms and other animate beings arise in rotting corpses, or in fruit, seeds, tears and excrements, which nevertheless retain vestiges of their own soul and life.»se dice generados espontáneamente los animales producidos por causas ocultas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 418»

«‘A monster is so called a monstrando (from demonstration), either because men are admonished by them as to the future, as is commonly believed, or because, which Burgersdyck thinks more likely, they are unusual things which are exhibited»el monstruo se llama así *a monstrando*, porque los hombres quedan amonestados por ellos o porque son cosas inusuales que se exhiben.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 418»

«The organ and seat of the internal senses is undoubtedly the brain and not the heart, as Aristotle thought.»el órgano y asiento de los sentidos internos es sin duda el cerebro y no el corazón, como creía Aristóteles.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 419»

«Such celestial happenings as conjunctions, oppositions and eclipses may be predicted with certainty, because the movements of the heavens are regular.»los sucesos celestes como conjunciones, oposiciones y eclipses pueden predecirse con certeza, porque los movimientos de los cielos son regulares.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 419»

«For the virtue of the stars is diversely received by sublunar bodies, and it is most difÏcult, indeed beyond human power, to know all the forces of the stars»porque la virtud de las estrellas la reciben de modos diversos los cuerpos sublunares.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 419»

«Hence would-be prophets and interpreters of the stars are very often deceived—much more often than they hit the truth in their predictions.»de donde los pretendidos profetas e intérpretes de las estrellas se engañan con mucha frecuencia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 419»

«Finally, those matters which depend on human free will, such as marriages, treaties, wars, good and adverse fortune, cannot be predicted by men.»y lo que depende del libre albedrío humano —matrimonios, tratados, guerras— no puede predecirlo el hombre.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 419»

«Despite his superior views as to comets, tides and the Copernican hypothesis, and his rejection of solid spheres, the outlook of Burgersdyck otherwise still seems sufÏciently antiquated, credulous and superstitious.»y Thorndike anota el saldo mixto: pese a sus opiniones superiores sobre cometas, mareas y la hipótesis copernicana, queda en él lo crédulo y supersticioso.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 419»

«Neither mentions Harvey's discovery of the circulation of the blood, although Burgersdyck gives an interesting descripton of the lesser circulation.”»ni Duncan ni Burgersdyck mencionan el descubrimiento de la circulación de la sangre por Harvey; el impreso trae *descripton*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 421»

«The widespread tendency at this time to criticize Aristotle and turn to some other form of philosophy is illustrated by a manuscript containing a Reformed Natural Philosophy or Verified Condemnation and Solid Confutation of the Peripatetic Physiology and Introduction of a New and Truer, by Girardus (1604—1650) and Arnoldus Botius (1606-1658), brothers, Hollanders and doctors of medicine which they went to London to practice.»la tendencia general del momento a criticar a Aristóteles y volverse a otra forma de filosofía.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 421»

«Actually to the modern reader the work seems to run in the old Aristotelian ruts more than it strikes out a new way.»y su juicio: al lector moderno la obra le parece correr por los viejos carriles aristotélicos más que abrir camino nuevo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 421»

«they promised that in the remaining books they would “proceed almost alone and introduce a kind of philosophy not only different from the Aristotelian but evidently new.”»prometían proceder casi solos e introducir una filosofía distinta de la aristotélica y evidentemente nueva.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 422»

«they give the chemists credit for having first made them suspicious of Aristotle, but add that they were more disappointed in their books, where everything was uncertain, and much was futile and monstrous.»dan a los químicos el crédito de haberlos hecho sospechar de Aristóteles.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 422»

«For a time they despaired of ever finding a true philosophy, but then set about constructing their own.’»por un tiempo desesperaron de hallar una filosofía verdadera y luego se pusieron a construir la suya.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 422»

«Comenius, however, asserted that he was offering something new and different from the received way of philosophizing.»Comenio afirmaba estar ofreciendo algo nuevo y distinto del modo recibido de filosofar.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 423»

«Bacon showed the key to nature but did not himself unlock the doors to all her secrets, giving only a few examples»de Bacon dice que mostró la llave de la naturaleza sin abrir él mismo las puertas de todos sus secretos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 423»

«But Comenius was convinced that the Peripatetic philosophy must be abandoned and philosophy reformed on the basis of the senses, reason and the Bible.»y estaba convencido de que había que abandonar la filosofía peripatética y reformar la filosofía por los sentidos, la razón y la Biblia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 424»

«Some persons object that Scripture does not apply to natural philosophy but is a path to life eternal.»algunos objetan que la Escritura no se aplica a la filosofía natural sino que es camino a la vida eterna.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 424»

«The motion of the spirit is called agitation, by which the spirit agitates itself in matter, seeking to inform it.»el movimiento del espíritu se llama agitación, por la que el espíritu se agita en la materia buscando informarla.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 424»

«The movement of matter is eightfold: expansion, contraction, aggregation, sympathy, continuity, impulsion, liberation and liberty.»y el movimiento de la materia es óctuple: expansión, contracción, agregación, simpatía, continuidad, impulsión, liberación y libertad.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 424»

«A leaf is next torn from the book of the alchemists, and sulphur, salt and mercury are pronounced substantific qualities, a concept which is of course a marvelous advance over that of substantial forms.»con la filiación que Thorndike señala: enseguida se arranca una hoja del libro de los alquimistas y se prefieren azufre, sal y mercurio a las formas sustanciales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 424»

«Occult quality is still defined as that which is known only by its effect.»la cualidad oculta se sigue definiendo como la que solo se conoce por su efecto.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 424»

«The tides are accounted for both by vapors generated by subterranean fire which cause the sea to swell up, and by the sun and moon.»las mareas se explican a la vez por vapores del fuego subterráneo y por el sol y la luna.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 425»

«Comets are not sublunar, as Aristotle thought, but are generated in highest heaven even beyond the sun.»los cometas no son sublunares, como creía Aristóteles, sino generados en el cielo más alto, aun más allá del sol.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 425»

«Vital spirits in the heart have blood as their material, the lungs as bellows, the arteries as canals by which they spread all through the body.»los espíritus vitales del corazón tienen la sangre por materia, los pulmones por fuelles y las arterias por canales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 425»

«Animal spirits are generated in the brain from blood and vital spirits, are purified by the ventilation of respiration, and spread through the nerves to all parts of the body.»los espíritus animales se generan en el cerebro de la sangre y los espíritus vitales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 425»

«Marten Schoock, in his Physica generalis of 1660 rejected Comenius’s division of motion between spirit, light and matter, and his division of qualities into intrinsic or substantific and extrinsic or accidental, and calling the three principles of the alchemists substantific.»Marten Schoock rechazó en 1660 la división del movimiento que Comenio hacía entre espíritu, luz y materia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 427»

«He further criticized Comenius for deriving occult qualities immediately from a peculiar spirit infused in each creature.»y lo criticó por derivar las cualidades ocultas inmediatamente de un espíritu peculiar infundido en cada criatura.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 427»

«In the Preface to the Reader he says that natural science has not progressed as mathematics and the mechanical arts have, for the reason that it does not adhere sufÏciently to sense and experience, Disputations get us nowhere in it.»el prefacio al lector declara que la ciencia natural no ha progresado como las matemáticas, y que las disputaciones no llevan a nada en ella.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 427»

«Others seek to rear a structure from a few basic principles, as Euclid does in geometry, but this method is not effective in natural science, where is necessary long and difÏcult research from varied and multiple experiments, which must be analyzed, and results attained inductively.»otros quieren levantar una estructura desde unos pocos principios básicos, como Euclides en geometría.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 428»

«The chemists are criticized for trying to build up principles for all natural science from chemical experiments alone; Gilbert, for magnetic experiments only; Fludd, for limiting himself mainly to experiments in rarefaction and condensation from heat and cold; Telesio and Campanella, for trying to explain everything in terms of hot and cold.»se critica a los químicos por querer construir los principios de toda la ciencia natural desde los principios químicos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 428»

«But all these erect natural philosophy and natural history on too narrow: a basis.»y el saldo: todos ellos levantan la filosofía natural y la historia natural sobre base demasiado estrecha.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 428»

«He has always cherished Aristotle, Plato and Galen, but never regarded anyone of them as a god.»Kyper declara haber apreciado siempre a Aristóteles, a Platón y a Galeno sin tener a ninguno por dios.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 429»

«Yet Kyper thinks that his philosophy should be retained in the schools, but its deficiencies should be supplied, its disordered passages put in their proper places, and its errors corrected.»y con todo cree que su filosofía debe conservarse en las escuelas, supliendo sus faltas y corrigiendo sus errores.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 430»

«Kyper holds to the four elements and thinks that fire is not only an element but also not different from primeval light2»se atiene a los cuatro elementos y tiene el fuego por elemento y no distinto de la luz primigenia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 431»

«Kyper afÏrms that the occult qualities of the stars cannot be denied, in view of the turning of the magnetic needle to the north and the influence of the moon on tides.»afirma que no cabe negar las cualidades ocultas de las estrellas, a la vista del giro de la aguja y del influjo lunar sobre las mareas; el OCR imprime *afÏrms*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 431»

«Astrological images, on the contrary, he rejects as diabolical, and likewise the making a wax image of a man.»las imágenes astrológicas, en cambio, las rechaza por diabólicas, y otro tanto hacer una imagen de cera de un hombre.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 432»

«Long fasts are explained on the supposition that the nourishment or solid parts to be consumed acquire such a specific property, that they foster the innate heat, yet are not consumed by it.»los ayunos largos se explican suponiendo que el alimento o las partes sólidas adquieren algo que impide su consumo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 432»

«Interpretation of dreams is declared possible in the case of those from natural causes, which naturally signify their effects and their causes and their adjuncts.»la interpretación de los sueños se declara posible en los de causas naturales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 433»

«Recent anatomical research has shown that there are excrements in the ventricles of the brain and that consequently the animal spirits cannot be generated there, so he puts their generation in the medulla oblongata.»la investigación anatómica reciente ha mostrado que hay excrementos en los ventrículos del cerebro.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 433»

«He continues his practice of asking superfluous questions: such as why men do not menstruate»y Thorndike anota su costumbre de preguntas superfluas, como por qué los hombres no menstrúan.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 433»

«Sperling says for himself that a prudent man should distinguish what is natural from what is voluntary, and probability from necessity,»Sperling dice por su cuenta que el hombre prudente debe distinguir lo natural de lo voluntario y la probabilidad de la necesidad.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 435»

«One of Sperling’s former students, Johann Daniel Major, admitted that there were errors in his Physica, explaining that the loss of his left hand kept him from specializing in anatomy and botany, that he was very inexperienced in technology, lapsed into mere speculation, and engaged in too many controversies.»y uno de sus antiguos alumnos, Johann Daniel Major, admitía que había errores en su física y que se metió en demasiadas controversias.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 435»

«Atheists, however, say that such apparitions are reflections in the clouds.»los ateos dicen que tales apariciones son reflejos en las nubes.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 436»

«Aristotle said that hot water freezes faster than cold, but Cabeo and others have found by experiment that just the opposite is true.»Aristóteles dijo que el agua caliente se hiela más rápido que la fría, y Cabeo y otros hallaron por experimento lo contrario.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 436»

«As for the origin of rivers, he still maintains that some come from the sea by way of subterranean vapors, but that more come from precipitation.»del origen de los ríos sigue sosteniendo que algunos vienen del mar por vías subterráneas y que más vienen de la precipitación.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 436»

«Blancanus was certainly wrong in afÏrming that no mountain was more than a mile and a half high.»Blancanus erraba ciertamente al afirmar que ninguna montaña pasa de milla y media de alto; el OCR imprime *afÏrming*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 436»

«If the world were eternal, erosion would have reduced all mountains to a plain.»porque, si el mundo fuera eterno, la erosión habría reducido todas las montañas a llanura.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 436»

«To call the heavens a fifth essence Cabeo condemns as a pernicious doctrine.»llamar quinta esencia a los cielos lo condena Cabeo como doctrina perniciosa.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 436»

«The heavenly bodies do not act directly by their motion, but their effects are varied by it.»los cuerpos celestes no obran directamente por su movimiento, aunque él varíe sus efectos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 436»

«The light of Mars or Mercury is slight, so that their notable effects cannot be accounted for by it.»la luz de Marte o de Mercurio es escasa, de modo que sus efectos notables no pueden explicarse por ella.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 436»

«Cabeo therefore inclines to agree with the astrologers that certain points in the heavens have the greatest efÏcacy, such as the horoscope, pars fortunae, and the cusps of houses.»y por eso Cabeo se inclina a concordar con los astrólogos en que ciertos puntos del cielo tienen la mayor fuerza.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 436»

«Their colors are for the most part martial and saturnine, and so they are believed to share the evil influence of those planets.»los colores de los cometas son en su mayoría marciales y saturninos, y por eso se cree que comparten el influjo malo de esos planetas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 437»

«Or they may be signs from God.»o pueden ser signos de Dios.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 437»

«He has previously stated that no physical cause can be assigned for their motion, which must be “from some free cause.”»y ya había dicho que no cabe asignar causa física a su movimiento, que ha de venir de alguna causa libre.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 437»

«Mersenne, whom Voltaire was to call “le minime et trés minime pére,” made little positive contribution to science except perhaps in music and mathematics.»de Mersenne, a quien Voltaire llamaría el mínimo y muy mínimo padre, dice que contribuyó poco positivamente salvo en música y matemáticas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 441»

«Gui Patin wrote in a letter of January 6, 1649, of “the incomparable Gassendi . . . a great man of small stature, an epitome of moral virtue and all the fair sciences, yet among others of great humility and goodness, and with a knowledge of mathematics which is quite sublime.”»Gui Patin escribía el 6 de enero de 1649 del incomparable Gassendi, gran hombre de ciencia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 441»

«already by 1624 in L’impiété des deistes he was saying that Copernicus could not be refuted, and that his hypothesis was very useful, although science was not yet in a state to decide definitively for or against it.»ya en 1624 Mersenne decía que Copérnico no podía refutarse y que no cabía decidir definitivamente a favor ni en contra.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 442»

«On February 1, 1629, he wrote to Galileo that he understood that the New System of the Movement of the Earth was completed, but that Galileo could not publish it because of the prohibition of the Inquisition.»el 1 de febrero de 1629 escribía a Galileo que entendía que el nuevo sistema del movimiento no se publicaba por la prohibición de la Inquisición.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 442»

«Mersenne offered to print it, if Galileo would send him the manuscript: In letters to Peiresc in 1635 and Galileo in 1637 he declared Campanella and Galileo the two greatest men in Italy.»y se ofrecía a imprimirlo si Galileo le mandaba el manuscrito.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 442»

«Mersenne’s published works are in large measure compilations.»sus obras publicadas son en gran medida compilaciones.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 442»

«He was both curious and receptive, asked many questions, and suggested works for others to write.»era curioso y receptivo, hacía muchas preguntas y sugería obras para que otros las escribieran.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 442»

«Mersenne also could compose 2 telling sentence, such as, “Ignorant Columbus discovered the New World; yet Lactantius, learned theologian, and Xenophanes, wise philosopher, had denied it”»y sabía componer una frase certera, como la del ignorante Colón que descubrió el Nuevo Mundo que el sabio Jenófanes había negado; el OCR lee *2* por *a*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 443»

«He not merely refused to believe in the acceleration of falling bodies but even held that their speed decreased at the end.»no solo se negó a creer en la aceleración de los cuerpos que caen sino que sostuvo que su velocidad menguaba al final.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 443»

«Mersenne experimented not a little, and held that he had disproved the acceleration of falling bodies experimentally, and had also demonstrated that balls of iron and wood of the same size would fall at the same speed, although the iron sphere weighed eight times more than the wooden ball.»experimentó no poco y sostuvo haber refutado la aceleración de los cuerpos que caen.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 443»

«But Rey, who accepted as unchanging the law that weight is increased by addition of matter or restriction of volume, held that after death bodies normally shrank in size, and that Mersenne must have weighed the animals immediately after strangling them, which had kept the air in the lungs and the spirits in veins and arteries, so that the bodies had not yet contracted.»Rey, que aceptaba como invariable la ley de que el peso crece por adición de materia, replicaba de otro modo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 444»

«Not only might persons with the best of intentions arrive at diametrically opposite conclusions as a consequence of performing identical experiments, but either or both of them might be right in one of his conclusions and wrong in another.»y la tesis que Thorndike saca del caso: personas de la mejor intención podían llegar a conclusiones diametralmente opuestas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 444»

«In humidum radicale d’Espagnet even thought that there was “something immortal which neither disappears with death nor is consumed by the forces of the most violent fire but remains unconquered in corpses and ashes.”»d'Espagnet ponía en el húmedo radical algo inmortal que ni desaparece con la muerte ni lo consume la fuerza del fuego más violento, sino que queda invicto en los cadáveres y en las cenizas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 400»

«Insects are imperfect animals, lacking blood and not breathing. They are spontaneously generated from slime, rotting vegetation, putrefying water, or from other animals, as beetles from an ass, bees from a bull, and wasps from the carcass of a horse»los insectos son animales imperfectos, sin sangre y sin respiración, generados espontáneamente del limo, de la vegetación podrida y del agua pútrida, o de otros animales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 406»

«dreams are classified as divine, diabolical, animal and natural, Animal are those which repeat works with which man is occupied or on which he is intent.»y los sueños se clasifican en divinos, diabólicos, animales y naturales, siendo animales los que repiten las obras en que el hombre se ocupa.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 406»

«That acts dependent on human free will cannot be predicted from observation of the stars; that natural effects below the moon are predicted only probably; but those above the moon, certainly.»los actos que dependen del libre albedrío humano no pueden predecirse por la observación de las estrellas; los efectos naturales bajo la luna solo probablemente, y los de encima con certeza.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 420»

«Comets are not merely signs but also causes of storms, sterility, pest, war, death of princes and political change.»y los cometas no son solo signos sino causas de tormentas, esterilidad, peste, guerra, muerte de príncipes y mudanza política.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 420»

«So is the defensive faculty; for if the animal spirit senses the approach of anything hostile, it hurries back to the defense of the part threatened.»y la facultad defensiva la gobierna el espíritu animal: si siente acercarse algo hostil, acude a la defensa de la parte amenazada.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 426»

«for formation of the animal does not begin from the heart, as Aristotle thought, but from the head. For some animals such as fish lack a heart, but none is without a head and brain.»porque la formación del animal no empieza por el corazón, como creía Aristóteles, sino por la cabeza: algunos animales como los peces carecen de corazón y ninguno de cabeza y cerebro.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 426»

«the tenacity with which animal spirit clings to its body is shown by the fact that flies suffocated in water revive in hot ashes.»y la tenacidad con que el espíritu animal se aferra a su cuerpo se muestra en que las moscas ahogadas en agua reviven en ceniza caliente.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 426»

«Johann Sperling was a professor at Wittenberg who was favorably and not infrequently cited by his former students. The reprinting of his Physica anthropologica also indicates that he exerted considerable influence.»Johann Sperling fue profesor en Wittenberg, citado con favor y no pocas veces por sus antiguos alumnos, y la reimpresión de su *Physica anthropologica* indica que ejerció influencia considerable.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 434»

«Marin Mersenne was educated at the Collége du Mans, the then new Jesuit school of La Fléche, attended a little later by Descartes, and the University of Paris, where he entered the Order of Minimes.»Marin Mersenne se educó en el Collège du Mans, en la escuela jesuita entonces nueva de La Flèche —a la que asistió poco después Descartes— y en la Universidad de París, donde entró en la orden de los mínimos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 440»

«Mersenne goes on to argue that apparitions of angels are not to be denied, that miracles cannot be accounted for by the power of imagination or bodily exhalations, and that the stars are not the causes of miraculous cures.»Mersenne argumenta que las apariciones de ángeles no deben negarse, que los milagros no se explican por el poder de la imaginación ni por exhalaciones corporales y que las estrellas no causan las curas milagrosas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 445»

«Neither demons nor necromancers can raise the dead; and, despite Paracelsus, heat mingled with putridity cannot be the cause of resurrection.»ni demonios ni nigromantes pueden resucitar muertos, y, pese a Paracelso, el calor mezclado con lo pútrido no puede ser causa de resurrección.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 445»

«humors in animals, and much the same way as the moon moves the ff new moon and when exerting this influence even at the time o! the moon was below the horizon.»del cierre del capítulo del *cursus*: Cabeo hacía a las estrellas mover los humores en los animales al modo en que la luna mueve las mareas, ejerciendo ese influjo aun en luna nueva y estando la luna bajo el horizonte; el escaneo de esta plana entrevera las columnas y el verbatim va tal cual lo imprime la capa de texto.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 438»

«In this chapter we consider together two Frenchmen who became Parisians and whose life-spans roughly coincided: Marin Mersenne (1588—1648) and Pierre Gassendi (1592-1655). The former was born in Maine; the latter, in Provence.»declara el reparto del capítulo: trata juntos a dos franceses avecindados en París cuyas vidas coinciden a grandes rasgos, Marin Mersenne y Pierre Gassendi.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 439»

«Both began their careers as clergymen—Franciscans, in fact—and teachers; both ended primarily men of science.»ambos empezaron como clérigos, franciscanos de hecho, y maestros, y acabaron sobre todo como hombres de ciencia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 439»

«Their first books appeared almost simultaneously in 1623 and 1624, and dealt with the time-worn themes of Genesis and Aristotelianism.»y sus primeros libros salieron casi a la vez, en 1623 y 1624, sobre los temas gastados del Génesis y el aristotelismo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 439»

«Mersenne considers what future events are signified by the stars. He grants that they are signs of things depending upon natural causes such as the weather and health and disease.»y considera qué sucesos futuros significan las estrellas, concediendo que son signos del tiempo, la salud y la enfermedad.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 446»

«Mersenne opposes the whole theory of astrological houses.2* But he speaks of the parts of the third region of the microcosm.»se opone a toda la teoría de las casas astrológicas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 447»

«He agrees with Aquinas that “even the images which they call astronomical have their efÏcacy from the operation of demons,” and disagrees with Cajetan who ascribed the virtue of images and characters to co-principle of operation and a sympathy with things celestial.»y concuerda con Aquino en que aun las imágenes llamadas astronómicas tienen su eficacia de una simpatía con lo celeste; el OCR imprime *efÏcacy*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 447»

«Mersenne denies that names depend on the stars, argues against what Galeotto Marzio in the fifteenth century ascribed magically to letters and names, and rejects onomancy.»niega que los nombres dependan de las estrellas y rechaza la onomancia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 447»

«Robert Fludd, that heretico-magus, seems to Mersenne to be mildly insane, when he afÏrms that the hand is as it were a table of the geniture and nature, on which in occult wise are carved the mysteries of one’s nativity.»a Mersenne, Robert Fludd, ese *heretico-magus*, le parece levemente demente cuando afirma que en el cuerpo van grabados los misterios de la natividad; el OCR imprime *afÏrms*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 448»

«Yet later in the same work he afÏrmed that it was necessary for a medical man to know not only the phases of the moon but the courses of the stars and planets and their effects.”»y Thorndike le anota la inconsecuencia: más adelante en la misma obra afirma que el médico ha de conocer los planetas y sus efectos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 449»

«In the preface to La verité des sciences he says that statics, hydraulics and pneumatics produce such prodigious effects that it seems that men can imitate the most wonderful works of God.»en el prefacio de *La verité des sciences* dice que la estática, la hidráulica y la neumática producen las obras más maravillosas de Dios.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 449»

«Mersenne afÏrms that man can give birth to anything: colts from a woman of Verona in 1254, a half-bird at Ravenna in 1517, a halfcalf in Saxony and a child with a frog’s head at Boileroy in 1517, a half-dog in 1493, and a dog with human head in 1571»afirma que el hombre puede dar a luz cualquier cosa: potros de una mujer de Verona en 1254 y un perro con cabeza humana en 1571. El impreso escribe *half-bird* y *half-dog* con guion, y parte *half-calf* en el salto de renglón, de modo que `span()` lo devuelve fundido en *halfcalf*, que es forma de la herramienta y no del libro.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 449»

«On February 1, 1629, Mersenne wrote to Galileo that he was at work on a most extraordinary and incomparable invention of telescopes by which objects on the moon and stars would appear of their actual size.»el 1 de febrero de 1629 escribía a Galileo que trabajaba en algo extraordinario con que las estrellas aparecerían en su tamaño real.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 450»

«But Galileo had several years before informed another correspondent that the idea was impossible of realization.»aunque Galileo hubiera informado años antes a otro corresponsal de que la idea era irrealizable.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 450»

«Beaugrand replied that the effects of the magnet and many other natural phenomena for which he could not account prevented his believing anything impossible.»Beaugrand respondía que los efectos del imán y otros fenómenos naturales le impedían creer nada imposible.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 451»

«Mersenne said that it could be made in half an hour without use of fire, “as I have experimented.”»Mersenne decía que podía hacerse en media hora sin fuego, como él lo había experimentado.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 451»

«In 1617 Robert Fludd (1574—1637) published at Oppenheim the first part on the Macrocos»en 1617 Robert Fludd publicó en Oppenheim la primera parte, sobre el macrocosmo, de una obra mayor.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 452»

«In 1623 came out his Triple Anatomy, of which the first part dealt with “bread, easily the chief nutriment,” its dissection by fire, its elements and their occult qualities.»y en 1623 su *Triple anatomía*, cuya primera parte trataba del pan y de sus cualidades ocultas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 452»

«Mersenne, however, in his Quaestiones celeberrimae in Genesim of 1623, where he refuted the treatment of chiromancy by Fludd, took a more uncompromising tone, asserting that there was nothing solid in that art and challenging Fludd to interpret a figure of a pair of hands “designed from nature by an excellent painter,” which he reproduced in his volume.»Mersenne refutó ese tratado en sus *Quaestiones celeberrimae in Genesim* de 1623.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 453»

«Mersenne had called Fludd an evil magician, an heretical magician, and a doctor of horrendous magic.»y había llamado a Fludd mago malo, mago herético y doctor de magia horrenda.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 453»

«At the request of Mersenne, Gassendi composed an Examination of the Philosophy of Robert Fludd which was published in 1631.»a instancias de Mersenne, Gassendi compuso un *Examen de la filosofía de Robert Fludd*, publicado en 1631.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 454»

«In it Gassendi agreed with Mersenne and Lanovius that alchemists should not abuse Scripture and the mysteries of religion,” but he did not, like Mersenne, consider Fludd to be an evil magician or an utter atheist.»donde concordaba con Mersenne y Lanovius en que los alquimistas no debían abusar de la Escritura.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 454»

«Indeed, Gassendi expressed scepticism as to diabolical and evil magic,”* and took little stock in the Cabala, especially the alchemical variety.»y expresaba escepticismo sobre la magia diabólica y mala, y poca fe en la variedad alquímica.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 454»

«He also distinguished between true and spurious alchemy, defending the former and the Rosicrucians, and also the Cabala.»distinguía además entre alquimia verdadera y espuria, defendiendo la primera, y otro tanto con la cábala.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 454»

«There are nine orders of good angels and nine classes of bad angels.»del sistema de Fludd: hay nueve órdenes de ángeles buenos y nueve clases de ángeles malos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 455»

«‘As there were nine orders of angels and nine classes of demons, so there are nine elemental regions arranged in groups of three each, Pure earth, minerals and vegetation make up the lower region; fresh water, salt water and the lowest of the three regions of air constitute the middle group; the highest consists of the middle and upper regions of the air, and that of fire.»y, como hay nueve órdenes de ángeles y nueve clases de demonios, hay nueve regiones elementales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 455»

«Man the microcosm corresponds to three heavens: the intellect in the head, to the empyrean; vitality and free will, in the heart, to the ether; natural functions in the abdomen, to the elemental spheres.»el hombre microcosmo corresponde a tres cielos: el intelecto en la cabeza al empíreo, y lo demás a las esferas elementales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 455»

«In a letter of the same year Mersenne criticized Fludd for six impieties, of which the first was that all sacred Scripture had an alchemical significance.»en carta del mismo año Mersenne le reprochaba a Fludd seis impiedades, la primera de significado alquímico.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 455»

«Secondly, he identified God with light and an ethereal spirit or quintessence which resided especially in the sun and was the cause of the generation of all things.»la segunda, identificar a Dios con la luz y con un espíritu etéreo o quintaesencia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 455»

«Fourth, he identified the world soul with Christ and the rock on which the Church was founded, and made it the chief part of the philosophers’ stone.»la cuarta, identificar el alma del mundo con Cristo y con la roca sobre la que se fundó la Iglesia, y con la parte principal de la piedra filosofal.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 455»

«Fifth, the just man was the alchemist who had found the philosophers’ stone and become immortal by its use, and such were the Rosicrucians.»la quinta, que el hombre justo era el alquimista que halló la piedra filosofal y se hizo inmortal, y que tales eran los rosacruces.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 455»

«Sixth, creation was not from nothing in the vulgar sense but from matter.»y la sexta, que la creación no fue de la nada en sentido vulgar sino de la materia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 455»

«Similarly true cabalists are nothing but alchemists and so are Magi, philosophers and priests.»los cabalistas verdaderos no son sino alquimistas, y otro tanto los magos, los filósofos y los sacerdotes.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 456»

«Mersenne said further that Fludd contended that a dead man was heavier than when alive, because the light and ethereal spirit had left the body.»Fludd sostenía que el muerto pesa más que el vivo porque el espíritu etéreo dejó el cuerpo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 456»

«Mersenne, as we have already noted from his correspondence with Rey, claimed to have disproved this by most accurate experiment, since a dog weighing seventeen pounds and a hen of fifty-two ounces when alive were found of the same weight or less after death.»y Mersenne decía haberlo refutado: el cuerpo pesa lo mismo o menos después de la muerte.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 456»

«However, Mersenne goes on to say that he hears that Santorio of Venice had weighed the same man alive and dead at almost the same hour, and found the corpse a little lighter than the living body.»y añade que oye decir que Santorio de Venecia pesó al mismo hombre vivo y muerto.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 456»

«Fludd has been characterized as “a philosopher, physician, anatomist, physicist, chemist, mathematician and mechanician,” and credited with “a rare gift of observation in the exact sciences.”»a Fludd se lo ha caracterizado como filósofo, médico, anatomista, físico, químico y matemático.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 456»

«But he still thought it possible and advisable to combine with this science and medicine not only a cloak of religion but also much of the occult science that had come down from the past: magic and cabala, astrology and alchemy, physiognomy and chiromancy, geomancy and weather signs.»y aun así tenía por posible y aconsejable combinar con esa ciencia y con la medicina la geomancia y los signos del tiempo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 456»

«Gassendi denies that comets are either signs or causes of calamities.»Gassendi niega que los cometas sean signos o causas de calamidades.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 458»

«According to Bougerel, he was the first to give the name, aurora borealis, to that phenomenon, which he saw in September, 1621.»y, según Bougerel, fue el primero en dar el nombre de aurora boreal al fenómeno que vio en septiembre de 1621.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 458»

«Gassendi was more active in astronomy than in any other science.»Thorndike lo sitúa: Gassendi fue más activo en astronomía que en ninguna otra ciencia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 458»

«All the meteorologists might agree that parhelia portended destruction of empires, strife of princes, popular factions, and coalitions such as the Second Triumvirate.»todos los meteorólogos podían concordar en que los parhelios presagiaban destrucción de imperios.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 460»

«But to Gassendi it seemed not merely childish but utterly stupid to tremble at these signs which men vied in dreaming.»pero a Gassendi le parecía no solo pueril sino totalmente estúpido temblar ante esos signos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 460»

«Gassendi devoted a chapter to the aspects of the planets,” an astrological matter, but he mentioned it only to by-pass it, although he did not venture to ignore it entirely.»dedicó un capítulo a los aspectos de los planetas, materia astrológica, sin atreverse a ignorarla del todo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 460»

«If qualities and generation and corruption are from the stars, it exceeds human capacity to measure this.»si las cualidades y la generación y la corrupción vienen de las estrellas, excede la capacidad humana medirlo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 461»

«Gassendi charges that they jump from the effects of the sun and moon to those for the other planets without any justification.»les reprocha saltar de los efectos del sol y de la luna a los de los demás planetas sin justificación.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 461»

«Their houses, dignities and so on are unfounded, and, even if they fitted Chaldea, would not apply to other regions.»sus casas y dignidades carecen de fundamento y, aun si cuadraran a Caldea, no valdrían para otras regiones.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 461»

«The division into twelve rather than eight or ten houses is purely arbitrary.»y la división en doce casas en vez de ocho o diez es puramente arbitraria.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 461»

«He is sceptical whether astrology has a firm basis in long and accurate observation in ancient Chaldea.»duda de que la astrología tenga base firme en observación larga y exacta en la Caldea antigua.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 462»

«Thales made his famous olive crop prediction upon a physical, not an astrological, basis, while modern astrologers do not observe the stars but merely use Ephemerides, and so prediction is a matter of luck, and the astrologers might as well throw dice for it as trust to their Aphorisms.»y que Tales hizo su famosa predicción de la cosecha de aceitunas sobre base física y no astrológica.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 462»

«Gassendi does not deny that God attributed some virtues to the stars, but the question is whether the astrologers know these.»no niega que Dios atribuyera algunas virtudes a las estrellas: la cuestión es si los astrólogos las conocen.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 462»

«Like Heurtevyn earlier, Gassendi weakens his case by making the unwarranted assertion that astrologers in general and Stoeffler in particular predicted a general flood for February, 1524, whereas the entire month turned out to be fair and beautiful weather.»y Thorndike le señala el exceso: como Heurtevyn antes, Gassendi debilita su causa con una afirmación injustificada.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 462»

«It may be doubted, however, whether they did astrology as much harm as might have been expected from Gassendi’s reputation in scientific and astronomical circles.»aunque Thorndike dude de que hicieran a la astrología tanto daño como cabría esperar.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 463»

«He believed that tales of long fasts, like those of possession by demons and bewitchment, were often based upon imposture.»creía que los relatos de ayunos largos, como los de posesión demoníaca y embrujamiento, se fundaban a menudo en impostura.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 465»

«He denied the power of imagination over other bodies, but was inclined to concede that a woman fascinator, with eyes and imagination intent on the tender body of an infant, might throw off maleficent rays and injurious efÒuvia and so affect its state of health.»negaba el poder de la imaginación sobre otros cuerpos y se inclinaba a conceder que una mujer pudiera afectar la salud del feto.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 465»

«Gassendi laid down the fundamental principles that there is no effect without a cause, no cause without motion, and no action at a distance without contact.»y sentaba como principios fundamentales que no hay efecto sin causa ni acción a distancia sin contacto.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 465»

«He goes on to say that, just as a menstruating woman clouds a mirror, so an old-wife can injure an infant who is present, but not an absent person, by the malign material spirits which she emits.»y añade que, como la mujer menstruante empaña un espejo, así una vieja puede dañar por los espíritus materiales malignos que emite.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 466»

«Indeed, Kircher says that different kinds of tarantulas are excited by different kinds of music22’ Snake-charming and the apparent effects of incantations may be produced by sound but not by the sense of the words uttered.»Kircher dice que distintas clases de tarántulas se excitan con distintas clases de música.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 467»

«But incantations may also help by giving the patient hope who has faith in them.»y los encantamientos pueden ayudar dando esperanza al paciente que tiene fe en ellos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 467»

«Unless the basilisk be a mere fable, it must emit deadly rays or spirits from its mouth as well as eyes.»salvo que el basilisco sea pura fábula, ha de emitir rayos o espíritus mortales por la boca tanto como por los ojos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 467»

«Gassendi, as the last sentence suggests, was inclined to reject as false some reported instances of occult virtue.»Gassendi se inclinaba a rechazar como falsos algunos casos referidos de virtud oculta.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 467»

«But he had such respect for the old belief, that the tiny echeneis or remora can stop a ship, that he devotes most of a long column to suggesting other possible explanations, such as the action of an adverse current.»y tenía tal respeto por la vieja creencia de que la rémora detiene una nave que la explicaba por una corriente adversa.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 467»

«Gassendi does not entirely abandon the notion of occult quality in favor of the corpuscular theory.»y no abandona del todo la noción de cualidad oculta en favor de la teoría corpuscular.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 468»

«But there is not so great a relationship and association between us and the heavens that our particular acts or sufferings are prescribed by them.»aunque no haya tanta relación y asociación entre nosotros y los cielos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 468»

«He repeated his axiom that nothing acts on a distant object.»repitió su axioma de que nada obra sobre un objeto distante.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 468»

«Gassendi found it difÏcult to maintain an attitude of Epicurean scepticism in the midst of the marvel-mongering natural history of his day.»el hallazgo que Thorndike subraya: a Gassendi le resultaba difícil sostener una actitud de escepticismo epicúreo en medio de la historia natural mercachifle de maravillas de su tiempo; el OCR imprime *difÏcult*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 468»

«It seemed ridiculous to him that a tree should grow with an iron pith which made an armor impenetrable to iron.»le parecía ridículo que un árbol creciera con médula de hierro que hiciera una armadura impenetrable.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 468»

«Gassendi could only suggest that such phenomena might be accounted for “by attraction, partly magnetic, partly electric.”»y solo podía sugerir que tales fenómenos se explicaran por atracción, en parte magnética y en parte eléctrica.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 469»

«Plants and animals which were generated spontaneously seemed to require only the putrefaction of matter, in which however were contained their seeds, although not manifest, as in other plants and animals.»las plantas y los animales generados espontáneamente parecían requerir solo la putrefacción, no manifiesta como en los demás.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 469»

«And Gassendi still believed with Ovid that coral hardened as soon as it touched the air, but mollis fuit herba sub undis.»y con Ovidio seguía creyendo que el coral se endurece al tocar el aire, siendo hierba blanda bajo las olas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 469»

«Gassendi accordingly “passes over” such impostures of the Magi as that they divined by the herb theangelis, evoked demons with the herb aglaophotis, and dispelled them with hypericon,»y pasa por alto las imposturas de los magos, como adivinar por la hierba.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 470»

«Gassendi’s assertion in Philosophiae Epicuri Syntagma that sense is never deceived and that only opinion is a source of error»afirmaba en el *Philosophiae Epicuri Syntagma* que el sentido nunca se engaña y que solo la opinión es fuente de error.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 470»

«He further felt the necessity of some “lapifidic and seminal” force to account for the formation of stones and metals»y sentía la necesidad de una fuerza lapidífica y seminal para dar cuenta de la formación de las piedras y los metales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 470»

«But he did not express these in terms of corpuscles.»aunque no las expresara en términos de corpúsculos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 470»

«Thus his content is not merely, like that of the naturalist Aldrovandi in the previous century, literary as well as scientific and philosophical; it also sandwiches a sceptical corpuscular philosophy in between slices of superstition and error.»con el juicio de Thorndike: su contenido no es solo, como el del naturalista Aldrovandi, tajadas de superstición y error.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 471»

«But more space is given to the error than to its denial.»aunque se dé más espacio al error que a su negación.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 471»

«But sometimes it seems due to a lingering interest on his own part in what he rejects or ought to reject, but cannot quite part with.»y a veces parece deberse a un interés que le queda por lo que rechaza o debería rechazar.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 471»

«That selenites or the moon-stone reflects the phases of the moon is probably because it has some thin, fluid and subtle matter, similar to quicksilver, which is altered by the moonbeams falling upon it.»que la selenita refleje las fases de la luna se debe probablemente a que algo en ella se altera con los rayos lunares.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 473»

«Some traditional antipathies, however, he rejects as mere fables, such as that between drums of sheepskin and wolfskin, which Gassendi had rejected before him,»algunas antipatías tradicionales las rechaza como meras fábulas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 474»

«If certain plants grow best near together, it is because they require different kinds of nourishment.»si ciertas plantas crecen mejor juntas es porque requieren alimentos distintos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 474»

«The cruentation (and, according to some reports, the opening of the eyes) of the carcass of a murthered man, at the praesence and touch of the homicide, is in truth the noblest of antipathies: and scarce any writer of the secrets or miracles of nature hath omitted the consideration thereof.»de la cruentación del cadáver, y según algunos de la apertura de sus ojos, ante el asesino.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 474»

«Some writers regard it as a miraculous and supernatural intervention of divine providence, but Charleton offers a natural explanation.»algunos escritores la tienen por intervención milagrosa y sobrenatural de la providencia divina, y Charleton ofrece una explicación natural.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 474»

«He will not accept that the basilisk destroys a man by merely seeing him first or that the basilisk is identical with the cockatrice, or that it is hatched from the egg of an old, decrepit cock, or that it has wings, legs, a long spiral tail, and a crest or comb like a cock.»no acepta que el basilisco destruya al hombre por verlo primero ni que tenga cresta como un gallo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 475»

«As to the effects of the bite of a tarantula, Charleton is much more credulous.»y sobre los efectos de la picadura de la tarántula, Thorndike lo halla mucho más crédulo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 475»

«Also Charleton refuses to believe that the remora or echeneis is ominous of death or disaster to the chief person aboard.»se niega además a creer que la rémora sea presagio de muerte o desastre para el principal de a bordo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 476»

«And he rejects the “armarie or magnetic unguent and its cousin german the sympathetic powder or Roman vitriol calcined” of the disciples of Paracelsus, Croll, Goclenius and Helmont,»y rechaza el ungüento armario o magnético y su primo hermano el polvo simpático.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 476»

«While he had accepted the influence of the moon on shellfish and the marrow of bones in the work of 1654, in other respects this appears to be more favorable than before to the influence of the heavenly bodies, and serves to accentuate a point which I have made repeatedly, that the same man will express varying views according to the standpoint from which he writes.»Thorndike consigna la contradicción sin armonizarla: aceptaba el influjo de la luna sobre los mariscos en una obra y no en otra.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 477»

«Here in one case Charleton wrote as an Epicurean atomist and follower of Gassendi; in the other, as a medical man.»porque en un caso escribía como atomista epicúreo y seguidor de Gassendi, y en el otro como médico.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 477»

«We hear of a revival of Scotism in the schools of Italy in the seventeenth century under the leadership of two young scholars from the south: Bartholomaeus Mastrius of Meldola (1602—1678) and Bonaventura Bellutus of Catania (1599-1676).»abre el capítulo del renacer escotista: se oye de un revival del escotismo en las escuelas de Italia del siglo XVII.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 478»

«They were in such remarkable agreement in interpreting the philosophy of Duns Scotus that their students said that they spoke with one tongue, wrote with one pen, and thought with one head.*»Mastrio y Belluto concordaban tan notablemente al interpretar a Duns Escoto que se decía que pensaban con una sola cabeza.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 478»

«Scientifically the views of Mastrius and Bellutus sometimes are quite backward.»y Thorndike juzga: científicamente sus opiniones son a veces bastante atrasadas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 480»

«They still hold with Scotus and Aristotle that the heart, not the brain, is the seat of the soul.»siguen sosteniendo con Escoto y Aristóteles que el corazón, y no el cerebro, es la sede del alma.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 480»

«Mastrius and Bellutus place the earth at rest in the center of the universe and will not even admit that it revolves on its axis.»ponen la tierra en reposo en el centro del universo y no admiten siquiera que gire sobre su eje.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 481»

«They accept, however, the movement of Venus and Mercury about the sun rather than the earth and note Tycho Brahe's observations that Mars is sometimes beyond the sun, sometimes nearer to the earth than the sun is, which was fatal to the belief in fixed spheres for the different planets.»aceptan en cambio el movimiento de Venus y Mercurio en torno al sol.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 481»

«They recognize the existence of the four moons of Jupiter, two satellites of Saturn (really portions of the rings), sunspots, and irregularities on the surface of the moon.»reconocen las cuatro lunas de Júpiter, dos satélites de Saturno y las irregularidades de la superficie lunar.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 481»

«They still insist that comets, if they are natural phenomena, are sublunar, although those of divine origin and miraculous character may be in the heavens.»siguen insistiendo en que los cometas, si son fenómenos naturales, son sublunares.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 482»

«They are aware that Tycho Brahe and other recent astronomers have placed comets above the moon, but they contend that measurement by parallax is not so trustworthy for comets as for the stars, and assert that other eminent astronomers have shown by mathematical instruments that comets are below the moon.»saben que Tycho Brahe y otros astrónomos recientes los han puesto sobre la luna, y los mantienen debajo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 482»

«They reject the Platonic doctrine of the magnus annus and the transmigration of souls of Pythagoras.»rechazan la doctrina platónica del gran año y la transmigración de las almas de Pitágoras.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 483»

«Animals like horses can be generated only from seed and sexual intercourse.»los animales como los caballos solo pueden generarse de semilla y por coito.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 483»

«Insects such as bees are produced only from putridity without seed; but mice are multiplied in both ways.»los insectos como las abejas solo de putridez sin semilla, y los ratones de los dos modos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 483»

«Many theologians hold that the tree of life possessed a natural virtue of preserving human life in perpetuity.»muchos teólogos sostienen que el árbol de la vida tenía virtud natural de conservar la vida humana a perpetuidad.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 483»

«But our Scotists deny this, and for the same reason deny that there is such a virtue in the medicines of the alchemists.»y estos escotistas lo niegan, y por la misma razón niegan esa virtud a las medicinas de los alquimistas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 483»

«Aristotle’s explanation of violent motion is modified by the medieval theory of impetus, that the continued movement of projectiles comes chiefly not from the medium through which they move, but from an impulse impressed on them by the thrower.»la explicación aristotélica del movimiento violento queda modificada por la teoría medieval del ímpetu.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 484»

About the work

83 entries — what the apparatus and scholarship say about it

«GOVERNMENT OF INDIA DEPARTMENT OF ARCHAEOLOGY LIBRARY CENTRAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL»el sello de procedencia del ejemplar escaneado: la Central Archaeological Library del Departamento de Arqueología del Gobierno de la India.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 1»

«By LYNN THORNDIKE PROFESSOR EMERITUS OF HISTORY, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY “33taa VOLUME VII NEW YORK: MORNINGSIDE HEIGHTS COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS»la portada acredita el volumen a Lynn Thorndike como profesor emérito de historia de Columbia University y lo numera VII, con pie de Morningside Heights; *“33taa* es ruido del escaneo sobre el escudo editorial.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 6»

«In the publication of this volume the author has received assistance from the fund for the encouragement of historical studies bequeathed to Columbia University by Professor William A. Dunning.»la nota de la editorial declara que la publicación se costeó con el fondo para el fomento de los estudios históricos legado a Columbia University por el profesor William A. Dunning.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 7»

«PUBLISHED 1958, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS, NEW YORK Library of Congress Catalogue Card Number»la página de derechos fija el año de publicación y remite al número de catálogo de la Biblioteca del Congreso; no imprime ISBN ni mención de serie.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 7»

«PUBLISHED IN GREAT BRITAIN, CANADA, INDIA, AND PAKISTAN BY THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON, TORONTO, BOMBAY, AND KARACHI Printed in The Netherlands by Mouton & Go., The Hague»y reparte la edición fuera de los Estados Unidos entre Oxford University Press y la imprenta neerlandesa de Mouton; el OCR lee *Go.* por *Co.*

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 7»

«With these two volumes on the seventeenth century A History of Magic and Experimental Science, upon which I began work over fifty years ago, draws to its close.»el prefacio abre declarando el cierre de la obra entera, empezada más de cincuenta años antes.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 8»

«The process of publication has been slow and, because of the heavy cost of printing, it has usually not been feasible to take note of books and articles which have appeared since the typescript went to press.»y explica por qué el aparato no está al día: la publicación fue lenta y el costo de impresión hizo casi siempre inviable registrar los libros y artículos aparecidos después de que el mecanoscrito entrara en prensa.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 8»

«A bibliography of books on magic in MS 500 at Besangon, seen in the summer of 1956, dates the printing of the dissertation of Dorscheus, De... Satanae obsessione, at Leipzig in quarto in 1646, rather than posthumously at Rostock in 1666, as quoted from Hauber»da un ejemplo de esa deuda y a la vez enmienda su propio volumen: una bibliografía de libros de magia en el manuscrito 500 de Besançon, visto en el verano de 1956, fecha la impresión de la disertación de Dorscheus sobre la posesión de Satanás en Leipzig en 1646 y no póstumamente en Rostock en 1666, que es lo que él tomó de Hauber; el OCR lee *Besangon*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 8»

«It may be usefyl to list here,a number of subsequent articles which supplement or revise certain portions of the first four volumes of this work.»anuncia la lista de artículos posteriores que suplementan o revisan partes de los cuatro primeros volúmenes; el OCR lee *usefyl* por *useful* y pega la coma a *here*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 8»

«Traditional Medieval Tracts Concerning Engraved Astrological Images,” Mélanges Auguste Pelzer, Louvain, 1947, pp. 217-74, revises I, 340, 664-66; II, 223-27, 234-35, 257-58,»el primero de esos artículos, sobre los tratados medievales de imágenes astrológicas grabadas, revisa pasajes de los volúmenes I y II que él enumera uno por uno.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 8»

«I am indebted to many libraries and librarians but especially to Columbia University for providing a work-place for me in Low Memorial Library.»agradece a las bibliotecas y en particular a Columbia University por darle sitio de trabajo en la Low Memorial Library.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 9»

«Dr. C. Doris Hellman has been very helpful in the verification of references, other research assistance, and the early and last stages of proof-reading.»atribuye a la doctora C. Doris Hellman la verificación de referencias, otra asistencia de investigación y las fases inicial y final de corrección de pruebas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 9»

«Grants from the William A. Dunning Fund have aided in meeting the expense of printing.»y a las subvenciones del fondo Dunning el costo de impresión.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 9»

«Lynn THORNDIKE Columbia University October 11, 1956»el prefacio va firmado por él en Columbia University con fecha del 11 de octubre de 1956, dos años antes del pie de imprenta.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 9»

«The long chapter on Peter of Abano with its eight appendices at II, 874-947, has been supplemented by “Relations of the Inquisition to Peter of Abano and Cecco d’Ascoli,” Speculum, I (1926), 338-43»declara que el largo capítulo sobre Pedro de Abano y sus ocho apéndices, en el volumen II, quedó suplementado por sus artículos posteriores, empezando por el de las relaciones de la Inquisición con Pedro de Abano y Cecco d'Ascoli; entrada bibliográfica, tramo releído entero en el crudo y extraído con la guarda anticosido apagada.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 8»

«Further Consideration of the Experimenta, Speculum astronomiae, and De secretis mulierum ascribed to Albertus Magnus,” Speculum, 30 (1955), 413-48.»y añade a los capítulos 62 y 63 del segundo volumen su reconsideración de los *Experimenta*, el *Speculum astronomiae* y el *De secretis mulierum* adjudicados a Alberto Magno; entrada bibliográfica, releída entera en el crudo, guarda anticosido apagada.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 9»

«Pliny and Liber de presagiis tempestatum,” Isis, 34 (1942), corrects III, 273 and 707-14.»enmienda por artículo propio dos pasajes del tercer volumen; entrada bibliográfica, releída entera en el crudo, guarda anticosido apagada.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 9»

«Concerning Oresme I have added: “Coelestinus’s Summary of Oresme on Marvels,” Osiris, I (1986), 629-35, and “Oresme and Fourteenth Century Commentaries on the Meteorologica,” Isis, 45 (1954), 145-52.»y sobre Oresme suma dos trabajos: el resumen que Coelestinus hizo de su tratado de las maravillas y los comentarios del siglo XIV a los *Meteorologica*; entrada bibliográfica, releída entera en el crudo, guarda anticosido apagada.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 9»

«Besides the two chapters on Heingarter in the fourth volume, there is: “Conrad Heingarter in Zurich Manuscripts, especially his Medical Advice to the Duchess of Bourbon,” Bulletin of the Institute of the History of Medicine, IV (1936), 81-87.»y a los dos capítulos sobre Heingarter del cuarto volumen añade su trabajo sobre los manuscritos de Zúrich, en particular el consejo médico a la duquesa de Borbón; entrada bibliográfica, releída entera en el crudo, guarda anticosido apagada.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 9»

«CONTENTS Backwarp GLANCES KEPLER AND GALILEO . Tuer CONTEMPORARIES Francis Bacon Astrotocy To 1650 : ALCHEMY AND Tira camahieras TO 1650 . DanteEL SENNERT . - Van HELMont: SpiniTuaL ‘Scxence AND Mass MEDICINE MINERALOGY NaruraL Macic Discussion oF Macic IN PERC AND > SEAT Interest IN THE OccutT at GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. Tue Cursus Eocene OR See BEFORE DescaRTES . - MERSENNE AND Gassenr <i Tue Scotist REVIVAL. - Morw’s Astrologia Gallica . Drepset AND DicBy .- Harvey AND PaTiIn DESCARTES THe UNDERGROUND Wortp OF KIRCHER AND BECHER - ArtiriciaL Macic AND TECHNOLOGY - Huycens . Puysics AND»el índice enlista los capítulos del volumen, de las miradas retrospectivas a la física y la astronomía posteriores a Descartes; el OCR deshace buena parte de los rótulos (*Backwarp*, *Astrotocy*, *NaruraL Macic*, *Puysics*).

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 10»

«J. C. Poggendorff, Biographisch-Literarisches Handwérterbuch printed, printer G. A. Pritzel, Thesaurus literaturae botanicae»y sigue con los repertorios biográficos y bibliográficos de referencia, el Poggendorff y el Pritzel.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 13»

«A HISTORY OF MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY»la portadilla interior repite el título y fija la materia del par de volúmenes: el siglo XVII.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 14»

«ABBREVIATIONS Acta eruditorum Bibliotheca scriptorum societatis Iesu, Antwerp, 1643; Rome, 1676 Bibliotheque de I'Ecole des Chartes: revue erudition consacrée spécialement & l'étude du Moyen Age, Paris, 1839 to date Bodleian Library, Oxford British Museum, London British Museum, London, collection of Sloane manuscripts»la tabla de abreviaturas es a la vez la lista de repositorios y de repertorios que usa: de los *Acta eruditorum* y la *Bibliotheca scriptorum societatis Iesu* a la Bodleian, el British Museum y su colección Sloane.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 12»

«Karl Sudhoff, “Iatromathematiker vornehmlich im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert,” Abhandlungen zur Geschichte der Medizin, Heft II (1902), Breslau, viii, 92 pp.»cierra la tabla con la monografía de Karl Sudhoff sobre los iatromatemáticos de los siglos XV y XVI, citada con su fascículo y su paginación; entrada bibliográfica, releída entera en el crudo, guarda anticosido apagada.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 13»

«Bei einer Reihe von Ménnern wie Nicolaus von Cusa, Bernardinus Telesius, Franciscus Patritius, Thomas Campanella und Giordano Bruno verklingen nur die alten pythagoreischen und platonischen Naturphantasien. Bei Anderen verbanden sich dieselben mit den wilden und verworrenen Triumen der Cabbala... Schwiirmerische Geister wie Paracelsus, Robert Fludd, van Helmont, Jakob Bohme ergriffen diese Phantasien... So verband sich mit dieser Philosophie der Natur allmélig aller Aberglaube der Astrologie, Alchemie, Zauberkunst und Démonenlehre.»el epígrafe del capítulo I, tomado de la *Reformation der Sternkunde* de Apelt, sostiene que en Cusa, Telesio, Patrizi, Campanella y Bruno solo se apagan las viejas fantasías pitagóricas y platónicas de la naturaleza, que en otros se enlazaron con los sueños de la cábala, y que así se unió a esa filosofía de la naturaleza toda la superstición de la astrología, la alquimia, la magia y la doctrina de los demonios; el OCR deforma el alemán (*Ménnern*, *Triumen*, *Schwiirmerische*, *allmélig*).

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 16»

«There is some difÏculty in attaining chronological order. The frequency of posthumous publication raises the question as to when the work was actually finished or if it ever was, to say nothing of whether the author intended it for publication or would have preferred to have it remain unpublished, and how much it has been emended since his death.»y declara la dificultad de ordenar cronológicamente: la frecuencia de la publicación póstuma deja sin saber cuándo se terminó una obra, si el autor la quería publicada y cuánto se la enmendó después de su muerte; el OCR imprime *difÏculty*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 21»

«Again, it is sometimes difÏcult to obtain access to the first edition, while later editions may have undergone substantial changes either at the hands of the original author or of subsequent editors.»con la segunda dificultad: el acceso a la primera edición, cuando las posteriores pueden traer cambios sustanciales del propio autor o de editores ulteriores.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 21»

«Manuscript material as compared to printed books and periodical publications becomes of less relative importance than it was in the age of incunabula or even in the sixteenth century. It was in general less widely read and less influential in the history of thought.»fija el peso relativo del manuscrito en este siglo: menos importante que en la edad de los incunables o en el siglo XVI, menos leído y menos influyente.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 21»

«Still, it cannot be entirely neglected even in the case of an investigation like our own which aims only to select examples more or less at random from the multitudinous phenomena of past intellectual history.»y aun así no se lo puede desatender del todo en una investigación que, según declara, solo aspira a escoger ejemplos más o menos al azar entre los fenómenos multitudinarios de la historia intelectual pasada.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 21»

«Newton left nothing in print on the subject of alchemy, but alchemy is a leading interest of over a million words left in his own handwriting.»con el caso que lo prueba: Newton no dejó nada impreso sobre alquimia, y la alquimia es interés mayor de más de un millón de palabras que dejó de su puño y letra.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 21»

«But while in the case of experimental science there may be disagreement as to by whom first the new was tried, in the case of magic, at least in the seventeenth century, the question is rather who was last to lay the old aside.»de ahí la fórmula con que fija su propia pregunta: en la ciencia experimental cabe discutir quién probó primero lo nuevo, pero en la magia del siglo XVII la pregunta es más bien quién fue el último en dejar lo viejo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 21»

«Our treatment, as in previous volumes, will be partly by men and partly by subjects, now topical»declara el método del volumen: como en los anteriores, en parte por hombres y en parte por materias; el tramo se corta en el cambio de plana y sigue en la 21, *and now chronological. It will of necessity be selective and illustrative rather than all-inclusive and exhaustive*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 20»

«And he was far from being the only one to lay claim to priority in an idea or a discovery, although he had»y anota que Newton no fue el único en reclamar prioridad sobre una idea o un descubrimiento; el tramo se corta en el límite de chunk y sigue *failed to be the first in print with it*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 21»

«Modern historians of science have regarded it as a fantastic aberration on his part, although Maestlin asserted that all astronomy would be reformed in consequence of it, while Kepler himself represented it as a divine revelation?»sobre el *Mysterium cosmographicum*: los historiadores modernos de la ciencia lo tienen por aberración fantástica, mientras Maestlin aseguraba que toda la astronomía se reformaría por él y el propio Kepler lo presentaba como revelación divina; el signo de interrogación final es del OCR por la llamada de nota.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 25»

«It should be added, however, that Kepler's laws do not stand out in his Astronomia nova as they do in modern histories of science, and that Schoock, writing in 1663, still emphasized the irregularity and difÏculty of the motion of Mars rather than Kepler's solution thereof.»matiza la historiografía con el testimonio de época: las leyes de Kepler no destacan en su *Astronomia nova* como destacan en las historias modernas de la ciencia, y Schoock, escribiendo en 1663, seguía subrayando la irregularidad y la dificultad del movimiento de Marte antes que la solución de Kepler; el OCR imprime *difÏculty*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 28»

«Since writing this sentence I find that Apelt a century ago made the stronger statement that Kepler's work was the chief contribution to astronomical theory since the Almagest of Ptolemy:»declara haber encontrado, después de escribir su propia frase, que Apelt hacía un siglo dijo algo más fuerte: que la obra de Kepler era la contribución principal a la teoría astronómica desde el *Almagesto* de Ptolomeo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 27»

«Kepler, says Apelt, found the key to the secrets of astronomy in measuring the distance of the planets from different positions»resume la tesis de Apelt: Kepler halló la clave de los secretos de la astronomía al medir la distancia de los planetas desde posiciones distintas; el tramo se corta en el cambio de plana y sigue *of a moving earth*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 29»

«Similarly Koyré has recently contended that this Keplerian gravitation or mutual attraction was limited to cognate or related bodies, such as stones and water, earth and moon, moon and water, and was not extended by him to celestial bodies beyond the moon.»recoge de Koyré la lectura reciente de que esa gravitación o atracción mutua kepleriana se limitaba a cuerpos cognados o emparentados —piedras y agua, tierra y luna, luna y agua— y que Kepler no la extendió a los cuerpos celestes más allá de la luna.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 43»

«He left an autograph note as to the exact time of his birth which served as the basis for astrological calculation,!*° although modern historians have utilized it to show that he was not born on the same day that Michelangelo died.»de la nota autógrafa de Galileo sobre la hora exacta de su nacimiento, que sirvió de base al cálculo astrológico, anota que los historiadores modernos la han usado para mostrar que no nació el mismo día en que murió Miguel Ángel.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 49»

«It is said, in the Libri Catalogue of 1861, to have been “so rigidly suppressed that only a few copies” are extant.»y del impreso de Tréveris recoge lo que dice el catálogo Libri de 1861: que fue suprimido tan rígidamente que solo quedan unos pocos ejemplares.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 58»

«A HISTORY OF MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE VOLUMES VII AND VIII THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY VOLUME VII»la anteportada anuncia el par de volúmenes sobre el siglo XVII y numera este como el VII.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 4»

«as Bacon was impeached as Lord Chancellor for accepting gifts of money from suitors, while their cases were still pending, so there has been a recent tendency among historians of science to censure him, as a professed natural phil»registra la censura reciente de los historiadores de la ciencia a Bacon, paralela a su destitución como lord canciller por aceptar dinero de litigantes con causas pendientes; el tramo se corta ahí y sigue por el reproche de no reconocer a Roger Bacon.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 76»

«However, even an early Victorian like Whewell wrote over a century ago that Francis Bacon's as to scientific method “are now practically useless.”»y cita a Whewell, victoriano temprano, que hace más de un siglo escribió que las reglas de método científico de Francis Bacon son ya prácticamente inútiles.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 76»

«and after stating that “his chief admirers have been persons of a literary turn,”»con el juicio anexo de que sus principales admiradores han sido personas de inclinación literaria.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 76»

«It is time that the sacred name of philosophy should be severed from its long connexion with that of one who was a pretender in science, a time-serving politician, an insidious lawyer, a corrupt judge, a treacherous friend, a bad»y con la sentencia más dura que recoge de esa corriente: que es tiempo de separar el nombre sagrado de la filosofía de su larga conexión con quien fue un pretendiente en ciencia, un político acomodaticio, un abogado insidioso, un juez corrupto y un amigo traidor; el tramo se corta ahí.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 77»

«I can see no justification whatever for the attitude which refuses on purely a priori grounds to accept action at a distance... Such an attitude bespeaks an unimaginativeness, a mental obtuseness and obstinacy.»el epígrafe del capítulo de la astrología, tomado de la *Logic of Modern Physics* de P. W. Bridgman, niega justificación a la actitud que rechaza por razones puramente a priori la acción a distancia y la llama falta de imaginación, obtusidad mental y obstinación; los puntos suspensivos son del impreso.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 102»

«Even Lasswitz recognized that Sennert “made no claim to originality,” and that he held fast to the Aristotelian conception of form and matter.»de la historiografía sobre Sennert: hasta Lasswitz reconocía que no pretendía originalidad y que se atenía a la concepción aristotélica de forma y materia.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 219»

«Yet Lasswitz, and Gerland and others after Lasswitz, ascribed the corpuscular theory to Sennert and dated its first enunciation and the renewal of physical atomism from the year 1619, when De chymicorum cum Aristotelicis et Galenicis consensu ac dissensu was published.»y con todo, Lasswitz, Gerland y otros después de él adjudicaron a Sennert la teoría corpuscular y fecharon su primera enunciación.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 219»

«Moreover, in the earliest passage Sennert gave credit for the idea to Scaliger, saying:»frente a lo cual señala que en el pasaje más temprano el propio Sennert daba el crédito de la idea a Escalígero.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 219»

«I, to use the words of Scaliger in Exercise 101, if I am forced to speak, confess that I am now won over by the opinion of Scaliger, who defines mixture as ‘the motion of very small bodies to mutual contact in order to achieve union’»y lo cita: por las palabras de Escalígero en el ejercicio 101, confiesa estar ganado a la opinión que define la mixtión.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 220»

«Not only was Sennert, despite Paracelsus and his medieval predecessors and the whole Paracelsan revival of the later sixteenth century, proclaimed the first to introduce chemistry into the study of medicine,” but it was further asserted without foundation that physics and chemistry should honor him as the new founder of the corpuscular theory.»con la crítica a la adjudicación: pese a Paracelso, a sus predecesores medievales y al revival paracelsista del siglo XVI, se proclamó a Sennert fundador nuevo de la teoría corpuscular.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 220»

«Nor do our corpuscles come in contact as the atoms of Epicurus do, but so that one continuous body is formed ...»y cita al propio Sennert deslindándose de Epicuro: sus corpúsculos no entran en contacto como los átomos epicúreos sino de modo que se forme un cuerpo continuo; los puntos suspensivos son del impreso.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 220»

«Lest the reader think that Germans have been the only ones to distort the history of science from a nationalist bias, I may note that Sir Clifford Allbutt, Greek Medicine in Rome... with other historical essays, London, 1921, p. 514, assures us that Robert Boyle “made chemistry for the first time an academic study.”»y reparte la culpa para que no se lea como sesgo nacional: declara en primera persona que los alemanes no han sido los únicos en torcer la historia de la ciencia por sesgo nacionalista, y pone por caso a sir Clifford Allbutt.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 220»

«In the History of Atomism Lasswitz merely alluded to these quotations from Scaliger and Avicenna," although he noted those from ‘Aristotle and Galen which did not so distinctly militate against his claims for Sennert.»anota que en la *Historia del atomismo* Lasswitz solo aludió de paso a esas citas de Escalígero y de Avicena.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 220»

«It would, however, be rather to the advantage of our own thesis, if these exaggerated claims of priority and scientific eminence for Sennert were true.»y declara dónde quedaría su propio interés: sería más bien ventajoso para su tesis que esas pretensiones exageradas de prioridad y eminencia científica en favor de Sennert fueran ciertas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 221»

«But for our purposes I fear that it will have to sufÏce that he was one of the leading physicians of his day, that the Italian intelligentsia were said to doff their hats at the mere mention of his name, and that Gui Patin ranked him above all the moderns except Fernel.”»aunque teme que para sus fines haya de bastar con que fuera uno de los médicos principales de su tiempo, a quien los intelectuales italianos ponían por encima de todos los modernos salvo Fernel; el OCR imprime *sufÏce*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 221»

«Sennert, our German Galen, a man of the Asclepiadean republic who has earned the esteem of the best men»el epígrafe del capítulo de Sennert, firmado por E. H. Hencker, lo llama el Galeno alemán, hombre de la república asclepiadea que ha merecido la estima de los mejores.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 216»

«...ne proposant rien par songes, mais par longues recherches des choses tr et experiences controuvees wise ... je suis venu @ la que je m’abstraicte de tous livres, veu quil y aun livre en nous, escrit du doigt de Dieu, duquel nous pouvons lire le tout»el primero de los dos epígrafes del capítulo de van Helmont, firmado por él mismo, declara no proponer nada por sueños sino por largas indagaciones, y haber llegado a abstraerse de todos los libros por haber en nosotros un libro escrito por el dedo de Dios donde puede leerse el todo; los puntos suspensivos y las lagunas son del impreso.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 231»

«‘The writer of the Introduction to the 1707 edition of Helmont’s works contended that the treatise on the magnetic cure of wounds must have been a spurious concoction made by Helmont’s enemies in order to discredit him.»de la disputa sobre la cura magnética de heridas: el autor de la introducción a la edición de 1707 sostenía que el tratado se le atribuyó para desacreditarlo.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 242»

«The printed catalogue of the Bibliothéque Nationale, Paris, lists compendia of logic and of theology by Conradus Hornius or Horneius, printed in 1654 and posthumously in 1655. But neither it nor the printed catalogue of books in the British Museum has his Compendium of natural philosophy concerning stones, metallic and mineral mediums, published thirty years earlier in 1624.»declara sus búsquedas bibliográficas: el catálogo impreso de la Bibliothèque Nationale lista compendios de lógica y de teología de Conradus Hornius.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 265»

«I have not found a dissertation by Chesnecopherus on three terrae sigillatae: sun-grease, moon-grease, and sun-soul; also of mercury of iron as a cure for gout.»y consigna la negativa en primera persona: no ha hallado una disertación de Chesnecopherus sobre tres tierras selladas.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 266»

«The reference is probably to his Opera, Florence, 1601.»con la conjetura bibliográfica declarada como tal: la referencia es probablemente a la *Opera* de Florencia de 1601.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 264»

«It is nothing but recondite knowledge of things, by which, if agents are applied to patients, marvels are produced and effects beyond popular ssa»el epígrafe del capítulo de la magia natural, firmado por Pascarus, la define como conocimiento recóndito de las cosas por el que, aplicados los agentes a los pacientes, se producen maravillas; el OCR deshace el final del renglón en *popular ssa*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 285»

«Two little books by Pierre Morestel, which first appeared in 1607, might seem from the opening words of their titles, Secrets of Nature2 and Occult Philosophy,®® to be concerned with natural magic. But, as their full titles suggest and asa glance at their content reveals, they are popular and elementary works,»de los dos libritos de Pierre Morestel de 1607 anota que sus títulos prometen más de lo que dan: son obras populares y elementales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 289»

«However, Allatius incorrectly gives the initial date of the book's publication as 1630 rather than 1629, and that of Gaffarel’s Abdita divinae Cabalae mysteria as 1623 instead of 1625.»coteja las fechas contra Allatius y le enmienda la data inicial de la publicación del libro.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 322»

«But these may be misprints of the later edition which I used.»aunque conceda que pueden ser erratas de la edición posterior que él usó.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 322»

«For this reason I have segregated in this separate chapter the discussions of magic which follow and which are first those of two Portuguese and then those by five Spaniards.»declara en primera persona la razón de su reparto: por eso ha segregado en capítulo aparte las discusiones de magia que siguen.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 336»

«I have not had access to the following work: Niccold Sexpetro, n mercato delle meraviglie della natura»y consigna la negativa: no ha tenido acceso a la obra de Niccolò Sexpetro.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 333»

«The conclusions are discussed in Sloane 1321, fols. 1-13, but occur without discussion in Sloane 2220 at fol. 256.»con la signatura de los dos testimonios: las conclusiones se discuten en el Sloane 1321 y aparecen sin discusión en el Sloane 2220.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 333»

«He states that Gaffarel came to Rome twice, in 1626»y recoge que Gaffarel estuvo en Roma dos veces, la primera en 1626.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 321»

«Dissertations and disputations: their general character—Dillingen: Frey, Diem, Schmid—Wittenberg: Tandler, Nymann, Elich, Schmilaverus, Georg and Horst, Vierthaler, Krevet, Nicolai, Baumgarten, Pompeius, Kirchmaier, Mittendorf, Ziegra, Frenzel, Kiniker, Voigt, Wolff and Wantscher, Pohl, Clodius, Rudinger, Freygang—Frommann at Coburg»el sumario del capítulo de las universidades alemanas, que lista casa por casa los nombres recorridos, de Dillingen y Wittenberg a Coburgo; el OCR imprime *fnedical*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 351»

«Reverendo patri domino Marino Mersennio Mimimo sed charitate et doctrina maximo. —CLaupE BREDEAU homme sage, savant et bon, tempéré et habile homme, en un mot un vrai épicurien mitigé. —PATIN CONCERNING GASSENDI»los dos epígrafes del capítulo: Claude Bredeau saluda a Mersenne como mínimo pero máximo en caridad y doctrina, y Patin llama a Gassendi hombre sabio, docto y bueno, templado y hábil, en una palabra un verdadero epicúreo mitigado; el OCR imprime *Mimimo*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 439»

«Time of writing—Other works—Conversion to, and practice of astrology— Praefatio apologetica—Outline of the text—Natural basis of astrology—Its principles and technique—Astrological images rejected—Manuscripts on weather i icine and chemical remedies—Virtues of gems— prediction—Astrological Probably slight effect of Morin’s book.»el sumario del capítulo sobre la *Astrologia Gallica* de Morin, con su prefacio apologético, la base natural que le da a la astrología, el rechazo de las imágenes astrológicas y el efecto probablemente escaso del libro; el OCR parte *Astrological* y deja *icine* por *medicine*.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 490»

«Discovery of the circulation of the blood—Omne vivum ex ovo—Harvey not mechanistic—Importance of the blood exaggerated—Influence of the discovery of the circulation: Betts, Slegel, Kyper, Webster, Willis, Grube, Walaeus, Bartholinus, Juanini, Tardy—Infusory surgery—Blood transfusion—Patin and antimony—Opposition to chemical and superstitious remedies—Attitude towards magic and demons—Intellectual limitations~Penchant for phlebotomy—Attitude of others—Comparison of Harvey and Patin.»el sumario del capítulo de Harvey y Patin, que anuncia el descubrimiento de la circulación de la sangre, el *omne vivum ex ovo*, la exageración de la importancia de la sangre, la cirugía infusoria y la transfusión, y la comparación final de los dos.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 526»

«Kircher’s Mundus subterraneus—His credulity—Show of experimental method— Hypothesis of underground reservoirs—Impetus, mountains, fire—Signatures, animal marvels, spirits in mines—Occult action, spontaneous generation—Attitude towards alchemy—Perpetual motion impossible—Influence of the stars— Other topics—Purpose of the work questioned—Kircher's ‘Arithmology—Becher’s Subterranean Physics—Three kingdoms—Poisons and medicines—Astrology con»el sumario del capítulo de Kircher y Becher, que anuncia la credulidad de Kircher, su alarde de método experimental, la hipótesis de los depósitos subterráneos, las signaturas y los espíritus de las minas, su actitud ante la alquimia y la imposibilidad del movimiento perpetuo; el OCR parte el renglón final.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 580»

«Books of secrets—Schott’s predecessors: de Caus, Leurechon and Ens, Schwenter, ‘ic and demons—His limited scepticism—Marvels of optics and acoustics—Mechanics and machinery—Vacuum denied—Medicine and divination—Monsters, portents and marvels ‘of animals—Sympathy and sntipathy-Infivence ‘of the stars—Other works by Schott: Schwimmer—Lana Terzidevelopment of inventions and machinery—Veranzio, Zonca, Branca, Bockler, Zucchi—Lipstorp and Deschales—J. J. Becher»el sumario del capítulo de la magia artificial y la tecnología, que enlista los libros de secretos, los predecesores de Schott, sus maravillas de óptica y acústica, la mecánica, el vacío negado y el desarrollo de invenciones y maquinaria; el OCR deshace varios renglones (*sntipathy-Infivence*, *‘ic and demons*) y `span()` funde en *Terzidevelopment* la raya que en el impreso separa *Lana Terzi* del desarrollo de invenciones.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 603»

«Huygens’ recent editors speak of him as “croyant toujours aux tourbillons unilatéraux cartesiens,” although, after reading the Principia, he lost faith entirely in “vortices deferentes.”»los editores recientes de Huygens lo presentan como creyente todavía en los torbellinos unilaterales.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 637»

«It has been said that Huygens did not understand the mechanism of percussion, because dynamics were still imperfect, and Newton had not yet founded classical mechanics, with theorems that now seem self-evident but were in Huygens’ day still unknown.»y se ha dicho que Huygens no entendía el mecanismo de la percusión.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 637»

«Professor Carl B. Boyer, in a paper upon “Kepler's Explanation of the Rainbow,” remarks: It is probably safe to say that more volumes on the rainbow appeared between 1500 and 1700 than during all the years which preceded or succeeded; and most of these were pre-Cartesian, many appearing in Germany.*°»del profesor Carl B. Boyer recoge la observación de su trabajo sobre la explicación keplerina del arco iris.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 640»

«What I want to point out is, not merely that most of these numerous writers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries could have saved themselves and their readers trouble, had they known that Dietrich of Freiberg and a writer in Arabic contemporary with him had given essentially correct expositions of the rainbow in the first years of the fourteenth century and in writing still extant, but that the learned editors (from La Société Hollandaise des Sciences) of the works of Huygens, who have done so much to correct other misapprehensions in the history of science, were in 1932 (vol. XVII) equally in ignorance»y declara en primera persona lo que quiere señalar de esa historiografía.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 640»

«You may be able to understand and evaluate the work of Dietrich without haying read that of Huygens, but you cannot properly appraise Huygens or his century without knowing of Dietrich and the physics of the fourteenth century.»con el argumento: puede entenderse y valorarse la obra de Dietrich sin haber leído la física del siglo XIV.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 640»

«Huygens’ recent editors explain his glorification of the stellar number, twelve, in the dedication of his Systema Saturninum to Leopold de’ Medici as a concession to that prince’s mentality.”»y sus editores recientes explican la glorificación del número estelar doce por la mentalidad de aquel príncipe.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 639»

«Career and scientific achievement—Relation to Descartes: the laws of percussion_Astronomy and astrology: freedom from superstition and occultism—Terninology_The rainbow and Dietrich of Freiberg—Mathematical and mechanical fnveaticn Late publication and secrecy of method—Use of the experimental method_Conception of nature—Element of marvelousness—Cosmotheoros: the planets inhabited-Sallies into the history of civilization.»el sumario del capítulo de Huygens, que anuncia su relación con Descartes y las leyes de la percusión, su libertad de superstición y ocultismo, el arco iris y Dietrich de Friburgo, la publicación tardía y el secreto de método, y su concepción de la naturaleza; el OCR deshace varios renglones y sustituye por guiones bajos las rayas del sumario, de modo que `span()` devuelve *percussion_Astronomy*, *Terninology_The* y *fnveaticn*: son formas de la capa de texto, no del impreso.

Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958)«Thorndike — A History of Magic and Experimental Science VII (1958) · p. 635»

Concepts treated

Piedra filosofal (lapis philosophorum)Dienheim la discute y admite no saber hacerla; a Tomás de Aquino se le adjudica llamar *agua gruesa* a su materia; Zaccagnini la cree capaz de prolongar notablemente la vida sin perpetuarla, y Glauber la pone por encima del oro potable por ser fija al fuego.

thorndike-magic-experimental-7 · pp. 175, 186, 208, 214

Mercurio de los filósofos (Mercurius)El agua mercurial no es el mercurio de los filósofos sino la materia primera de todos los metales; y el oro potable se hace con mercurio vivo no vulgar sino filosófico.

thorndike-magic-experimental-7 · pp. 190, 209

Materia primaDescartes no pudo desprenderse de la materia prima de los escolásticos; De Nuisement hace del mundo un viviente salido de la materia primera.

thorndike-magic-experimental-7 · pp. 194, 564

Cuatro elementos (fuego, aire, agua, tierra)Paracelso los reparte entre dos globos; Drebbel los hace transmutables entre sí; Jacchaeus, Kyper, Van Sichen y Cardoso siguen aceptándolos, y de Clave y Villon niegan que sean cinco los principios transmutables.

thorndike-magic-experimental-7 · pp. 171, 199, 403, 431, 686, 696

Quintaesencia (quinta essentia)Drebbel la halla en su forma más pura en el oro y advierte que no todos hablaron de lo mismo; Conring niega evidencia alguna de sustancia celeste en los cuerpos sublunares.

thorndike-magic-experimental-7 · pp. 215, 507

Microcosmos (el hombre-mundo)Guibelet y Bourdin trazan el paralelo parte por parte; Rodericus llama a la epilepsia relámpago del microcosmo; Tidicaeus dice que solo el hombre mira a los cielos; Harvey hace del corazón el sol del microcosmo, y Fludd le da tres cielos.

thorndike-magic-experimental-7 · pp. 108, 110, 138, 161, 455, 528

Anima mundi (alma del mundo)Goclenio difunde por el mundo la virtud del alma del mundo; Campanella la exige o el macrocosmo sería inferior al microcosmo, y la Inquisición le objeta que informaría alimañas; Fludd la identifica con Cristo; Beeckman hace del fuego el alma del mundo.

thorndike-magic-experimental-7 · pp. 296, 306, 455, 560

Magia NaturalBacon separa la degenerada de la verdadera, que depende del conocimiento de las formas; Thorndike la define como obrar efectos maravillosos por fuerzas ocultas sin asistencia sobrenatural; Campanella la hace obra de sabios que imitan a la naturaleza, y Heredia conocimiento de lo secreto por los cursos de las estrellas.

thorndike-magic-experimental-7 · pp. 95, 285, 311, 349

Talismán (imagen astrológica)Helmont rechaza las imágenes astrológicas como rapsodia sobre lo inexistente; Gaffarel las tiene por naturales y no diabólicas; Morin las niega porque los artefactos carecen de semilla, y Wirdig adjudica a Helmont haber reducido su uso médico.

thorndike-magic-experimental-7 · pp. 236, 248, 318, 496

Imaginación (phantasia)Kepler acepta su fuerza sobre el feto; Bacon la halla sin prueba sobre otros cuerpos; Sennert se la niega para la magia natural; Baranzani se la da sobre el propio cuerpo y no sobre el ajeno, y Kozak la hace obrar hacia afuera por arte del demonio.

thorndike-magic-experimental-7 · pp. 41, 95, 227, 300, 327

Daimon (entidad intermedia, ni ángel ni demonio)Helmont restringe el poder del diablo y hace de la bruja el factor indispensable; Zara le fija los límites; Torreblanca los enumera uno por uno; Schott los deja obrar maravillas por aplicación de lo activo a lo pasivo.

thorndike-magic-experimental-7 · pp. 240, 295, 340, 610

Necromancia (nigromancia)Se suponía que en la península ibérica habían florecido escuelas árabes de nigromancia en la Edad Media; Mersenne niega que nigromantes ni demonios puedan resucitar muertos.

thorndike-magic-experimental-7 · pp. 336, 445

Theurgia (obra divina)Zara la lista alfabéticamente junto con la cábala, la adivinación, la goecia, los oráculos y las suertes.

thorndike-magic-experimental-7 · p. 295

Goetia (γοητεία, arte goético)Naudé niega que Zoroastro fuera autor de la goecia ni de la teurgia.

thorndike-magic-experimental-7 · pp. 295, 315

Secreto (lo que se jura no fijar por escrito)Espagnet manda desconfiar de los libros fáciles de entender; Drebbel guarda sus invenciones en secreto y misterio; Huygens enuncia sus hallazgos en criptograma antes de exponerlos, y Thorndike liga ese método a los caracteres mágicos.

thorndike-magic-experimental-7 · pp. 198, 510, 642, 643

Prodigio (prodigium, portentum, ostentum)Kepler lee un nacimiento monstruoso como anuncio de expedición; se dice que no hubo semana del invierno sin alguna señal de males futuros; Cabeo adjudica las apariciones de ejércitos en el cielo a causa no natural.

thorndike-magic-experimental-7 · pp. 41, 361, 436

Crítica de fuentes (criterios de inclusión y descarte)Thorndike corrige por bibliografía su propio volumen, coteja a Silvaticus contra la obra de Bonaventura, fecha a Basilio Valentín por la ausencia de manuscritos anteriores y declara qué manuscritos y libros no pudo ver.

thorndike-magic-experimental-7 · pp. 8, 122, 169, 333

Cadena de transmisión (quién tomó de quién)El *Pegaso del firmamento* da tres intérpretes sucesivos del libro de la Naturaleza: Hermes Trismegisto, Paracelso y Basilio Valentín.

thorndike-magic-experimental-7 · p. 180

Mónada (el glifo que condensa el esquema entero)Khunrath habla de los buenos como quienes se esfuerzan por la simplicidad de la Mónada, y Riviera alude a ella con una fórmula que adjudica a santo Tomás.

thorndike-magic-experimental-7 · p. 288

Homúnculo (el hombre artificial)Bickerus desaprueba las imágenes astrológicas y hacer un homúnculo para atraer y apartar la hechicería por fuerza magnética.

thorndike-magic-experimental-7 · p. 149

Horas planetariasBacon descarta el reinado sucesivo de los planetas sobre las horas del día, aunque admita que de ahí les vinieron los nombres; y Sempilio tiene por supersticioso consultar la mejor hora de ver a un magistrado.

thorndike-magic-experimental-7 · pp. 87, 144

Decknamen (nombres cubiertos)Del vaso queda al fondo *nuestra sal*, es decir *nuestra tierra*, negra, el dragón que devora su cola; y Glauber llama hombre de hierro al horno y cisne blanco a una etapa del proceso.

thorndike-magic-experimental-7 · pp. 191, 211

Nigredo (la obra al negro)Lo que queda al fondo del vaso es negro de color, el dragón que devora su cola, y la ceniza del fondo se llama diadema del corazón.

thorndike-magic-experimental-7 · p. 191

Putrefacción (putrefactio)Bacon acepta las criaturas vivas que vienen de la putrefacción y hace de las partes putrefactas medicinas excelentes; Burgersdyck llama espontánea la generación por causas ocultas; Sennert duda de las barnaclas.

thorndike-magic-experimental-7 · pp. 88, 93, 226, 418

Azufre (principio sulfúreo)Se rechazan azufre, mercurio y sal como principios distintos de los elementos; Glauber hace de la sal la fuente de todas las cosas donde Paracelso subrayaba los tres; y el trueno resulta de efluvios de azufre y nitro como en la pólvora.

thorndike-magic-experimental-7 · pp. 193, 204, 211, 364

Transvection (el traslado corporal por seres demoníacos)Tandler concede que los demonios transporten hombres por el aire y niega que pueda hacerse por encantamiento, y en una disputación de Wittenberg se negó que las almas de las brujas pudieran ser llevadas por el aire por demonios.

thorndike-magic-experimental-7 · pp. 354, 358

Works cited

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