John Dee's Actions with Spirits, 22 December 1581 to 23 May 1583

«The manuscript contains 104 folios in Dee’s hand which form his fair copy of notes recording the events taken at the time the Actions were conducted» — Whitby describe el soporte: no son las notas tomadas en la sesión, sino la copia en limpio que Dee hizo de ellas.

«A short preface by Elias Ashmole (1617–1692) and some notes in cipher by William Shippen (1635–1693) are also contained in the present binding» — lo que la encuadernación añade al autógrafo de Dee, según Whitby, con las fechas de vida de los dos añadidores.

«Being unable to understand the contents of these papers, they paid no great attention to them and many were eventually lost through being used by their maid to line pie dishes» — Whitby cuenta así la pérdida de parte de los papeles hallados en el cofre de los Jones: la criada los usó para forrar moldes de pastel.

«Thirteen years before, most of the records of Dee’s magical dealings from 28 May 1583 until his death had been published by Meric Casaubon as a warning how easily man may be deluded into dealing with devils» — Whitby data en 1659 y adjudica a Meric Casaubon la edición de las Acciones posteriores, y le atribuye ese propósito: publicarlas como advertencia.

«Here were the ‘Actions with spirits’ that formed the ground of all those contained in A True and Faithful Relation and without which the latter could not properly be understood» — Whitby fija la relación entre el Sloane 3188 y la edición de Casaubon: lo que aquí se registra es el fundamento de aquélla.

«Consequently on 5 September 1672 Ashmole exchanged a copy of his popular work on the Order of the Garter» — el precio de los manuscritos, según Whitby: un ejemplar del libro de Ashmole sobre la Orden de la Jarretera.

«Even if Dee’s original manuscripts were purchased at Jekyll’s sale along with Ashmole’s transcripts, there is a period of at least forty-six years during which their location is not accounted for» — Whitby acota el hueco de la cadena de custodia entre la subasta de Jekyll de 1739/40 y la aparición de los manuscritos en la colección Sloane.

«Sloane MS 3188 contains 171 leaves in its present folio binding. The first two leaves are unpaginated, and thereafter the leaves are foliated in pencil in the top right hand corner from 1 to 169» — Whitby describe el volumen tal como está encuadernado hoy, con la foliación a lápiz que la biblioteca le puso.

«Thereafter until fol. 108 the manuscript is in Dee’s hand, with the exception of fols 15, 16 and 46 which are in Ashmole’s hand and fol. 99 which is mostly in Edward Kelly’s hand» — el reparto de manos dentro del autógrafo, según Whitby: casi todo Dee, tres folios de Ashmole y uno de Kelly.

«Fol. 87 is either in Dee’s or in Kelly’s hand, but being written in an unprecedented cipher it is not possible to define the authorship any more closely» — Whitby se abstiene ante un folio en cifra sin precedente: la cifra impide adjudicar la mano.

«Dee’s records of his magical dealings are divided into five books and an appendix to the fifth book» — la división interna del manuscrito, según Whitby, con páginas de título en cinco folios.

«Despite the attentions of the Jones’s maid, the five books and appendix of Dee’s magical dealings are nearly complete» — Whitby mide la pérdida: pese a los moldes de pastel de la criada, faltan papeles al principio del segundo libro y del cuarto, y quizá al final del segundo y del tercero.

«Ashmole notes at fol. 15a that concerning Book 2 the ‘beginning thereof is vtterly perished’» — la nota de Elias Ashmole sobre el segundo libro, citada por Whitby, que en su propia transcripción precisa que lo perdido es la primera hoja y la mitad superior de la segunda.

«for in the begining of the Action of 28 of April Michael taxeth and threatneth ∆ [Dee] for his slacknes in not preparing things appointed by him (which ∆ excuseth with inability) but there is no mention of such appointment in the Action of 21 of March» — la conjetura de Ashmole sobre los papeles que faltan entre el segundo y el tercer libro: el ángel Michael reprocha a Dee —a quien Ashmole nombra con la delta de su jeroglífico— un encargo que en lo conservado nadie le hizo.

«Kelly was first introduced to Dee under the name of Edward Talbot and the fourth book is the first time that he is noted under the initials of ‘E.K.’ rather than ‘E.T.’» — Whitby identifica a Talbot con Kelly y explica por ahí el cambio de siglas en el cuarto libro.

«It makes greater sense to see Talbot and Kelly as the same man and this unwillingness shown on 4 May as the rupture that needed reconciliation than to suppose a change of scryer from Talbot to a different individual by the name of Kelly to whose previous employment and desertion there is not a single reference» — Whitby objeta a Ashmole: postular un scryer distinto llamado Kelly obliga a suponer un empleo y una deserción de los que no hay rastro.

«Mr. Talbot cam abowt 3 of the clok afternone, with whom I had some wordes of unkendnes: we parted frendely: he sayd that the Lord Morley had the Lord Mountegle his bokes. He promised me some of Doctor Myniver’s bokes» — la entrada del diario de Dee del 13 de julio de 1582, citada por Whitby: pese a las palabras ásperas, Kelly le sigue haciendo encargos de libros.

«in a mervaylous rage at 8 of the cloke at night, and all that night, and next morning till 8 of the cloke, melancholike and ch <ided me> terrible for……. that come to me only honest and lerned men» — la nota borrada del diario de Dee sobre la cólera de su mujer Jane el 6 de mayo de 1582, con las lecturas restituidas entre corchetes angulares y los puntos de lo ilegible tal cual imprime la edición.

«and her complaint was that Dee was involved with dishonest men, it is probable that the cause of her anger was Kelly» — Whitby razona la causa de la cólera de Jane Dee el 6 de mayo de 1582: se queja de hombres deshonestos y quien la apacigua es Clerkson, el mismo que había metido a Kelly en la casa bajo el nombre de Talbot.

«The six month gap is the longest period in the manuscript during which there are no Actions recorded and if Kelly consistently refused to serve, one would expect Dee to have made some attempt to procure another scryer» — Whitby mide el hueco de mayo a noviembre de 1582 y objeta la explicación fácil: si Kelly se hubiera negado en firme, Dee habría buscado otro vidente.

«The fourth book evidently lacks the first leaf, since Dee numbered the recto of each folio and the first extant leaf begins with the number 2» — el argumento con que Whitby data la pérdida de la primera hoja del cuarto libro: la numeración de Dee empieza en dos.

«On 22 November he went to Blockley at the foot of the Cotswold hills and was supposed to return in ten days» — el invierno de Kelly en Gloucestershire, según el diario de Dee que Whitby cita; los diez días se volvieron cuatro meses.

«When he did return be brought with him certain clues as to the location of some buried treasure, supposedly having been led to these clues by a spiritual creature, and this no doubt assuaged any wrath that Dee may have intended to vent upon him for his prolonged absence» — Whitby lee la vuelta de Kelly con las pistas del tesoro como lo que le evitó la reprimenda por la tardanza; la grafía *be* por *he* es del OCR de esta reimpresión.

«The fifth book and its appendix are complete and there is only a five day period between the last Action of the manuscript and the beginning of TFR, such a gap being not uncommon between consecutive Actions» — Whitby empalma el manuscrito con la edición de Casaubon: entre la última Acción de uno y la primera de la otra median cinco días.

«Evidence for the manuscript being a fair copy may be found in some of the mistakes and corrections Dee made» — la nota al pie con que Whitby funda que el Sloane 3188 es copia en limpio y no el cuaderno de la sesión; remite además a una declaración de Dee en el folio 98b.

«The two principal sources of Dee’s life are of his own composition. They are his diary and the autobiographical exposition that he prepared for the Queen’s commissioners in 1592 in an effort to gain redress for ‘the intollerable extremetie of the injuries and indignities’ which his name had suffered at the hands of the populace» — Whitby declara la base documental de la biografía: el diario de Dee y la exposición que preparó en 1592 para los comisionados de la reina, escrita para reclamar por su fama.

«he devised a mechanical beetle which flew ‘up to Jupiter’s pallace, with a man and his basket of victualls on her back: whereat was great wondring, and many vaine reportes spread abroad of the meanes how that was effected» — el escarabajo mecánico que Dee construyó para una representación estudiantil de Aristófanes, citado por Whitby de la Compendious Rehearsal en palabras del propio Dee.

«Dee’s mechanical wonder excited rumours of supernatural powers being employed, rumours that were to plague his life to the end» — Whitby fecha ahí el origen de la fama de Dee: en una sociedad que miraba con recelo las matemáticas, el ingenio se leyó como poder sobrenatural.

«In May 1547 he made his first journey abroad spending several months in the Low Countries in conference with ‘some learned men, and chiefely mathematicians, as Gemma Frisius, Gerardus Mercator, Caspar à Mirica, Antonius Gogava» — los matemáticos con quienes Dee conferenció en los Países Bajos, nombrados por él mismo en la Compendious Rehearsal; volvió con dos globos de Mercator y un anillo armilar de Frisius.

«a thing never done publiquely in any University of Christendome» — cómo califica el propio Dee sus lecturas públicas sobre los Elementos de Euclides en París en 1550; Whitby añade que el aula no dio abasto y hubo quien escuchó por las ventanas.

«Dee was imprisoned on the plea of a certain George Ferrys who asserted that Dee had struck one of his children blind and killed another by magical means and that Dee was attempting to enchant the Queen with his casting of horoscopes» — la acusación de 1555 según la carta de Thomas Martyn que Whitby cita: magia contra los hijos de Ferrys y encantamiento de la reina por vía de horóscopos.

«No action was taken upon this request and in consequence Dee was to spend a vast amount of time and money on his own library in his house at Mortlake» — Whitby encadena la negativa de la corona a fundar una biblioteca nacional con el gasto privado de Dee en la suya de Mortlake.

«undoubtedly the three most costly items of expenditure were his library, his laboratories and his continental travelling» — los tres renglones que arruinaban a Dee, según Whitby; añade que los viajes se los pagaban a veces mecenas que esperaban ver la piedra filosofal.

«by which time there were nearly four thousand items ‘the fourth part of which were the written bookes’ and he estimated the value at two thousand pounds» — el tamaño de la biblioteca de Mortlake en el inventario que Dee levantó en 1583, con la parte manuscrita y la tasación que él mismo declara.

«The essential importance of Dee’s ‘Preface’ is that it offered not only a mystical appreciation of the science of numbers, which may also be seen in the Actions with spirits, but also practical help to the ‘Common Artificer’» — cómo lee Whitby el Mathematicall Preface a la traducción de Euclides de Billingsley: aprecio místico del número y a la vez manual para el artesano.

«perhaps the true extent to which this work caused a revival of the Vitruvian arts in England will never be known» — Whitby se abstiene sobre el alcance del Preface: reconoce la atención creciente que recibe y a la vez declara que su efecto no se podrá medir.

«And for these, and such like marveilous Actes and Feates, Naturally, Mathematically, and Mechanically, wrought and contrived: ought any honest Student, and Modest Christian Philosopher, be counted, and called a Conjurer» — la defensa que Dee escribe de sí mismo en el Mathematicall Preface, citada por Whitby: pregunta si construir ingenios basta para llamar conjurador a quien los hace.

«While Dee did turn to more occult sciences, it cannot be over-emphasised that he was ever anxious to further the prosperity of the nation in the most practical manner» — Whitby sostiene que el giro de Dee a lo oculto no desplaza su interés práctico por la prosperidad de Inglaterra: las dos cosas corren juntas.

«the second volume, The British Complement of the Perfect Art of Navigation, was never printed and is no longer extant, with the result that nothing is known of Dee’s invention of the ‘paradoxal cumpas’, an exposition of which was contained therein» — la pérdida del segundo volumen de los General and Rare Memorials, y con él lo único que Dee escribió sobre su *paradoxal cumpas*.

«Dee advocates the establishment of ‘a Petty Navy Royall, of Threescore Tall ships’, of 160 to 200 tons burden» — la propuesta naval de Dee según Whitby: sesenta naves grandes, que se tripularían con quienes no pudieran acreditar empleo ni domicilio.

«The third volume was evidently of a less mechanical nature, probably dealing with such occult aspects as astrological influence and angelic governance» — Whitby conjetura el contenido perdido del tercer volumen —influencia astrológica y gobierno angélico— a partir de lo que Dee dice de su destino: entregado a la custodia de Vulcano, es decir, al fuego.

«no action was taken upon Dee’s proposals any more than action had been taken upon his earlier supplication for the founding of a national library» — Whitby empareja los dos silencios de la corona: ni biblioteca nacional ni armada, las dos propuestas de Dee sin respuesta.

«On 3 August Dee noted that ‘all the night very strange knocking and rapping in my chamber» — la entrada del diario de Dee del 3 de agosto de 1581 que Whitby lee como el arranque de su involucramiento creciente con la magia.

«On 6 March 1582 Saul ‘confessed that he neyther hard no saw any spirituall creature any more» — el fin de Barnabas Saul como vidente, en el diario de Dee: declara no oír ni ver ya criatura espiritual alguna, y deja la casa dos días después.

«The same day Dee was introduced to Edward Kelly, who was to act as his scryer until 1588, but who was then passing under the name of Edward Talbot» — la sustitución de un vidente por otro el mismo día, según Whitby, y con el nombre falso con que Kelly llegó.

«Fromond proved himself powerless to prevent an unruly mob, inspired by rumours of Dee being in league with the devil, from breaking into the library at Mortlake and destroying some 500 books, much laboratory equipment, and various astronomical and mathematical instruments» — el saqueo de la biblioteca de Mortlake en 1583, según Whitby: la turba entró movida por el rumor de que Dee trataba con el diablo.

«Much of the damage was utterly irreparable, some books being ‘not to be gotten for money at any mart, or in any stationer’s shop, they being very rare and excellent good bookes» — cómo mide el propio Dee la pérdida en la Compendious Rehearsal: libros que no se conseguían en ninguna feria ni librería.

«Such was his faith in the angelic utterances received through Kelly, that he told the Emperor to repent his sins and that the angels had commanded that all Dee’s angelic dealings should be shown to him» — la primera audiencia de Dee con Rodolfo II en 1584, según Whitby: le manda arrepentirse de sus pecados porque así se lo ordenaron los ángeles por boca de Kelly.

«on 14 September Dee showed Curtius all his records of angelic dealings, which was not the wisest thing to do» — Whitby juzga la imprudencia de Dee al enseñar sus registros angélicos al intermediario del emperador, de cuya honradez duda.

«In December Dee received an invitation from the Emperor of Russia to enter his Court and work in his service for a stipend of £2,000 sterling and a thousand roubles. For reasons of his own, perhaps a deep-seated loyalty to Elizabeth and England, to which he still intended to return, Dee refused the offer» — la oferta rusa de 1586 y su rechazo, que Whitby atribuye conjeturalmente a la lealtad de Dee a Isabel y a Inglaterra.

«He was however anxious to be set free from the angelic demands made upon him and told Dee that he prayed at least once a day that he might ‘no more have dealing to scry» — Kelly pidiendo dejar el oficio de vidente, en la cita que Whitby toma de la edición de Casaubon: rezaba a diario por no tener que seguir.

«The angels reproved him but granted his freedom and declared that the visionary ability would pass to Dee’s son Arthur. Consequently on 15 April Arthur Dee, then seven years old, was placed in front of the crystal in which the visions were to be seen» — el traspaso de la facultad visionaria al hijo de Dee que los ángeles decretan, y su ejecución: Arthur Dee, de siete años, puesto ante el cristal.

«At first Arthur did see something, a vision of two men with crowns appearing three times on different days, but he also saw pricks of light which Dee concluded were probably ‘something of the Glass it self: as there were in it certain white spots» — lo que vio el niño y cómo lo explicó su padre: las lucecitas eran, según Dee, defectos del propio vidrio.

«The experiments with Arthur came to an end on 18 April when he fainted and Kelly resumed the office» — el fin del experimento con el niño, según Whitby: Arthur se desmaya y Kelly recupera el oficio.

«Dee understood this unity to be spiritual but Kelly said that he understood something different and resolved to leave (TFR, p.*11). After much hesitation he expounded to Dee that the unity was to be a common sharing of everything, including wives» — la discordia sobre qué significaba la unidad mandada por los ángeles: Dee la entendió espiritual y Kelly la expuso como comunidad de todo, mujeres incluidas.

«Dee rebuked the spirit, Madimi, that brought ‘so hard and unpure a doctrine’ and he and Kelly argued until early in the morning» — la reacción inmediata de Dee ante el espíritu Madimi y la discusión con Kelly que siguió.

«and told his wife that he could ‘see that there is no other remedy, but as hath been said of our cross-matching, so it must needs be done» — la rendición de Dee ante lo dictado, en sus propias palabras a su mujer; Whitby dice que fue su fe en los ángeles la que acabó persuadiéndolo.

«I trust that though I give myselfe thus to be used, that God will turn me into a stone before he would suffer me to receive any shame or inconvenience» — la respuesta de Jane Dee a su marido, citada por Whitby: acepta y a la vez pide ser convertida en piedra antes que sufrir deshonra.

«Thus on 3 May 1587 a document was drawn up and signed by all four partners which stated that they should hold all things in common with no intention of impurity or guilt and that they should tread under foot all doubting that the true power of the remission of sins was from the Creator» — el documento del 3 de mayo de 1587 que firmaron los cuatro, según Whitby: comunidad de bienes, ausencia de culpa y renuncia a dudar del perdón divino.

«The outcome of this cross-matching is not recorded in TFR, but an erased passage in the original manuscripts shows that a sexual relationship did take place, at least on the part of Kelly» — lo que la edición impresa calla y el manuscrito original deja ver en un pasaje borrado, según Whitby.

«Kelley: was thy brothers wife obedyent & humble vnto the E K —— she was» — el arranque del diálogo del 23 de mayo de 1587 tal como lo imprime Whitby, con las siglas del manuscrito: Kelly pregunta al jinete del caballo blanco por la obediencia de la mujer, y la respuesta llega en la misma línea.

«Whether the angelic voice commanding the cross-matching was part of a fraud on Kelly’s part or whether he really believed that he heard such a demand matters little» — Whitby declara oscuros los motivos de Kelly y se abstiene sobre el fondo: para él la pregunta de si fingió la voz o la creyó no cambia el resultado.

«The day after Dee drew up the first draft of the document signed by the four, Kelly wrote an article washing his hands of the whole matter and on 20 May Kelly cut Dee’s document in two, retaining half» — el gesto con que Kelly deshizo su firma, según Whitby, que deja abiertas las dos lecturas: chantaje o cautela.

«The manuscripts end the scries of Actions with Kelly on 23 May 1587 and there are no other records of scrying until 20 March 1607, when Kelly was dead and Dee was using his servant Bartholomew Hickman as scryer» — el corte de veinte años en los registros de scrying, según Whitby, con el vidente que Dee empleó al final; la grafía *scries* por *series* es del OCR de esta reimpresión.

«It seems likely that attention was turned from angelic revelation to the making of the Philosophers’ Stone, concerning which the angels had already delivered much information» — cómo explica Whitby el desplazamiento de la revelación angélica a la alquimia en los últimos meses de Bohemia.

«On 15 September Dee complained in his diary: ‘the Lord Chamberlain cam to Trebona, and went away on the 17th. The rancor and dissimulation now evident to me, God deliver me! I was not sent for» — la entrada del diario de Dee del 15 de septiembre de 1588, citada por Whitby como señal de que había perdido el favor de Rosenberg.

«Queen promised him something ‘to kepe Christmas with’, but riding by his door on 4 December declared that ‘there was never promisse made but it was broken or kept» — la respuesta de Isabel a Dee cabalgando frente a su puerta el 4 de diciembre de 1590, según el diario que Whitby cita; dos días después le mandó cincuenta libras.

«on the ninth he drew up a supplication which Lady Warwick presented the same day to the Queen at Hampton Court, begging for a personal audit of and investigation into his affairs (CR, p. 3). This was the Compendious Rehearsal and on 22 November two commissioners appointed by the Queen, Sir John Wolley, Secretary for the Latin Tongue to the Queen, and Sir Thomas Gorges of the Privy Council, sat in Dee’s ‘late library-roome’ and heard Dee read the document» — la escena en que nace la Compendious Rehearsal, según Whitby: dos comisionados de la reina sentados en la biblioteca saqueada de Mortlake oyendo a Dee leer su alegato.

«Dee’s principal reasons for desiring the Mastership of Saint Cross embraced finance, privacy, and the potential for housing books, instruments, laboratories, and even a printing press» — lo que Dee esperaba de un beneficio eclesiástico, según Whitby: no cura de almas sino dinero, retiro y sitio para libros, instrumentos, laboratorios y una imprenta.

«After I had hard the Archbishop his answers and discourses, and that after he had byn the last Sonday at Tybald’s with the Quene and Lord Threasorer, I take myself confounded for all suing or hoping for anything that was. And so adiew to the court and courting tyll God direct me otherwise! The Archbishop gave me a payre of sufferings to drinke. God be my help as he is my refuge» — la entrada del diario de Dee del 29 de junio de 1594, citada por Whitby: se da por vencido en la corte tras la respuesta del arzobispo.

«his son Michael fell ill on 6 July and on 13 July ‘did give up the ghost» — la muerte del hijo de Dee, en las palabras del diario que Whitby cita a continuación del desengaño cortesano.

«Dee had always stipulated that he wanted no post which bore the responsibility for the cure of souls and his interests in the college were strictly temporal» — la condición que Dee ponía a todo beneficio, según Whitby: nada de cura de almas.

«His library was in much demand, however, and it is not surprising that he records lending such works as John Wier’ś De praestigiis daemonum, the Fustis daemonurn and Flagellum daemonum of Hierom Menghi, and the Malleus maleficarum» — los préstamos de la biblioteca de Dee en Manchester, según su diario: tratados de demonología y el Malleus, en un condado famoso por sus juicios de brujas.

«King James’s fixation with witchcraft placed Dee in a precarious position and although no charges were ever brought against him, rumours concerning his magical dealings increased» — el efecto del cambio de reinado sobre Dee, según Whitby: ninguna acusación formal y a la vez más rumor.

«to cause your Highnesse sayd Servant, to be tryed and cleared of that horrible and damnable, and to him, most grievous and dammageable Sclaunder: generally, and for these many yeeres last past, in the Kingdome raysed, and continued, by report, and Print, against him: Namely, That he is, or hath bin a Coniurer or Caller, or Invocator of diuels» — lo que Dee pidió a Jacobo I el 5 de junio de 1603: ser juzgado para quedar limpio de la calumnia que lo llama conjurador e invocador de diablos.

«To both pleas there was absolutely no response. It was as if Dee did not exist» — cómo consigna Whitby el silencio del rey y del Parlamento ante las dos peticiones de Dee.

«having nursed her children safely through an outbreak of plague, Jane Dee fell victim herself and on 23 March was buried in the collegiate church of St. Mary in Manchester» — la muerte de Jane Dee en 1605, según Whitby: sacó a sus hijos de la peste y murió ella.

«Dee was attended by his daughter Katherine but in his last days she was forced to sell secretly books from his library in order to obtain the money to keep them alive» — el final de la biblioteca de Dee, según Whitby: su hija vendiendo libros a escondidas para comer.

«On which day in December 1608 Dee died and on what date he was buried in the chancel of Mortlake church is not known, since the relevant parish records of Mortlake are missing, as is also the stone which Aubrey says marked his grave» — Whitby declara la ignorancia sobre la fecha y el lugar exactos: faltan los registros parroquiales de Mortlake y falta la piedra que Aubrey dice haber visto.

«Unfortunately his reputation as a necromancer and conjurer did not die with him, but on the contrary took on an even more vigorous life» — el cierre del capítulo biográfico: la fama de nigromante sobrevive a Dee y crece, según Whitby.

«Far less is known of Kelly than of Dee and much of the information concerning his life before the meeting with Dee is based upon later gossip collected by Ashmole and Anthony à Wood» — Whitby declara la base documental sobre Kelly y su calidad: en buena parte chismes recogidos después por Ashmole y por Anthony à Wood.

«That he was born at Worcester on 1 August 1555 we know from Dee’s horoscope for him» — el único dato firme del nacimiento de Kelly, según Whitby: la carta natal que le levantó el propio Dee.

«He is reported to have had his ears cropped in the pillory at Lancaster either for forging title-deeds or for coining base money about 1580» — lo que se cuenta de Kelly antes de conocer a Dee, consignado por Whitby como reporte y con las dos versiones del delito.

«Long after his death he was accounted with having once dug up a corpse in walton-le-Dale park in order to question the dead or ‘an evil spirit speaking through his organs’, but this belongs to the tradition of Dee and Kelly as necromancers in league with the devil» — Whitby consigna la anécdota de la exhumación en Walton-le-Dale y a la vez la adjudica a la leyenda de Dee y Kelly nigromantes, no a la vida de Kelly.

«At some time he acted as a secretary to Thomas Allen» — de dónde conjetura Whitby que le vino a Kelly su conocimiento de los libros mágicos, y del De occulta philosophia de Agrippa en particular: de servir de secretario a un mago semejante a Dee.

«Dee then requested Kelly to try and call the angel Anchor to appear in a crystal stone and within fifteen minutes Kelly saw a spiritual creature who declared himself to be the angel Uriel» — la primera sesión de Kelly con Dee, el 10 de marzo de 1582: se le pide llamar a un ángel y en quince minutos aparece otro que se nombra Uriel.

«although Kelly confessed that his first coming had been to trap Dee» — la declaración de Kelly que Whitby cita del propio manuscrito: vino a poner a prueba a Dee por si trataba con espíritus perversos, no a servirlo.

«On 17 November the angels declared that ‘none shall enter into the knowledge of these mysteries but this worker’, indicating Kelly» — la exclusiva que los ángeles conceden al vidente, en el folio 51b del manuscrito: nadie más entrará en estos misterios.

«On 29 April the angel Michael had made Kelly swear to perform whatever Michael might require of him, and at the end of the Action had told him that he must take a wife» — la orden con que el ángel Michael cierra la Acción del 29 de abril de 1582 y que Kelly recibió de mala gana, según Whitby.

«Kelly professed that he had no desire to enter into wedlock but sometime before he returned permanently to Dee’s service he married Jane or Joan Cooper of Chipping Norton» — el matrimonio de Kelly, según Whitby: contra su gusto y con el nombre de pila consignado en las dos formas que dan las fuentes.

«The scroll gave in cipher the names of ten places which with angelic help would yield treasure buried by the Danes. The powder was an important discovery which would yield the secret of the Philosophers’ Stone» — lo que Kelly trajo de Gloucestershire en 1583, según Whitby: un rollo cifrado con diez sitios de tesoro danés y un polvo que prometía la piedra.

«Although Kelly was employed as Dee’s scryer he was not averse to raising spirits, even of a wicked nature, during Dee’s occasional absences» — lo que Kelly hacía cuando Dee no estaba, según Whitby, y que fue una de las causas de discordia entre ellos.

«Dee firmly believed that the spirits called into the crystal were good spirits, whereas Kelly frequently denounced them as deluders and refused to deal with them anymore. Each time Dee persuaded him to return to the business of scrying, arguing that the creatures were good and their words true» — el desacuerdo de fondo entre los dos, consignado sin armonizar: para Dee los espíritus eran buenos, para Kelly engañadores, y cada vez Dee lo convencía de volver.

«Kelly exhibited throughout that melancholic disposition which was traditionally associated with a capacity for visionary experience» — cómo encuadra Whitby el temperamento de Kelly en la doctrina de la época que ligaba melancolía y visión.

«You mean not to keep promise with me. And therefore if I might have a thousand pound to tarry, yea, a kingdom, I cannot. Therefore I release you of your promise of 50 pounds yearly stipend to me, and you need not doubt but God will defend you and prosper you, and can of the very stones raise up children unto Abraham» — el arranque de Kelly contra Dee el 4 de julio de 1583, citado por Whitby: le devuelve el estipendio de cincuenta libras y se marcha.

«The spirit Madimi appeared to him and rebuked him for his outburst, telling him that ‘thou hast a Just God that loveth thee…therefore be thou vertuous» — la vuelta de Kelly esa misma noche y la reprensión del espíritu Madimi, según Whitby.

«He claimed success on 19 December 1586, when Dee noted in his Diary that Kelly had made projection and produced nearly an ounce of best gold» — la proyección que Kelly declaró haber hecho, según la anotó Dee en su diario.

«On 10 May 1588 Dee noted in his Diary that ‘E.K. did open the great secret to me, God be thanked!’, although the reason for this alchemical revelation may not have been so much friendship as a desire on Kelly’s part to show Dee that he was the master now, having exceeded Dee in knowledge» — la revelación alquímica de Kelly a Dee, y la lectura que Whitby propone del motivo: no amistad sino demostración de quién mandaba ya.

«It was even said that Elizabeth received a warming pan, from the lid of which a piece had been cut, transmuted into gold and then replaced» — la anécdota del calentador de cama que Whitby consigna como dicho, no como hecho, dentro de la fama de Kelly como poseedor de la piedra.

«On the last day of April 1591 the Imperial Guard broke in to arrest Kelly, but he had already fled to Rosenberg. He was tracked down to Sobislaus, twelve miles from Prague, on 2 May and taken to the Castle of PUrglitz, three miles from Prague, where he was kept imprisoned for two years» — la caída de Kelly en desgracia imperial, según Whitby; el nombre del castillo lo imprime el OCR de esta reimpresión con mayúscula intrusa.

«In prison he wrote a treatise entitled De lapide philosophorum which he dedicated to Emperor Rudolph and in which he writes of two other imprisonments» — lo que Kelly escribió preso, según Whitby, dedicado al mismo emperador que lo encerró.

«the legend is that he was imprisoned again in one of Rudolph’s castles and that he broke his legs in a fall, while attempting to escape, dying a few days later» — cómo consigna Whitby la muerte de Kelly: declara incierta la manera y da la leyenda como leyenda.

«The Action of 22 December 1581 is the only extant record of the dealing with Saul, the rest having been hidden in a capcase in the chimney of Dee’s house at Mortlake» — el destino de lo demás que Dee registró con Barnabas Saul: escondido en un cofre en la chimenea, y de ahí en adelante nadie sabe.

«hearing of one, (A Master of Art and a preacher of thy word admitted) accownted as a good Seer, and skryer of Spirituall apparitions, in Christalline receptacles, or in open ayre» — cómo describe Dee en el propio manuscrito la fama que le llevó a contratar a Saul: maestro en artes, predicador, y buen vidente en cristal o al aire libre.

«Unfortunately Dee soon found ‘great diuersity betwene his private usual manner, and intents of practise, and my pure, sincere, devowte, and faithfull prayer» — la decepción de Dee con Saul, en sus propias palabras: entre la práctica privada del vidente y su propia oración devota había demasiada diferencia.

«Although not in Dee’s service, Hickman probably did act as a scryer for Dee during his many visits, for on 29 September 1600 Dee ‘burned before Mr. Nicols, his brother, and Mr. Wortley, all Bartholomew Hikman his untrue actions» — la quema pública de los papeles de Bartholomew Hickman ante testigos el 29 de septiembre de 1600, según el diario de Dee.

«Even the reference to ‘untrue actions’ docs not necessarily imply that Dee thought Hickman acted fraudulently. The burning of the papers in front of witnesses suggests that Dee was in part recanting his spiritual dealings, perhaps to allay the rumours that were being voiced by other Fellows of the College at Manchester» — cómo lee Whitby esa quema: no como acusación de fraude sino como retractación parcial ante los rumores de sus colegas de Manchester; la grafía *docs* por *does* es del OCR.

«This suggests that there was no extended period of scrying before the employment of Barnabas Saul, even though he appears to have had a special prayer for invoking the angels Raphael and Michael between 1569 and 1579» — lo que Whitby infiere de la propia protestación de Dee: antes de Saul no hubo periodo largo de scrying, aunque la oración para invocar a Rafael y a Michael venga de 1569.

«There is, however, a strong case for one Roger Cook having at some time acted as a scryer before Saul» — el candidato que Whitby propone para los videntes anteriores, con la reserva de que ningún texto de Dee lo nombra como tal.

«The unstable melancholy of Cook resembles that of Saul and Kelly and the humour was regarded as most suitable for such experiments as scrying» — el rasgo que, según Whitby, comparten los tres candidatos a vidente de Dee, y la doctrina de humores que lo hacía deseable.

«Another candidate is one William Emery, who was bom in Danbury, Essex, on 14 July 1568» — el segundo candidato de Whitby; como en 1579 el muchacho tenía once años, conjetura que las quejas de Dee eran contra el padre y que el hijo sirvió de vidente niño.

«He performed useful services in allaying fears aroused by the discovery of a wax image of the Queen, transfixed with a pin, in Lincoln’s Inn (CR, pp. 21–22), and in pronouncing his judgement on the appearance of a new comet in 1577 which had ‘unduly bred great feare and doubt in many of the Court» — los dos servicios con que Dee calmó miedos públicos, según la Compendious Rehearsal: la imagen de cera de la reina atravesada por un alfiler y el cometa de 1577.

«Where my brother hath given him a crowne, I will give him a noble» — la promesa de Isabel al recibir a Dee, en las palabras que él mismo recoge; Whitby la pone entre los muchos ofrecimientos que no se cumplieron.

«Alexander Simon the Ninivite came to me, and promised me his servise into Persia» — la entrada del diario de Dee del 24 de marzo de 1577; Whitby le añade la reserva de que no consta que Dee llegara a tener conocimiento de primera mano de Oriente.

«A scryer is a person who sees visions in reflecting objects such as water and crystal» — la definición operativa que Whitby da del oficio, en nota al pie: la persona que ve visiones en objetos reflectantes.

«Dee’s Diary records Lasky’s arrival as being on 1 May whereas it is recorded as the last day of April in Douce MS 363, fol. 125» — las dos fechas que dan las fuentes para la llegada de Lasky a Londres, consignadas por Whitby sin arbitrar entre ellas.

«the mathematician, who referred to Dee as his mathematical father (‘mini Parentem alterum Mathematicum’) in his work Alae seu scalae mathematicae» — cómo llamaba Thomas Digges a Dee en 1573, con la fórmula latina tal como la imprime el volumen.

«Mr. Lilly told me that John Evans informed him that he was acquainted with Kelly’s sister in Worcester, that she shewed him some gold her brother nad transmuted, and that Kelly was first an apothecary in Worcester» — la cadena de testimonios de oídas con que Ashmole documentó el oficio de Kelly y su oro: Lilly se lo dijo, a quien se lo dijo Evans.

«A writ was made against Kelly on a charge of false coinage, out considerably later, since he was informed of it oy his brother Thomas on 5 June 1583 (see TFR, pp. 5–6). The charge was not sustained» — la causa por moneda falsa contra Kelly, según Whitby: es posterior a lo que cuenta Wood y no prosperó; la grafía *out* por *but* es del OCR.

«There are stories that Kelly found the powder in Wales, and that he found it at Glastonbury (see Lenglet du Fresnoy, Histoire de la Philosophie Hermétique (Paris 1742), I, 306–313, and The Alchemical Writings of Edward Kelley, edited by A.E. Waite (London 1893, reprinted 1970), pp. xvi-xviii). Before receiving the hidden manuscripts, Ashmole recorded a story that the powder was obtained from an Italian (Ashmole MS 1790, fols 60–61), but the powder is only referred to in Sloane MS 3188 after 23 March 1983 and these accounts are discredited» — las versiones que circularon sobre el origen del polvo rojo y por qué Whitby las descarta: el manuscrito no lo menciona hasta después del 23 de marzo de 1583, fecha que esta reimpresión imprime *1983*.

«The actual title conferred upon Kelly was eques auratus and in February 1590, Kelly obtained a confirmation of his grant from England» — el título que Rodolfo II dio a Kelly, con la forma latina que Whitby conserva y la confirmación inglesa de 1590.

«That warning Pann was of siluer, and the moity thereof was transmuted into Gold. It was the warning Pann of the Lord Willowghby then Embassador for Quean Elizabeth» — la anotación de Townesend al Theatrum Chemicum de Ashmole, que atribuye el calentador transmutado no a la reina sino a su embajador.

«The history of magic in the Renaissance is a vast and complex subject outside the scope of this thesis, but before proceeding to an account of the particular magic of Dee’s Actions with spirits, some general outline of the principles of magical thought» — Whitby acota el capítulo: no una historia de la magia renacentista, sino el mínimo necesario para leer las Acciones.

«it is difficult to treat the subject in general without ignoring the inconsistencies and contradictions between the doctrines held by different persons and also in any particular doctrine itself» — la advertencia de método de Whitby, que dice apoyarse en trabajos recientes sobre la diversidad de la magia renacentista: generalizar obliga a callar contradicciones que están dentro de cada doctrina, no solo entre ellas.

«witchcraft and sorcery of various kinds were as prevalent during the Middle Ages as during the Renaissance, but the Renaissance generated a new approach to the universe which saw the relationship of God and man as primarily intellectual rather than material» — la tesis con que Whitby distingue Edad Media de Renacimiento: la magia no se revivió, se rehabilitó, y lo que cambió fue la relación entre Dios y el hombre.

«The principal force behind the spread of this approach was the translation of the Corpus Hermeticum begun in 1463 by Marsilio Ficino on the insistence of Cosimo de Medici» — la traducción del Corpus Hermeticum como motor del cambio, según Whitby.

«The Hermetic philosophy was largely anthropocentric in outlook. It redefined the relationship between God and man, giving man a place not simply as the image of God but as a potential god himself. In the Oration on The Dignity of Man Pico della Mirandola, who was greatly influenced by the Corpus Hermeticum, declared that man was truly the son of the Father and could grow to be like his Father through the powers given to him by God» — el giro antropocéntrico que Whitby atribuye al hermetismo: el hombre deja de ser imagen de Dios para ser dios en potencia.

«O supreme generosity of God the Father, O highest and most marvellous felicity of man! To him is granted to have whatever he chooses, to be whatever he wills. Beasts as soon as they are bom (so says Lucilius) bring with them from their mother’s womb all they will ever possess. Spiritual beings, either from the beginning or soon thereafter, become what they are to be for ever and ever. On man when he came to life the Father conferred the seeds of all kinds and the germs of every way of life. Whatever seeds each man cultivates will grow to maturity and bear in him their own fruit. If they be vegetative, he will be like a plant. If sensitive, he will become brutish» — el pasaje de la Oración sobre la dignidad del hombre de Pico della Mirandola que Whitby cita como formulación de esa antropología: la semilla que cada hombre cultive decide en qué se convierte.

«Man was no longer a creature of original sin, troubled by the wars between reason and passion, and wandering between the joys of heaven and the fires of hell. Man was instead a creature of God, imbued with the potential ‘to be whatever he wills’ and to rise above the world to a unity with God» — Whitby resume el efecto: el hombre deja de estar definido por el pecado original.

«The gnosis might be achieved by contemplating the universe as the divine creation of God or by rejecting the material world and elevating oneself above matter through asceticism. In both cases unity with God would be achieved through the divine mens in man» — las dos vías a la gnosis que Whitby distingue —contemplar el mundo o elevarse sobre él— y lo que las une.

«The Hermetic philosophy did not give rise to the new emphasis upon quantity rather than quality, but was fruitfully coincident with it» — la precisión causal de Whitby: el hermetismo no produjo el giro cuantitativo de las matemáticas, coincidió con él.

«For the magician inspired by the Hermetic possibilities of rising above the natural world to a unity with God, mathematics would be the modus operandi, and such quantitative empiricism led ‘not to the refutation but to the codification of magic» — por qué la matemática es el modo de operar del mago hermético, según Whitby, y el efecto del empirismo cuantitativo sobre la magia.

«Since the works in this collection were thought to precede the writings of Plato and perhaps even those of Moses, they were held in great esteem as being closer to the purest and earliest source of divine wisdom» — la razón del prestigio de esos textos, según Whitby: se los creía anteriores a Platón y quizá a Moisés, y por tanto más cerca de la fuente.

«Generally the Renaissance magicians and philosophers made a threefold division of the universe in a hierarchical plane» — el esquema común que Whitby atribuye a los magos y filósofos del Renacimiento, del que Reuchlin da la versión Inferior, Superior y Supremo.

«while Agrippa favoured the ‘Elementary, Celestiall, and Intellectuall’. Dee’s division, to which I shall return, was into the Natural, the Supernatural and the Mathematical» — la peculiaridad de la división de Dee frente a la de Agrippa, según Whitby: pone lo matemático donde el otro pone lo celeste y lo intelectual.

«inferior is governed by its superior, and receiveth the influence of the vertues thereof, so that the very original, and chief Worker of all doth by Angels, the Heavens, Stars, Elements, Animals, Plants, Metals, and Stones convey from himself the vertues of his Omnipotency upon us, for whose service he made, and created all these things» — el pasaje de Agrippa con que Whitby muestra la interdependencia de los tres mundos: lo superior gobierna lo inferior y le transmite sus virtudes por ángeles, cielos, astros, elementos y piedras.

«These occult qualities could not be seen, but engaged a sympathy between the heavens and the earth and between different objects upon the earth which could be put to use by the skilful operator» — cómo describe Whitby el mecanismo de la magia natural: cualidades ocultas invisibles que enlazan cielo y tierra por simpatía.

«According to Agrippa such an operation was ‘natural magic’, since it operated primarily in the elemental world, although the influences of the stars and planets also played a part. It was very distinct from what he termed celestial magic, which involved dealing with the daemons, spirits, and intelligences who governed the stars and the planets, and ceremonial magic, which concerned religion and dealing with angels and devils» — la tripartición de Agrippa que Whitby usa como rejilla: magia natural en lo elemental, celeste con los démones de los astros, ceremonial con ángeles y diablos.

«The term ‘natural magic’ was used to mean different things by various authors. It could range from a purely astrological definition as with Ficino’s music theory and orphic singing (see Walker, pp. 3–24), to a definition which covered all that was not sorcery and was ‘nothing else but the survey of the whole course of Nature» — Whitby declara la elasticidad del término: de la teoría musical y el canto órfico de Ficino a todo lo que no fuera hechicería.

«The essential principle of such magic was that it worked through the force of the imagination, the vis imaginativa, through the cosmic and human spirit, effects being either purely psychological or psychosomatic» — el principio que Whitby pone en el centro de la magia natural: la fuerza de la imaginación, con su nombre latino y sus efectos.

«Depending so largely on planetary influences, natural magic was a threat to orthodox religion, since it did not of necessity acknowledge a divine cause» — por qué la magia natural inquietaba a la ortodoxia, según Whitby: podía explicar sus efectos sin recurrir a Dios.

«while the difference between natural and daemonic magic was great in respect of philosophic grounds – the one only supposed planetary influences while the other supposed planetary daemons and spirits – there was no great difference in the principles of practice» — la distinción que Whitby considera de doctrina y no de práctica: cambia lo que se supone detrás —influencias o démones—, no cómo se opera.

«The Papal Nuncio and the Jesuits at Prague wanted Dee and Kelly to confess that they» — la acusación de Praga, según Whitby, que por definición hacía mala esa magia: que confesaran trato con espíritus malos.

«Dee and Kelly maintained that they dealt only with angels and with good spirits. There could be no charge against them unless the spirits could be proved to be evil, for dealing with the ministers of God was both good and ‘natural’» — la defensa de Dee y Kelly y su lógica, según Whitby: sin prueba de que los espíritus fueran malos no había cargo, porque tratar con ministros de Dios era bueno y natural.

«Adversaries of magic frequently argued the charge that while the operator might believe that he was only dealing with the spiritual creatures of God, he might nevertheless be deluded by evil spirits posing as good» — la objeción estándar contra la magia angélica, que Whitby recoge y a la que añade que las propias Acciones de Dee la ilustran.

«I have not treated natural magic and daemonic magic as being particularly distinct despite the claims of many of the natural magicians to dissociate themselves from daemonic practices. My reasons for conflating the two to some extent is that the natural magicians frequently tried to hide from themselves that their magic was sometimes really daemonic and because by the time that Dee began scrying Agrippa had successfully broken down many of the distinctions between the two» — la decisión de método que Whitby declara y funda: para cuando Dee empieza a scryar, Agrippa ya había borrado buena parte de la frontera.

«Agrippa’s only real division was between dealing with good spirits and dealing with evil spirits, and even then there is evidence that he believed in the value of magic even of the most dangerous kind» — cómo lee Whitby a Agrippa: la única división que sostiene de verdad es entre espíritus buenos y malos, y aun así aprecia la magia más peligrosa.

«The greatest influences upon Dee and Kelly appear to have been Agrippa and Reuchlin. Agrippa’s De occulta philosophia and Reuchlin’s De verbo mirifico and De arte cabalistica are referred to specifically in marginal notes in Sloane MS 3188» — las dos fuentes que Whitby considera decisivas para Dee y Kelly, y la prueba documental: las notas marginales del propio manuscrito las nombran.

«at another time Kelly declared that the spirits were false since their geographical descriptions could be found in the works of Agrippa» — la objeción de Kelly a sus propios espíritus, según Whitby: lo que dictaban se podía leer en Agrippa.

«The work consists of 120 aphorisms explaining the structure of the universe in terms of harmony and dissonance, sympathy and antipathy, and circular rays that emanate from everything that exists» — la forma y el contenido del Propaedeumata aphoristica de 1558, según Whitby: armonía y disonancia, simpatía y antipatía, y rayos circulares que todo emite.

«The magic of Propaedeumata aphoristica involves no daemons. The stars are impersonal, and any evil resulting from their influences is a result of man’s already corrupt nature» — el rasgo que Whitby subraya de la magia temprana de Dee: astros impersonales y ningún demonio, con el mal puesto del lado del hombre.

«Dee believed that the universe consisted of the supernatural, which was ‘immaterial, simple indiuisible, incorruptible, and vnchangeable’, the natural, which was ‘materiall, compounded, diuisible, corruptible, and chaungeable’, and ‘Thynges Mathematicall’, which ‘beyng (in a maner) middle, between thinges supernaturall and naturall: are not so absolute and excellent, as thinges supernaturall: Nor yet so base and grosse, as things naturall: But are things immateriall: and neuerthelesse, by materiall things hable to be signified» — la división tripartita de Dee en su propio Mathematicall Preface: entre lo sobrenatural y lo natural pone las cosas matemáticas, inmateriales pero significables por lo material.

«In his Preface Dee quoted the eleventh of Pico della Mirandola’s Conclusiones that ‘by Numbers, a way is had, to the searchyng out, and vnderstandying of euery thyng, hable to be knowen» — la conclusión de Pico que Dee hace suya en el Preface: por los números se llega a entender todo lo cognoscible.

«the Doctrines of Mathematicks are so necessary to, and have such an affinity with Magick, that they that do profess it without them, are quite out of the way, and labour in vain, and shall in no wise obtain their desired effect. For what soever things are, and are done in these inferior natural vertues, are all done, and governed by number, weight, measure, harmony, motion and light» — el pasaje de Agrippa que Whitby cita para el fundamento matemático de la magia: sin matemáticas el mago trabaja en vano.

«One, in the Creator: an other in euery Creature (in respect of his complete constitution:) and the third, in Spirituall and Angelicall Myndes, and in the Soule of man. In the first and third state, Number, is termed Number Numbryng. But in all Creatures, otherwise, Number, is termed Number Numbred. And in our Soule, Number bcareth such a swaye, and hath such an affinitie ther-with: that some of the old Philosophers [e.g. Pythagoras] taught. Mans Soule, to be a Number mouing it selfe» — el número trinitario de Dee en el Preface: numerante en el Creador y en las mentes angélicas, numerado en las criaturas, con la definición pitagórica del alma.

«By Numbers…we may both winde and draw our selues into the inward and deepe search and vew, of all creatures distinct vertues, natures, properties, and Formes: And also, farder, arise, clime, ascend, and mount vp (with Speculatiue winges) in spirit, to behold in the Glas of Creation, the Forme of Formes, the Exemplar Number of all thinges Numerable: both visible and inuisible: mortall and immortall, Corporall and Spirituall» — cómo describe Dee la ascensión por el número hasta la Forma de las formas, en el pasaje del Preface que Whitby cita como su vía de gnosis.

«Dee’s conception of number arose from the tradition of numerological exegesis of the Bible, leading from Philo through the Civitas Dei of St. Augustine, and the more abstractly systematic and philosophical tradition leading from Pythagoras» — las dos tradiciones que Whitby distingue detrás del número de Dee: la exegética bíblica, de Filón a la Civitas Dei de Agustín, y la filosófica pitagórica.

«The ahistorical assumption that Plato was indebted to Moses led the Renaissance to believe that a single tradition might be traced in all preceding thought» — el supuesto que, según Whitby, permitió al Renacimiento fundir las tradiciones hebrea y griega en una sola cadena.

«the art of scrying which he practised was not based upon any tradition of natural magic nor upon a mathematical conception of the universe» — la tesis central del capítulo: lo que Dee practicaba en las Acciones no sale de la magia natural que él mismo había expuesto.

«Yet the calling of angels into a crystal belongs not to an intellectual but rather to a popular tradition of magic. It was the magic of the vagrant and the charlatan rather than the magic of Ficino and Pico della Mirandola» — dónde sitúa Whitby el scrying: en la tradición popular, no en la magia culta que el propio Dee representaba.

«The visions were seen by the man who was frequently rebuked as a sinner and not by the man whose spiritual preparations should have endered him the more recipient to the appearance of angels of God» — la paradoja que Whitby señala en el reparto de papeles: quien ve es el reprendido por pecador, no el que se prepara espiritualmente.

«Dee’s involvement in scrying may be explained by the fact that it appeared to be successful; he had come across a method of receiving information from God’s ministers and he was not going to let such a chance of learning the secrets of the universe slip away from him» — la explicación que Whitby propone del giro de Dee: el método parecía funcionar, y con él la ocasión de saber los secretos del universo.

«Yet though the contents of the Actions with the spirits are firmly in accord with Renaissance doctrines, the method which Dee used to obtain divine revelation had changed little since the Middle Ages» — la distinción final del capítulo: el contenido de las Acciones es renacentista, el método es medieval.

«Scrying may be defined as ‘the faculty of seeing visions in a smooth surface or clear deep, or both» — la definición con que Whitby abre el apartado sobre el scrying.

«The earliest methods of scrying concentrated upon aspects of hydromancy, the seeing of visions in water, usually contained in a vessel of some kind» — el método más antiguo según Whitby, y el que la Biblia parecía autorizar con la copa de José.

«Up, follow after the men; and when thou dost overtake them, say unto them, Wherefore have ye rewarded evil for good? Is not this it in which my lord drinketh, and whereby indeed he divineth» — el versículo del Génesis que Whitby trae como autoridad bíblica aparente de la hidromancia.

«This particular method seems to have declined in popularity during the sixteenth century in favour of mirrors and crystals, if the frequency of reference in magical works of the period is any guide, although it did not disappear entirely. Dee possessed a mirror of black obsidian and several crystals which he entitled ‘shew-stones’» — el desplazamiento de agua a espejos y cristales en el siglo XVI, con la reserva de método —la frecuencia de menciones como único indicio— y los instrumentos que Dee tenía.

«The extent of the manuscript material suggests that scrying was widespread, but in many cases the manuscripts are simply copies of standard magical works and possession of a copy does not necessarily argue practice» — la cautela de Whitby ante el argumento del volumen manuscrito: tener copia de un libro mágico no basta para dar por practicada la magia.

«The legend is that in a certain town a magician erected a tower which had many extraordinary properties, one of which was a mirror which shone over the area and warned the inhabitants of the approach of any invading army» — la leyenda de la torre del mago, que Whitby propone como raíz de la popularidad de la catoptromancia.

«The legend exists in early Persian, Arabic, Turkish and Hebrew versions as well as Greek, Latin and most modern European languages» — la extensión de esa leyenda según Whitby, que la sitúa además entre los cuentos de los Siete Sabios.

«Bacon’s works show no evidence of his having attempted the practice of scrying, but he was well versed in the science of optics (as was Dee after him) and the apparent magical properties of shaped mirrors and lenses may have caused the legend to grow» — cómo explica Whitby la fama de Roger Bacon como poseedor de un espejo prospectivo: óptica real, leyenda ajena.

«of that excellent nature, that any man might behold any thing that he desired to see, within the compass of fifty miles round about him: With this glasse he had pleasured divers kinds of people: for fathers did oftentimes desire to see (thereby) how their children did, and children how their parents did; one friend how another did, and one enemy (sometimes) how his enemy did: so that from far they would come to see this» — cómo describe el vidrio de Bacon el libro de cordel de 1627 que Whitby cita: cualquiera veía a cincuenta millas a la redonda.

«This mirour eek, that I have in myn hond, Hath swich a myght that men may in it see Whan ther shal fallen any adversitee Unto your regne or to youreself also, And openly who is youre freend or foo. And over al this, if any lady bright Hath set hire herte on any maner wight, If he be fals, she shal his tresoun see, His newe love, and al his subtitlee, So openly that ther shall no thyng hyde» — el espejo del Cuento del Escudero de Chaucer, citado por Whitby entre las apariciones literarias del motivo: muestra la adversidad futura y descubre al falso amante.

«It vertue had, to shew in perfect sight, What euer thing was in the world contaynd, Betwixt the lowest earth and heauens hight, So that it to the looker appertaynd; What euer foe had wrought, or frend had faynd, Therein disccuered was, ne ought mote pas, Ne ought in secret from the same remaynd; For thy it round and hollow shaped was, Like to the world it selfe, and seem’d a world of glas» — el espejo que Merlín regaló al padre de Britomart en la Faerie Queene de Spenser, según lo cita Whitby: redondo y hueco como el mundo mismo.

«There is no shortage in literature of references to scrying with mirrors, many being a consequence of Bacon’s unearned reputation as a conjurer, but first-hand accounts of the practice are rare, since it could and did lead to trouble with the ecclesiastical authorities» — el desequilibrio documental que Whitby señala: mucha literatura y pocos testimonios directos, porque practicarlo costaba caro.

«CATOPTROMANTIA dicitur, cùm Speculum in peluim aquae plenam mittunt, et puerum integrum, aut mulierem pregnantem, quae nondum nouem mensem attigerit, adhibent, vt in speculo ea cernant, de quibus inquirunt. Ioannes Salisberiensis lib.l. cap.12. Specularios vocant, qui in corporibus laeuigatis, et tersis, vt sunt lucidi enses, pelues, cyathi, speculorumqúe diuersa genera diuinantes, curiosis consultationibus satisfaciunt» — la definición latina de la catoptromancia que Jules César Boulenger dio en 1621 y que Whitby cita sin traducir: espejo en una jofaina de agua y un niño íntegro o una mujer preñada como videntes; el apellido lo imprime esta reimpresión *Boulcnger*.

«quae rerum quaesitarum figuras in speculis exhibet politis: in vsu fuit D. Iuliano Imp. qui imperium emit, de quo ista Spartianus: fuit praetera in Iuliano haec amentia, vt per Magos pleráque faceret, quibus putaret vel odium populi deliniri, vel militum arma compesci. Nam et quasdam non conuenientes Romanis sacris hostias immolauerunt, et carmina prophana incantauerunt, et ea quae ad speculum dicunt fieri, in quo pueri, praeligatis oculis incantando, vertice respicere dicuntur, Iulianus fecit. Túncque puer vidisse dicitur, et aduentum Seueri, et Iuliani decessionem» — la definición de Martín Del Río, que añade el ejemplo del emperador Didio Juliano haciendo mirar a niños con los ojos vendados; se cita en su latín.

«One full record of the practice is contained in Les dialogues(Anvers 1574) by Jacques Tahureau, although its veracity is open to question. Yet even if the account is fictional, it is nevertheless sufficiently close to the general circumstances of other forms of scrying for it to be taken as a typical example» — la reserva con que Whitby introduce el relato de Jacques Tahureau: aunque fuera ficción, sirve como ejemplo típico.

«vn mirouUr tout brouillé et barbouilie’ de carac teres, auquel estoit magistralemcnt depeint ce grād mot Tetrāgramaton, et aux quatre coins arriere pointe de plusicrs croix et figures de pianettes…ce magnifique Necromant ne laissoit point de continuer tousieurs ses coups, et extoller de plus en plus la grande et incomparable vertu de son mirouUr, m’assuerat qu’il estoit fait de la vraye forme et maniere qu’estoit celuy de Salomon» — el espejo del supuesto mago en el relato francés de Tahureau: garabateado de caracteres, con el Tetragrámaton y cruces y figuras de planetas en las esquinas, y presentado como el de Salomón; la grafía *mirouUr* es del OCR.

«The magician had fasted for three days, except for bread and roots, had abstained from female company, and had both bathed and purified himself» — la preparación del operador en ese relato, según Whitby: ayuno, abstinencia y baño ritual.

«il me demanda si ie ne voyois rien dedans le miroub r:Ie luy respōdi qu’il disoit vray, et que ie ne voyois rien, fors que la representation de nos deux faces» — el desenlace del relato de Tahureau: el visitante no ve nada más que los dos rostros reflejados, y el mago le responde que le falta fe.

«Characteristic of this and other methods of scrying are the purification, fasting and invocations. The attempt to capture solarian influences through holding the mirror in the sun’s rays may be partially influenced by Ficino’s daemonic and particularly solarian magic,38 but the account given by Tahureau shows a much diluted version that is just as likely to be indebted to ancient worship or mere charlatanism» — lo que Whitby considera común a todas las variantes, y su reserva sobre el origen ficiniano del gesto de exponer el espejo al sol.

«No daemons or angels appear and this is consistent with most records of catoptromancy; it is the mirror itself which possesses the magical qualities, the visions appearing directly in the mirror» — la diferencia que Whitby establece: en la catoptromancia la virtud está en el espejo, no en un espíritu convocado.

«The use of crystals in scrying, however, nearly always involves the invocation of angels and spirits to appear in the crystal and to answer questions, which takes this method of divination somewhat outside the limits of natural magic as it was generally defined» — y por qué eso saca a la cristalomancia de la magia natural, según Whitby: aquí sí se invoca a ángeles y espíritus.

«Non dissimilis praecedenti, nisi quod haec in cristalli frustis fiat annulo inclusis, vel vasculo alteri, vel etiam nudis, et in cyiindrum aut obelum conformatis: quibus etiam fingit se daemon inhabitare. Quédam Noribergae anno 1550, ferunt in cristallo thesauros vidisse, a daemone ostentatos: quos cùm postea quodam ante vrbera loco effosso quaereret, adhibitio familiari vno spectatore, et iam in specu arcam vidissent, atque ad eam cubantem atrum canem» — cómo describe Del Río la cristalomancia en su latín: la misma operación en trozos de cristal engastados o desnudos, tallados en cilindro u obelisco, donde el demonio finge habitar, con el caso de Núremberg de 1550 y el tesoro guardado por un perro negro.

«Crystallomancy was frequently used for the location of buried treasure and the recovery of stolen goods and one of the earliest records in England of crystallomancy, the confession of one William Byg, alias Lech, made at Wombwell in Yorkshire on 22 August 1467, may be regarded as typical of the practice» — para qué se usaba la cristalomancia en Inglaterra, según Whitby, y el testimonio más antiguo que trae: la confesión de William Byg en Wombwell en 1467.

«Et dicit interogatus quod cencies, a tempore quo ipse primo pervenit ad villam de wombewell, ad reducendum bona furtive subtracta, artem quae sequitur occupavit, viz., primo juvenem quemdam annorum etatis citra xij usitavit statuere super scabellum coram ipso Willelmo, et in manu pueri sive juvenis hujusmodi posuit, ut dicit, unum lapidem cristallum, ipsum cogendo dicere ater Noster, Ave et Credo, secundum informationem istius jurati, et tunc verba preferre subsequencia; Domine Jhesu Christe, mitte nobis tres angelos ex parte dextera qui dicant aut demonstrent nobis veritatem de omnibus hiis de quibus nos interogabimus. Et tunc, ut dicit, fecit juvenem hujusmodi prospicere in lapidem, et petiit ab eo quid viderit, et si aliquid viderit, juvenis retulit ipsi jurato, et quandoque ut dicit, juvenis hujusmodi vidit in lapide praedicto bona subtracta et quandoque subtractores bonorum in eodem lapide, et quandoque duos angelos, et nunquam ultra» — el procedimiento de William Byg en su confesión latina ante el vicario general de York: un niño menor de doce años sentado en un banco con una piedra de cristal en la mano, rezando y pidiendo tres ángeles; el muchacho veía los bienes robados, a los ladrones, o dos ángeles, nunca más.

«The lapse of time between the confession and the sentence may have been due to the fact that he said that he had left his books in Greenwich shortly after the death of the Duke of Gloucester and the ecclesiastical authorities would have been anxious to recover them so that they could be destroyed» — por qué se demoró la sentencia de William Byg, según la conjetura de Whitby: primero había que recuperar sus libros para quemarlos.

«The leniency of the punishment may have been a result of Byg’s implicating several persons of rank in the practice» — cómo explica Whitby la levedad de la pena: Byg había implicado a gente de rango.

«Et dicit, quod circiter festum Sancti Andreae ultimo preteritum venerunt ad istum juratum usque Wombewell quidam Bisshop et Pagett de Derthington, et alii viri quorum nomina ignorat ipse juratus de presenti, et nunciaverunt eidem jurato qualiter duo calices ab ecclesia de Derthington subtractae fuerunt, desiderantes eum, quatenus vellet, eis suum auxilium in hac parte pro recuperacione eorundem exhibere. Quorum votis applaudit ipse juratus, ut dicit, et tunc habuerunt, ut dicit, ipsum juratum ad quemlibet honestum virum nomine Fitzwilliam armigerum, et ab inde usque Darthington cariarunt, et in presencia ejusdem Fitzwilliam, necnon cujusdam Scurdvill et aliorum quamplurium, produxerunt predicti Bisshop et Pagett duos pueros, et eos sedere fecerunt super ij herpicas, et artem suam predictam in eis exercuit predictus juratus, ut dicit, et alter ipsorum puerorum, ut dicit, vidit in lapide predicto quemdam virum, sed quern nescit, ut dicit habentem calicem argenteum in manibus suis» — el segundo caso de la confesión de Byg, en su latín: dos cálices robados en Darthington, dos niños sentados sobre gradas y uno de ellos viendo en la piedra a un hombre con el cáliz de plata en las manos.

«The Archbishop, being of Neville blood» — la explicación política que Whitby añade a la levedad de la pena: el arzobispo de York, de sangre Neville, no iba a poner la mano encima de un Fitzwilliam.

«It shall please your Maistership to be advertesed that my Officers have taken here a Preyste, a suspecte parson, and with hym certeyn bokes of conjuracions, in the whiche ys conteyned many conclusions of that worke; as fyndyng out of tresure hydde, consecratyng of ryngs with stones in theym, and consecratyng of a cristal stone wheryn a chylde shall looke, and se many thyngs» — la carta del abad de Abingdon a Thomas Cromwell que Whitby cita: entre los libros de conjuros del cura preso hay la consagración de una piedra de cristal donde un niño ha de mirar.

«In these accounts there is no mention of the summoning of angels or spirits for any other purpose than the recovery of buried treasure and stolen property. Most scrying with the aid of crystals appears to have been solely for the purpose of locating concealed objects and not for direct contact with the supernatural world» — el rasgo que Whitby destaca de todos estos casos: el cristal servía para hallar cosas, no para tratar con el más allá.

«Where dyucrse and sondry persones unlaufully haue deuised and practised inuocacions and coniuracions of spirites, pretendynge by suche meanes to vnderstande and gette knowledge for theyr owne lucre, in what place treasure of gold and syluer shoulde or moughte be founde or had in the earth or other secrete places, and allso haue vsed and occupied witchcraftes inchauntementes and sorceries, to the destruction of theyr neyghbours persons and goodes» — el preámbulo del estatuto contra la conjuración y la brujería de 1541-42, citado por Whitby como prueba indirecta de cuán extendida estaba la práctica.

«Item, he saith that about ten years past he used a circule called Circulus Salamonis, at a place called Pembsam in Sussex, to calle up Baro, whom he taketh an orientalle or septentrialle spirit. Where was also one Robert Bayly the scryer of the cristalle stone, syr John Anderson the magister Operator, syr John Hickley, and Thomas Goslyng, in which their practise they had sworde, ring, and hally-water. Where they were frustrated, for Baro did not appere, nor other vision of spirit, but there was a terriblewynde and tempest for the tyme of the circulation» — la primera parte de la deposición de William Wicherly ante Sir Thomas Smith en 1549: el círculo salomónico, el vidente, el operador, la espada, el anillo y el agua bendita, y el espíritu que no vino.

«And sithens that tyme he used no consecrat cyrcule, but hath used the cristalle to invocate the spirit called Scariot, which he called dyvers tymes into the cristall, to have knowledge of thyngs stolne, which spirit hath geven hym knowledge an C. tymes, and thereby men have been restored to their goodes» — cómo cambió Wicherly de método según su propia deposición: dejó el círculo y llamó al cristal a un espíritu llamado Scariot, cien veces con resultado.

«Wicherly attempted to call particular spirits into the crystal, rather than just invoking any supernatural creature. Wicherly’s experiments show a more methodic approach to the art in that he is clearly following a precise ritual to invoke a particular spirit» — lo que distingue a Wicherly de los demás casos, según Whitby: llama a un espíritu determinado siguiendo un rito preciso.

«Item, he knoweth that one Lowth, in Flete strete, a broderer, useth the cristall stone, and goeth about daily to dygge for treasure» — los otros videntes que Wicherly delató en su confesión, empezando por un bordador de Fleet Street.

«The art of scrying appealed to all sections of the community it seems. A manuscript book that belonged to Dr. Caius, the founder of Caius College, contains long extracts» — el alcance social de la práctica, según Whitby, con el ejemplo del libro manuscrito del doctor Caius, fundador de su colegio en Cambridge, que copiaba a Agrippa y a Abano.

«In the name of the father + and of the son, and of the holye ghost + amen, I pray the heavenlye father, as thou art the maker of heavne and the earthe, and of all thinges therin, conteined, and not onlye hast made them, but allso doist worke besides ther creation wonderfullye in them; asweell in angels thye celestiall spirites, as also in men, foule, fishe, and beste, as in other sensibell thinges, as in wodes, trese, water, stones, gresse, and hcrbes, bye the whiche ther operation, we are moved to prayse thye holye name: and to saye, holye god and heavnelye father, make me now to perceive and understande, thye mervilous workes, in this clere and puer cristall» — la oración del manuscrito de Caius para el cristal, el orinal o el espejo, citada por Whitby: pide entender las obras de Dios en la piedra clara y pura.

«Later in the manuscript there is ‘a notable Journal of an experimental Magician’ which contains the records of scrying experiments between 24 February and 22 March 1567, These experiments involved John Davis as the scryer and H.G. as operator» — el diario de experimentos de 1567 que Whitby encuentra en el mismo manuscrito, con el vidente nombrado y el operador solo con iniciales.

«Humphrey Gilbert was in England during 1567 and it seems most likely that the initials stand for his name, particularly since John Davis is probably the same John Davis who with Adrian Gilbert received instruction from Dee’s angelic experiments» — la identificación que Whitby propone para esas iniciales y el nexo que traza con el círculo de Dee, marcada como probabilidad.

«John Davis does not hide his identity in the manuscript cited above, probably because he felt that he was acting within a Christian framework, much as Dee did. The magic that he was performing was good magic, for he was calling angels and not devils» — cómo explica Whitby que unos firmaran y otros no: quien se creía dentro del marco cristiano no tenía por qué esconderse.

«Dee’s life was a continual battle against the rumours of the ignorant who failed to perceive what he believed to be the Christian nature of his experiments and the good that must ensue» — cómo resume Whitby la posición de Dee frente a su fama.

«a reasonable, good, and quiet yere; but I had certain braulles and sclaunders fell out against me aboute the detecting of one that had stollen certain thinges, wherby I was like to have bin» — cómo cerró Simon Forman el año 1584 en su diario, citado por Whitby: detectar a un ladrón le costó pendencias y calumnias.

«It is unlikely that Forman used a crystal for this episode since it is not until 1588 that he notes that he ‘began to practise necromancy and to calle aungells and spirits» — la datación que Whitby propone para el paso de Forman a la invocación, y su reserva sobre qué método usó antes.

«The experiment seems to have got out of control since no angels appeared but noises were heard and objects were inexplicably precipitated around the room» — lo que registran unos papeles de 1585-1586 encuadernados al final de la copia de Ashmole: ningún ángel, ruidos y objetos lanzados por el cuarto.

«In general however, records of actual practices are fewer than copies of instructions and invocations. Sloane MS 3848 contains instructions for conducting ‘an experyment approved and unknowne of Ascaryell to see most excellent and certainlye in a christall stonne what secretts thow wilt» — el desequilibrio documental que Whitby vuelve a señalar, con el experimento de Ascaryell del Sloane MS 3848 como ejemplo de instrucción sin práctica atestiguada.

«First take a christall stonne or a glasse, the greater the better so that it be fayre and cleare, without any ragges cracks or holes broken within and thou must have a thonge of harts skinn, to wrappe thy stonne in so that thy stonne may be well seene in the middest of the bindinge, and ever when thou dost wrappe the stonne about with the thonge say thus In nomine sanctae trinitatis et dietatis hanc gemmam tecondo» — el arranque del experimento de Ascaryell en el Sloane MS 3848: piedra sin grietas, correa de piel de ciervo y la fórmula latina que se dice al envolverla.

«holde the christall stonne which is so dight in thy right hande against the [sun] which must be done in the heate of the at noone when the .is in the highest and hottest and soe call him [Ascaryell] in such likenes as thou wilt by the conjuration followinge and he will come and shew thee what thou wilt in all countryes of all thinges whatsoever thou wilt aske him and thou shalt commaund him to bringe his fellowes with him» — el resto de ese experimento, que Whitby empareja con la magia solariana: la piedra se sostiene contra el sol de mediodía y el espíritu viene y muestra lo que se le pida.

«According to Ashmole, Sloane MS 3851 is in ‘the hand writing of one Mr. Arthur Gauntlet, who professed Phisick and lived about Graies Inn Lane» — a quién adjudicó Ashmole el manuscrito de invocaciones para cristales y espejos que Whitby usa como comparando.

«From the authoritative manner of the instructions it is probable that this is a copy of a compendium of scrying of some sort, most likely circulated in manuscript» — cómo infiere Whitby, del tono de las instrucciones, que circulaba un compendio de scrying en copias manuscritas.

«Make a Crosse on the forhead of the Child with the Thumb of thy right Hand Saying In nomine Patris filii et Spiritus Sanctus Amen. Then with a new Penn wright on the midest of the Stone Or Glasse with Oyle Ollive this name Hermely. Then sett the Child betweene thy leggs Thou sitting in the Chaire And lett him say after thee. The Lords Prayer The Beleefe and These names following +On + Ell + Eloy + Eley + Messias + Sother + Emanuell + Sabaoth + In the name of the Father + And of the Sonne + And of the Holy Ghost + Amen» — el comienzo del rito para llamar tres ángeles al cristal ante un niño, en el manuscrito que Whitby empareja con la confesión de Byg: cruz en la frente, el nombre Hermely escrito con óleo, y el niño repitiendo padrenuestro, credo y nombres divinos.

«The use of a child, the recital of the Lord’s Prayer and the Creed, the request for three angels from God’s right hand, and the request for true answers all appear in Byg’s confession. We may therefore presume that there was an established method of scrying and an established ritual of invocation» — la conclusión que Whitby saca del paralelo: había método y rito establecidos, y Byg pudo estar siguiendo un libro.

«Magical rituals display an enormous variety, however, and although many examples of scrying experiments do not have such corroborative evidence of defined ritual as that above, they must not on that account be regarded as divergent from a principal method» — la reserva que Whitby pone a su propia conclusión: la variedad de los ritos impide tratar como desviación todo lo que no coincida.

«Aubrey notes that he was reliably informed by James Harrington, the author of Oceana, that ‘the Earl of Denbigh then Ambassador at Venice did tell him, that one did shew him there several times in a Glass, things past, and to come» — el testimonio de tercera mano que John Aubrey recogió del autor de Oceana sobre lo que un vidente veneciano mostraba en un vidrio.

«I was very familiar with one Sarah Skelhorn, who had been Speculatrix unto one Arthur Gauntlet about Gray’s-Inn-Lane, a very lewd fellow, professing physick. This Sarah had a perfect sight, and indeed the best eyes for that purpose I ever yet did see. Gauntlet’s books, after he was dead, were sold, after I had perused them, to my scholar Humphreys: there were rare notions in them. This Sarah lived a long time, even until her death, with one Mrs. Stockman in the Isle of Purbeck, and died about sixteen years since. her mistress one time being desirous to accompany her mother, the Lady Beconsfield, unto London, who lived twelve miles from her habitation, caused Sarah to inspect her crystal, to see if she, viz. her mother, was gone, yea or not: the angels appeared, and shewed her mother opening a trunk, and taking out a red waistcoat, whereby she perceived she was not gone. Next day she went to her mother’s and there, as she entered the chamber, she was opening a trunk, and had a red waistcoat in her hand. Sarah told me oft, the angels would for some years follow her, and appear in every room of the house, until she was weary of them» — el testimonio de William Lilly sobre la vidente Sarah Skelhorn: el caso del chaleco rojo visto en el cristal y comprobado al día siguiente, y los ángeles siguiéndola por la casa hasta cansarla.

«Sarah Skelhorn’s crystal acted in the same manner as the glass prospective of the Bacon legend in that it showed the future, whereas in other accounts of scrying for the recovery of stolen goods, the crystal shows the present whereabouts of the property» — el primero de los tres rasgos que Whitby destaca de ese relato: aquí el cristal muestra el futuro, no el paradero presente de lo robado.

«Ellen Evans invoked the Queen of the Fairies as opposed to angels of God or other spirits, but then Lilly’s accounts generally fail to distinguish between fairies and other spirits, since he regards them all as belonging to the world of the supernatural» — el tercer rasgo, con la reserva de Whitby sobre la fuente: Lilly no distingue hadas de espíritus.

«Sir Robert Holborn, Knight, brought once unto me Gladwell of Suffolk, who had formerly had sight and conference with Uriel and Raphael, but lost them both by carelessness; so that neither of them both would but rarely appear, and then presently be gone, resolving nothing. He would have given me two hundred pounds to have assisted him for their recovery, but I am no such man. Those glorious creatures, if well commanded, and well observed, do teach the master any thing he desires; Amant secreta, fugiunt aperta» — el caso que Lilly cuenta de quien perdió el trato con Uriel y Rafael por descuido y ofrecía doscientas libras por recobrarlo, cerrado con la sentencia latina sobre lo que aman los espíritus.

«Lilly notes that ‘neatness and cleanliness in apparel, a strict diet, and upright life, fervent prayers unto God, conduce much to the assistance of those who are curious these ways’ (p.232). This is frequently emphasised in accounts of scrying as being a very necessary requirement. As with all magic, preparation of the body, mind and soul is required» — la disciplina que Lilly considera necesaria y que Whitby ve repetida en todos los relatos.

«Catoptromancy may use a young boy or pregnant woman as the medium and can involve incantations and purification ceremonies, but most often it is simply a question of looking into a mirror, for the mirror itself has magical properties» — el retrato general que Whitby arma de la catoptromancia a partir de todos los relatos.

«Crystallomancy usually invokes angelic aid and begins with purification of the operators, prayers to God and his angels, fasting and abstinence. In most cases a young boy is used as the medium, but even when an older person is used, it is not customary for the operator to see any visions himself» — y el de la cristalomancia, con el rasgo que Whitby subraya: el operador no ve, ve el médium.

«The principal use of crystallomancy in the sixteenth century was for the recovery of stolen goods and for the location of buried treasure. Some more learned operators like Dee sought more than that however. They were not concerned with making a living from the art, but with gaining supercelestial knowledge. Through the visions of angels in the crystal they sought to know what was hidden from mankind but revealed to the angels» — la distinción con que Whitby separa a Dee del uso común: los demás buscaban objetos, él conocimiento supercelestial.

«Scrying for buried treasure did form a minor part of Dee’s practice, but his main purpose did not rest on such a mundane level. Dee’s use of the crystal far exceeded the limits of common practice and holds a singular place in the history of scrying» — el juicio con que Whitby cierra el capítulo sobre el lugar de Dee dentro de la práctica.

«The Asclepius stated that daemons might be drawn down to inhabit and animate statues and in the Pimander the thirty-six decans, originally Egyptian sidereal gods, rule over the Zodiac according to divisions of ten degrees, while the ‘governors’ of the seven planets are represented as being especially powerful» — lo que los textos herméticos autorizaban, según la nota de Whitby: démones atraídos a habitar estatuas, y los treinta y seis decanos —dioses siderales egipcios— gobernando el zodiaco de diez en diez grados.

«an Illuding Spirit’ suddenly takes the place of Uriel without Dee and Kelly realising, the discovery being made much later» — el ejemplo que el propio Whitby aporta de la objeción de los adversarios: en el manuscrito, un espíritu engañador ocupa el sitio de Uriel sin que Dee ni Kelly lo adviertan hasta mucho después; la Acción es del 10 de marzo de 1582 y esta reimpresión imprime *1532*.

«There are many magical works which bear the name of Solomon. The oldest version of the Key or Clavicle of Solomon is a sixteenth-century Latin copy translated from Hebrew by Isau Abbraha» — el censo que Whitby hace de la Clavícula salomónica en nota: la versión más vieja que conoce es una copia latina del siglo XVI traducida del hebreo, y la lista de copias Sloane que da a continuación.

«On March 29th, 1598, a Hungarian Commando Unit blew up the gates of the fortress of Gyttr, Western Hungary. After five hours of battle, the town was recovered from the Turks. An officer called Hans Christoph Boheimb was despatched immediately on horseback to take the news of the victory posthaste to Emperor Rudolf. It took him more than two days to reach Prague. The exhausted officer had to be helped out of his saddle and carried to the emperor to make his report. But the Emperor would not let him speak. To his amazement, a courtier recounted every detail of the battle. He was then told that the news had reached the Emperor through the “moonbeam telegraph invented by the Englishman John Dee» — el relato del telégrafo lunar que Gabriel Honay publicó en un periódico dominical en 1978 y que Whitby reproduce entero: el mensajero llega reventado a Praga y el emperador ya sabe cada detalle de la batalla.

«Even allowing for some sensationalism, the story is hard to believe. It seems most odd that the messenger should not know that his own side was operating a heliograph system and the 40 kilometre Interval does seem very large, even assuming that the light source was the sun and not» — las dos objeciones que Whitby le pone al relato: que el propio mensajero ignorara el sistema, y que cuarenta kilómetros entre estaciones son demasiados.

«A heliograph used at night reflected a most beautiful light of the desert moon and was more effective than our Morse lamp of the time (Begbie, superseded by the Aldis). The standard 5-inch heliograph in clear sunlight could be read with [a] telescope 40 miles away if both stations were at sufficient altitude; but the “Lunagraph” was limited to something less than 10 miles. There was a 9-inch helio mirror with a greater range but I never operated» — el testimonio del antiguo cabo de transmisiones Laurence Moore, que Whitby recoge como la única evidencia a favor: con luna el aparato funcionaba, pero con un alcance mucho menor.

«I suspect that behind the whole story lies simply the glass that Dee gave to Lord Rosenberg which then came into Rudolf’s hands in 1588 and not 1584 (see below p.140) and that Dee may have at some time experimented with the sending of extremely simple messages (e.g. a repeated series of flashes indicating an expected result had taken place) using both sunlight and moonlight. Popular gossip then put the two together and transferred them to good use as national propaganda» — la explicación que Whitby propone en su lugar: el vidrio que Dee dio a Rosenberg, algún experimento suyo con señales muy simples, y el chisme popular haciendo el resto.

«The unusual nature of Dee’s scrying experiments does not remove the doubt that attaches itself to all methods of divination: the doubt as to whether the divinatory practice is a fraudulent exercise or a genuine inspiration» — cómo plantea Whitby la pregunta del capítulo cuarto: la duda entre fraude e inspiración es la de toda adivinación, no una peculiaridad de Dee.

«many people, including those who condemned the practice, believed that they did, although this itself is only proof of the belief and not of the fact of spiritual appearance» — la distinción que Whitby mantiene: que mucha gente creyera en las apariciones dice algo de la creencia, no del hecho.

«Until the recent rehabilitation of Dee, largely on account of the researches into Renaissance occult philosophy by Frances Yates, Dee’s Actions with spirits aroused interest largely because of the doubt surrounding the authenticity of the events described. The central controversies were whether Dee was indeed dealing with angels or dealing with devils, and whether he was the perpetrator or the victim of a long-lasting fraud» — el desplazamiento del interés académico que Whitby data en la obra de Frances Yates: antes se leía a Dee por la duda sobre la autenticidad.

«While major interest in the Actions now centres upon Dee’s position in relation to Renaissance scientific and occult thought, the question of the authenticity of the events is nonetheless pertinent. A judgement must be made. In reaching that judgement the conclusions of two prominent men deserve examination: Meric Casaubon, who believed Dee was deluded by devils, and Robert Hooke, who thought that the Actions were cryptographical» — Whitby declara que la pregunta por la autenticidad sigue en pie y anuncia las dos respuestas que va a examinar.

«When Meric Casaubon undertook the publication of most of the records of Dee’s angelic dealings then in the Cotton library, his purpose was ‘not to satisfie curiosity, but to do good, and promote Religion» — el propósito que Meric Casaubon declaró al publicar en 1659 las Acciones posteriores.

«The publication in 1659 was controversial and although the Archbishop of Armagh was attested to have declared that ‘it was an excellent Booke to convince Atheists’,1 Casaubon recorded that ‘the Booke was stopt at the Press, and in question at the Councill Table, [and] if the Protector had lived it had not been printed» — la recepción inmediata del libro de Casaubon: elogiado como remedio contra ateos y a la vez detenido en la imprenta, según él mismo.

«Casaubon was himself under some suspicion of atheism on account of an earlier attempt to prove that all divine inspiration was only ‘imposture or melancholy, and depraved phantasie, arising from natural causes’3 and the publication of A True and Faithful Relation helped to refute the charge of atheism, while nevertheless demonstrating that supposedly divine inspiration was, at least in the case of Dee, diabolic deception» — la posición de la que Casaubon venía y lo que el libro le resolvía, según Whitby: afirmar que había espíritus lo alejaba de la sospecha de ateísmo.

«It was in the nature of the spirits that he considered Dee to be deluded, mistaking ‘false lying Spirits for Angels of light» — en qué consistía el engaño de Dee según Casaubon: no en que no hubiera espíritus, sino en confundir a los mentirosos con ángeles de luz, y por soberbia.

«Kelley was a great Conjurer, one that daily conversed by such art as is used by ordinary Magicians, with evil Spirits, and knew them to be so. Yet I would suppose that he was one of the best sort of Magicians, that dealt with Spirits by a kind of Coumand (as is well known some do) and not by any Compact or agreement» — el juicio de Casaubon sobre Kelly, citado por Whitby: conjurador consciente de tratar con espíritus malos, aunque de los que mandan y no de los que pactan.

«Casaubon ackowledged that Kelly might have defrauded Dee, even mechanically faking apparitions, but thought the evidence to be too weighty to concede in this case that there might be no substance in the Actions» — el límite que Casaubon puso a su propia hipótesis: admitía el fraude mecánico de Kelly y aun así no aceptaba que las Acciones fueran solo eso.

«Casaubon himself admitted in a letter that the ‘maine designe of this worke was to set out to view of all men: the condition of those…under pretended colour of inspiration, and speciall guidance of the Spirit: and it is probable, that many were really deluded’.6 Casaubon’s attitude towards and conclusions upon the Actions with spirits were therefore prejudiced by a priori considerations» — cómo lee Whitby el propósito declarado de Casaubon: su blanco eran los puritanos que alegaban inspiración, y de ahí que sus conclusiones sobre Dee vinieran decididas de antemano.

«For E: K no doubt he was a very Rascall but whether he was alwayes an Impostor and pretended to see that he did not and Hear also and so long together is very Difficult to believe» — la nota de un lector contemporáneo que Whitby cita: aun teniendo a Kelly por bribón, le cuesta creer que fingiera ver y oír durante tanto tiempo seguido.

«Hooke accepted the theory that the Steganographia of Abbot Trithemius of Spanheim, which described operations with angels and spirits, was really a treatise upon cryptography, the spirits offering through their names, descriptions and functions a means of encoding any message» — el supuesto del que partía Robert Hooke: que la Steganographia de Tritemio, que describe operaciones con ángeles, era en realidad un tratado de criptografía.

«Hooke’s thesis was ‘that the greatest part of the said Book [TFR], especially all that which relates to the Spirits and Apparitions, together with the Names, Speeches, Shews, Noises, Clothing, Actions, and the Prayers and Doxologies» — la tesis de Hooke tal como Whitby la cita: nombres, discursos, exhibiciones, ruidos, ropajes, acciones, oraciones y doxologías serían todos cifra, y aun parte del diario de viaje.

«Hooke never proceeded any further with this theory, which was later taken up by Adam Clarke (1762?-1832), although he likewise failed to prove any substance to the theory» — la suerte posterior de la hipótesis criptográfica, según Whitby: Adam Clarke la retomó sin llegar a fundamentarla.

«More recently the cryptographic theory has been suggested by Richard Deacon, but it is based upon evidence which is to my mind of doubtful authenticity and which, even if accepted, does not presuppose that the whole series of Actions simply consisted of coded messages» — la objeción de Whitby a la versión moderna de la hipótesis: la evidencia le parece de autenticidad dudosa y, aun aceptándola, no implicaría que todo fuera cifra.

«Furthermore there is no substantial motive for Dee and Kelly to produce such a lengthy fraud as seven years of near continuous reports ‘encoded’ in such a dangerous form as that of Actions with spirits» — el argumento de motivo con que Whitby rechaza la criptografía: siete años de informes cifrados en la forma más peligrosa posible.

«The Actions begar at Mortlake when Dee was a short river ride from the Court. Such information as he might have to deliver could be given by word of mouth» — el argumento de proximidad: desde Mortlake, cualquier informe se daba de viva voz; la grafía *begar* es del OCR de esta reimpresión.

«The only likely recipients of coded messages would be Burghley and Walsingham and there are no records of Dee’s Actions to be found amongst their collected papers. Furthermore, if the information was such that an elaborate code was required, it would have been strange for Dee to keep copies of his own all together, lest they should fall into the wrong hands» — los dos argumentos documentales de Whitby: no hay Acciones entre los papeles de los únicos destinatarios plausibles, y guardar copias propias de un mensaje cifrado sería absurdo.

«There are some examples of codes in the course of the Actions but they are extremely simple. One involves the rearrangement of a passage according to a sequence of numbers13 and another involves drawing letters from a square according to a prescribed pattern (see Sloane MS 3191, fols 53b-56a). The simplest merely substitutes an original alphabet and Dee is able to solve this code very quickly when he is presented with it by Kelly» — las cifras que sí aparecen en las Acciones, según Whitby, y lo poco que valen: Dee resuelve la más simple en cuanto Kelly se la enseña.

«Furthermore the diversity of the contents of the Actions, ranging in Sloane MS 3188 alone from the description of a system of forty-nine spiritual governors to lengthy passages in the alleged language of the angels, is itself an argument against any consistent cryptography. Such diversity makes the possibility of any single solution improbable» — el argumento de heterogeneidad: de un sistema de cuarenta y nueve gobernadores a largos pasajes en la supuesta lengua angélica, ninguna clave única los cubre.

«In general, it can be said that any cipher system, or any method which claims to follow valid cryptographic procedures, must yield unique solutions. If in any system two different investigators applying the same key or keys to the same basic material get inconsistent answers, the system is self-refuting» — el criterio criptográfico que Whitby cita para cerrar el punto: según ese criterio, un sistema que da respuestas distintas a dos investigadores con la misma clave queda sin valor.

«The rejection of Hooke’s theory does not presume that the scrying was not in some way fraudulent. Hooke astutely noted that there might have been some application of scientific knowledge» — Whitby separa las dos preguntas: descartar la cifra no descarta el engaño, y concede que Hooke apuntó bien al sugerir medios técnicos.

«Chymistry, or Mathematicks, or Astrology, or Mechanicks, all which I find by his Writings he [Dee] was well versed in, and especially in the Business of Opticks, and Perspective and Mechanical Contrivances; an effect of which I conceive his Chrystal, or Angelical Stone, or Chrystallum sacratum. as he terms it, to have been, for that it was of a considerable bigness, and was placed upon a Pedestal, or Table, which he calls a Holy Table, which might contain the Apparatus to make Apparitions, when he had a mind to be seen in it, as likewise to produce Noises and Voices, if there were occasion. All which might be done by Art, as has been shewn, both formerly by Roger Bacon, and of late by the Echoing Head» — la conjetura de Hooke sobre la piedra y la mesa santa: que contuvieran el aparato para producir apariciones, ruidos y voces a voluntad, como ya se decía de Roger Bacon.

«This will be more wonderful with the segment of a circle, for it [the image] will appear farther from the Glass. If you be without the point of Inversion, you shall see your head downwards. That with fixed eyes, and not winking at all, you may behold the point, until it comes to your very sight…the neerer you are to the Centre, the greater will it be, that you will think to touch it with your hands: and if it be a great Glass, you cannot but wonder; for if any man run at the Glass with a drawn sword, another man will seem to meet him, and to run through his hand. If you shew a Candle, you will think a Candle is pendulous lighted in the Air» — las instrucciones de Giambattista della Porta para hacer que una imagen parezca colgar en el aire con espejos cóncavos, citadas por Whitby: quien arremeta con la espada verá a otro salirle al paso.

«You must shut all the Chamber windows, and it will do well to shut up all holes besides, lest any light breaking in should spoil all. Onely make one hole, that shall be a hands breadth and length; above this fit a little leaden or brass Table, and glew it, so thick as a paper; open a round hole in the middle of it, as great as your little finger: over against this, let there be white walls of paper, or white clothes, so shall you see all that is done without in the Sun, and those that walk in the streets, like to Antipodes, and what is right will be the left, and all things changed; and the farther they are off from the hole, the greater they will appear» — la descripción de la cámara oscura elemental en della Porta, tal como Whitby la cita: cuarto a oscuras, un agujero del grosor del meñique y la calle proyectada al revés sobre la pared blanca.

«He further suggested that scenes might be acted outside the chamber to provide animated displays of ‘Huntings, Banquets, Armies of Enemies, Plays, and all things» — el uso espectacular que della Porta propone de ese mismo aparato, y que declaraba haber montado para sus amigos.

«The simpler experiments such as that of the elementary camera obscura were apparently common knowledge among Renaissance ‘scientists’ for Agrippa wrote that ‘it is well known, if in a dark place where there is no light but by the coming in of a beam of the Sun somewhere through a little hole, a white paper, or plain Looking-glass be set up against that light, that there may be seen upon them, whatsoever things are done without, being shined upon by the Sun» — Whitby muestra que el efecto era sabido entre los doctos citando a Agrippa, que lo describe como cosa bien conocida.

«Dee himself wrote a treatise upon burning-glasses in 155717 and he was described by William Bourne as expert in the science of optics» — las credenciales ópticas de Dee que Whitby reúne para plantear la posibilidad técnica del engaño.

«if you, being (alone) nere a certaine glasse, and proffer, with dagger or sword, to foyne at the glasse, you shall suddenly be moued to giue backe (in maner) by reason of an Image, appearing in the ayre, betwene you and the glasse, with like hand, sword or dagger, and with like quicknes, foyning at your very eye, likewise as you do at the Glasse. Straunge, this is, to heare of: but more meruailous to behold, then these my wordes can signifie. And neuerthelesse by demonstration Opticall, the order and cause thereof, is certified: even so, as the effect is consequent. Yea, thus much more, dare I take vpon me, toward the satisfying of the noble courrage, that longeth ardently for the wisedome of Causes Naturall: as to let him vnderstand that, in London, he may with his owne eyes, have profe of that, which I haue sayd herein. A Gentleman [i.e. Dee], (which, for his good seruice, done to his Countrey, is famous and honorable: and for skill in the Mathematicall Sciences, and Languages, is the Od [old?] man of this land. &c.) euen he, is hable: and (I am sure) will, very willingly, let the Glasse, and profe be sene» — el pasaje del Mathematicall Preface en que Dee describe el efecto de un espejo cóncavo y, sin nombrarse, se ofrece a mostrarlo en Londres: el caballero famoso por su servicio y su ciencia es él mismo.

«the Brasen Vessels, which in Theatres, are placed by Mathematicall order, in ambries, vnder the steppes: and the duiersities of the soundes…are ordred according to Musicall Symphonies and Harmonies: being distributed in the Circuites, by Dietessaron, Diapente, and Diapason. That the conuenient voyce, of the players sound, when it came to these preparations, made in order, there being increased: with the increasing, might come more cleare and pleasant, to the eares of the lokers on» — la traducción que Dee hace de Vitruvio sobre los vasos de bronce del teatro antiguo, que Whitby trae como prueba de que conocía los principios de la amplificación del sonido.

«He certainly had the knowledge to produce a complicated optical illusion. The Actions first took place in his ‘study’ at Mortlake and he was preparing a special chamber in which to hold them (Sloane MS 3188, 103b, 27). All the circumstances were suitable for him to deceive an unwitting scryer that spirits were appearing and talking» — la conclusión técnica de Whitby: Dee tenía el saber y el lugar para montar la ilusión.

«The Actions were themselves theologically dangerous enough with Dee believing in them sincerely. To produce such happenings - s a deception would have put Dee in unnecessary danger—Kelly had admitted that his first visit was, to trap Dee (Sloane MS 3188, 9a)—and there could be no profit in deceiving a scryer» — la conclusión de hecho, que es la contraria: ni prueba ni motivo, porque engañar al propio vidente no le reportaba nada y lo ponía en peligro innecesario.

«If any deception was practised it was by Kelly upon Dee. Dee claimed that he was never able to see the spirits that appeared to Saul and Kelly» — hacia dónde reorienta Whitby la sospecha, y el dato en que se apoya: Dee declaraba no ver nunca a los espíritus.

«I fele: and (by a great thundring noyce, thumming…in myne eares) I perceyue the presence of some spiritual creature abowt me» — lo que Dee sí percibía, según su propio registro citado por Whitby: un gran ruido atronador en los oídos con el que reconocía la presencia de una criatura espiritual.

«there appeared fire to be thrown oute of the stone, vppon E K» — lo que Dee anota cuando Kelly repetía largos pasajes de la lengua angélica: fuego arrojado de la piedra sobre el vidente.

«It is not. absolutely certain that Dee witnessed this fire, for Kelly might have described it to him, but the manner in which Dee records the experience suggests that it was something that he himself saw» — la reserva de Whitby sobre ese pasaje: pudo ser descripción de Kelly, aunque la manera de anotarlo sugiere visión propia de Dee.

«What he meant by fire is not certain, however, for he might have been referring in fact to flashes of light and the fire in Kelly’s eyes might really be light in his eyes, such as might be caused by some intense passion or semi-hypnotic state» — la lectura alternativa que Whitby ofrece del mismo dato: no fuego sino destellos de luz en los ojos de Kelly, por pasión intensa o estado semihipnótico.

«There are certain obvious times when Kelly may have perpetrated a fraud upon Dee, such as when he returned from the Cotswolds with a scroll in strange characters, which Dee managed to decipher without too much trouble, Kelly claiming that he had been led to the discovery of the scroll by a» — el primero de los dos episodios que Whitby señala como fraude probable de Kelly: el rollo en caracteres extraños traído de los Cotswolds, que Dee descifró sin dificultad.

«During an Action of 29 April 1583 they were given instructions to make a seal and afterwards Kelly went to his room with a book that had been left by Adrian Gilbert. When he opened the book he ‘found’ a different version of the seal written in his own hand on one of the blank pages at the end of the book (see Sloane MS 3188, 98a-99a). He claimed to have no idea how the writing got there» — el segundo episodio: Kelly encuentra en un libro prestado, escrita de su propia mano, una versión distinta del sello que los ángeles acababan de mandar hacer.

«Although Dee undoubtedly looked after Kelly’s immediate needs, the contract for the stipend of fifty pounds was not made until 29 June 1583, some two years after Kelly had first acted as Dee’s scryer» — el argumento de motivo aplicado a Kelly: el estipendio llega dos años después de que empezara a servir de vidente.

«Furthermore the Actions were often performed with Kelly seated in front of the table on which stood the crystal stone and Dee either recording the Actions at a nearby table or seated on the other side of the table facing Kelly (see Sloane MS 3188, 47b and 48b). Kelly would have had little chance to keep any papers by him without their being discovered by Dee» — el argumento físico: la disposición de la mesa dejaba a Kelly poco margen para tener papeles a mano.

«The angelic system which he expounded was not simple and it is remarkable that there are not a great number of inconsistencies, since it must have been contained in his head, either consciously or unconsciously» — el argumento de coherencia: el sistema es complejo y con pocas inconsistencias, y Kelly tendría que haberlo llevado entero en la cabeza.

«Having rejected any chance of deceit upon the part of Dee, we must conclude that either Kelly saw nothing and successfully gulled Dee for the best part of seven years, or that he did indeed see angels and spirits, or that the visions were products of his own imagination» — las tres salidas que Whitby deja abiertas tras descartar el engaño de Dee, sin elegir todavía entre ellas.

«discernable unto any, but those that are well versed in the study of Natural causes, is enough to represent Spirits, Angels and Divels, Sights and Stories of Heaven and Hell to the fancy» — la salida psicológica que Casaubon dejaba abierta y que él mismo no tomó: un desarreglo del cerebro tan pequeño que solo lo advertiría un entendido en causas naturales basta para representar a la fantasía espíritus, ángeles y diablos.

«While I am not at all qualified in the sciences of psychology and parapsychology, I would venture that Kelly’s visions were the product of a ‘distemper of the brain’» — la conclusión de Whitby sobre las visiones de Kelly, dicha con la reserva de su propia falta de competencia en la materia.

«On 29 March 1583 before seeing the angel Raphael he felt ‘a thing (immediately) creeping within his hed, and in that pang becam all in a sweat’. He ‘remayned much misliking the moving and creeping of the thing in his hed’ but ‘at a quarter of an howre end it cam to one place: and so ceased somewhat» — una de las sensaciones físicas que Kelly declaraba antes de ver: algo reptando dentro de la cabeza y un sudor repentino, hasta que al cuarto de hora se juntaba en un punto.

«At another time he felt ‘such a whirling and beating inwardly in his hed, that he could not vse any Judgement to discerne what appeared, for half a quarter of an howre almost» — otra de esas sensaciones, que le impedía juzgar lo que aparecía.

«his belly did seame to him, to be full of fyre: and he thowght veryly, that his bowells did burne» — la más violenta de las que Whitby recoge, del 23 de abril de 1583.

«These experiences (if true) suggest a mental condition, perhaps arising from a physical illness, that was unstable and might cause his imagination to produce visions and hear voices, particularly if Dee was unduly influencing him» — cómo lee Whitby ese conjunto, con la condicional puesta por delante: un estado inestable que podía producir visiones y voces, sobre todo bajo la influencia de Dee.

«it is perhaps significant that the angels frequently gave answers such as Dee evidently wanted to hear, while rebukes were more often directed at Kelly than at Dee. They also frequently gave answers that followed the teachings of works that were known to Kelly and Dee» — los dos indicios de sugestión que Whitby señala: los ángeles contestaban lo que Dee quería oír y reprendían más a Kelly, y repetían doctrinas de libros que los dos conocían.

«It is therefore arguable that many of the visions may have arisen from Kelly’s subconscious, perhaps after concentration in the crystal (he frequently saw nothing for the first fifteen minutes) had induced in him some mild state of trance» — la hipótesis que Whitby formula, con el dato que la apoya: Kelly no veía nada durante el primer cuarto de hora.

«Thus the Actions may be a mixture of pure deceit and subconscious imaginings. The same might perhaps be said of the whole art of scrying, for while much was undoubtedly fraudulent, stolen goods were recorded as being found after information had been delivered through a scryer» — la conclusión mixta de Whitby, extendida a todo el arte del scrying: mucho fraude, y a la vez objetos robados que se recuperaron.

«Overall the Actions seem to be a mixture of falsehood and if not truth itself, at least half-truth» — la fórmula con que Whitby cierra el capítulo sobre el fraude.

«The magic contained in Sloane MS 3188 is of two kinds. The scrying belongs to the popular tradition of divinatory experience, while the magical system expounded by the angels with its concentration upon seals, talismans, combinations of letters, numbers, divine names and ritual invocations, bears a great similarity with the kind of magic described in the third book of Agrippa’s De occulta philosophia» — la partición con que Whitby abre el capítulo del sistema mágico: el scrying es tradición adivinatoria popular, y lo que los ángeles exponen se parece al tercer libro de Agrippa.

«Yet Dee shows no concern with the ordering of the celestial hierarchies of Seraphim, Cherubim, Dominations, Thrones, Principalities, Powers, Virtues, Archangels, and Angels that occupied the attentions of such writers as St. Augustine, St. Jerome and Dionysius the Areopagite» — lo que Whitby echa de menos en Dee: la jerarquía celeste que ocupaba a Agustín, a Jerónimo y al Areopagita no le interesa.

«Even though Dee is instructed by ‘traditional’ angels, the majority of the manuscript is concerned with the description of the offices of 49 spirits, 28 Sons and Daughters of Light,1 and the construction of various magical instruments, the most important being the Holy Table, and none of these may be directly traced to any source» — el peso de lo nuevo dentro del manuscrito, según Whitby: cuarenta y nueve espíritus, veintiocho Hijos e Hijas de la Luz e instrumentos sin filiación localizable.

«Some influence from Agrippa is apparent, but the magical system which evolved during the Actions is in its details unique» — el juicio de Whitby sobre la originalidad del sistema.

«The angels Annael, Uriel, Michael, Gabriel and Raphael each inform Dee at various times, but while he is concerned with the etymologies of their names (Sloane MS 3188, 6a), Dee makes no effort to ascertain whether any is more powerful or in any way more important than any other angel» — el trato de Dee con sus ángeles según Whitby: le importan las etimologías de sus nombres y no su jerarquía relativa.

«The angel Annael only instructed Dee in the Action of 22 December 1581 when Saul acted as scryer and appropriately Annael is the angel of the month» — la correspondencia que Whitby señala en la primera Acción, la del vidente Saul: Annael es el ángel del mes de diciembre.

«Further influence of Agrippa may be seen when Uriel asks Dee whether he thinks that angels have voices (Sloane MS 3188, 89b). Dee replies that he believes angels ‘are mere spirituall and nothing corporall’ and that their message is insinuated ‘in such sort as mans Imagination shall be, that both they here and see you sensibly» — la respuesta de Dee a la pregunta de Uriel sobre si los ángeles tienen voz: son solo espirituales y su mensaje se insinúa por la imaginación del hombre.

«we haue no voyce, but a full noyce that filleth euery place: which whan you ones taste of, Distance shall make no separation» — la respuesta del ángel Uriel en el manuscrito, citada por Whitby: no voz sino un ruido pleno que llena todo lugar.

«The close resemblance to Agrippa’s theory further suggests fraud, conscious or unconscious, on the part of Kelly but would have demonstrated to Dee the truth of Agrippa’s writing» — la doble lectura que Whitby deja abierta sobre ese paralelo: indicio de fraude para nosotros y confirmación de Agrippa para Dee.

«This seal, which is also called Sigillum Emeth (‘seal of truth‘) is shown on fol. 30a and is now in the possession of the British Museum. The instructions for its making were given by Michael and Uriel between 10 and 21 March 1582 (Sloane MS 3188, 9b– 30a). It is made of undyed beeswax, measures nine inches in diameter and is one and one eighth inches thick» — la ficha material del Sigillum Dei según Whitby: quién dictó las instrucciones, cuándo, y las medidas de la pieza de cera virgen que se conserva.

«The word AGLA was a common name of divine power in the Middle Ages derived from the first letters in Hebrew of the Scriptural sentence ‘thou art mighty Lord for ever» — el nombre inscrito al dorso del sello y su origen, según Whitby por Agrippa: acrónimo hebreo de una sentencia bíblica.

«The letters in the outer circle on the front of the seal may be used to obtain seven supposed names of God. When the number is over the letter, it indicates that the next letter is to be found that number of spaces to the right. When the number is under a letter, it indicates that the next letter is to be found that number of spaces to the left. The capital letters indicate the first letter of each name, and letters without numbers indicate that the last letter of a name has been reached» — la regla de lectura del círculo exterior del sello, expuesta por Whitby: los números sobre la letra mandan a la derecha, los de debajo a la izquierda.

«The names obtained in this manner are Thaaoth, Galaas, Gethog, Horton, Innon, Aaoth and Galethog. Where two lower case letters ‘a’ occur together the second is struck out and so Thaaoth and Galaas become Thaoth and Galas. Innon is the only name that I have found recorded elsewhere» — los siete nombres que Whitby extrae del círculo exterior, con la regla de la doble a y su búsqueda negativa: solo Innon aparece atestiguado en otro sitio.

«The letters of the outer heptagon produce the names of the seven angels of the presence, if they are written in tabular form and read vertically from the top left corner» — cómo se leen los nombres del heptágono exterior, según Whitby: en forma tabular y en vertical.

«The names which are obtained are Zaphkiel, Zadkiel, Cumael, Raphael, Haniel, Michael and Gabriel» — los siete ángeles de la presencia que resultan de esa lectura.

«The letters underneath the borders of the outer heptagon are seven ‘Names of God, not known to the Angels: neyther can be spoken or red of man» — cómo califica el propio manuscrito los nombres escritos bajo los bordes del heptágono: desconocidos para los ángeles e impronunciables por el hombre.

«By reading from the top left corner diagonally from right to left the names Sabathiel, Zedekieil, Madimiel, Semeliel, Nogahel, Corabiel and Levanael are obtained» — los siete nombres planetarios que Whitby extrae de la tabla en diagonal, con las cifras que valen por *el* y por *l*.

«These names are to be found again in the centre of the seal and are the names of ‘the 7 Angels, and Governors in the heuens next vnto [those angels] which stand allwayes before the face of God» — qué son esos siete según el manuscrito: los ángeles y gobernadores de los cielos inmediatamente debajo de los que están siempre ante el rostro de Dios.

«If the table is read from the top right corner diagonally from left to right until the bisecting diagonal is reached the names of the seven Daughters of Light are obtained, namely El, Me Ese, Iana, Akele, Azdobn and Stimcul» — los nombres de las siete Hijas de la Luz que Whitby extrae de la misma tabla; entre ellos van *El*, *Me* y *Ese*, que son nombres de entidad y no siglas.

«The names of the seven Sons of Light are extracted by reading from the bottom left corner diagonally from left to right up until the bisecting diagonal. These names are I, Ih, Ilr, Dmal, Heeoa, Beigia, and Stimcul again» — los siete Hijos de la Luz, con el nombre que se repite en las dos series.

«There is no good reason save that of pronunciation why the numbers should be noted with regard to the names of the Daughters of Light but ignored with regard to the Sons of Light» — la inconsistencia que Whitby señala en el propio método de extracción y no armoniza.

«The resulting names arc S, Ab, Ath, Ized, Ekiei, Madimi and Esemeli. In this case all numbers are ignored» — la segunda generación de Hijas de la Luz, donde *S* es también nombre de entidad; la grafía *arc* por *are* es del OCR.

«The names are El (from ), An, Ave, Liba, Rocle, Hagonel, and Ilemese. In this case the number in Liba and in Ilemese are ignored while the other numbers are noted. Again the decision seems arbitrary» — la segunda generación de Hijos de la Luz, con la objeción que Whitby vuelve a poner al criterio de qué cifras se cuentan y cuáles no.

«of Sons and Daughters of Light is not expounded in the manuscript at all, although Dee and Kelly receive instruction from the spirit II, and later from Madimi» — el silencio del manuscrito sobre para qué sirven esas dos generaciones, y las dos entidades de las que sí llega instrucción.

«The seal produces its own inscription to a large extent. The name Galethog obtained from the outer circle is responsible for the letters and numbers in the segments between the outer circle and the outer heptagon. The names in the outer heptagon give rise to those in the centre. The names inside the outer heptagon give rise to all the rest» — la observación estructural de Whitby sobre el Sigillum: cada anillo genera el siguiente, y el sello se escribe a sí mismo.

«The outer circle is divided into forty squares. The number forty has great religious significance, being the number of years that the Israelites wandered in the wilderness and the number of days Christ fasted in the wilderness, which was also the length of the Flood and of Elijah’s similar solitude» — el sentido religioso que Whitby atribuye a la partición del círculo en cuarenta casillas, con sus cuatro precedentes bíblicos.

«By the curious means of regarding the two letters ‘a’ taken out of the names of God in the outer circle as making the number of letters in the circle total forty-two when they are replaced, Michael states that the outer circle reveals a name of God of 42 letters» — cómo el ángel Michael obtiene del mismo círculo un nombre divino de cuarenta y dos letras, restituyendo las dos aes suprimidas; Whitby llama curioso al procedimiento.

«Four smaller versions of this seal were made, two of which are in the possession of the British Museum, and they were to be placed in protective covers underneath the four feet of the Holy Table» — el uso de los cuatro sellos menores, según Whitby: bajo las patas de la mesa santa y dentro de fundas protectoras.

«A further table that Dee and Kelly received from the angels is that between fols 37b and 38a from which may be drawn the names of forty-nine spirits whose names all begin with the letter ‘B’» — de dónde salen los cuarenta y nueve espíritus, según Whitby, y el rasgo común de sus nombres.

«The table has seven parts forming the four arms of a cross because the forty-nine spirits each had names of seven letters and were to be divided into seven septenaries» — la razón de la forma de la tabla, según Whitby: siete letras por nombre y siete septenarios.

«Each septenary had a king and a prince and the information delivered during the Actions concerns these kings and princes rather than the remaining spirits, who are assumed to aid the kings and princes in their particular offices» — el reparto interno de cada septenario y el sesgo del propio registro: los ángeles hablan de reyes y príncipes, no de los demás.

«This ‘co-ordinated table’ as he calls it bears a certain similarity with The Book of Formation by Rabbi Akiba ben Joseph which presents a circle of eleven rings, each containing two letters, with twenty-one spokes of letters around the circle» — el paralelo que Whitby propone para la tabla circular que Dee dibujó: el Libro de la Formación atribuido a Akiba ben José.

«The main instigation for Dee’s circular ‘co-ordinated table’ is the information given by the angels in the Actions, particularly the governance of days of the week by the seven septenaries, but it is possible that Dee’s choice of the table’s shape may have been in part influenced by The Book of the Formation» — cómo gradúa Whitby esa influencia: lo que manda es el dictado angélico sobre los días de la semana, y el Sefer Yetsirá solo pudo aportar la forma.

«In Dee’s table the seven circles may be intended to represent the orbits of the seven planets, since the forty-nine spirits are responsible for various operations within the created universe» — la lectura que Whitby propone de los siete círculos de la tabla de Dee, marcada como conjetura.

«The roles of the forty-nine spirits, whom Dee calls ‘angels’ in his ‘co-ordinated table’ are confused by the fact that King Baligon has the alias of Carmara and Prince Bagenol has the alias of Hagonel and that under these alternative names the spirits have different offices» — la confusión que Whitby señala en el reparto de oficios: dos de los espíritus tienen alias y bajo el alias cambian de competencia.

«King Bobogel The government of wisdom. Prince Bornogo The perfecting of nature and the knowledge of all metals» — los dos primeros oficios de la lista que Whitby levanta: el gobierno de la sabiduría y el perfeccionamiento de la naturaleza con el conocimiento de todos los metales.

«King Blumaza King over the kings of earth. Prince Bralges The government of all invisible subjects. King Babalel The government of the waters. Prince Befafes The government of seas» — la continuación de esa lista: rey sobre los reyes de la tierra, gobierno de los súbditos invisibles, de las aguas y de los mares.

«King Bnaspol The government of the earth. Prince Blisdon The government of the earth and all subterranean things. King Bynepor The general state and condition of all living things. Prince Butmono Responsible for the life and breath in all living creatures» — el resto: la tierra y lo subterráneo, y el estado general de todo lo viviente con su vida y su aliento.

«In the alias of Carmara, Baligon is responsible for the understanding of all sciences and in the alias of Hagonel, Bagenol governs operations of the earth and also the two generations of the Sons of Light» — qué cambia con los alias, según Whitby: bajo otro nombre los mismos espíritus rigen las ciencias y a los Hijos de la Luz.

«Dee was instructed that if he wished to perform a particular act or achieve a certain effect, he should invoke the aid of the king or prince who was responsible for the area of existence in which the act lay» — la regla práctica del sistema: se invoca al rey o príncipe competente en la materia.

«At this point the magical system evolved in the manuscript took a practical and positively daemonic turn» — el punto en que, según Whitby, el sistema pasa a ser demónico en sentido práctico.

«Each king and prince had his own seal, but while the seals of the princes are shown in this manuscript, the seals of the kings are not. They may however be gleaned from Sloane MS 3191, which is a collection of all the information given concerning the forty-nine spirits under the title of De heptarchia mystica» — el hueco documental de este manuscrito y de dónde se llena: los sellos de los reyes están en otro códice.

«Each king and prince governs a day of the week. Sunday is governed by Bobogel and Bornogo while Monday is governed by Blumaza and Bralges, although Carmara and Hagonel are also given this responsibility, but in a ‘general’ rather than particular sense.8 Babalel and Befafes govern Tuesday, Bnaspol and Blisdon govern Wednesday, and Bynepor and Butmono govern Thursday. Friday is governed by Baligon and Bagenol while Saturday is the responsibility of Bnapsen and Brorges» — el reparto semanal completo entre los reyes y príncipes, según Whitby.

«Each king and prince has under him ‘six perfect ministers’ who each govern a four hour part of the day which the king and prince govern in its entirety. Unlike the names of the spirits up to this point, the names of these ‘ministers’ are for the most part unpronounceable» — el escalón siguiente del sistema: seis ministros por cada pareja, cada uno con cuatro horas del día, y con nombres casi impronunciables.

«These spirits also assist the offices of their kings and princes. There is some confusion in the presentation of these tables, for in the first case Hagonel is a prince while the remaining governing spirits who make the presentation are kings. The presentation is not in the order of the days of the week governed and as the presentation proceeds, more emphasis is placed upon the spirits in their roles of assisting the offices of their kings and princes than in their government of parts of each day» — la incoherencia que Whitby señala en cómo se presentan esas tablas: el orden no sigue los días y el énfasis se desplaza a mitad de camino.

«The names of the six ministers are sometimes referred to as being forty-two minsters, each letter standing for an individual spirit. The names of these ministers were to be written on the perimeter of a circular seal or lamine and when Dee wished to invoke the aid of any king or prince he was to stand upon the relevant seal» — la otra manera de contarlos y su uso ritual: cuarenta y dos ministros, letra por espíritu, escritos en el perímetro de un sello sobre el que Dee debía pararse; la grafía *minsters* es del OCR.

«Further seals were to be made from a table that Kelly had presented to Dee but which is no longer extant. This table was circular, had a figure with a sword in the centre who represented Nature (see 102b, 15), and contained letters appertaining to the forty-nine spirits, some of these being written backwards. ‘The Characters and words annexed to the Kings names in the vtter circumference’ of the missing table were to be painted upon ‘swete wood’ and held by Dee in his hand but the precise use and function of this is not explained» — una pérdida documental y un cabo suelto que Whitby declara: la tabla circular de Kelly no se conserva y el uso de lo que de ella salía no se explica.

«As more and more spirits and magical instruments are derived from the table of forty-nine spirits, the exposition of the magical system in the manuscript becomes more and more confused and eventually the angels concentrate more upon the writing of the Book of Enoch9 than upon the roles of the forty-nine spirits. Information concerning the spirits begins to peter out as the Book of Enoch starts to dominate the Actions» — el desplazamiento interno del manuscrito, según Whitby: cuanto más se ramifica el sistema, menos se habla de él y más del Libro de Enoc.

«Nevertheless it is important to note that the revelation of the forty-nine governing spirits makes the magical system daemonic in a very practical way. Dee was even to request instructions as to how to use the spirits who governed the earth to help him discover some supposed buried treasure» — lo que Whitby considera decisivo del sistema de los cuarenta y nueve: lo vuelve demónico en la práctica, hasta pedir instrucciones para desenterrar un tesoro.

«This seal, if made of gold and worn on the breast as a talisman would defend the body in every place and time and at every occasion (9b, 3– 4), although whether this defence was against attack by evil spirits or against physical violence offered by other men was not declared» — la primera pieza que Uriel muestra a Kelly el 10 de marzo de 1582 y su virtud, con lo que el manuscrito deja sin decir: contra qué defiende.

«The triangle represents the decad, a number of perfection since ‘it contains in itself all computations» — el sentido numérico del lamen triangular según Whitby: el diez, que contiene en sí todos los cómputos.

«Dee also saw much significance in that his own name could be expressed by the letter delta. In a letter to the Emperor Rudolf II dated 17 August 1584, he calls himself Triplicis Alphabeti, litera Quarta (TFR, p. 218), thereby also linking his name with the tetraktys (see Commentary to 18a, 9). The lamine therefore in part represents Dee’s name» — la lectura onomástica del lamen: Dee firmaba con la delta y en 1584 se llamó a sí mismo ante Rodolfo II la cuarta letra del triple alfabeto, ligando su nombre a la tetraktys.

«The remaining symbols do not resemble the customary seals of angels and I have not been able to offer much explanation of their origins» — la abstención de Whitby sobre el resto de los símbolos del lamen.

«The lamen which is to be used to invoke any good spirit, you shall make after this manner; either in metal conformable: or it may be made in clean paper, with convenient colours: and the outward form or figure thereof may be square, circular, or triangular, or of the like sort, according to the rule of the numbers: in which there must be written the divine names, as well the general names as the special. And in the centre of the Lamen, let there be drawn a character of six corners: in the middle whereof, let there be written the name and character of the Star, or of the spirit his governour, to whom the good spirit that is to be called is subject. And about this character, let there be placed so many characters of five corners, as the spirits we would call together at once. And if we shall call onely one spirit, nevertheless there shall be made four Pentagones, wherein the name of the spirit or spirits, with their characters, is to be written. Now this table ought to be composed when the Moon is increasing, on those days and hours which then agree to the Spirit. And if we take a fortunate starre herewith, it will be the better» — la receta del Cuarto Libro atribuido a Agrippa para el lamen de invocación, que Whitby cita como comparando: forma cuadrada, circular o triangular según el número, con nombres divinos y pentágonos según cuántos espíritus se llamen, y hecha en luna creciente.

«The triangular shape of Dee’s lamine is concordant with the description in this pseudo-Agrippan work but the remainder of the instructions are more relevant to the Holy Table and it is clear that Dee’s lamine is very individual. Its purpose is also more as a protective talisman than as an instrument of invocation» — hasta dónde llega el paralelo, según Whitby: coincide la forma y poco más, y la función es protectora, no invocatoria.

«Dee was further instructed on 28 April 1582 that the lamine was to be hung (presumably still on the breast) ‘vnseen, in some skarf (32a, 19–20). At that date the lamine had still not been made and in fact it was never made for on 29 April 1583 the spirit II told Dee that ‘the Character is fals and diuilish» — el final del lamen, que nunca llegó a hacerse: un año después la entidad Il declara falso y diabólico el carácter que se había mandado grabar.

«Early in the scrying experiments with Kelly, Dee was instructed by Michael to make a ring bearing the name PELE, which is a name of God meaning ‘a worker of miracles, or causing wonders» — el anillo PELE que Michael manda hacer, con la glosa del nombre que Whitby toma de Agrippa: obrador de milagros.

«Although Dee is told that ‘without this, thow shalt do nothing’ (12b, 3), there is no evidence that the ring was ever made and there is a most curious statement by Michael that he will lessen the ring by a yard, which does not make a great deal of sense» — el anillo nunca se hizo, y Whitby declara además sin resolver una frase de Michael sobre acortarlo en una yarda.

«Rings also, which were alwaies much esteemed of by the Ancients, when they are opportunely made, do in like manner impress their vertue upon us, in as much as they do affect the spirit of him that carries them with gladness or sadness, and render him courteous, or terrible, bold, or fearfull, aimiable, or hatefull; in as much also as they do fort ifie us against sickness, poisons, enemies, evill spirits, and all manner of hurtfull things, or at least will not suffer us to be kept under them» — el pasaje de Agrippa sobre la virtud de los anillos que Whitby propone como clave del uso del PELE: imprimen su virtud en quien los lleva y lo fortalecen contra enfermedades, venenos, enemigos y espíritus malos.

«On 16 November 1582 the spirit Carmara appeared holding a rod of office which was later described as being divided into three parts, two parts being black and the middle section being coloured red» — la vara de oficio con que aparece el espíritu Carmara, y su división tripartita en dos negros y un rojo al medio.

«Raphael defined this difference as ‘the E1, rod, or measure which all ready is deliuered the stroke of which, bringeth all things, in theyr degree, to an ende» — cómo define Raphael la vara en el manuscrito: la medida cuyo golpe lleva todas las cosas a su fin según su grado.

«Raphael appears to be speaking metaphorically, using ‘El’ in the sense of ‘ell’ as a unit of measurement but ignoring its specific length of 45 inches» — la primera lectura que Whitby ensaya del nombre de la vara: la unidad de medida inglesa, sin su longitud.

«Dee was copying down what he heard Kelly relate that the angels spoke and therefore Dee is in the first instance responsible for the spelling of ‘El’ rather than ‘ell’» — la cadena de responsabilidad que Whitby reconstruye para la grafía: el ángel habla por Kelly y quien escribe es Dee.

«He was very alive to the possibility of such connections, even to the point of declaring that he liked the letter ‘L’ best of all the alphabet since it had the same sound as the name of God ‘El’» — el dato que Whitby aporta sobre la sensibilidad de Dee a esos juegos: declaraba preferir la letra ele por sonar como el nombre de Dios.

«On the other hand Dee makes no note that he is equating ‘ell’ with ‘El’ of his own accord and it would be characteristic of him to make such a note were he to feel entirely responsible for the thought. Thus it is fair to conclude that he believed the angel to have said ‘El’ (the capital letter excludes the possibility of a shortened spelling of ‘ell’» — el argumento con que Whitby resuelve la duda a favor del nombre divino: Dee habría anotado la ocurrencia si fuera suya, y la mayúscula lo excluye.

«is the most widely distributed of all names for Deity, being used in Babylonian, Aramaean, Phoenician, Hebrew, and Arabic…It has been referred to the Heb[rew] root ‘to be strong’…others have referred it to an Arab[ic] root , meaning ‘to be in front’ (hence awwal, ‘first’), ‘to govern’, and assigned to it the sense of ‘leader’» — la nota lexicográfica que Whitby cita sobre el nombre El: el más difundido de todos los nombres de la divinidad, con dos etimologías propuestas.

«The name El equates the rod not only with God, but also with the cross (see Commentary to 19a, 19–22), thereby giving it a Christian role» — el segundo sentido que Whitby le encuentra a la vara, remitiendo a su propio comentario.

«The possible reference to an ell would suggest that the rod is 45 inches long and although such a rod would be rather unwieldy it is possibly significant that each division of the rod would be 15 inches long as 15 is the numerical value of another name of God , Jah» — la conjetura métrica y su rendimiento numérico: cada tercio de la vara mediría quince pulgadas, que es el valor de otro nombre de Dios.

«There is some implication in Raphael’s words at 63b, 13–18 and Carmara’s words at 58a, 21–24 that Dee is to make such a rod. No specific instruction is given and there is no record of Dee making such a rod, but the possibility cannot be discounted» — la abstención de Whitby sobre si la vara llegó a hacerse.

«The seven tables shown between fols 33a and 35b are called the seven ‘Ensigns of Creation’. Dee was instructed to make these tables in tin (102b, 28), but in the end they were painted upon the Holy Table, as he was given leave to do» — las siete enseñas de la Creación y el cambio de material: se mandaron en estaño y acabaron pintadas sobre la mesa santa.

«The presentation of the seven ‘Ensigns’ is a rather confused affair but clearly relates to the six days of the Creation and quite probably to the alchemical search for the Philosophers’ Stone» — la doble lectura que Whitby propone para las enseñas, declarando de entrada que la presentación es confusa.

«In George Ripley’s The Compound of Alchymie (1471) twelve stages are assigned to the alchemical process. The first six lead to the making of the white stone which has the power to make base metals into silver, and then this may be turned into the ‘red stone’, the Philosophers’ Stone itself, through processes somewhat repetitive of the previous stages» — la escala de George Ripley que Whitby usa como rejilla: doce etapas, seis hasta la piedra blanca que hace plata y luego la roja.

«Since alchemy was as much a religious philosophy as a practical art, the changing of the white stone to the red may be compared with purification of the soul» — cómo justifica Whitby leer el paso de la piedra blanca a la roja en clave espiritual.

«I do not wish to place too much emphasis upon the similarities between the two creations, but such a comparison will help to clarify much of the svmbolism in the visions that accompany the showing of each Ensign of Creation» — la reserva con que Whitby introduce su propia comparación entre la creación bíblica y la obra alquímica: sirve para aclarar el simbolismo, no para identificarlas.

«My reason for regarding the visions as to some extent alchemical is on account of a vision at the very beginning of the demonstration of the Ensigns which shows ‘a great hill of gold with serpents» — la visión que funda la lectura alquímica de Whitby: un gran cerro de oro con serpientes al comienzo de la demostración de las enseñas.

«The hill may represent the Philosophers’ Stone and the serpent ‘matter in its imperfect unregenerate state’. As I have said in the Commentary, in which I have also detailed possible alchemical symbolism in each vision, the vision represents ‘the goal to which Dee aspires (wisdom or the Philosophers’ Stone) beset by troubles (the serpents as evil) or by impurities (the serpents as unregenerate matter» — cómo interpreta Whitby esa imagen, con las dos lecturas de la serpiente que él mismo deja abiertas: el mal o la materia sin regenerar.

«When Dee asked what the use of these seven Ensigns was to be, he received the rather unsatisfactory reply: ‘they are the ensignes of the Creation; wherewithall they were created by God: known onely by theyr acquaintance, and the manner of theyr doings» — la respuesta que Dee recibe cuando pregunta para qué sirven las enseñas, y que Whitby califica de insatisfactoria.

«It is not possible to say how many show-stones or crystals Dee possessed, but mention is made in the manuscript of three» — el censo que Whitby puede hacer de las piedras de Dee, con su límite declarado.

«This stone was given to Dee by a friend (9a, 10) and was the one which Dee brought out when Kelly made his first attempt at scrying» — la procedencia de la piedra montada en marco con que Kelly estrenó su oficio.

«E[dward] K[elly] loked toward my west wyndow, and saw there first vppon the matts by my bokes a thing, (to his thinking) as big as an egg: most bright, clere, and glorious: and an angel of the heyth of a little chylde holding vp the same thing in his hand toward me…I went toward the place, which E K pointed to: and tyll I cam within two fote of it, I saw nothing: and then I saw like a shaddow, on the grownd or matts hard by my bokes vnder the west window. The shaddow was rowndysh and less then the palm of my hand. I put my hand down vppon it, and I felt a thing cold and hard: which (taking vp I) perceyued to be the stone before mentioned» — la escena del 21 de noviembre de 1582 en el registro de Dee: Kelly ve un ángel del tamaño de un niño sosteniendo algo brillante como un huevo, y Dee, que no ve nada hasta acercarse, encuentra en el suelo una sombra redonda que resulta ser fría y dura.

«In 1801 Francis Barrett stated that ‘although Dee’s manuscripts and his Magic Crystall are to be seen at the Museum there are six or seven individuals in London who assert they have the stone in their possession; thereby wishing to deceive the incredulous» — lo que Francis Barrett denunciaba en 1801: media docena de londinenses decían tener la piedra de Dee para engañar a los crédulos y venderles la suya a precio enorme.

«The particularly interesting part of this claim is that many people claim to have the magic crystal that belonged to Dee whereas Sloane MS 3188 clearly shows that he possessed at least three if not more» — la objeción de fondo que Whitby le pone a toda esa disputa: el manuscrito registra varias piedras, no una.

«This claim that Dee used one stone has resulted in Dee being attributed with owning a mirror of black obsidian and Aztec origin which is also now in the possession of the British Museum» — el efecto de esa creencia, según Whitby: la atribución a Dee de un espejo de obsidiana de origen azteca.

«This mirror has been dated as having been made between the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries and probably brought back to Europe after the conquest of Mexico by Cortes circa 1520–1530. During the seventeenth century the mirror entered the collections of the Earl of Peterborough and then by inheritance came into the possession of Lady Elizabeth Germain (d. 1769). In 1770 it was purchased in an auction by the Duke of Argyle and then in 1771 presented by his son Lord Frederic Campbell to Horace Walpole» — la cadena de propietarios del espejo de obsidiana que Whitby reconstruye, desde la conquista de México hasta Horace Walpole.

«It was last seen in the Magniac Sale at Christie’s in 1892, and after that, it disappeared from view into private hands. There were various stories that it had gone to Germany and had been lost during the war, and no one really had the slightest idea where it had disappeared to. One afternoon, I was sitting in my room, and a messenger came in to say that there was a gentleman in the waiting-room asking to see me. He said he was a bishop and, even more surprisingly, that he had Dr Dee’s magic mirror with him—and would I like to see it? Of course, I was a little sceptical. I asked him to be shown in, and we went straight ahead from there, and it turned out to be a winner. There we were looking at the lost —so thought lost—Dr Dee’s mirror» — cómo contó Hugh Tait, del British Museum, la reaparición del espejo en 1966: un obispo se presentó en la sala de espera con él.

«All this proves, however, is that the British Museum is in possession of the mirror that Walpole once possessed and which Walpole claimed was that used by Dee in the Actions» — el límite exacto de lo que ese hallazgo permite afirmar, según Whitby: la identidad con el espejo de Walpole, no con el de Dee.

«Yet such is the power of the legend that Dee used a mirror that Dr Peter French (author of John Dee) said in the same interview that on the Holy Table ‘would have been placed either the mirror or one of Dee’s crystals, as he had several objects in which to try to conjure angels» — cómo esa leyenda llega al discurso académico, según Whitby: el biógrafo Peter French da por hecho en la radio que sobre la mesa santa iba el espejo o un cristal.

«Tait was rather more circumspect in his written article on the subject, however, admitting that ‘the references to specific objects are so vague that in no instance [in Dee’s writings] can the obsidian “mirror” be recognised» — el contraste que Whitby subraya entre lo que Hugh Tait afirmó al aire y lo que escribió: en los papeles de Dee no hay pasaje en que se reconozca el espejo de obsidiana.

«Dee did possess a glass that he was particularly proud of and when the Queen visited him on the day of his first wife’s burial she requested Dee to fetch the ‘glass so famous, and to shew unto her some of the properties of it» — el vidrio que Isabel pidió ver el día del entierro de la primera mujer de Dee, según la Compendious Rehearsal.

«The Queen went away pleased and it can hardly be that Dee presented to the Queen such a dangerous practice as the summoning of angels, for which he always used a scryer anyway» — el argumento con que Whitby descarta que ese vidrio fuera el de las Acciones: Dee no habría montado ante la reina una invocación, y además siempre necesitaba vidente.

«Yet even this glass does not suggest itself as that now in the British Museum for Dee is here clearly talking about a concave mirror and the black obsidian mirror is flat» — la objeción física de Whitby: el vidrio del Preface es cóncavo y el espejo del museo es plano.

«Furthermore on 4 December 1588 Dee gave the glass ‘so highly and long estemed of Our Quene’ to Kelly, who gave it to Lord Rosenberg who subsequently gave it to Emperor Rudolf II» — la cadena por la que ese vidrio salió de manos de Dee, según su diario: Kelly, Rosenberg, el emperador.

«Dee’s customary word for a mirror is ‘a glass’ and it is clear from various marginal sketches that when he refers to a ‘stone’ he means a spherical crystal» — la distinción léxica que Whitby establece leyendo los dibujos marginales del propio Dee.

«The speculum brought by the angel might be the obsidian mirror in that Dee at first mistakes it for a round shadow, and it is cold and hard, yet he does consistently refer to it as a stone and in Kelly’s description it is only ‘as big as an egg’» — los argumentos a favor y en contra de identificar la piedra traída por el ángel con el espejo, sopesados sin resolver.

«The light from the west wirdow would cause the top half of a spherical crystal on the floor to be more translucent in the top half than the bottom, which would partly show the ‘matts’ or floor, and consequently it night at first be taken for a round shadow» — la explicación óptica con que Whitby salva la descripción de la sombra redonda para un cristal esférico; la grafía *wirdow* es del OCR.

«A marginal note to fol. 101b declares that the angelic stone is half an inch thick, which agrees well with the 13mm thickness of the obsidian mirror, but this is also the approximate diameter of the spherical crystal in the British Museum» — el dato métrico que Whitby coteja y que no decide nada: el grosor declarado cuadra con el espejo y también con el diámetro del cristal.

«The system expounded between 1581 and 1583 concerns the forty-nine spirits whose names all begin with the letter ‘B’ and the Sons and Daughters of Light but by 1584 these have faded into the background in favour of exposition of the roles and associates of the thirty ‘Aethyrs’, all of whose names are of three letters» — el cambio de sistema que Whitby data en 1584: los cuarenta y nueve espíritus y los Hijos de la Luz pasan a segundo plano ante los treinta Aethyrs.

«The fourth book, De heptarchia mystica, is of prime concern, however, for it contains a summary of the information delivered concerning the forty-nine spirits whose names are to be found in the table at fol. 41a. The work contains invocations to the kings and princes among these spirits for each day of the week and shows the seals of the kings that are referred to but not described in Sloane MS 3188. The book is essentially a collation of the information given in the Actions between 29 April and 21 November 1582 and is in Pec’s hand. Its purpose was to provide Dee with ready access to all that he needed for the practical summoning of these spirits without having to search through his copy of the Actions» — qué es y para qué servía la De heptarchia mystica, según Whitby: un manual de consulta rápida que colaciona lo dictado entre abril y noviembre de 1582.

«The Book of Enoch, otherwise called Liber Logaeth (‘Book of the Speech of God’) and Liber mysteriorum sextus et sanctus, is in Kelly’s hand and consists of forty-nine ‘calls’ in the angelic language (delivered first between fols 80b-85b of Sloane MS 3188), ninety-five tables of squares (forty-nine by forty-nine), filled with letters and occasionally numbers, two similar tables unfilled, and four tables drawn twice as large as the others» — la descripción material del Libro de Enoc según Whitby: de mano de Kelly, cuarenta y nueve llamadas y noventa y cinco tablas de cuarenta y nueve por cuarenta y nueve casillas.

«This is rather at odds with the description that the book should consist of forty-nine leaves, one of which is secret and ‘neyther is, was or shalbc known» — la discrepancia entre lo dictado y lo hecho, que Whitby consigna sin armonizar: se mandaron cuarenta y nueve hojas, una de ellas secreta, y la cuenta solo cuadraría descartando las cuatro últimas tablas.

«The book was to be written in forty days19 and was finished on 6 May 1583, the thirty-ninth day after the very first Enochian ‘call’ was delivered on 29 March (Good Friday). The instruction that the book should be written in 40 days was giwen on 6 April, the day when the second series of calls, which begin the Book of Enoch, were first delivered, and there is a great deal of confusion as to when the forty days are supposed to begin» — la confusión de fechas sobre el plazo de cuarenta días, declarada por Whitby y remitida a su comentario; la grafía *giwen* es del OCR.

«The tables were to be written from right to left and from the back of the book to the front, but Sloane MS 3189 is written normally. A further instruction was given that the book was to be rewritten in Enochian script, but despite frequent offers of angelic help (sec TFR. pp. 78, 160 & 120), it does not seem to have been done» — dos instrucciones que no se cumplieron: la escritura invertida y la copia en caracteres enoquianos.

«The first copy of the book was to be bound in blue (see fol. 79b) while the copy in Enochian script was to have a ‘skin’ of silver (TFR, p. 159) which Dee was in fact unable to have done successfully» — las encuadernaciones mandadas y no logradas: azul la primera copia y de plata la enoquiana.

«It was from the tables that the invocations in the 48 Claues angelicae were obtained by finding letters in various squares according to a kind of grid reference and each table had reference to particular kinds» — el primer uso del libro según Whitby: de sus tablas salen las invocaciones por una especie de referencia de cuadrícula.

«The main purpose however was in conjunction with the Holy Table to herald in a new age upon earth that would precede the end of all things. The details of how the book was to be used for this purpose were never delivered and the Actions continually delay imparting specific information as to the precise use of the Book of Enoch in this respect» — el propósito mayor del libro y lo que nunca se entregó: cómo usarlo para inaugurar la nueva edad.

«This language presents the greatest single problem of Dee’s Actions with spirits. It is supposed to be the language that the angels taught to Adam and, to expropriate Francis Bacon’s words, constitutes the ‘knowledge by the light whereof man did give names unto other creatures in Paradise, as they were brought before him, according to their proprieties» — cómo califica Whitby la lengua angélica y qué se supone que es: la que los ángeles enseñaron a Adán para nombrar a las criaturas según sus propiedades.

«It is supposedly the language in which things are named as they are, rather than as they seem to be or by any arbitrary process. Enochian embodies that direct name-thing relationship which in Plato’s Cratylus is suggested as existing in the earliest form of language and which in the Christian tradition is supposed to be the language before Babel» — el supuesto lingüístico que Whitby identifica detrás: la relación nombre-cosa del Crátilo y la lengua anterior a Babel.

«One thing in which the kabbalists were united was their view of Hebrew as ‘language in its purest form’, having a mystical value because it ‘reflects the fundamental spiritual nature of the world’, 21 but Enochian supposedly surpasses Hebrew as ‘the holy tongue’» — la pretensión del enoquiano frente al hebreo, según Whitby.

«This kind of verbal force rests on a theory of language according to which there is a real, not conventional, connection between words and what they denote; moreover the word is not merely like a quality of the things it designates, such as its colour or weight; it is, or exactly represents, its essence or substance. A formula of words, therefore, may not only be an adequate substitute for the things denoted, but may even be more powerful» — la teoría del poder verbal que Whitby toma de D. P. Walker: la palabra no se parece a la cosa, es o representa exactamente su esencia, y puede ser más poderosa que ella.

«Two main problems present themselves with the Enochian language: firstly what is the source of the language’s unique script, and secondly is it indeed a language in any formal sense» — las dos preguntas con que Whitby ordena el problema del enoquiano: de dónde sale su escritura y si es una lengua en sentido formal.

«The Enochian alphabet consists of twenty-one characters, the addition of a dot to a Previous character making an alphabet corresponding to twenty-two letters as in Hebrew (see fol. 64b). Each character has a name that has no apparent connection with the phonetic nature of the language» — la descripción del alfabeto enoquiano: veintiún caracteres, veintidós con el punto añadido como en hebreo, y nombres de letra sin relación con su sonido.

«One possible source that may be mentioned, but which unfortunately is impossible to check is the so called Book of Soyga that Dee possessed but which is now lost» — la fuente que Whitby no puede comprobar: el Libro de Soyga que Dee tenía y que se dio por perdido.

«The book was first mentioned by Dee on 10 March 1582 when Uriel informed Dee that the ‘book was revealed to Adam in Paradise by God’s good angels’ (fol. 9a) and that the angel Michael could interpret the book which is later referred to by Dee as being ‘written in tables and numbers» — lo que los ángeles dijeron del Soyga en la primera sesión con Kelly: revelado a Adán en el Paraíso y solo interpretable por Michael.

«By 18 April 1583 Dee is unable to find the book and is told that ‘a minister has it’ and that ‘it is nothing worth’ containing ‘false and illuding witchcrafts» — el vuelco angélico sobre el mismo libro un año después: no vale nada y contiene brujerías falsas y engañosas.

«The book evidently gives an alphabet which like Enochian gives names to the letters, for Dee says on 29 April 1583 that as far as he remembers ‘Zadzaczadlin was Adam by the Alphabet thereof (fol. 96a), zad being the letter ‘a’, zac being the letter ‘d’, and lin being the letter ‘m’» — el único resto del Soyga que Whitby puede reconstruir, por lo que Dee recordaba: un alfabeto que nombra sus letras y en el que Adán se escribe Zadzaczadlin.

«The translation of the calls in 48 Claues angelicae is rather free, often using five or six words in English to one in Enochian (e.g. cordziz is translated as ‘man’, ‘reasonable creature’, and ‘the reasonable creatures of Earth, or Man» — cómo es la traducción de las llamadas enoquianas, según Whitby: una palabra enoquiana rinde cinco o seis inglesas.

«Also of the 250 or so different words that appear, more than half only make a single appearance, but nevertheless given the freedom of the translation there is a marked consistency in the meanings given to each word at separate appearances» — el dato léxico que Whitby mide y la consistencia que reconoce pese a la libertad de la traducción.

«Also some words have definite roots (e.g. gohus, ‘I say’; gohe or goho, ‘he says’; gohia, ‘we say’; goho1, ‘saying’; gohulim, ‘it is said’), but there is no consistency of endings either for verbs or nouns with clear roots» — lo que en el enoquiano funciona como lengua y lo que no: hay raíces verbales pero no desinencias regulares.

«Finally it is difficult to say more than that we have examples of one or possibly two closely related languages that are coherent enough to seem like a genuine language and yet irregular enough to defy the rules that we come to expect from a language in any formal sense» — la conclusión de Whitby sobre el estatuto del enoquiano: coherente como para parecer lengua e irregular como para no serlo.

«The first series of calls are the kind of nonsense language one might make up if asked to speak and the 48 Claues angelicae contains the kind of nonsense language one might write, while taking some care to remember the arbitrary meanings of words used more than once» — la distinción que Whitby hace entre las dos series de llamadas: una es lengua inventada al hablar y la otra al escribir, con cuidado de recordar los significados arbitrarios.

«or unconscious thought is hard to determine, but the mixture of regularity and irregularity in the language might provide further evidence that Kelly both genuinely went into a trance like state and consciously fabricated visions and revelations to maintain his credibility in the eyes of Dee» — lo que Whitby cree que esa mezcla de regularidad e irregularidad indica: trance genuino y fabricación consciente a la vez, sin decidir de dónde salió la lengua.

«Dee first received instructions for making the Holy Table as early as 10 March 1582 (see fol. 10a), but the early plan was later declared to be false and it was not until 26 April 1583 that he received the altered details for the table which brought together certain elements of the system of 49 spirits and the Enochian script» — las dos versiones de la mesa santa: la primera se declaró falsa y la definitiva llega en abril de 1583 juntando los dos sistemas.

«The table is no longer extant, although it did survive Dee and was seen by Ashmole in John Cotton’s Library.27 He described it as being ‘composed of 3 boards broad=waies beside the borderings; of a fine grained wood & very heavy, but the scent now lost» — el destino de la mesa y la única descripción de testigo que queda, la de Ashmole en la biblioteca de John Cotton: tres tablas de madera de grano fino y muy pesada, con el olor ya perdido.

«Ashmole measured the table meticulously and all measurements that I shall give derive from his description» — de dónde salen todas las medidas que Whitby da de la mesa santa.

«Twenty one letters were painted down each side, those at each corner being the letter ‘B’ in Enochian script on a gold background. The letters were obtained from a table rearranging the letters of the kings and princes of the forty-nine spirits whose names all began with the letter ‘B’» — la inscripción del borde de la mesa: veintiuna letras enoquianas por lado y una B sobre fondo de oro en cada esquina, sacadas de una tabla de los nombres de los reyes y príncipes.

«In the engraving of the table in TFR with its Enochian characters the letters in the top and bottom borders are written from right to left and the letters in the side borders are not only written from right to left but have exchanged sides as well. This latter move is rather hard to justify as consistency would also demand that the top and bottom borders were exchanged which they are not» — la incoherencia que Whitby detecta entre el plan manuscrito y el grabado impreso: los bordes laterales se leen al revés y además intercambiados, sin que los de arriba y abajo lo hagan.

«When Ashmole saw the table in John Cotton’s library he found laid on the frame ‘the wooden case which holds the Table of Practise, the foreside of which is closed with 3 Iron Hasps, to be locked vp with 3 Padlocks» — cómo estaba guardada la mesa cuando Ashmole la vio: en una caja de madera con tres broches de hierro y tres candados.

«The pedestal or frame was made at Lasko in Poland in 1584» — dónde y cuándo se hizo el pie de la mesa, según la edición de Casaubon.

«I have not been able to trace any specific sources for the design of the Holy Table, but the main scheme of a square table standing upon four small seals and upon which a larger seal would be placed could be derived from a manuscript copy of the Key of Solomon» — la búsqueda negativa de Whitby sobre el diseño de la mesa, y la única filiación que se atreve a proponer.

«Whether Kelly saw a version of the Key of Solomon is uncertain but it was a common manuscript work and most persons involved in occult matters would have read it at some time» — la reserva con que Whitby sostiene esa filiación: la Clave circulaba tanto que casi cualquiera del oficio la habría leído.

«The details of the inscriptions of the seals and Holy Table are Kelly’s own, however, arising from the system that was gradually evolved during the Actions» — y a quién adjudica Whitby lo demás: las inscripciones son de Kelly, salidas del sistema que se fue formando en las sesiones.

«It is uncertain whether the Holy Table was ever in fact used in an Action. Dee was instructed that the table, the seals, the Character of Dignification and the Book of Enoch were to be used when ‘the time’ had come, but the date for their use is continually delayed and no specific reference remains in Dee’s writings to their being employed» — la abstención de Whitby sobre el uso de la mesa: la fecha se aplazaba siempre y no queda constancia de que se empleara.

«In the Action of 22 June 1583 Dee wrote that Kelly ‘sate in the green Chair, by the holy Table, or place’ (TFR, p. 25), but if this is a reference to the Holy Table itself, it only seems to indicate its being kept near at hand in readiness. The ordinary table upon which the stone was usually set (see fol. 47b) might in the circumstances be regarded as holy. The lack of a capital letter for ‘holy’ may or may not be significant here» — el único pasaje que podría indicar lo contrario, y las dos razones por las que Whitby no lo da por concluyente: la mesa pudo estar solo cerca, y la minúscula de *holy* pudo no ser casual.

«The instructions which Dee received concerning the use of the Holy Table and its associated magical implements are specific in relation to their arrangement, but vague with regard to actual ceremony, particularly concerning the Book of Enoch» — el desequilibrio de las instrucciones, según Whitby: precisas para la disposición de los objetos y vagas para la ceremonia.

«The table was to stand upon the four smaller versions of the Sigillum Dei, which were to be placed in small wooden protective covers (fol. 101b). The instructions for the first version of the Holy Table stated that red silk, two yards square, was to be laid underneath the table and a square piece of red silk ‘somewhat broader then the Table’ and with a tassel at each corner was to be laid over the large version of the Sigillum Dei, which was itself placed in the centre of the table» — el montaje completo del altar: los cuatro sellos menores bajo las patas, dos sedas rojas y el sello mayor en el centro de la mesa.

«Later it is declared that ‘the sylk, must be of diuerse cullors, the most changeable that can be gotten» — el cambio posterior sobre la seda, que Whitby consigna junto a la instrucción anterior sin armonizarlas.

«whether this would be over or under the silk is not clear. On top of this character was to be set the angelic stone, presumably in a frame» — la duda que Whitby declara sobre el remate del montaje: no se dice si el Carácter de Dignificación iba encima o debajo de la seda, y sobre él se ponía la piedra angélica.

«if Dee wished to engage the help of one of the 49 spirits he was to stand upon the relevant circular seal, place the individual seal of the king or prince upon the Holy Table and use the appropriate invocation from De heptarchia mystica» — el otro procedimiento, el de los cuarenta y nueve espíritus: pararse en el sello correspondiente, poner el del rey o príncipe sobre la mesa y usar la invocación del día.

«The Holy Table docs not seem to have been used as commanded and it would appear that Kelly introduced the thirty ‘Aethyrs’ when it seemed that the practical operation of the already accumulated magical implements might be put to the test» — la conjetura con que Whitby cierra el capítulo: Kelly introdujo los treinta Aethyrs justo cuando el aparato acumulado iba a tener que probarse; la grafía *docs* es del OCR.

«being ‘now at the end of his dayes’ (sig.Δ.lr). He was fifty years of age» — cómo se describía Dee al publicar los General and Rare Memorials en 1577, según Whitby: al cabo de sus días, y con cincuenta años.

«had endeavoured throughout his life to use his ‘great Talent of knowledge and Sciences’ to make ‘the State Publik of this BRYTISH MONARCHIE, to become florishing, in HONOR, WEALTH, and STRENGTH’, only to be rewarded with the indifference of ‘the Ingratefull and Thankles’ and the aspersions of ‘the skorners and Disdainers of such his faythfull enterprises» — el balance que Dee hace de su propia vida pública: talento puesto al servicio de la monarquía británica y a cambio ingratitud y escarnio.

«In the face of worldly disappointment and ingratitude for all his labours, he turned, in what he thought were his last years, from the realm of secular experiment and discovery to that of spiritual exploration and experience» — el giro que Whitby data ahí: del experimento secular a la exploración espiritual, en lo que Dee creía sus últimos años.

«O God Almighty, thow knowest, and art my director, and witnes herein, That I haue from my youth vp, desyred and prayed vnto the for pure and sownd wisdome and vnderstanding of some of thy truthes naturall and artificiall: such, as by which, thy wisdome, goodnes and powre bestowed in the frame of the world might be browght, in some bowntifull measure vnder the Talent of my Capacitie, to thy honor and glory, and the benefit of thy Servants, my brethern and Sistern, in, and by thy Christ our Saviour: And for as much as, many yeres, in many places, far and nere, in many bokes, and sundry languagis, I haue sowght, and studyed; and with sundry men conferred, and with my owne reasonable discourse laboured, whereby to fynde or get some ynckling, glyms or beame of such the forsaid radicall truthes: But, (to be brief) after all my forsaid endevor I could fynde no other way, to such true wisdome atteyning, but by thy extraordinary gift: and by no vulgar Schole doctrine, or humane Invention» — la protestación con que se abre el manuscrito, en palabras de Dee: tras años de libros, lenguas y conversaciones no halló otra vía a la sabiduría verdadera que el don extraordinario de Dios.

«we may infer here that Dee was disillusioned with his earlier labours as much on account of lack of recognition as on account of the failure of such labours to reveal God’s ‘radicall truthes» — cómo lee Whitby ese desengaño: pesa tanto la falta de reconocimiento como el fracaso del método.

«Furthermore Dee’s pride, which is often revealed in his defences of his work and reputation, shows through here in the statement that he has ever desired that God’s ‘wisdome, goodnes and powre…might be browght’ not in some little but ‘in some bowntifull measure» — la soberbia que Whitby detecta en la propia oración de Dee, a partir de una sola palabra: no pide una medida cualquiera sino abundante.

«Dee’s deep involyement with scrying arose in part from such disillusionment with the world of man and such expectations from the world of God, and also from two other causes, both promises: one was the promise of worldly wealth in the guise of buried treasure and the Philosophers’ Stone; the other was the promise that a new age was soon to dawn» — las tres causas que Whitby distingue del vuelco de Dee al scrying: desengaño, promesa de riqueza y promesa de una edad nueva; la grafía *involyement* es del OCR.

«It did not take Dee long to decipher the scroll which yielded a text in Latin which purported to have been written by a Dane who desired to let his countrymen know where to find some treasure that he had buried, and which to this end was accompanied by a diagram showing ten places» — qué decía el rollo que Kelly trajo, una vez descifrado: un danés indicando a sus paisanos dónde había enterrado un tesoro.

«The place names still do not make much sense when deciphered, but I think I have identified one as Meon hill near Blockley» — hasta dónde llega la identificación de esos lugares, según Whitby, que solo se atreve con uno.

«At first the angels were scornful of his worldly desires, but eventually he was informed that if he gathered a sample of earth from each of the ten places shown on the scroll and invoked the aid of the spirit Blisdon, the prince who governed the earth and all subterranean things, and his ministers, the treasure would be brought before him» — la instrucción que finalmente se le da a Dee para obtener el tesoro: tierra de los diez sitios e invocación del príncipe que gobierna lo subterráneo.

«Without explanation the ten places become eleven places with the addition of Newbury (see 103b, 10 & 106b, 3), but evidently Dee or Kelly was able to make some sense of the place names deciphered from the script on the scroll, for on 8 May Dee wrote that he was going to ‘lack the Cumpany of E K going for the Erthes…and to be away 10 or 12 dayes’ (fol. 104b). Kelly returned with ‘the erthes of the eleuen places before specifyed» — el cambio de cuenta que Whitby consigna sin explicación, y el viaje de Kelly a recoger las tierras.

«Dee had been able, almost to his own surprise, to obtain a licence from ‘the Governor and assistants for the Mines Royall’ for digging for treasure» — el permiso oficial que Dee llegó a conseguir para excavar.

«When Dee asked in an Action of 28 May precisely what was to be done with the samples of earth, he received the evasive answer that they would have perished had they remained in situ» — la respuesta evasiva que recibe cuando pregunta qué hacer con las tierras.

«The reply was again evasive, warning Dee that ‘small are the Treasures of this world, in respect of the wisdom that judgeth NATURE» — la respuesta con que el asunto del tesoro se cierra en 1584: pequeños son los tesoros de este mundo frente a la sabiduría que juzga la naturaleza.

«There is little credence to be attached to Aubrey’s note of Meredith Lloyd telling him of ‘John Dee conjuring at a poole in Brecknockshire, and that they found a wedge of gold; and that they were troubled, and indicted as conjurers at the assizes; that a mighty storme and tempest was raysed in harvest time, the countrey people had not known the like» — la anécdota de Dee conjurando en un estanque de Brecknockshire, que Whitby recoge y a la vez descarta como poco creíble.

«The spirit was spilled out, and burnt all that was on the table where it stode, lynnen and written bokes,—as the bok of Zacharius with the Alkanor that I translated out of French for som by spirituall could not; Rowlaschy his thrid boke of waters philosophicall; the boke called Angelicum Opus, all in pictures of the work from the beginning to the end; the copy of the man of Badwise Conclusions for the Transmutation of metalls; and 40 leaves in 4°, intitled, Extractiones Dunstani, which he himself extracted and noted out of Dunstan his boke, and the very boke of Dunstan was but cast on the bed hard by from the table» — el incendio de 1597 en el diario de Dee: la lámpara de Kelly quemó una mesa de libros alquímicos y el Libro de Dunstan se salvó por estar sobre la cama.

«In the Action of 18 April 1583 the spirit II ‘advised E K to communicate to me [Dee] the boke, and the powder, and so all the rest of the roll, which was there fownd: saying, true friendes vse not to hide any thing eche from other» — la reconvención de la entidad Il a Kelly por guardarse el libro, el polvo y el rollo, con la máxima que le opone; el troceo imprime la sigla del espíritu como *II*.

«The smallest cycle was of 20 years between the conjunctions of two major planets, which governed momentous events, largely internal to a country, changes in rule, rebellions, political crises etc; a second was known as a Triplicity, or Trigon, representing three signs of the ecliptic of 120°» — los dos primeros ciclos de la doctrina de los trígonos de Alkindi, en la exposición de Calder que Whitby cita: veinte años para las crisis internas y doscientos cuarenta para las grandes revoluciones.

«the third and greatest cycle was of four complete trigons, (the entire Zodiac) each of which represented one of the four elements, and which commenced with the fiery trigon, and the recurrence of which including the effects of the other two, also implied the appearance of a new religion that would thereafter dominate the world in the ensuing great period. It lasted 960 years…This cycle of 960 years should then be completed in» — el ciclo mayor de esa misma doctrina: cuatro trígonos por el zodiaco entero, novecientos sesenta años, y con él una religión nueva que domina la edad siguiente; el cómputo lo hacía cerrar en 1582.

«Tycho Brahe, the astronomer with whom Dee was long in correspondence, also interpreted the new star as signifying great political and religious changes. With a caveat that he could not pronounce his judgement with any absolute certainty, he declared that the star’s ‘shining forth with a joviall, cleere, and bright lustre, doth seeme to fore-shew a prosperous and peaceable state in humane affaires’, while its ‘Martiall fiery glistering’ signified that ‘some violence and trouble shall be» — cómo leyó Tycho Brahe la estrella nueva, con la cautela por delante: brillo jovial que anuncia prosperidad y a la vez destello marcial que anuncia violencia.

«Most importantly it seemed to portend ‘a great alteration, if not an utter subversion of Religion’, but for the better» — lo que Brahe consideraba lo principal del augurio: una gran alteración, si no la subversión, de la religión.

«Warming to his task he stated that ‘there shall happen a great Catastrophe and universall change throughout all the chiefe Nations of the Earth, especially those which are situated Northward from the Aequinoctiall’ and that this period of turbulence and resettlement would occur between ‘the yeare of Christ 1583, and in the latter end of the Moneth of Aprill» — el pronóstico político de Brahe y su plazo: catástrofe universal en las naciones del norte a partir de 1583.

«All the significations of this Star doe depend on the Trigonall revolution and transmutation of the Planets. And therefore if this bee the seventh revolution of the Planets, the first whereof was in the dayes of Enoch, the second in Noahs time, and at the Vniversall Deluge, the third in the dayes of Moses, when the people were freed from the Egyptian servitude, the fourth in the dayes of the Kings of Israel, the fift in the time of Christs Incarnation, when the Roman Empire was at the highest, and the sixt in the dayes of Charles the Great, when the Empire was translated to the Germanes, this last and seventh, is as it were the Sabbath to all the rest, and doth foreshew something of greater consequence than all the former, wherein it is worthy of observation, that all the trigonall revolutions, as the first, third and fift, were vtwy profitable and advantagious to the world; and so it is not unlikely that this seventh revolution being an unequall number, doth point out and fore-signifie the happy estate of things which is to come. Neyther doth this conjecture differ from the Prophesies of wise men which were illuminated with divine knowledge, who have foretold, that before the universall consummation & end of all things, there shall be a peaceable and quiet age wherein the divers formes of Religions and politike government, shall be changed and be made agreeable and conformable to the will of God» — la serie de las siete revoluciones trigonales según Brahe, de Enoc a Carlomagno, y lo que la séptima anuncia: una edad pacífica en que religiones y gobiernos se conformarán a la voluntad de Dios.

«While Brahe admits that ‘it is impossible to limit and set forth a certaine time for the consummation of the world, which onely dependeth upon the good-will and pleasure» — el límite que Brahe se pone a sí mismo: fijar la consumación del mundo es imposible, porque depende solo de la voluntad de Dios.

«Dee believed that Britain and her queen were especially favoured by God and sought the establishment of a British Empire which would bring a Christian peace to the world, with all the benefits of safe passage and security that had been the promise of the Roman Empire» — el proyecto imperial de Dee según Whitby: una paz cristiana con los beneficios que el imperio romano había prometido.

«I haue oftentymes…and many wayes, looked into the State of Earthly Kingdoms, Generally, the whole World ouer: (as far, as it may, yet, be known to Christen Men, Commonly:) being a Study, of no great Difficulty: But, rather, a purpose, somewhat answerable, to a perfect Cosmographer: to fynde hym self, Cosmopolites: A Citizen, and Member, of the whole and only one Mysticall City Vniuersall: And so, consequently, to meditate of the Cosmopoliticall Gouernment therof, vnder the King Almighty: passing on, very swiftly, toward the most Dreadfull, and most Cumfortable Term prefixed: And I finde…that if this Brytish Monarchy, wold heretofore, haue followed the Aduantages, which they haue had, onward, They mought, very well, ere this, haue surpassed (By Justice and Godly, sort) any particular Monarchy, els, that euer was on Earth, since Mans Creation» — el pasaje de los General and Rare Memorials en que Dee se declara cosmopolita, ciudadano de la única Ciudad Mística Universal, y lamenta las ocasiones que la monarquía británica desaprovechó.

«in March of that year he interpreted an angelic reference to the new age as signifying that ‘this Adrian Gilbert shall cary the name of Jesus among the InfidelIs to the great glory of god, and the recouery of thosemiserable people from the mowth of hell into which, for many hundred yeres past, and yet contynually they do fall» — cómo Dee tradujo un dictado angélico sobre la edad nueva en misión concreta: que Adrian Gilbert llevara el nombre de Jesús a los infieles.

«Dee’s vision of ‘one Mysticall City Vniuersall’ was not founded upon any of the particular parties on either side of the religious schism» — el rasgo que Whitby subraya de ese universalismo: no se apoya en ninguno de los dos bandos del cisma.

«Scrying embodied direct communication between man and the angels of God and the immediacy of this relationship with the Almighty classes Dee with such unorthodox religious thinkers as Pico della Mirandola and Giordano Bruno» — en qué compañía sitúa Whitby a Dee por la inmediatez de su trato con lo divino.

«Dee’s concept of a universal religion did not involve an abandonment of Christianity such as Bruno advocated, but included a similar emphasis upon universal love and direct revelation» — la diferencia que Whitby marca entre Dee y Bruno, y lo que comparten; a Bruno su religión mágica le costó la vida en un cargo de herejía.

«Whosoever wishes to be wise may look neither to the right nor to the left; neither towards this man who is called a catholic, nor towards that one who is called a heretic (for thus you are called); but he may look up to the God of heaven and earth and to his Son, Jesus Christ, Who has given the Spirit of His abundant and multifarious graces to those who live a natural life in purity and a life of grace in their works» — el credo que la voz llamada del Espíritu Santo dicta en 1586 y que Whitby toma por los artículos de la fe de Dee: ni al católico ni al hereje, sino a Dios y a su Hijo.

«His touchstone was that of righteousness and his complaint was ever against self-righteousness. On that basis there was to him no difference between Catholicism and protestantism» — el criterio religioso de Dee según Whitby, y su consecuencia práctica.

«Dee had no quarrel with the Jesuits in principle,13 finding them to be ‘mostly devout and peaceful men» — cómo juzgaba Dee a los jesuitas, según el pasaje que Whitby cita por la edición de Josten.

«Dee’s vision of a universal religion even included the generally despised Jews, for he expressed a desire that his Monas hieroglyphica should convince the Hebrew cabalists that ‘the same most benevolent God is not only [the God] of the Jews, but of all peoples, nations, and languages» — el alcance del universalismo de Dee: quería que la Monas convenciera a los cabalistas hebreos de que su Dios es el de todos los pueblos.

«If any doe object, that the end of the world is at hand, and that therefore there will not be sufficient time to bring about a new Change, I answere, that Saint Paul doth assure us, that the Icwes shall be engraffed into the Church, before the finall consummation of the world, which (by humaine coniecture) must needs require some time before, they being scattered over the whole face of the Earth, shall be gathered into one Nation» — la objeción que Tycho Brahe se plantea y su respuesta: los judíos han de ser injertados en la Iglesia antes del fin, y reunirlos de toda la tierra requiere tiempo.

«A prophecy of the Jews’ restoration was voiced in the Action of 5 April 1583 (fol. 77b) as one of many prophecies of the coming of a new age upon earth» — dónde aparece esa misma expectativa dentro del manuscrito de Dee.

«According to Agrippa the angels Zaphiel, Annael, Zadkiel, Michael, Cumael, Gabriel and Raphael each governed in turn a period of 354 years and 4 months, and Dee’s date of 1577 as 5540 Anno Mundi fits into this scheme whereby the third full cycle is in progress, Annael governing between 1348 and 1702» — la cronología angélica de Agrippa que Whitby aplica: siete ángeles turnándose periodos de trescientos cincuenta y cuatro años y cuatro meses.

«Trithemius stated that a new age would begin in 1525, 6732 years after the Creation and assigned the angel Gabriel as governing angel of this penultimate period of the world cycle, but Dee dated the Creation 1243 years later than Trithemius» — el desacuerdo de fechas entre Tritemio y Dee, consignado sin arbitrar: la diferencia está en dónde ponen la Creación.

«Later in the Actions there is some doubt expressed as to whether the chief governor of this period is Baligon, Carmara (an alias of Baligon) or Annael» — la duda que el propio manuscrito deja sin resolver sobre quién gobierna el periodo.

«Kelly seems to have realised rapidly that Dee would trust him most if what the angels delivered was at least in part a confirmation of what Dee already believed and promises of the fulfilment of some of his dearest hopes» — la lectura que Whitby hace del mecanismo de la confianza: los ángeles confirmaban lo que Dee ya creía y prometían lo que más deseaba.

«the angel Michael informed Dee that ‘the world begynns with thy doings’ (fol. 11a), and during the subsequent Actions the two participants were repeatedly told that they had been cleansed of sin and elected by God to a special purpose» — el segundo día de sesiones con Kelly y la promesa de elección que se repetirá a lo largo del manuscrito.

«The spirit called Hagonel declared that his ‘tyme is yet to come’ (fol. 45a) and promised Dee a power equivalent to his own to throw down princes and kings (fol. 45b). Dee was also promised the sight of God (videbis Deum) by the same spirit (fol.49), and that he should be ‘glutted, yea filled’ and ‘puffed vp with the perfect knowledge of Gods Mysteries, in his mercyes» — las promesas concretas que Whitby enumera: poder para derribar príncipes y reyes, la visión de Dios, y el hartazgo del conocimiento de los misterios divinos.

«the secret of the coming of the new age was revealed to him by the spirit called Bynepor, who declared that there should ‘begynne new worldes, new peoples, new kings, knowledge of a new Government’, this never having been ‘reuealed no not in these last times, of the second last world» — el anuncio de la edad nueva en boca del espíritu Bynepor: mundos, pueblos, reyes y gobierno nuevos, nunca antes revelados.

«Central to the coming of the new era was the Book of Enoch. The book had long been lost to man, but now that a new period of universal religion and world government was approaching, it was once again revealed to man and was to be instrumental in heralding in the new age» — el papel que el Libro de Enoc tiene en esa expectativa, según Whitby.

«There was to be a time ‘of great miserie, to the heavens, to the earth and to all liuing Creatures’ in September 1583 according to a prophecy of the angel Uriel made on 6 April 1583 (fol. 79b), but the Book of Enoch was the key to salvation» — la profecía de Uriel para septiembre de 1583 y el remedio anunciado.

«It would heal all things (‘omnia resanabit’) according to Raphael (fol. 62a) and held the ‘holy key, which vnlocketh the secrets of god his determination, as concerning the begynning, present being, and ende of this world» — lo que el propio manuscrito atribuye al Libro de Enoc, con la fórmula latina de Raphael y la llave que abre el principio, el ser presente y el fin del mundo.

«Dee had been ‘hardened as the flynt’ by God ‘to be the first erthely witnes’ of these divine secrets (fol. 92b), while the Lord had already sent his angels ‘to viset the earth, and to gather the synnes thereof to gither’ to be ‘wayed before him in the balance of Justice’, for all the nations of the world should know ‘that there is a GOD which forgetteth not the truth of his promise» — el papel que se le adjudica a Dee en el manuscrito: primer testigo terreno, endurecido como el pedernal, mientras los ángeles recogen los pecados de la tierra para pesarlos.

«Dee was instructed to have all the magical instruments including the Book of Enoch in the angelic script, ready for use by 1 August 1583 (fol. 101a) and from the Book of Enoch would ‘be restored the holy bokes, which haue perished euen from the begynning, and from the first that liued» — el plazo del 1 de agosto de 1583 y lo que del libro había de salir: la restitución de los libros santos perdidos desde el principio.

«The book would also enable ‘perfect truth’ to be deciphered from imperfect falsehode, True religion from fals and damnable errors’ along with ‘all Artes: which are propre to the vse of man, the first and sanctified perfection: Which when it hath spread a While, THEN COMMETH THE ENDE» — el resto de esa promesa, con la mayúscula que imprime el volumen: separar la verdad del error y devolver a las artes su primera perfección, y entonces viene el fin.

«There are no records of Actions during August of that year and in the Action of 12 April 1584 the spirit Nalvage declares that he has no power after ‘the first day of August next» — lo que pasó con ese plazo: no hay Acciones en aquel agosto, y un año después el espíritu Nalvage declara que su poder termina en el siguiente.

«What if it were a hundred Augusts» — la respuesta del ángel Gabriel cuando Kelly pregunta de qué año es el agosto anunciado.

«On 16 November 1582 it had been declared that ‘the tyme of Gods visitation’ was ‘8’, and Dee speculated that this might mean 1588 or eight years from the time of the Action» — la cifra que se da por toda fecha y las dos lecturas que Dee ensayó de ella.

«The Antichrist is declared to be alive in the Action of 12 April 1584 (TFR, p. 76), although he is not the Pope as many believe» — lo que el manuscrito dice del Anticristo y la precisión con que se aparta de la polémica confesional de la época.

«It may be that Dee’s return to England in 1588 was partly prompted by the failure of these prophecies to prove true, but tnere is so much vagueness, contradiction and postponement in the angelic prophetic utterances that Dee’s hopes are unlikely to have been attached to a specific date» — la conjetura de Whitby sobre el regreso de Dee y su reserva: la profecía era demasiado vaga y contradictoria como para colgarse de una fecha.

«Frequently the angels accuse Kelly of wickedness in spite of his election and this is taken as a cause for events not occurring as foretold and at other times attention is diverted from a prophecy» — los dos mecanismos con que, según Whitby, las profecías incumplidas se salvaban: la culpa del vidente y la avalancha de revelación nueva.

«Despite all the reversals of fortune Dee suffered in his partnership with Kelly, he never seems to have lost hope and the dissolution of the partnership was more at Kelly’s instigation than» — el juicio de Whitby sobre la constancia de Dee y sobre quién rompió la sociedad.

«After dinner (horam circiter 4.) as Bartholomew and I talked of divers my doings with Mr. Kelley, a Voice produced this to Bartholomews hearing, A Voice……I, John Dee, I have heard you all this while. Thou shalt be able to do, and to see, and to understand more than all this thou has spoken of, according as God hath promised thee» — la sesión de 1607 con Bartholomew Hickman como vidente, que Whitby trae para mostrar que a los ochenta años Dee seguía esperando lo prometido.

«The promise of a new age and a universal religion together with Dee’s desire to share his knowledge with his fellow man (perhaps as much motivated by desire for renown as by a genuine philanthropy) are primarily responsible for his move to the Continent. Although he had made the acquaintance of Albert Lasky who at first promised to be a rewarding Patron, there is good reason to suppose that Dee’s journey to Europe was more in response to the religious and political climate in central Europe than to any particular request from Lasky» — por qué Dee se fue al continente, según Whitby: pesa más el clima religioso y político de Europa central que la invitación de Lasky, y en el deseo de compartir su saber sospecha tanta vanidad como filantropía.

«This atmosphere of toleration and learning undoubtedly impressed Dee during his earlier Continental journey for he dedicated his Monas hieroglyphica to Maximilian and travelled to Presburg to present him with a copy» — lo que Whitby cree que atrajo a Dee del imperio, y la prueba: dedicó la Monas hieroglyphica a Maximiliano y se la llevó en persona.

«If Dee was looking for a Part of the world where the first seeds of the new age might grow, the Habsburg Empire might well have seemed to provide the most fertile soil. England, as he pointed out in General and RareMemorials, had missed many chances of becoming a centre of a new commonwealth, and had not provided him with the recognition that he sought» — el contraste con que Whitby explica el traslado: Inglaterra había perdido sus ocasiones y no le había dado reconocimiento.

«When the angels’ prophecies confirmed those that had been made by Brahe, Leowitz, and others, Dee’s eyes must have turned towards Bohemia and the arrival of Albert Lasky may have seemed something more than mere chance» — cómo se juntan para Dee la astrología impresa y el dictado angélico, según Whitby, y qué convirtió la llegada de Lasky en señal.

«Lasky was soon permitted to attend the Actions and for a time was given a central part to play in the coming of the new age. He was to be ‘an arme vnto [God’s] chosen’ and when a reply was sought to Lasky’s questions of whether he might succeed Stephen Bathory as King of Poland and/or gain the throne of Moldavia,18 Raphael declared that ‘the Lord hath sayd: Thow shalt gouern a people: a time there is, which is prefixed: and it is the course of the sonne: Then shall it be sayd vnto him, O King» — la promesa que Raphael hace a Lasky en el manuscrito: gobernará un pueblo en un tiempo ya fijado.

«Subsequently the prophecy is extended to cover rule over twenty-one kingdoms (TFR, p. 17), and on 26 June 1583 Lasky was told in his own presence that he would have the kingdoms of both Poland and Moldavia» — cómo crece esa promesa hasta veintiún reinos y se le dice a Lasky en su propia cara.

«A year later Lasky had fallen from angelic favour because of an unwillingness to turn wholeheartedly towards God, although the relationship with Dee was not entirely broken» — el desenlace de esa promesa, y el motivo que se le adjudica: falta de entrega a Dios.

«By August 1584 the Emperor Rudolf was chosen to be exalted, if he would listen to God’s word transmitted through the angels and Dee and Kelly (TFR, p. 220) but Rudolf’s toleration of Dee’s activities soon became strained and by 28 February 1585, two months before Rudolf finally expelled Dee and his company, the angels were promising Rudolf’s destruction and the placing of King Stephen in his stead» — el vaivén siguiente: exaltación prometida a Rodolfo II y, meses después, su destrucción anunciada.

«The angels do seem to favour whomever seemed at the time to offer most hope of lucrative patronage to Dee and Kelly» — la regularidad que Whitby señala en esos vaivenes y que no armoniza: los ángeles favorecen a quien parece dispuesto a pagar.

«A learned and renowned Englishman whose name was Doctor De: came to Prague to see the Emperor Rudolf II and was at first well received by him; he predicted that a miraculous reformation would presently come about in the Christian world and would prove the ruin not only of the City of Constantinople but of Rome also. These predictions he did not cease to spread among the populace» — el testimonio del luterano Budovec sobre por qué Rodolfo II se cansó de Dee: predicaba en público la ruina de Constantinopla y también de Roma.

«Dee had set out for Bohemia with Lasky confident in the truth of the angels’ prophecies and with a strong sense of a missionary purpose that would be justified by subsequent events. As it turned out he just became an embarrassment to be moved on while Kelly, who claimed the secret of the Philosophers’ Stone, became someone worth holding on to, even if imprisonment was the surest means of keeping him» — el desenlace del viaje según Whitby: Dee pasó a ser un estorbo y Kelly, que decía tener la piedra, alguien a quien retener aunque fuera preso.

«Diuine Plato, the great Master of many worthy Philosophers, and the constant auoucher and pithy perswader of Vnum, Bonum, and Ens: in his Schole and Academie, sundry times (besides his ordinary Scholers) was visited of a certaine kind of man, allured by the noble fame of Plato, and the great commendation of hys profound and profitable doctrine. But when such Hearers, after long harkening to him, perceaued, that the drift of his discourses issued out, to conclude, this Vnum, Bonum and Ens, to be Spirituall, Infinite, Aeternal, Omnipotent, &c. Nothyng beyng alledged or expressed, How, worldly goods: how worldly dignitie: how, health, strength or lustines of body: nor yet the meanes, how a merueilous sensible and bodyly blysse and felicitie hereafter, might be atteyned: Straightway, the fantasics of those hearers, were dampt» — el pasaje del Mathematicall Preface sobre los oyentes de Platón que Whitby lee como profecía involuntaria de la suerte de Dee: al oír que el Uno y el Bien eran espirituales y eternos, se les enfrió el ánimo.

«Fortified by the frequently Neo-Platonic utterances of the angels who categorically state that all things are one (‘Omnia vnum est’, fol. 21a), Dee saw himself almost as a new and Christian Plato who could dispense to the world a wisdom and knowledge that was not even revealed to Plato himself» — cómo se veía Dee a sí mismo, según Whitby, apoyado en la sentencia angélica de que todas las cosas son una.

«Unfortunately his hearers did not want the ‘Spirituall, Infinite, Aeternal, Omnipotent’ but rather those things that make up material success and happiness, and unlike Plato’s visitors these men were in positions of power» — la diferencia entre el caso de Platón y el de Dee: sus oyentes decepcionados mandaban.

«When Dee undertook his Continental journey the system with the 49 spirits was superseded by the system based upon the roles and powers of the 30 ‘Aethyrs’, to which the three manuscripts besides De heptarchia mystica that were discovered at the same time as Sloane MS 3188 belong. Little has been done to illuminate the darkness of this later magical system, from which other surviving artifacts, such as an engraved gold disc in the British Museum» — lo que Whitby declara fuera de su alcance en la Conclusión: el sistema posterior de los treinta Aethyrs, del que salen piezas como el disco de oro grabado del British Museum.

«Those more versed in the complexities of Renaissance occult Philosophy will see influences and sources where I» — la reserva con que Whitby cierra: quien sepa más de filosofía oculta renacentista verá filiaciones donde él no vio ninguna.

«have seen none, but it has not been my aim to judge the place of Dee’s magical dealings within the context of the whole of Renaissance occult philosophy» — y el límite que se pone: juzgar el lugar de la magia de Dee dentro de la filosofía oculta del Renacimiento no era su propósito.

«What I have tried to do, however, is to provide an intelligible background to the manuscript, both in terms of the generalities of Renaissance magical thought and in terms of the art of scrying» — lo que sí se propuso, dicho por él mismo: dar un fondo inteligible al manuscrito por dos lados, el pensamiento mágico y el oficio del vidente.

«In time evidence may come to light which proves or disproves my hypothesis of the provenance of the manuscript. Its appearance in the Sloane collection is puzzling and I would like to be certain of the answer» — la hipótesis que Whitby deja abierta a futuro: la procedencia del manuscrito y su desconcertante aparición en la colección Sloane.

«Any detailed study of the magic of the Actions with spirits is as much a study of Edward Kelly as of John Dee. It is in the chapters giving the background to Renaissance magic and the practice of scrying and advancing the case that one of the strongest motives for Dee’s involvement was his adherence to the belief that a new age was soon to dawn (itself a subject for a thesis) that I hope I have gone some way towards answering the questions posed by the manuscript’s very existence—in particular the question as to what it was that bound Dee, who knew and corresponded with so many learned men, to this strange and volatile man from Wordestershire» — la pregunta que Whitby dice haber querido contestar: qué ató a Dee, que trataba con tantos doctos, a un hombre como Kelly; la grafía *Wordestershire* es del OCR.

«Amidst all the turmoil of their relationship Kelly represented to Dee the hope that his most cherished dream might come true, a hope that Dee felt no other source was able to offer» — la respuesta que da a esa pregunta, y con la que cierra el volumen primero.

«There is no reference in any of Dee’s writings to these articles, although they are customary properties of a natural and Christian magician» — cómo trata Whitby el rosario y la cruz de olivo hallados en el cofre: no aparecen en ningún escrito de Dee, aunque sean el ajuar de un mago cristiano.

«According to Agrippa the olive tree holds occult lunar properties (Occ. Phil. I, xxlv, p. 54). whereas cedar wood, of which the chest was made, holds solarian properties» — la correspondencia que Whitby saca de Agrippa para los materiales del hallazgo: olivo lunar y cedro solar.

«Besides my other extemporary prayers and more vehement cries to God, this one [following] was used most often. I would say my morning and evening prayers asking for wisdom» — cómo presenta Dee la oración del folio 5a, en la traducción que Whitby da en el comentario: la que más usaba, mañana y tarde, pidiendo sabiduría.

«Teach me (O creator of all things) to have correct knowledge and understanding, for your wisdom is all tnat I desire. Speak your word in my ear (O creator of all things) and set your wisdom in my heart» — el núcleo de esa oración: la sabiduría como único deseo, dicha al creador de todas las cosas.

«I moat humbly beg your divine majesty that you deem it fitting to send me the speedy help of some pious wise man and skilled philosopher for understanding and perfecting most fully those things which will be of greatest worth in the increase of your praise and glory» — lo que Dee pide primero: un hombre piadoso, sabio y filósofo experto que lo ayude a entender.

«And if no such mortal man is now living upon the earth who may be fit for this task, or who may have been assigned by your eternal providence to the performing of that service for me, then truly I most humbly, most ardently and most faithfully beg your divine majesty to deem it fitting to send me from the heavens your good spiritual ministers and angels, namely Michael, Gabriel, Raphael and Uriel: and (by your divine favour) whatsoever other true and faithful angels of yours, who may fully and perfectly inform and instruct me in the true and exact knowledge and understanding of your mysteries and great works (concerning all your creatures, their natural properties and best employments) and of such things as are necessary for we mortals to know, to the praise, honour and glory of your name, to my firm consolation and (through me) the consolation of the greatest number of your faithful [servants], and to the confusion and overthrow of your enemies» — y la condición que abre el trato con los ángeles: si no hay hombre capaz sobre la tierra, que Dios le mande a Michael, Gabriel, Raphael y Uriel a instruirlo en sus misterios.

«From the year 1579 in approximately this manner, in Latin or English (and furthermore in another singular and particular manner around the year 1569, sometimes for Raphael and sometimes for Michael) it was most pleasing to me to pour forth prayers to God. May God grant his wonderful mercy to me» — la datación que el propio Dee pone al pie de la oración: desde 1579 en esta forma, y hacia 1569 en otra, unas veces para Rafael y otras para Michael.

«Dee requests the help of angels ‘very humbly’ (humilime), but it is plain that he believes that no-one on earth may help him despite his plea between lines 15 and 19. His pride in believing himself to have reached the outer boundaries of mortal knowledge is apparent» — lo que Whitby lee entre líneas en la humildad declarada de Dee: pedir ayuda angélica presupone que ningún mortal puede dársela.

«The names used by the Jews to avoid pronouncing the Tetragrammaton, translated as ‘Lord’ and ‘God’ respectively in the Authorised version of the Bible» — la glosa de los dos nombres divinos que Dee usa en su oración.

«The angel or intelligence now governing the whole world’. Dee notes on fol. 8b that Annael is the governor ‘of this great period’, by which he means that Annael governs the period of world history in which Dee lived. Over each period there ruled a different angel» — la nota latina que encabeza el folio 6a en la traducción de Whitby, y la doctrina que supone: cada periodo de la historia del mundo tiene su ángel.

«Etymology: the favoured [or] wretched mercy of God’, i.e. the mercy of God shown to both the elect and the sinner» — la etimología que Dee da del nombre Annael y cómo la desdobla Whitby: misericordia para el elegido y para el pecador.

«4 angels presiding over the four corners of the heavens, as Agrippa notes in the scale of four» — la nota de Dee sobre los cuatro ángeles de las esquinas del cielo, remitida por él mismo a la escala del cuatro de Agrippa.

«Michael: The etymology of Fortitudo Dei (‘the strength of God’) follows Agrippa (Occ. Phil. Ill, xxiv), although the Hebrew is more often translated as ‘who is as God» — el desacuerdo etimológico que Whitby consigna sin arbitrar: Dee sigue a Agrippa para el nombre de Michael y el hebreo suele traducirse de otra manera.

«Gabriel: Dee gives an etymology of ‘the growing power, or the mightiness, or the increasing strength of God’. Agrippa gives ‘the virtue of God’ (Occ. Phil. Ill, xxiv) whereas the Hebrew is generally translated as ‘man of God’ or ‘God is my strength» — el mismo desacuerdo en el nombre de Gabriel: tres versiones, la de Dee, la de Agrippa y la corriente del hebreo, puestas una junto a otra.

«Raphael: ‘The medicine of God’ in accordance with Agrippa (Occ. Phil. III, xxiv). Uriel: ‘Light of God’ (not defined by Agrippa)» — las dos etimologías restantes, con la ausencia declarada: Agrippa no define el nombre de Uriel.

«A faithful protestation to almighty God [and] to the perpetual memory of [this] matter, anno 1582» — cómo titula Dee el documento con que abre su registro, en la traducción de Whitby.

«In the Preface Dee divides the world into the supernatural, the natural and the mathematical, defining the natural as that which is ‘materiall, compounded, diuisible, corruptible, and chaungeable’ and perceived by the exterior senses» — la definición de lo natural que Whitby recupera del propio Preface de Dee para glosar su protestación.

«Natural truths are those of the world as God created it and include all occult properties and influences which Agrippa defined as having much form and little matter (Occ. Phil. I, x, p. 24). Artificial truths are those that arise from the combining of natural properties in a way that does not occur in the world under ordinary circumstances, except through the agency of man» — la distinción que Whitby reconstruye entre verdad natural y verdad artificial dentro del vocabulario de la filosofía natural.

«the lesson learned from heating them together to form mercuric sulphide would be an artificial truth» — el ejemplo químico con que Whitby ilustra esa distinción: lo que se aprende calentando juntos el mercurio y el azufre no es verdad natural sino artificial.

«The high priests of Israel are supposed to have used the stones of the breastplate describes in Exodus XXVIII for divinatory purposes» — el precedente bíblico que Dee alega para la adivinación, según la nota de Whitby: las piedras del pectoral del sumo sacerdote.

«Beforetime in Israel, when a man went to inquire of God, thus he spake, Come, and let us go to the seer: for he that is now called a Prophet was beforetime called a Seer» — el versículo del primer libro de Samuel que respalda el término *seer* y que Dee invoca.

«This word is not in the OED, but presumably derives from aer, ‘air’, and numen, ‘divine will or power’, and therefore means ‘of celestial and divine origin’, proceeding from the breath (or word?) of God» — cómo resuelve Whitby una palabra de Dee que ningún diccionario registra: la reconstruye por sus raíces y deja la duda entre aliento y palabra de Dios.

«The Conjurers great art, and Industriė, is not so much in raising up a spirit, as in commaunding him downe againe» — la sentencia de Samuel Harsnett de 1603 que Whitby trae al comentario: lo difícil del oficio no es levantar al espíritu sino mandarlo de vuelta.

«without all question the way is incomparably more easie to obtain any thing, that is truly good for men, of Ood, or good angels, then of wicked Spirits» — el pasaje atribuido a Roger Bacon que Dee alega, en la traducción inglesa de 1659 que, según su portada, se hizo del ejemplar propio de Dee: es más fácil obtener lo bueno de Dios o de los ángeles buenos que de los espíritus malos.

«It is unlikely that Saul would be well versed in Hebrew, for even Dee confessed to finding the language troublesome» — el argumento con que Whitby duda del hebreo del primer vidente: el propio Dee confesaba que la lengua se le hacía difícil.

«The Fourth Book of Occult Philosophy says that spirits of Mercury can appear in the form of a dog, but Annael has no connection with Mercury, being instead a governor of Venus, and so the significance of this apparition is not clear» — una abstención del comentario: el perro blanco no cuadra con el ángel que aparece, porque Annael gobierna Venus y no Mercurio.

«Dee frequently emphasises the fact that he himself hears and sees nothing» — el rasgo del registro que Whitby subraya en el comentario: Dee insiste en que él no percibe nada.

«In the name of Jesus Christ, who are you?’ ‘All power is given to me’. ‘What [powers]?’ ‘Good and evil» — el interrogatorio de identidad con que se abre la primera Acción, en la traducción de Whitby del latín de Dee: la criatura declara tener todo el poder, bueno y malo.

«Concerning the hidden treasure’. It seems that a promise of discovering some hidden treasure must have been made in an earlier Action with Saul, as it was to be made later in an Action with Kelly (see 86b ff.), and the letters M.G. probably» — la promesa de tesoro escondido que Whitby infiere de una Acción anterior con Saul, hoy perdida, a partir de dos iniciales anotadas al margen.

«Do not worry, for these [questions] are of no value» — la respuesta con que el espíritu descarta las preguntas de Dee, en traducción de Whitby.

«The significance of this apparition is unclear. It may be connected with the hidden treasure in some obscure way» — la abstención de Whitby ante la aparición de calaveras.

«Is any good angel assigned to this show-stone?’ ‘Yes’. ‘Who?’ 42) ‘Michael’. Dee uses for mim, but I have changed this to the more usual Although Saul knew little or no Hebrew, the name could be learned from Agrippa. Dee may just have written it in Hebrew on hearing Saul pronounce the name, which had appeared in the Hebrew on the title-page of his General and Rare Memorials (1577). 43) ‘Is that the good angel of whom mention is made in the Scriptures?’ See Jude IX and Revelation XII, 7. ‘quo’. 44–46) ‘Even he» — el diálogo latino en que Dee pregunta qué ángel está asignado a la piedra y recibe el nombre de Michael, identificado con el de las Escrituras.

«Dee may just have written it in Hebrew on hearing Saul pronounce the name, which had appeared in the Hebrew on the title-page of his General and Rare Memorials» — cómo explica Whitby que aparezca el nombre en hebreo pese al desconocimiento del vidente.

«Annael states at line 47 that this is the character of another angel, but it is not one of the traditional signs and without the papers subsequent to this Action little progress can be made in deciphering it. It looks as though it is composed of letters from the alphabet. One might draw ‘A, I, H, J, T’and possibly‘L’ from the character, but there is no traditional angelic name that can be composed from these» — el carácter angélico que Whitby no consigue descifrar, con lo poco que puede decir: parece compuesto de letras y ninguna da un nombre tradicional.

«Annael’ s last statement is typical, of the many vague promises that Dee received in his angelic communications» — el juicio de Whitby sobre la respuesta que cierra esa escena: una gran causa sin especificar, como tantas otras.

«Since the rebinding of the MS by Sloane, many of Dee’s original words which were obscured by Ashmole’s binding have reappeared; hence the repetitions» — por qué el manuscrito repite palabras: reaparecieron las que la encuadernación de Ashmole tapaba y él había suplido al margen.

«In the Julian Calendar New Year began on 25 March, but Dee was already working upon his reformation of the calendar. Since references to dates as ‘new style’ do not occur until TFR, there is some doubt as to whether January 1st is being alluded to here, but it would be more likely that the Actions would be postponed for several days rather than for several months, Even with the Julian Calendar, January 1st was regarded as the beginning of the new year in many quarters at this time, and the inconsistencies of practice argued the need for calendar reform» — la duda de calendario que Whitby plantea y resuelve por probabilidad, con el dato de que Dee trabajaba entonces en la reforma.

«This reference is not to be found in what remains of Famous and Rich Discoveries and was probably in the suppressed ‘secret centre’ mentioned in General and Rare Memorials, which is dated from the year of the appearance of the new star in 1572 and Anno Hundi 5540 (sig. •3v). Trithemius assigned Gabriel as governing angel of this penultimate period of the world cycle of history (De aeptem secundeis fol. D3r) and not Annael as Dee states here» — un desacuerdo que Whitby consigna: Tritemio asigna Gabriel al periodo penúltimo del mundo y Dee asigna Annael.

«The note indicates that Dee only regarded the spirit who gave the character (shown on fol 9b) as an illuding spirit» — el alcance exacto de la duda de Dee sobre el espíritu engañador, según lee Whitby su nota marginal: solo alcanza al que dio el carácter, no al Uriel de la sesión anterior.

«None of the signs contained in the character corresponds to the customary seals or sigills of major angels and I have been unable to trace their origins, if they have any beyond Kelly’s imagination» — la búsqueda negativa de Whitby sobre los signos del carácter y la única fuente que le queda por descartar.

«This seal, engraved in gold and worn on the breast, [will act] in the defence of the body in every place and at every time and occasion» — la promesa latina que acompaña al lamen, en traducción de Whitby: grabado en oro y llevado al pecho, defiende el cuerpo en todo lugar y ocasión.

«The spirit II says then that it is an ‘Instrument appliable only to Dignification’ and there is a reference back to this folio (designated by Dee as fol. 6). Then II declares that ‘the Character is fals and diuilish’ (96b, 23) and proceeds to deliver another» — el vuelco de 1583 sobre ese mismo carácter: primero se lo reduce a instrumento de dignificación y luego se lo declara falso y diabólico.

«The ‘Penitential Psalms’ which express sorrow for sin and a desire for pardon and number seven in all. They are Psalms VI, XXXII, XXXVIII, LI, CII, CXXX and CXLIII (VI, XXXI, XXXVII, L, CI, CXXIX and CXLII in the Vulgate). Pope Innocent III ordered their recitation during Lent» — qué son los siete salmos que se mandan rezar antes de la operación.

«Spirits were invoked and celestial influences attracted by the use of perfumes as well as words» — el papel de los perfumes en la operación, remitido por Whitby al Cuarto Libro atribuido a Agrippa.

«The chair had first appeared while Uriel was informing Dee how Michael might be entreated (see MN15) and together with the table that appears at line 34, forms an integral part of the later Actions. Frequently Kelly sees the chair and table immediately, but the angels only after some time. To an extent the sight of the chair and table is hereafter a safeguard against illuding spirits, since being a seat of perfection (line 32), no evil spirit may abide it» — la función que la silla y la mesa cumplen dentro de la sesión, según Whitby: son garantía contra el espíritu engañador porque ningún espíritu malo soporta el asiento de perfección.

«The danger remains however that evil spirits may counterfeit objects as well as spirits of goodness» — el límite que Whitby pone a esa garantía.

«Wax purified by ritual as well as physically pure wax. The seal is made of undyed beeswax, which is purer than treated wax, but in magical processes all instruments and properties are cleansed by incantation, prayer and sometimes holy water» — cómo entiende Whitby la exigencia de cera perfecta: pureza material y pureza ritual a la vez.

«With a diameter of 9 inches the circumference would in fact be 28.278 inches. The figure of 27 ‘and somwhat more appears to have been reached by multiplying the diameter by three and regarding the result as less than true» — el error de medida que Whitby detecta en la instrucción angélica sobre el sello, reconstruyendo cómo se llegó a la cifra.

«The discrepancy of a whole inch furthers the argument of Dee being deceived by Kelly who evidently had a very rudimentary knowledge of mathematics» — qué indica ese error, según Whitby: que quien dictaba sabía poca matemática.

«makes no comment upon an inaccuracy of which he must have been aware» — y lo que a Whitby le extraña de la otra parte: que Dee, que había anotado en su Euclides los valores de pi, no dijera nada de esa inexactitud.

«Michael is chief of ths archangels, chief of the order of virtues, ruler of the fourth heaven, and generally the mightiest of the angels in biblical and post-biblical lore (Davidson, Dictionary of Angels). Effectively he is second only to the Trinity» — el rango que Whitby atribuye a Michael dentro de la angelología, apoyado en el diccionario de Davidson.

«It was a common belief in early times that to see God or one of his angels was to die. Jacob gave the name of Peniel, meaning ‘the face of God’, to the place where he wrestled with the angel and gave the reason:‘for I have seen God face to face» — la creencia con que Whitby glosa la promesa de Michael a Dee, con el precedente de Jacob en Peniel.

«His wife however astutely observes that ‘if the Lord were pleased to kill us’, he would not ‘have shewed us all these things’ (Judges XIII, 23), and Michael’s promise to Dee that the angel’s presence will be visible is a sign of God’s merciful favour» — la objeción de la mujer de Manoa que Whitby trae para leer la promesa como señal de favor y no de muerte.

«Dee is writing the notes that form the basis of this manuscript while seated at a desk near Kelly and the show-stone» — la escena material de la sesión, según Whitby: Dee escribiendo en un escritorio junto a Kelly y la piedra.

«In each Action so far an illuding spirit has appeared» — la regularidad que Whitby registra en las primeras sesiones.

«The angel Gabriel is here associated with ‘the strength of God’ (line 13) but this appellation is that given to Michael at fol. 6a (and in Occ. Phil., III, xxiv, p. 414). Dee attaches the name to Gabriel erroneously» — el error etimológico que Dee comete y que él mismo corrige al margen, según Whitby.

«This man wearing the black hood represents Dee. The hood is presumably symbolic of the spiritual blindness from which the angels relieve him at line 26» — cómo lee Whitby la figura encapuchada de la visión: el capuchón es la ceguera espiritual de la que los ángeles lo libran.

«Agrippa notes that the name NA is the name of God to be invoked in times of trouble (Occ. Phil., III, xi, p. 371). The letters are 7mm high within a circle of 22mm diameter. See also Commentary to 12a» — el nombre divino que aparece dibujado en el manuscrito y su uso según Agrippa, con las medidas de las letras y del círculo.

«In this vision Dee receives new garments and is crowned with laurel (lines 39–40) to signify his position as one of God’s elect» — la escena de investidura y su sentido según Whitby.

«Agrippa notes that ‘the Demon of profession is given by the Stars, to which such a profession, or sect, which any man hath professed, is subjected, which the soul, when it began to make a choyce in this body, and to take upon it self dispositions, doth secretly desire’ (Occ. Phil. III, xxii, p. 410). If a man changes his profession, the daemon leaves him and another suitable to that profession takes his place» — la doctrina del demonio de la profesión que Whitby reconstruye desde Agrippa: lo dan los astros según el oficio, y cambia cuando el hombre cambia de oficio.

«Solomon is generally reputed to have possessed a ring with which he worked many wonders, although this has been thought to be a synonym for the seal or pentagram of Solomon. In the Key of Solomon the author, supposedly Solomon himself, declares that the contents of the work were revealed to him by an angel and traditionally Michael is supposed to have been the mediator between Solomon and God» — la tradición del anillo de Salomón que Whitby pone detrás del anillo PELE, con la reserva de que quizá se trate del sello y no de un anillo.

«The significance of the ‘V’ over the ‘L’ is not at all clear’ There may be some significance lying in the kabbalistic numerical values of 6 and 30, but interpretations in this direction become vague and somewhat fanciful» — una abstención expresa del comentario: Whitby renuncia a interpretar dos letras del diagrama antes que forzar la cábala numérica.

«Furthermore Dee does not himself pursue any line of enquiry on the significance of the letters and the ring fades in importance when the instructions are given for the making of the Sigillum Dei» — el argumento con que Whitby respalda esa abstención: ni el propio Dee siguió la pista, y el anillo pierde importancia en cuanto llega el sello.

«Mammon is an archdemon and the demon of avarice» — la identificación del espíritu maligno que aparece en esta sesión, apoyada en los evangelios.

«The celestial spirits are divided into various ranks: Seraphim, Cherubim, Thrones, Dominions, Powers, Virtues, Princes, Archangels and Angels, although most angels hold a place in each order. Authorities differ on the order of ascendance of these divisions» — las nueve órdenes celestes que Whitby enumera y el desacuerdo entre autoridades que consigna sin arbitrar: no coinciden en el orden de precedencia.

«Mammon’s death is not to bo found in traditional sources and this reference would seen to be consistent with the prophecies of the coming of a new age that are made to Dee. In this case avarice will be no more» — un dato sin fuente tradicional que Whitby liga a las profecías de la edad nueva: la muerte del demonio de la avaricia.

«Dee seems to have been unhappy about performing rituals of exorcism, having previously asked Uriel to discharge the evil spirit Lundrumguffa» — lo que Whitby infiere sobre el papel de Dee en el rito: prefería que lo hiciera el ángel.

«The angel with the long arms is not identified» — una de las abstenciones breves del comentario.

«In Arbatel de magia seven spirits are given governance over various natural phenomena. They are called Aratron, Phaleg, OCH, Hagith, Ophiel and Phul (Agrippa, Opera, p. 714). Och governs matter under solarian influence, teaches perfect medicine and converts all things into purest gold and precious stones (Opera, p. 716). He is the angel who is the ruling spirit of the Philosophers’ Stone and has governance over alchemical experiments» — los siete espíritus del Arbatel y por qué el llamado Och es el ángel de la dirección de Dee, según Whitby: rige la materia bajo influencia solar, la medicina perfecta y la piedra filosofal.

«Dee again makes the mistake to be found at 11b, 16, over the meaning of the name Gabriel, but is further confused by the fact that his angelic informant, whom he thought was the same as in the previous Action (i.e. Michael), now announces himself to be Fortitudo Dei» — la confusión de nombres que Whitby desenreda en la sesión: el informante se presenta con el epíteto que Dee había atribuido a otro ángel.

«be convinced that this new entrant should be the same as his informant in the previous Action, nor why he should reject his own conclusion that the angel with the sword should be Michael» — la parte de esa escena que Whitby declara no entender: por qué Dee da por sentado que es el mismo ángel de la sesión anterior y descarta su propia conclusión.

«According to Agrippa the fourth gate (or foundation) bears the name of Polipos which is Hebrew for Philip» — la identificación del nombre que aparece en la visión, remitida a las puertas de la Nueva Jerusalén en Agrippa.

«Other names of Michael, which means fortitudo dei according to Agrippa, are conceived by men; in heaven the angel has no other name than his function, which is to be the strength of God and is therefore his being and his reason for being» — la doctrina del nombre angélico que Whitby expone: en el cielo el ángel no tiene más nombre que su función.

«The name of Salamia[n] does not occur in Agrippa’s own work but in Abano’s treatise contained in the Lyons edition of Agrippa’s Opera» — una precisión de fuente: el nombre que Dee remite a Agrippa está en realidad en el tratado de Abano incluido en sus Opera.

«A thin layer of metal, sometimes in the form of a disc, which may be inscribed like a talisman and used for magical or astrological purposes» — la definición de lamen con que Whitby glosa la pieza.

«Kelly quite frequently had to rest after scrying and complained of headaches» — el costo físico del oficio de vidente, registrado en el manuscrito.

«These creatures will each show a letter and in most cases also a number which are to be written in the 40 spaces into which the outer circle of the seal has been divided» — el procedimiento con que se llena el círculo exterior del sello: cuarenta criaturas blancas que muestran una letra y casi siempre un número.

«Semiel—approximately signifies God, my name; it is so because these tables may be the Name of God or the Divine Names» — la etimología del nombre del ángel Semiel en la nota marginal de Dee, traducida por Whitby, y su función: es el secretario del Nombre de Dios.

«The creature opened his silk garment and displayed his breast. It might simply mean that he displayed his breast to view, as Michael ‘opened’ or showed his sword (12b, 10), but in most of the ensuing revelations the letters and numbers do seem to be on the bodies of the spirits and not on their clothes» — una precisión de lectura de Whitby sobre dónde se ven las letras: en el cuerpo de los espíritus, no en la ropa.

«is called ‘the Seal of the living God, (Tau with the four) which signifie the four powers of God» — cómo se llama después el signo que aparece aquí y qué significa, con los cuatro poderes divinos: poder, fuerza, misericordia y justicia.

«the Pythagoreans call the Number of four Tetractis, and prefer it before all the vertues of Numbers, because it is the foundation and root of all other numbers; whence also all foundations, as well in artificiall things, as naturall, and divine, are four square» — la doctrina pitagórica del cuatro según Agrippa, que Whitby trae para glosar la sesión: raíz y fundamento de todos los números.

«The most sacred name of God, the Tetragrammaton, is composed of four letters and Agrippa thus effectively combines a Christian exegesis with the Kabbala and with the Pythagorean reverence of the number four as the ‘perpetual fountain of nature’» — cómo Agrippa suma en el cuatro exégesis cristiana, cábala y pitagorismo, según lo resume Whitby.

«Each of the forty creatures disappears in a different way, the significance of which is not entirely apparent» — otra abstención del comentario ante un detalle del rito.

«The dots are Dee’s and indicate that he has failed to transcribe something which Kelly reported. Since he describes the various ways in which the creatures disappear except in this case, it is evident that for some reason he was unable to write such an account here» — cómo lee Whitby los puntos suspensivos del manuscrito: un hueco que el propio Dee dejó.

«The act of sealing is a frequent image in the Bible for the work of God upon man. the impression of God’s word (the seal) being made upon man’s heart» — la imagen bíblica del sello con que Whitby glosa la fórmula que acompaña a cada criatura: la palabra de Dios imprimiéndose en el corazón como en la cera.

«Agrippa relates the number 7 extensively to processes of generation, gestation and growth» — el sentido del siete según Agrippa, con la partición del cuatro elemental y el tres del alma que Whitby recoge.

«The previous creature showed his number and letter on a tablet of gold, although it is difficult to see any precise significance in this. Gold is the metal of the sun and silver that of the moon, but beyond relating this to the role of the Sigillum Dei as a seal of the Creation, the reasons for these metals being shown» — el límite de la interpretación alquímica que Whitby reconoce: oro y plata son sol y luna, y aun así el sentido de la alternancia se le escapa.

«Agrippa defines the number 22 as signifying ‘the fulness of wisdom’ since it is the total of the letters in the Hebrew alphabet» — la glosa del veintidós como plenitud de la sabiduría, por ser el número de letras del alfabeto hebreo.

«Agrippa follows Platonic thought in defining the soul as self-moving and the body as unfit for motion, but then ascribes a third medium to bind them together, something which is ‘as it were no body, but as it were a Soul, or as it were no soul, but as it were a body» — la doctrina del medio entre alma y cuerpo que Whitby reconstruye desde Agrippa para glosar la visión.

«This is what the Platonists called the ‘celestiall vehicle of the soul’ or ‘the chariot of the soul’. Agrippa comments that when a man dies ‘the soul flieth away with his Celestiall vehicle, and the Genius his keeper and the Demon follow it being gone forth, and carry it to the Judge, where sentence being pronounced, God quietly leadeth forth the good souls to glory» — el vehículo celeste del alma según Agrippa y lo que ocurre al morir, en el pasaje que Whitby cita.

«Agrippa does not state what happens to this insensitive semi-corporeal and semi-intellectual medium, but if the body belongs to the natural world and the soul to the intellectual world, one would expect the celestial vehicle to return to the celestial world of the stars» — el hueco que Whitby señala en Agrippa y la conjetura con que lo llena, marcada como expectativa y no como doctrina.

«much indebted to Agrippa, but is also perhaps Apocalyptic in that in Revelation white raiment is the reward of the righteous» — cómo lee Whitby la visión de la muerte que muestra el espíritu: deudora de Agrippa y a la vez apocalíptica, por la vestidura blanca de los justos.

«This creature represents the martyred innocent and hence the appearance as a child in bloodstained garments» — la identificación de la criatura que aparece como niño con la ropa ensangrentada.

«Seven names are drawn from the letters in the outer circle of the seal and it is difficult to see any great significance in this grouping of the forty creatures, although Dee’s lines around the statement indicate that he felt there must be some reason for this division. Perhaps the lack of any marginal note indicates that he failed to find any» — la abstención doble que Whitby registra: no ve por qué las cuarenta criaturas se agrupan en siete nombres, y sospecha que Dee tampoco lo encontró.

«El is the Hebrew name of God which is noted by Agrippa in the scale of two» — el nombre divino que aparece aquí, remitido a la escala del dos de Agrippa.

«Dee later declares that his favourite letter of the alphabet is ‘L’ since it signifies the divine name of El through its sound» — el dato que Whitby recoge del propio Dee sobre su letra preferida y su razón.

«letter ‘1’ to the name El also makes the three letters ‘1’ into a symbol of God’s trinitarian state» — la lectura trinitaria que Whitby propone para la triple ele del sello, marcada como conjetura.

«In Monas hieroglyphica Dee states that apart from the redemption the cross signifies the quinary, the number 25, the number 50, the decad, the number 252 and several other numbers» — los valores numéricos que Dee da a la cruz en la Monas hieroglyphica, que Whitby trae para leer el signo del manuscrito.

«moreover, the name of that letter, “El”, seems to have raference to the denary virtue of the cross also inasmuch as it is placed in the middle between the first letter of the alphabet and the very denary of the cross [i.e. the letter ‘X’], being tenth in sequence from either. And since we have shown that in the cross there are two such integral parts, it is obvious (if we now consider only their numeral meaning) that out of it [the cross] grows the number One» — el pasaje de la Monas en que Dee liga el nombre de la letra ele a la virtud denaria de la cruz por su posición en el alfabeto.

«The erasure shows that Dee originally wrote laudabunt (‘will praise’) echoing Psalm LXII, 4. Laudabunt was originally separated by the cross and when Dee erased ‘bunt’, he just added ‘nt’ to ‘lauda’» — cómo reconstruye Whitby una corrección de Dee a partir de la tachadura y del salmo que citaba.

«In the marginal note Dee explains that Imago may be written with either a ‘Y’ or an ‘I’. He wrote ‘Imago’ first, presumably in the notes he made at the time of the Action, but changed it to ‘Ymago’ in this MS, which is a fair copy, because ‘Y’ is the next letter to be shown’ The superscribed ‘I’ gives the word its more usual orthography» — cómo explica Whitby una variante ortográfica de Dee: escribió la palabra con la letra que iba a mostrarse a continuación.

«The whole sentence may arise from the showing of the letter ‘t’ because in kabbalistic exposition the letter Tau is sometimes given significance in its role as the last letter of Maweth (‘death’) as for instance in the Zohar» — la explicación cabalística que Whitby propone para la sentencia sobre la muerte: la letra Tau cierra la palabra hebrea que la nombra.

«The number 15 is according to Agrippa ‘a token of spiritual ascensions’ (Occ. Phil. II, xv, p. 222) and the letter ‘Y’ was a supposedly Pythagorean symbol of the choice to be made between a life of virtue and a life of vice» — los dos sentidos que Whitby reúne para la letra y el número mostrados: ascensión espiritual en Agrippa y la ípsilon pitagórica de la elección entre virtud y vicio.

«A letter ‘o’ has just been shown and in the Zoharic exposition of the alphabet the letter Ayin, which has no sound but nevertheless corresponds in its alphabetic position to the letter ‘o’ in other alphabets, is refused the right of beginning the creation» — cómo liga Whitby la letra mostrada con la sentencia sobre la iniquidad: en el Zohar la letra correspondiente queda excluida de iniciar la creación.

«The Beast devoured my people, but he will perish in eternity» — una de las sentencias latinas que acompañan a las criaturas del sello, en traducción de Whitby, que precisa que no es cita bíblica directa.

«The underlined first letter of ‘Abundat’ indicates the next letter to be shown» — el mecanismo de encadenamiento que Whitby descubre en las sentencias: la inicial subrayada anuncia la letra siguiente, y por eso el orden de la frase debería ser otro.

«The marginal note chows that this apparition is superfluous, there being no number or letter shown. If any had been revealed there would have been no spaces in the outer circle of the seal remaining unfilled after the corrections made on fol. 20b and only one unfilled, instead of two, before those corrections were made» — cómo comprueba Whitby por aritmética que una aparición sobra: sin ella no cuadrarían las casillas vacías del círculo.

«The emphasis on gold in this vision may be related to the statement at line 8, gold being a source of corruption as well as the right of kingship» — la lectura doble del oro que Whitby propone: fuente de corrupción y a la vez derecho de realeza.

«Not because he is A, but because he contradicts A. Neither a part of him nor his number is to be found in heaven. But he has an earthly number, which is a mystery» — la sentencia latina sobre la criatura que lleva la letra A, en traducción de Whitby: no está en el cielo ni ella ni su número, pero tiene número terrenal.

«This creature bears the letter ‘A’ because he is in fact entirely opposed to God» — cómo resuelve Whitby esa paradoja: la letra que suele designar a Dios la lleva aquí quien se le opone.

«The number 666 is the number of the Beast in Revelation (XIII, 18), but Agrippa gives the number to the daemon of of the sun» — el número que aparece y sus dos adjudicaciones, la del Apocalipsis y la que Agrippa da al demonio del sol.

«This mystery is to be revealed to you later’. It is not» — una promesa del dictado angélico y la constancia de Whitby de que no se cumplió.

«The three versions of the 42 letter name of God along with their Latin translations are taken from Petrus Galatinus Columna’s Opua de arcanis Catholicae veritatis (see Commentary to MN29). Other versions that have been postulated by the kabbalists tend to consist of the many names of God put together until a composite name of 42 letters has been reached» — de dónde saca Dee las tres versiones del nombre divino de cuarenta y dos letras, y cómo lo hacían otros cabalistas.

«Just as the rational soul and the flesh [make] one man, even so do God and man» — la fórmula trinitaria latina que acompaña a ese nombre, en traducción de Whitby.

«Agrippa points to ‘the threefold capacity of our soul, namely the imagination (imaginatio), the rational (ratio), and the mental (mens). (see Frances A. Yates, The Occult Philosophy in the Elizabethan Age (London 1979), p. 53). The imagination could make a man a master in an art of some kind, while the intellect (mens) could show the way to ‘the secrets of divine matters’, but through the reason knowledge could be gained of ‘natural and human things» — la tripartición del alma en Agrippa que Whitby trae para glosar el término, con lo que cada facultad alcanza.

«It is not clear however that Columna’s 42 letter name of God differentiates the soul in quite this way and the ‘rational soul’ may simply be contrasted to the ‘sensible soul’ that is shared with the animals» — la reserva con que Whitby corta esa glosa: puede que el término no signifique ahí nada tan preciso.

«Since the letters are numbers as well (21b, 10–11), Michael is arguing that the striking out of the ‘a’s does not delete their numbers from the sequence obtained from the circle of the seal. Therefore the total of the outer circle still remains 40, being composed of thirty-eight letters and two ‘numbers’ from the deleted ‘a’s; if the ‘a’s are reinstated ‘the old rule of 42 letters» — el argumento con que el ángel Michael salva la cuenta del círculo: las letras suprimidas dejan su número, y restituidas devuelven la regla de cuarenta y dos.

«This does all seem to be little more than some juggling with terms by Kelly in order to get 42 out of 40» — cómo juzga Whitby ese argumento.

«The outer circle of the seal is here also stated to be a means of binding wicked spirits, in the same way that the holy names around the pentacle of Solomon are supposed to act as barriers between the conjurer and evil spirits» — la segunda función que se atribuye al círculo exterior del sello, emparejada por Whitby con el pentáculo de Salomón.

«making the name total 43 letters (hence Dee’s erasure of 1 at line 32), and in the first name is omitted altogether, although it may be found correctly in Book II, chap. 12 (p. 62). Both mistakes are almost certainly printer’s errors» — los dos errores que Whitby detecta en la fuente impresa de Dee —una letra de más y otra omitida— y a quién los adjudica.

«Alpha and omega: the first and the last; one God alone lives now and for ever: He is and will be: and here are his holy names» — la fórmula latina con que el ángel presenta el sello, en traducción de Whitby: los nombres santos están en el sello.

«The term ‘canopy’ was frequently used figuratively to describe the overhanging firmament and it may be that this vision is intended to represent the realms of heavenly purity» — la lectura que Whitby propone para una visión de dosel de oro batido, marcada como conjetura.

«It is not easy to see how Dee made this mistake, since the only ‘s’ in the circle has no number to lead on to ‘og’, it being the last letter of the name ‘Galas’ and the thirty-seventh in the circle. Perhaps Dee simply misread his own writing» — una corrección de Dee que Whitby comprueba y no consigue explicar del todo.

«The only one of these names for which I have been able to find a source is ‘.Innon’ which in the form of is designated as a name of God by Agrippa» — la búsqueda negativa de Whitby sobre los siete nombres del sello: solo uno tiene fuente localizable.

«According to the later adept, MacGregor Mathers, Innon is the holy name of an angel by which daemons are commanded to appear in Solomonic conjuration (Gustav Davidson, A Dictionary of Angels), although a common source for Kelly and Mathers is exceedingly unlikely considering the nature of the Order of the Golden Dawn» — la coincidencia posterior que Whitby consigna y a la vez desactiva: Mathers usa el mismo nombre, pero una fuente común con Kelly le parece muy improbable.

«Uriel takes over the exposition from Michael because the sixth name to be extracted from the letters is that of Michael himself. Michael is therefore ‘here’ in name and ‘not here’ in presence» — el relevo de expositor que Whitby explica por el contenido: el sexto nombre del sello es el del propio Michael, que queda presente en nombre y ausente en persona.

«The phoenix is symbolic of all processes of destruction and rebirth and the bird which Kelly sees certainly resembles a phoenix in its sparkling fiery» — cómo desambigua Whitby el ave de la visión: parece fénix por el fuego, aunque por lo que hace argumenta que es un pelícano.

«The Pellican, for to reuiue her younge, Doth peirce her brest, and geue them of her blood: Then searche your breste, and as you haue with tonge. With penne proceede to doe our countrie good: Your zeale is great, your learning is profounde. Then helpe our wantes, with that you doe abounde» — el emblema del pelícano en la colección de Whitney que Whitby cita: se abre el pecho para revivir a sus crías, y de ahí el consejo al lector de servir a su país con la pluma.

«A bird which is a mixture of phoenix and pelican may be interpreted as symbolic of the rebirth of man through Christ’s sacrifice, although the precise nature of any intended connection with Michael, whom Dee defines as ‘the strength of God’, is not clear» — la lectura que Whitby propone para el ave mixta y el límite que le pone: no ve qué tiene que ver con el ángel al que acompaña.

«Save for the fact that all winged creatures represent spirituality, the symbolism of this creature remains obscure» — otra abstención del comentario ante una criatura alada.

«There is no specific function of explication assigned by tradition to Uriel» — una búsqueda negativa: la tradición no le da a ese ángel el oficio que aquí desempeña.

«Seats (sedes) are an order of Angels Mentioned in Augustine’s Civitas Dei and may be equated with the more common order of Thrones» — la identificación del orden angélico que el manuscrito nombra, remitido a la Civitas Dei.

«the names of these ‘7 secret Angels’ remain relied. The ‘G’, ‘A’ and ‘H’, each with a cross, might represent Gabriel, Annael and Haniel, but Annael and Haniel are customarily alternative names for the same angel and in such a sequence one would also expect the names of Michael and Raphael, if not Uriel as well. While there are several angelic names which begin with the first six letters of the name Galethog and which also end in ‘el’, there is no recorded septenary of angels that I have found which comprises angels whose names begin with these letters, and I have found no angelic name which begins with ‘og’ and ends in ‘el’» — la búsqueda negativa más larga del comentario: Whitby prueba con las iniciales del nombre Galethog y no encuentra ningún septenario angélico conocido que las cumpla.

«The names of these ‘? secret Angels’ are not revealed in any later Action and Kelly’s lack of further explanation is probably deliberate» — y la conclusión que saca: el silencio de Kelly sobre esos nombres le parece deliberado.

«Agrippa writes that the number 7 is ‘consecrated to the Koly Ghost, which the Prophet Isaiah describes to be seaven fold, according to his gifts viz, the spirit of wisdom, and understanding, the spirit of counsell, and strength, the spirit of knowledge, and holiness, and the spirit of the fear of the Lord» — los siete dones del Espíritu con que Agrippa consagra el número siete, traídos por Whitby para glosar el pasaje.

«If those seven qualities are not referred to here, then these powers only and further to the vagueness and obscurity of this passage» — cómo consigna Whitby lo que no logra aclarar de ese pasaje.

«The one name Galethog is supposed to contain the names of the ‘7 secret Angels’» — la fórmula del uno en siete que el manuscrito aplica al nombre del sello.

«The marginal note corrects this to ‘twice three and one’. Agrippa notes that the number seven ‘hath a Unity, as it were the coupling of two threes» — una corrección marginal de Dee sobre el número siete y su fundamento en Agrippa: el siete es la unión de dos tríadas más la unidad.

«Agrippa writes that in the proportion of 2:2 the procession of the Holy Ghost from the Father and the Son may be seen (Occ. Phil. II, vii, p. 183). The Son and the proportion of the Holy Ghost are contained in the number seven in the constituent numbers of 5 and 2 and in the number 4 (2:2) which remains after the number of the Trinity has been extracted» — la aritmética trinitaria que Whitby aplica al número siete siguiendo a Agrippa.

«And I saw the seven angels which stood before God: and to them were given seven trumpets» — el versículo del Apocalipsis que Whitby pone detrás de las siete trompetas del pasaje.

«These pillars are sent by evil spirits, in the same manner that illuding spirits kept intruding in the Action of 10 March 1582» — cómo lee Whitby una interrupción de la sesión: pilares enviados por espíritus malos, como los engañadores de la primera Acción con Kelly.

«I am not’. The marginal note indicates that these pillars are not to be heeded» — la fórmula latina con que esos pilares se descartan, según la nota marginal de Dee.

«equivalent to the holy name (Ehie) which God spoke to Koses» — el nombre santo que los pilares legítimos declaran, identificado por Whitby con el que Dios pronunció ante Moisés en la zarza.

«These are the secrets of secrets’. The phrase echoes ‘the holy of holies» — la fórmula latina que acompaña a la entrega de nombres y el giro bíblico que Whitby le reconoce.

«I am the serpent and have devoured the serpent’. The second serpent is Satan, but the first is God, the serpent being symbolic of energy and, when biding its tail, also of eternity» — la sentencia de la serpiente que se devora a la serpiente, con la desambiguación de Whitby: la segunda es Satán y la primera es Dios, símbolo de energía y de eternidad.

«You are the serpent to both good and evil, O Lord’. Since all things proceed from God, evil exists only by his allowance» — la sentencia siguiente y su consecuencia teológica según Whitby: si todo procede de Dios, el mal existe por permisión.

«The names of the Sons of Light, the Daughters of Light, and their sons and daughters are to be extracted from the letters delivered by the pillars and those angels are presumably representative of them» — de dónde salen los nombres de los Hijos y las Hijas de la Luz, y qué representan los ángeles con forma de niño.

«The colour blue ‘stands for religious feeling, devotion and innocence’ (Cirlot, Dictionary of Symbols). The colour is appropriate considering what the tablet bears. Unfortunately there is no apparent reason why these spirits should also be dressed in green, the colour of fertility» — la lectura cromática de Whitby y su límite declarado: el azul de la tablilla le cuadra y el verde de las vestiduras no.

«These are the seven metals associated with the seven planets. Gold is the metal of the sun, silver that of the moon and copper that of Venus. Tin belongs to Jupiter, iron (‘yern’) to mars, quicksilver to mercury and lead to Saturn» — las siete correspondencias metal-planeta que Whitby identifica en la visión.

«The order in which the metals are shown is a little peculiar in that one would expect a descending oruer of baseness or an order related to the order of the planets, but this may only be achieved by swopping the places of the tin and the quicksilver. then this is done, a descending order of baseness, also corresponding to the Copernican system less the earth» — la anomalía de orden que Whitby detecta en esa serie y la permutación con que se resuelve.

«Although they are generated at one time, still they are one thing’. The caret refers to the marginal note which would change the sentence to read: ‘although they are not generated at one time’, thus making more sense. The lines concern the Aristotelian conception of matter being ultimately all one matter, but taking an infinite variety of forms. This concept lay at the heart of the alchemical theory of transmutation, which bought to change the form of matter» — la sentencia latina de los siete metales, la enmienda que Dee anota al margen para hacerla legible, y la doctrina que Whitby ve detrás: la materia única de formas infinitas en que se funda la transmutación.

«God said: let my name be remembered, but let yours be forgotten’; not a direct biblical reference» — una de las sentencias del dictado, en traducción de Whitby, que precisa que no es cita bíblica.

«A third generation of Daughters of Light does not make an appearance» — una constancia negativa del comentario sobre la genealogía de los espíritus femeninos.

«The ‘daughters of the earth’ are presumably evil spirits, in opposition to the Daughters of Light, but they make no appearance in the Actions» — otra constancia negativa: las hijas de la tierra se nombran una vez y no vuelven.

«God does not compel man to follow his ways (compare with Donne’s Holy Sonnet XIV, ‘Batter my heart, three person’d God’). In Latin ‘Liba’ means a sacrificial cake and it is possible that reference is being made to the Host» — una lectura teológica del comentario, con el eco poético que Whitby le encuentra y la posibilidad latina que deja abierta sobre uno de los nombres.

«The wolf does not care for (or pay attention to) number’. This would appear to refer to Kelly» — una sentencia del dictado que Whitby lee como reproche a Kelly, y a la que añade el sentido bíblico del lobo por la concordancia de Cruden.

«He does not take away the least virtue from virtue’. ‘Virtue’ is being used in both a particular and a general sense and the line may be paraphrased as ‘not even the smallest virtuous act of those who lead righteous lives goes unnoticed by God» — otra sentencia latina, con la paráfrasis que Whitby propone porque el término se usa en dos sentidos a la vez.

«Be with them. Be (I say with then). Be (I say) with ae. Go.’ This is spoken to the spirits. The first closing parenthesis has evidently been misplaced» — una orden a los espíritus en traducción de Whitby, que además corrige la puntuación del original.

«erasures are very faint and the corrections are made in pencil and I suspect that they were made by Ashmole. Since Dee shortly received the correct version there cannot have been great need to correct the first example, whereas Ashmole may have wanted a convenient comparison of the two versions for his investigations into Dee’s magic» — cómo adjudica Whitby unas correcciones a lápiz sobre una tabla ya sustituida: por su inutilidad para Dee las atribuye a Ashmole, que querría comparar las dos versiones.

«Even when the numbers in the table are explained as letters, most of the names remain unpronounceable» — la constancia de Whitby sobre el resultado de esa tabla.

«Blessed is he who keeps his names secret’. In Revelation secret names are also given to the elect (II, 17) and the angel called Faithful and True has another name which is said to be secret» — la sentencia sobre el secreto de los nombres y sus paralelos en el Apocalipsis.

«The names of these angels who stand next to the seven angels of the presence are obtained by reading from the top left corner diagonally downwards from right to left. The first name is S/AB/ATH/I , or Sabathiel ( standing for ‘el’). The seven names obtained in this way are Sabathiel, Zedekieil, Madimiel, Semeliei, Nogahel, Corabiel and Levanael (all numbers except represent simply the letter’l’» — la regla de lectura diagonal con que se extraen los siete nombres planetarios, con la equivalencia de las cifras.

«This suggests that 27a, 44 should read filios, ‘sons’, rather than filias» — una enmienda de Whitby al latín del manuscrito, fundada en lo que la propia tabla exige.

«The voice of the Lord in strength. The voice of the Lord in decorum. The voice of the Lord reveals secrets. In his temple let us praise his name E1» — la letanía latina que acompaña a la entrega de la tabla, en traducción de Whitby.

«The names of the Daughters of Light are to be found by reading the table diagonally from the top right corner from left to right. Sach diagonal produces a name: E1, Ke, Ese, Iana, Akele, Azdobn, Stimcul (see 26b, 41–48). The last name is the diagonal from one corner to the other (what is here called the» — la regla de lectura de las Hijas de la Luz: una diagonal por nombre desde la esquina superior derecha.

«The number 8 occurs under the letter ‘1’ in the 17th place of the outer circle of the seal, but also under ‘o’ in the 24th place» — una ambigüedad del método que Whitby verifica contando casillas: el mismo número aparece bajo dos letras distintas.

«Presumably each of these phrases that follow is intended to reflect upon the supposed meaning of these unpronounceable names» — cómo entiende Whitby las sentencias que acompañan a cada nombre impronunciable.

«This vision lends itself to alchemical as well as religious interpretation. The hill may be symbolic of the Philosophers’ Stone as well as just divine wisdom and while in religious symbolism the serpent is the devil, in alchemical symbolism it has the same significance as the dragon, representing ‘matter in its imperfect unregenerate state» — la doble lectura del cerro de oro con serpientes, con la equivalencia alquímica que Whitby toma de Sherwood Taylor.

«In alchemical symbolism the dragon or serpent has to be slain ‘which means that the metals…have to be reduced to a non-metallic condition’ (Taylor, The Alchemists, p. 145). This is achieved by boiling and distillation, various ‘waters’ being produced» — la lectura alquímica de la gran agua que sigue: matar al dragón es reducir los metales a estado no metálico por hervor y destilación.

«The great water may, however, simply be a symbol for the destruction of the hill and serpents, thereby implying the transience of worldly things and ambition» — la lectura alternativa que Whitby ofrece de la misma imagen, sin decidir entre las dos.

«It is inconceivable that the ring bearing the name PELE should be so large as to accommodate this kind ef reduction, but it is not easy to see what else might be referred to here» — un pasaje que Whitby declara no poder resolver: la reducción de la que se habla no cabe en el anillo, y no hay otro objeto que la explique.

«This word is not entirely legible and this is the nearest that I can come to making sense of it, unsatisfactory though it is. This might be paraphrased as ‘no further details were given of the lamine’. Ashmole’s transcript offers no solution as he has just copied the letters as best he could, ending with the same flourish or slip of the pen as the original» — cómo trata Whitby una palabra ilegible: propone su lectura, la declara insatisfactoria y consigna que la copia de Ashmole no ayuda porque también se limitó a calcar los trazos.

«Fire is an emblem of God’s word (see Jeremiah XXIII, 29) and of the baptism of the Holy Ghost» — los dos valores bíblicos del fuego que Whitby aplica a la visión.

«Dee uses the word ‘show’ for visions or displays of tables by the angels and spirits and I take demonstratio to be ita Latia equivalent» — una precisión de vocabulario: el término inglés con que Dee nombra las exhibiciones angélicas y su equivalente latino.

«For ease of reference to parts of these ‘tables of creation’ I shall adopt a system as if the constituent squares were lettered consecutively across the top and numbered consecutively down the completed table» — la convención que Whitby introduce para citar casillas dentro de las tablas de la Creación.

«It is not clear why the squares between A3 and G2 receive ao individual reference» — una laguna del propio dictado que Whitby registra.

«The letters seen to be of a bright colour or gold (see line 5) against a black background, although Ashmole’s description of the Holy Table gives the lines of the tables as blue and the letters, numbers and diagrams as red» — una discrepancia de colores que Whitby consigna sin armonizar: lo que la visión describe y lo que Ashmole vio en la mesa no coinciden.

«The end of darkness’, aa accompanying phrase suitable to a ‘table of creation’» — la fórmula latina que cierra la primera tabla.

«This word not only bears the meaning of ‘understood’ but also of ‘included’ and ‘contained’. In the creative process the first table represents ‘the end of darkness’ and there seems to be a reference to John I, 5: ‘And the light shineth in darkness: and the darkness comprehendeth it not» — el doble sentido de un verbo del manuscrito y el versículo joánico que Whitby ve detrás.

«In the order of the Creation the second day saw the division of the waters above and below the firmament of heaven, which is essentially the creation of a universe into which the earth is to be placed. The limits of the universe may be symbolised by the ‘great white Globe’ at line 32 (see 54b 20–24), in which case the ‘ball like glass’ may be the firmament» — cómo empareja Whitby los objetos de la visión con el segundo día de la Creación.

«If the symbolism is alchemical, the ball and globe probably represent vessels in which matter is to be heated and distilled» — la lectura alquímica alternativa de esos mismos objetos.

«but the essential parts were a furnace or heat-source, a receptacle for the boiling liquid, a condenser, and a receptacle for the product» — el aparato de destilación que Whitby describe pieza por pieza para sostener esa lectura.

«The evidence for such an interpretation is slender, however, being merely the vision at line 36» — y la reserva con que la sostiene: la evidencia es escasa.

«Behold the sign (or seal) of incomprehensibility’. The last word may rather mean ‘that which is not able to be comprehended by man» — la fórmula latina que acompaña a la tercera tabla y las dos lecturas del último término.

«The erasure occurs because the words should precede rather than folio* a vision; hence the flourish before the repetition» — cómo explica Whitby una tachadura del manuscrito: la frase estaba fuera de sitio y Dee la repitió tras el rasgo de pluma.

«The earth is created on the third day and the land separated from the waters (Genesis I, 9–10). In alchemy the third stage is separation which is repeated until ‘Erth remayn benethe’» — la tercera correspondencia de la serie: creación de la tierra en Génesis y separación en la escala alquímica.

«In Genesis man is not created until the sixth day and woman not until after the seventh day. In alchemical symbolism, however, the marriage of male and female is very common» — el desajuste que Whitby señala entre el relato bíblico y la imagen alquímica del matrimonio de macho y hembra.

«The splitting of the woman into male and female seems to represent this marriage in reverse» — cómo salva ese desajuste al leer la visión.

«There is no such name amongst any of the spirits of light. ‘Vasedg’ looks like a word in the Enochian language, but If so, it is one whose meaning has not been left to us» — una búsqueda negativa sobre un nombre del dictado: no está entre los espíritus de luz y parece enoquiano sin traducción conservada.

«it may however be a compound word partly derived from the Enochian ‘ham’, ‘creature» — la única etimología que Whitby se atreve a proponer para otra palabra enoquiana del pasaje.

«In the fifth stage of the alchemical process, putrefaction, the matter turns to a liquid pitch. This is frequently symbolised by a corpse, and according to biblical imagery man is but dust or clay and shall return to that state. The ‘corpse’ loses vapours but will be revived by ‘celestial virtue’, this process being symbolised by ascending and descending birds» — la correspondencia del quinto día con la putrefacción alquímica, y por qué las aves que suben y bajan la simbolizan.

«This table of divine names was revealed to Kelly on 25 June 1584 at Cracow and expounded in later Actions but the precise signicifance of which is crossreferred back to this fifth Table of Creation, is never made clear» — un cabo suelto que Whitby sigue hasta otro manuscrito y deja abierto: la remisión de esa tabla a la quinta tabla de la Creación nunca se explica.

«Part of this table is not extant. Even when the manuscript came inta Ashmole’s nands cnese folios nad suffered, for in the left margin of his transcript he a rote: ‘the spaces not filed vp were decaied and broken away in the Originall» — el estado de la tabla de los cuarenta y nueve espíritus y desde cuándo: Ashmole ya anotó en su copia que los huecos estaban rotos en el original.

«I have noted in red those letters and numbers which appear in Ashmole’s copy (3677, 57b–58a) but have since been destroyed in Dee’s manuscript» — la convención editorial que Whitby declara para las pérdidas del manuscrito: recupera de la copia de Ashmole lo que ya no está y lo marca en rojo.

«The Table provider the names of the 49 governors. Each name begins with the letter ‘B’ and the remaining letters are discovered by finding the appropriate letters in tables 2–7. Each letter of tue first name is preceded by the numeral 1, oach letter of the second by the numeral 2, and so on up to 49, the order of letters being that of the tables 1–7» — el mecanismo de extracción de los cuarenta y nueve nombres: la inicial fija, el numeral que ordena y las siete tablas que dan las letras.

«It is possible to an extent to reconstruct the missing parts of the table, but since there is no rule for individual placings within each small square in tables 2–7, the correct positions of the missing letters in the original cannot be ascertained» — hasta dónde llega la reconstrucción de Whitby y por qué se detiene: se sabe qué letras faltan, no dónde iban.

«In these lines each of the subdivisions of the table on fole 37b–8a is given a particular significance. The first table represents wisdom; the second, government; the third, nobility; the fourth, trade; the fifth, the quality of the earth and the seas; the sixth, aerial motions and the seventh, wisdom of a divine nature» — los siete dominios que el dictado asigna a las siete tablas, según los ordena Whitby.

«The significance of the fourth table is extended to include the waters at line 49, the seas being the principal vehicle for England’s trade» — una ampliación de sentido que Whitby explica por el comercio marítimo inglés.

«The wisdom of God is likened to fire in the Bible» — el respaldo bíblico que Whitby da a la correspondencia entre sabiduría divina y fuego.

«Wisdom, government, nobility, the four elements and their associated users and inhabitants are represented in the tables» — qué quiere decir, según Whitby, que las tablas contengan el estado de toda la tierra.

«The number ‘29’ in its first occurrence is corrected to 49, since ‘generall names’ embraces all the spirits. No reason is given why the first 29 should be more important than the rest, and it is a number that does not bear any traditional significance» — una corrección numérica del manuscrito y la abstención de Whitby: no hay razón para que veintinueve valiera más, ni tradición que lo respalde.

«This refers to the number before each letter, since letters preceded by the same number are put together to take the names of the 49 spirits» — la glosa de un término técnico del dictado, que resulta ser la regla de composición de los nombres.

«ashmole’s superscription is again caused by the tight binding. The name is Baligon» — cómo explica Whitby las intervenciones de Ashmole sobre el texto: suplen palabras que la encuadernación se había comido.

«The symbols of the books, crown, robes, water and animal, herbs, fan, and fire represent respectively wisdom, government, nobility and the four elements» — la traducción de los emblemas de las tablas a sus dominios, según Whitby.

«The significance of this eludes me» — la fórmula con que Whitby declara sus abstenciones más secas dentro del comentario, aquí ante veintiséis coronas de oro.

«Palmers were pilgrims who had made the journey to the Holy Land and as a sign thereof carried a palm leaf or branch. The term did become debased to mean any pilgrim» — la glosa del término con que el manuscrito nombra a unos peregrinos, con la deriva de sentido que Whitby registra.

«The image of the seed is very powerful in alchemy, since ‘the alchemist who melted up gold with silver and copper [need not have] necessarily regarded himself as in any way falsifying gold; for he probably believed that the gold acted as a seed which, nourished by the copper and silver, grew at their expense until the whole mass became gold» — la doctrina alquímica de la semilla que Whitby trae de Sherwood Taylor para leer el oro sembrado de la visión.

«This is also the essential principle of ‘projection’, the turning of base metals into gold through the Philosophers’ Stone; the seed of gold in the base metal, all matter being different only in form, was encouraged to grow» — y el principio operativo que de ahí se sigue: la proyección hace crecer la semilla de oro que ya hay en el metal bajo.

«In his transcript Ashmole writes ‘May not an o…..’ presumably for ‘an other’ (Sloane MS 3677, fol, 65b» — cómo usa Whitby la copia de Ashmole para leer lo que la encuadernación borró.

«After binding the MS Ashmole could presumably only see the ‘h’ of this word. In his transcript he writes ‘any honest…’ since part of the sentence was missing, this presumably being the word ‘man’» — un caso concreto de esa pérdida y de cómo Ashmole la suplió a ciegas.

«Ashmole designates this as tfhe fifth book (line 8), having decided that book four is that which contains the Action of 4 May 1582» — el desacuerdo de numeración de los libros entre Dee y Ashmole, consignado sin arbitrar.

«the first leafe in the Originall is wanting which takes vp two leaves of my writing, & therefore I have left so much space for it» — cómo dejó constancia Ashmole de la hoja perdida del cuarto libro: reservó el espacio en su propia copia.

«The identity of this Hagonel and the equation of Carmara with Baligon are however a little confused for in Sloane MS 3191 (De heptarchia mystica. ch. 7) King Carmara and Prince Hagonel are to be invoked on Monday (fol. 47a) while King Baligon is to be invoked on Friday (fol, 49b), Carmara governs the understanding of all sciences while Baligon governs all aerial actions and particularly Dee’s show-stone later given by the angels (see 59b, 33– 46), Hagonel governs the first and second generation Sons of Light (see lines 6–7 and Sloane MS 3191, 47a) and all the operations of the earth» — la confusión de identidades que Whitby desenreda entre los manuscritos: dos espíritus con el mismo nombre y dos con alias cruzados, con días y oficios distintos.

«From the time of Richard I to Edward III the arms of England were gules three lions passant guardant in pale gold. Edward III quartered the arms of France in token of his claim to the French throne. Thus the arms showed two quarters with the gold lions on red, and two quarters with the gold fleur-de-lis on blue, and these remained the royal arms until the end of Elizabeth I’s reign» — la identificación heráldica que Whitby hace de una de las banderas de la visión.

«The confusion at the end of this line of text results from Dee having originally written ‘old’ above ‘semed’, using a double stroke to indicate that they belonged to the same line of text. Ashmole then erased ‘semed’ and wrote ‘seemed old’ above the line after binding the manuscript» — cómo reconstruye Whitby una capa de correcciones: primero Dee sobre su propia línea y después Ashmole borrando y reescribiendo.

«This definition is not explained later and the key may be in the missing folio» — una definición que el dictado no vuelve a explicar y que Whitby atribuye a la hoja perdida.

«Note, as Michael and Vriel, at the begynning of these revealed mysteries, were present, and gaue Authority to Carmara to order the whole Heptarchlcall Reuelation; so, at the Conclusion, they appeared agayn and Raphael with then; and Michael concluded the second boke of this particular Reuelation Heptarchicall, with these words following [marginal note: Michaēl. Noueb. 19.] Merciful is our God, and Glorious is his name» — cómo resume el propio Dee, en la De heptarchia mystica, el marco de la revelación heptárquica: dos ángeles la autorizan al principio y tres la cierran al final.

«This book is designated the fourth book (44a), although Ashmole gives it the title of the fifth book due to the heading of ‘Liber 4’ on fol. 42a. In De heptarchia mystica it is called the second book as it forms the second chapter of that work, though in a condensed form» — las tres numeraciones distintas del mismo libro —la de Dee, la de Ashmole y la de la De heptarchia mystica—, consignadas sin arbitrar.

«The Action of 16 November 1582 (47a–48b) is the first book of the Book of Creation (see 48b LH marginal note and 54b, MN8). The Action of 15 November (45a–47b) may also be included under this title. In De heptarchia mystica (Sloane MS 3191, 33a) Dee writes: ‘lib0 Creationis 10. Principes loquebātur aagnalla Dei: in secundo, Reges maxime hoc faciunt’ (in the first Book of Creation the princes spoke of the mercies of God: in the second, the kings performed this» — cómo distingue Dee las dos partes del Libro de la Creación: en la primera hablan los príncipes y en la segunda los reyes.

«The appearance in fact took place in the Action of 20 November, which begins at 55a» — una corrección de fecha que Whitby hace al propio Dee contra su nota marginal.

«The marginal note has been largely destroyed and was so when Ashmole bound the MS. Those parts in pointed brackets are taken from Sloane MS 3677, but the rest is still in Ashmole’s hand» — cómo separa Whitby las capas de una nota marginal dañada: lo que viene de la copia de Ashmole va entre corchetes angulares y lo demás sigue siendo de su mano.

«Evidently in the missing folio Carmara was holding a rod of office, consisting of three parts diversely coloured, two parts being black and one being red» — lo que Whitby reconstruye del folio perdido a partir de una mención posterior: la vara tricolor del espíritu Carmara.

«It is uncertain whether the 7 figures here are the same as those at 45a» — una identificación que Whitby deja sin resolver.

«This is the metal appropriate to venus and friaays» — la correspondencia metal-planeta-día que el heptágono estrellado trae consigo.

«The second holder is Bornogo, who is the minister to Bobogel’s government and is to be invoked on Sundays, He has the power to perfect nature and possesses knowledge of all metals» — el segundo de los siete príncipes del heptágono, con su día, su rey y su oficio.

«Befafes is claiming that it was through his agency that Moses parted the Red Sea and then closed it again over Pharaoh and his host as they pursued the Israelites» — lo que el espíritu Befafes se atribuye en el manuscrito: haber ahogado al faraón en el mar Rojo.

«In the marginal note to this line Dee computes that if this means ‘the tyme of Gods visitation’ will occur in eight years’ time, it will fall upon 16 November 1590, He reflects, however, that 88 years may be meant» — cómo trabaja Dee al margen sobre una cifra del dictado: calcula una fecha y en seguida propone otra lectura.

«Since Carmara is also Baligon (45a, 1), Dee is attempting to equate Hagonel and Bagenol» — el intento de Dee de cuadrar los alias de los espíritus, según lo lee Whitby.

«It would seem from this command that Dee was not particularly happy with the offers of daemonic help. He may have expressed some private doubts to Kelly» — lo que Whitby infiere de una orden del dictado: Dee no estaba cómodo con la ayuda demónica que se le ofrecía.

«Blumaza is king over the kings of the earth and they are his first prince and his ministers, as I conjecture» — una glosa latina del propio Dee, con su conjetura declarada, sobre quién hace de príncipe a ese rey.

«The secrets of God are not to be revealed to men» — la máxima latina de secreto que aparece al margen del manuscrito.

«The black cloth drawn across the stone signifying the end of an Action» — la señal con que se cierran las sesiones, según Whitby.

«The path goes from the lower point of the globe equivalent to the southern hemisphere up to the topmost point, where on a globe of the world the north pole would be» — cómo describe Whitby la senda que aparece sobre el globo de la visión.

«Unless there was some specific reference in the missing first folio to this book, Carmara must mean the introduction of the seven princes who held the heptagon (the vision of the kings, nobles and philosophers was interpreted by Hagonel» — una inferencia condicionada al folio perdido sobre a qué libro se refiere el espíritu.

«In Sloane MS 3191 Prince Blisdon, who governs the earth (an office given to Butmono at 47b, 24), is said to govern 42 ministers (Sloane MS 3191, fol. 48b). In fact each prince here is accompanied by 42 spirits» — un desacuerdo de oficios entre dos manuscritos, y el dato que sí es constante: cuarenta y dos espíritus por príncipe.

«was placed on his head, but scraped out» — una capa borrada del manuscrito que solo se conoce por una nota marginal de Ashmole: la corona del espíritu, puesta y raspada.

«And my name is my whole number, nor is there reproach in our number. Moses named us. Just as the power of these men is, so is that of these women, and while their power is not one, yet they exist in unity» — la sentencia latina sobre los Hijos y las Hijas de la Luz, en traducción de Whitby: sus poderes no son uno y aun así existen en unidad.

«You knew [nosti for ‘novisti’] these numbers to be in God, in the world and in the lesser world. In God, that is with us: in the lesser world is to say with you» — el reparto de los números entre Dios, el mundo y el mundo menor, en traducción de Whitby, con la enmienda latina que él propone.

«Your mind is joined with knowledge [sec 42b, 3–4, and 3a, 38]. It is sown in the presence of philosophers [ for ‘philosophos’], and that greatly, concerning Nature, which is not with you but with us and it is by our power. You will see God. You have seen our works, the works (I say) of his hands. We will be moved by the finger of God. He came from God. He was a man among men: for he is yet with them. And his power gives force, virtue and being not only to us, but to our works» — el discurso más extenso del pasaje, en traducción de Whitby: el saber sembrado ante los filósofos, la promesa de ver a Dios y la fuerza que viene de Dios a las obras.

«This speech recalls the unity ascribed to Dee and Kelly through the knowledge of ‘God’s secrets and proclaims the unity of all things that proceed from God» — cómo lee Whitby ese discurso dentro del conjunto.

«What is it that your unburied (incorporeal?) soul seeks» — una pregunta latina del dictado, con la duda de traducción que Whitby declara entre paréntesis.

«Philip II was King of Spain from 1556 to 1598. What Dee’s purpose is remains unknown, but it is probably connected with geographical discovery» — una laguna que Whitby declara y a la vez acota: no se sabe qué buscaba Dee del rey de España, pero el contexto es el del descubrimiento geográfico.

«Since the Pope had divided all the world’s discoveries between Spain and Portugal, Philip II would undoubtedly figure in the early planning, both as a political obstacle (Dee presented to Elizabeth two parchment roles detailing her Titles to Foreign Lands on 3 October 1580) and as a possible ally» — por qué Felipe II entra en los planes de Dee, según Whitby: la partición papal lo hacía a la vez obstáculo y aliado posible.

«Dee at first takes this to be Baligon, the presiding king of the 49 spirits, but in the marginal note thinks it may rather be Annael, whc is ‘chief governor generall of this great period» — cómo Dee cambia de identificación entre el texto y su nota marginal.

«Dee is receiving instructions for ceremonial daemonic magic» — cómo califica Whitby las instrucciones de esta sesión.

«The lamine comprehends Dee’s name by being in the form of the letter delta» — la razón por la que el lamen contiene el nombre de Dee.

«The stone to be used for scrying in this particular ceremony is not mentioned by Carmara here, but is brought by in angel at 59b» — una omisión del rito que Whitby señala y resuelve por remisión: la piedra llega después.

«In 1581 Dee had written a great volume in Latin on the propagation of the Christian faith among the infidels of Atlantis (De modo Evangelli Jesu Christi publicandi. propagandi, stabiliendi inter Infideles Antlanticos). The work was in four books, the first addressed to Elizabeth, the second to the Privy Council, the third to Philip II and the last to the Pope» — la obra perdida de Dee sobre la evangelización de los infieles de la Atlántida, con sus cuatro dedicatarias: la reina, el consejo privado, el rey de España y el papa.

«It seems that during Kelly’s absence between May and November the work did not progress any further» — lo que Whitby deduce del silencio del manuscrito sobre los instrumentos mágicos durante el hueco de 1582.

«Kelly is here confirmed in his position as Dee’s scryer and partner in celestial knowledge» — el momento en que Kelly queda confirmado en su oficio por el propio dictado.

«Dee’s situation was made difficult by his lack of money and the continual disappointments of not being appointed to the livings he requested» — el trasfondo material que Whitby recuerda al glosar la mención de la reina.

«This is the first time that Dee confesses to being in any way affected by the appearance of a spiritual creature» — el primer registro de una percepción propia de Dee dentro de la sesión: un ruido atronador.

«This suggests that Dee may actually see the ‘contrarie powers’, which he newer does", although it may be understood as meaning just that he will see the effects of such evil spirits» — la duda que Whitby plantea y deja abierta sobre una promesa del dictado a Dee, que nunca vio nada.

«Bobogel is wearing trunk hose with canions. The canions were a tight-fitting extension of the trunk hose covering the thigh, separate nether-stocks being worn» — la identificación indumentaria de una aparición, que Whitby resuelve con un manual de historia del traje.

«Although they try to emulate the ternary LEE, they can in no way do so. Although the body of the compound man that they form seems like gold (53b, 1), there is no strength or substance in the figure» — el mecanismo de las cuaternas de espíritus que Whitby describe: unas imitan a otras y el hombre compuesto que forman parece oro sin serlo.

«The people in the globe are cleansed through penitence» — cómo lee Whitby una limpieza que ocurre dentro de la visión del globo.

«What the white ball, the flaming sword and the fine linen hat-band should signify is not clear. The flaming sword recalls the angel (usually thought to be Michael) who guards the gate of Eden (Genesis III, 24) and is customarily a symbol of purification» — una abstención parcial: Whitby identifica la espada flamígera con el ángel de la puerta del Edén y reconoce que eso no explica los otros dos objetos.

«Some [have] such things [i.e. fashionable clothes] on account of worthiness, [but] others [have] such things because they are not worthy» — una sentencia latina sobre la ropa de los espíritus, en traducción de Whitby: unos la llevan por mérito y otros por lo contrario.

«All belong to Nature, but not in him’ (contrast with 53a, 20–22). Not all the ternaries are divinely inspired» — la sentencia con que se separan las cuaternas aceptadas de las rechazadas, y su lectura.

«This company is neither intrinsically good nor intrinsically evil, but only according to how they are used» — la neutralidad que Whitby atribuye a uno de los grupos de espíritus.

«We are the seven gates of Nature, and of he who knew God’ (i.e. Adam). The last phrase explains their neutrality» — cómo se presentan esos espíritus neutrales y por qué su fórmula explica su condición.

«The disappearance of these. 23 in black smoke indicates that they also are rejected by Bobogel» — cómo se cierra el cribado de los cuarenta y dos ministros: el humo negro es el rechazo.

«In sexto…omnia] ‘In six and seven are all things» — la sentencia latina que resume la aritmética del sistema, en traducción de Whitby.

«The one who formed these [i.e. the six] is the second in the heptagon» — la adjudicación que el dictado hace de los seis espíritus aprobados, resuelta por Whitby contra la tabla de los príncipes.

«The division here of the spirits under Bobogel and Bornogo does not make sense» — el desorden que Whitby documenta en el reparto horario de los ministros, caso por caso, hasta declarar que este último no cuadra.

«The only explanation I can give for the vision of running water is that it is one of the essentials for life» — una glosa mínima que Whitby ofrece con la reserva por delante.

«Bynepor governs the general state of things in the three levels of vita suprema. superior, and infirma» — la triple división de la vida sobre la que reina uno de los reyes espirituales, con los términos latinos del otro manuscrito.

«The highest, “middle" and lesser planes of existence are measured by my hands» — cómo se presenta ese rey en el manuscrito, en traducción de Whitby.

«Despite Bynepor’ s great office and power, he is not self-created, but of God and his power is given by God alone» — el límite que el propio dictado le pone al poder de sus espíritus, según lo lee Whitby.

«He is responsible for procreation and the multiplication of life beginning from Adam. ‘One’ may however signify God» — la glosa de una fórmula del espíritu, con la ambigüedad que Whitby deja abierta.

«These are ‘spirits of perdition’ which guard treasure in the earth» — quiénes son la gente fea de la visión, según el propio manuscrito.

«OOGOSRS should be OOGOSRB, the correction being made after the explication at 59a, 43–46 although De heptarchia mystica retains OOGOSRS (Sloane MS 3191, 42b» — una corrección de nombre que Whitby verifica contra la explicación posterior, y la constancia de que el otro manuscrito conserva la forma errónea.

«On 26 March Dee asked Raphael whether he might use Blisdon and his ministers to unravel the secrets concerning buried treasure which were contained in a scroll brought back from Northwick Hill in the Cotswolds by Kelly after he had been guided by ‘a spirituall creature’ (see 61a and 63a, 36–39). Despite the statement here that ‘they are and shalbe at thy ’, Raphael would not sanction an invocation of the spirits» — la negativa angélica a que Dee usara los espíritus de la tierra para el tesoro del rollo, pese a que se le había dicho que estaban a su disposición.

«In this Action at Cracow a further table was said to contain four good angels with ‘power over Metals, to find them, to gather them together, and to use them’ and also ‘the Princes of those wicked ones, that stood afar off in the Table of the Creation» — la continuación del asunto en 1584: una tabla con cuatro ángeles con poder sobre los metales y con los príncipes de los espíritus perversos.

«No spirit issuing fire appeared in the Action of 19 November the day before. The only spirit who appeared then who in any way resembles this one was the compound figure formed by the fourth ternary with the ‘chaos of faces’ (54a, 2). A fiery spirit may have appeared to Kelly in a private vision on the 19th November whose appearance he related to Dee» — cómo resuelve Whitby una referencia sin antecedente: propone una visión privada de Kelly, no registrada, aunque la descripción encaje mejor con otro espíritu.

«While Bnapsen governs practisers of magic and witchcraft and has the power to cast out wicked spirits, no office is assigned to Brorges, although his earlier appearance at 48a suggests that his office should be similar» — los oficios del rey y el príncipe del sábado, con el hueco declarado: al príncipe no se le asigna ninguno.

«It was Hagonel who punished ‘lyers, witches, enchanters, Deceyvers, Blasphemers’ before (45b, 31–32) and Dee’s marginal note here Indicates his awareness of the discrepancy» — una discrepancia de competencias dentro del propio sistema, que Dee advirtió al margen.

«Within the circle there is an unskilful picture of a demon with his hair like flames (in red ink) and with sharp teeth» — cómo describe Whitby una de las figuras dibujadas en el manuscrito.

«This sequence is made by adding 7. Thus adding 7 to the number 43 gives 50, a number greater than 49 by one, which may signify the first king, Baligon» — cómo trabaja Dee al margen sobre la tabla de los cuarenta y nueve: suma de siete en siete y al pasar de cuarenta y nueve vuelve al primero.

«Both this marginal note and the one above separately link all the kings together and all the princes together, but neither succeeds in showing the relationship in the table between the kings and their princes» — el límite de esos cálculos, según Whitby: encadenan reyes con reyes y príncipes con príncipes, y no muestran qué príncipe va con qué rey.

«The statement !My Prince is in myself: which is a mysterie was not in fact spoken at all, unless in the missing folio at the beginning of this book. Nevertheless the memory of such a statement led Dee to think of Baligon’s prince as the anagrammatical Baginol instead of the correct Bagenol» — un error de cita que Whitby documenta en el propio Dee: recuerda una frase que no está en el manuscrito y de ahí saca un nombre mal formado.

«It is unusual for Dee to be inaccurate in his cross-references, but the admission ‘as far as I remēber’ suggests that he was unable to find the statement ‘my Prince is in myself when he looked for it himself» — cómo pondera Whitby ese fallo, apoyándose en la reserva que el propio Dee escribió.

«Nalvage first appeared ia an Action of 11 February 1584 and was responsible for delivering the calls of 48 Claues angelicae which take up much of A True and Faithful Relation and are also to be found in Sloane MS 5191» — quién es el espíritu Nalvage y qué entregó, según Whitby.

«Each prince has his own table consisting of the letters delivered by the 42 spirits accompanying each prince between fols 49b and 57b» — de dónde sale la tabla propia de cada príncipe.

«OESNGLE is obtained from the second letters of Bobogel and Befafes, the third of Basmelo, the fourth of Bernole, the fifth of Branglo, the sixth of Brisfli and the seventh of Bnagole, who form together the second septenary in the table at 41a» — la regla de extracción de uno de los nombres de ministro, letra por letra y espíritu por espíritu.

«LEENARB is derived from the second septenary by working inwards from the last letter of the king (Bobogel) to the first letter of the seventh spirit» — la regla inversa para la segunda tabla, que Whitby describe como recorrido hacia dentro.

«This is a mirror image of the progression used to obtain the names for the third table» — cómo describe Whitby la simetría entre las tablas de ministros.

«The rule for each name is to use consecutive letters of each king and then the last letter of the seventh spirit in the septenary of the king who contributed the sixth letter» — la regla de la tabla infernal, que salta el primer septenario porque su rey se basta a sí mismo.

«The result of using this rule, however, gives BANSSZE, BYAPEE, BNAMGEN, BNVOLOS, BLBAPOO, BOBEPEN, as opposed to BANSSZE, BYAPARE, BNAMGEN, BNVAGES, BLBOPOO, BABEPEN, shown in the table at 57a, 23» — el desajuste que Whitby mide entre la regla declarada y los nombres que el manuscrito escribe, sin corregir ninguno de los dos.

«This note is rather confused but I think the sense of it is this. Baligon and his septenary have not so far been used in obtaining the tables of names of the 42 spirits and therefore may be seen in this respect as being the last septenary in the table at 41a (note the figure 7 inside the circles at 4la). Blumaza is designated as ‘the first’ in the Action of 5 May 1583, but he holds this position ‘secretly’ (see 102a, 27–30 and MN30). As a result of this ‘secret of preeminence’ His name is accompanied by the numeral 1 in the table at 41a (the innermost numeral). This results in a sequence of septenaries from Blumaza to Bnapsen which is numerated a little irregularly: 1, 7, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6. I feel that the ‘necessity’ does not» — cómo trata Whitby una nota marginal enredada de Dee: reconstruye su sentido y a la vez discrepa de la necesidad que Dee alegaba.

«Dee is of course using a stone, but the angels now give him one appropriate for the commandment of the 49 spirits» — por qué llega una piedra nueva cuando ya había una.

«Dragon’s blood was the name given by the alchemists to the resin obtained from certain plants, but it is more likely that it is used here only to symbolise fierceness» — una identificación alquímica que Whitby propone y en seguida rebaja a lectura simbólica.

«This passage owes its origin to the Platonic concept of ideal Forms and the perfect and eternal model used by the Creator in fashioning the Universe» — la filiación platónica que Whitby atribuye a un pasaje del dictado.

«In his Preface Dee’s description of the threefold nature of the universe (supernatural, natural and mathematical) is accompanied by the statement that ‘the generall Formes, notwithstanding, are constant, unchaungeable, untransformable, and incorruptible’ and are neither of man’s perception nor his conception» — el pasaje del propio Dee sobre las formas generales que Whitby trae para sostener esa filiación.

«This figure is a representation of the ‘liquor’ which Raphael brings: the word of God, perfect in itself, and the language of the angels» — cómo interpreta Whitby la figura colosal de la visión: es la palabra de Dios, que es la lengua de los ángeles.

«These are signs to you of humility and penitence: all that I do is yours and not mine [i.e. his actions are significant]. Let his name be praised in heaven, and also on earth. Seek power in the humility of his words and you will see the glory of his face. For the glory of his virtue is merciful and omnipotent. What is vain is on account of corruptions of his works: what is necessary is truly according to your needs. For he made all things towards his praise and (behold) the works of his hands together praise the light of his countenance. Praise [him] in turn. Live in humility. My medicine (which is his) will in truth heal all things» — el discurso de Raphael sobre humildad y penitencia, en traducción de Whitby, cerrado con la promesa de una medicina que sanará todas las cosas.

«The final sentence suggests that the angelic language will reunite the world» — cómo lee Whitby esa promesa final.

«Raphael’s medicine is the language of Adam and the angels (see 63b, 34–37), which is intelligible to all created things, whether imbued with life and animated or not» — qué es esa medicina, según el propio manuscrito: una lengua inteligible para todo lo creado, vivo o no.

«It is not clear to whom this refers. Solomon asked God for wisdom, but did not forsake the world (62b, 1). The next reference is to Adam (62b, 7), but the description here does not fit him either» — una referencia que Whitby prueba con dos candidatos y descarta los dos.

«Subject is that part of a thing in which its essential attributes reside and object is the thing as it is perceived» — la distinción escolástica con que Whitby glosa dos términos del dictado.

«Dee’s marginal note declares that ‘Adam, before his fall, knew all things’ and we seem to have some confusion in lines 5–8. Either the reference to Adan’s Fall in lines 5–6 and his subsequent revival is to be understood as separate from the reference to Adam’s prelapsarian knowledge, the revival being the coming of Christ» — la contradicción que Whitby detecta en el pasaje sobre Adán y la primera salida que ensaya.

«The double reference to the creation of man in Genesis (I, 27 and II, 7) may go some way towards explaining this: Adam’s ‘slombring’ is his existence before God» — la segunda salida, apoyada en la doble creación del hombre en el Génesis: el sueño de Adán sería su existencia antes de recibir el aliento de vida.

«One leaf of the book is so secret that it shall never be known. Dee’s marginal note records that the addition of this leaf makes the total 49» — la hoja secreta del Libro de Enoc y la cuenta que Dee anota al margen.

«A third person is to be admitted to the conduct of the Actions. At first it was Adrian Gilbert, but then Lasky became a fairly frequent attendant» — la apertura de las sesiones a un tercero y quiénes lo fueron.

«It would seen that Dee was not given any transliteration in this first exposition and so the transliterations at lines 2–22 must have been added later» — cómo data Whitby una capa de escritura del manuscrito: las transliteraciones enoquianas se añadieron después.

«The meaning of this prophetic vision is not clear, except that it may probably be assumed that virtue defeats wickedness» — una abstención con salvedad ante una visión profética.

«Whether the fireball was seen by Kelly alone or by Gilbert as well is not clear, and only custom would suggest that Dee himself did not see anything. In either case the experience seems designed rather to frighten off Gilbert than to encourage him to participate in the Actions» — cómo lee Whitby la primera visita de Adrian Gilbert a una sesión: la bola de fuego parecía más para espantarlo que para atraerlo.

«Whether Dee remained silent or this is simply a misplaced delta is not clear» — una duda de transcripción que Whitby deja abierta: el jeroglífico de Dee sin nada detrás.

«which Dee evidently added as preface to Raphael’s earlier speeches» — cómo explica Whitby la aparición de un símbolo en el manuscrito: Dee lo añadió al pasar en limpio, y no estaba en las notas de la sesión.

«At 62b, 37–38 Dee and Kelly were described as hand and finger. This image here also refers to Kelly’s subservient but necessary role to Dee, for Kelly is to tell Dee what he sees while Dee must interpret the significance of the visions» — el reparto de papeles entre Dee y Kelly tal como el propio dictado lo formula: mano y dedo.

«The warnings that a new age is soon to dawn may have had some influence on Dee’s Continental journey» — una conjetura de Whitby sobre el peso de la profecía en la decisión de irse al continente.

«O book, book, book, life to the good, [but] in truth death itself to the wicked» — la fórmula con que el ángel presenta el Libro de Enoc, en traducción de Whitby.

«May they all perish who work against the virtue of my name: and who have hidden the light of my justice’ (reading justitia mea as an error for justitiae» — una imprecación del dictado y la enmienda latina que Whitby propone al pasarla al inglés.

«The meaning of these Enochian words is not known» — una constancia negativa sobre dos palabras enoquianas del manuscrito.

«Satan is not one of those for whom redemption was offered as a possibility» — el límite de la redención que el propio manuscrito establece.

«Evil spirits assuming the shape of good spirits» — cómo desambigua Whitby un pronombre del dictado, y con ello el peligro que se está nombrando.

«There is a difference between worldly advantage and spiritual advantage. Raphael offers no worldly help concerning Dee’s setbacks, but offers comfort in the form of spiritual advancement, though with an accompanying disappointment in worldly affairs» — cómo resume Whitby lo que el ángel Raphael le ofrece a Dee y lo que no.

«This could be ‘yes’, the form of ‘yej’ arising from an accidental dot above the final ‘s’ (‘yej’), and this is how Ashmole read it (see Sloane MS 3677, 109b). Greater sense is made, however, if ‘yej’ is regarded as an error for ‘yet’» — una lectura paleográfica en la que Whitby discrepa de Ashmole y da su razón: el sentido pide otra palabra.

«God, being all powerful, has rule over the acts and judgments of princes, but exercises that power according to his own judgment» — la doctrina del poder divino sobre los príncipes que Whitby glosa en el pasaje.

«Dee thinks that a form of operation more suitable for travelling is required, which operation will not use the large Holy Table. Dee may already have been contemplating his Continental voyage» — lo que Whitby infiere de la petición de un rito abreviado: Dee ya pensaba en el viaje.

«A paper containing the letters of the Enochian alphabet, either fol, 64b or a transcription thereof» — el material con que se trabaja el dictado enoquiano.

«Each side of the book in fact contains 2401 words, rather than 2401 letters» — una corrección de Whitby a la cuenta del propio manuscrito sobre el Libro de Enoc.

«The rod has previously been described as being two parts black and one part red» — el cotejo interno con que Whitby fija la descripción de la vara.

«Dee evidently wrote these words of Enochian as he heard them spoken by Kelly. He then at a later time transliterated the words given between 68b, 16 and 69a, 21, making the appropriate corrections» — cómo reconstruye Whitby el proceso de escritura del enoquiano: primero al oído y después transliterado; algunas palabras quedaron sin corregir y él restituye el texto.

«The letter van may represent either ‘u’ or ‘v’ and veh either ‘c’ or ‘k’» — la ambigüedad de dos letras enoquianas que Whitby declara.

«The only words which are translatable (i.e. appear in the Calls in Sloane MS 3191 which bear an interlineated English translation» — el único criterio de traducción disponible, según Whitby: que la palabra aparezca en las llamadas con traducción interlineada.

«Dee originally miscalculated oy not regarding the underlined words as compound words» — el origen de uno de los errores de cuenta de Dee: no contaba como una las palabras compuestas subrayadas.

«A possible underlining of ‘sama’ (line 15) to make the compound word ‘no tempa ro sama’ shows in the manuscript, but I am not convinced enough of its existence to put it in this transcript; it may be just a mark or the end of the pen stroke» — cómo trata Whitby una marca dudosa del manuscrito: la ve y decide no transcribirla porque no cubre toda la palabra.

«Whatever the reason for Dee’s miscalculation, if his marginal note is correct, one would expect the next group of words to be 50 in number. They are however only 49 as usual» — la comprobación que Whitby hace de la cuenta: si la nota de Dee valiera, el grupo siguiente tendría cincuenta palabras y tiene cuarenta y nueve.

«ALLA may be a borrowing of the Moslem name of God» — la única etimología que Whitby propone para uno de los nombres divinos del enoquiano, marcada como posibilidad.

«Mica may mean ‘power’, since all compounds of mica concern power and might» — cómo deduce Whitby el significado de una palabra enoquiana no traducida: por el sentido de sus compuestos.

«Kelly is reading out the words and Dee is presumably repeating them as he writes them. Raphael warns that this repetition will result in the Enochian being put to use as invocations at the same time as being written down» — el riesgo que el ángel advierte durante el dictado: repetir en voz alta el enoquiano lo convierte en invocación mientras se escribe.

«The note is erased on account of the fact that orh is defined as a wicked spirit ‘contrary to Befafes’. Evan here, however, some confusion remains, for the note of the wicked spirit in fact refers to arzulgh» — una nota borrada del manuscrito, la razón del borrado y la confusión que queda: la advertencia se refería a otra palabra.

«although semhaham may be connected with the shemhamphorash. the 72 letter name of God extracted by the kabalists from writing Exodus XIV, 19–21 boustrophedon» — la identificación que Whitby propone para una palabra del dictado: el nombre divino de setenta y dos letras que los cabalistas extraen del Éxodo en bustrofedón.

«The spirit orh is the second in the scale of the imperfection of darkness’. The source of this information is not clear» — una definición latina del manuscrito y la búsqueda negativa de Whitby sobre su fuente.

«Bobagelzod must derive from the spirit Bobogel, despite the slight difference in spelling» — una identificación que Whitby sostiene pese a la variante gráfica.

«In order for these words to fill 49 squares each part of a compound word must occupy a different square, and one other word must further be split into two squares; lothe (line 22) is the most likely candidate as it is underlined in two sections» — el ajuste que Whitby propone para que las palabras quepan en la cuadrícula, señalando qué palabra habría que partir.

«There are 51 words here (2 in excess, not 3 or 4 as Dee writes in MN23), none of which is translatable» — una cuenta de Whitby que corrige la de Dee y no salva la cuadrícula.

«Dee takes this as a prophecy that the Jews will be restored to their land. The image of the headless people may simply represent the Jews scattered over the face of the globe, but may also be derived in a circuitous way from I Corinthians XI, 3, where St. Paul writes that ‘the head of every man is Christ’, whom the Jews rejected» — cómo lee Dee una visión de gente sin cabeza y la doble explicación que Whitby ofrece de la imagen.

«If the corrected version of the first word is taken into account there are 53 words and there is no method of reducing the number down to 49» — un desajuste que Whitby declara insoluble: ningún método reduce esas palabras a las cuarenta y nueve casillas.

«The reason given for this shortage is that Kelly was not given time to read the line properly» — la explicación que el propio manuscrito da de una línea corta.

«This probably refers to a flash of lightning rather than a growing light. The word in its archaic form can mean either» — una desambiguación léxica que Whitby resuelve por probabilidad, dejando ver que la palabra admite las dos lecturas.

«It is unlikely that this refers to steadfastness in this context; a meaning of ‘perception’ would be more appropriate. The OED does not list this form, but does list ‘apperceyvrance’» — otra desambiguación, con el argumento diccionarístico y su límite: la forma no está registrada.

«The month of misery will therefore be September 1583, and on the 21st day of that month Dee left Mortlake with his wife and children, Kelly and his family, and Albert Lasky, for the Continent» — la coincidencia que Whitby señala entre el mes de miseria profetizado y la fecha en que Dee salió de Mortlake.

«Ashmole writes ‘the seveanth part’ but Dee certainly wrote ‘seventith’ (i.e. seventieth) and the cause of Ashmole’s transcribal error ie unclear» — una divergencia entre el manuscrito y la copia de Ashmole que Whitby documenta y no explica.

«Whereas Dee is to receive the knowledge that will ‘renew’ him many times, Kelly is given a fraction of the wisdom symbolised by the round ball of fire» — el reparto desigual de sabiduría entre Dee y su vidente.

«Apart from the customary significance attached in magic to the number seven (see Commentary to 18a, 32), I can find no importance in these numbers» — y la abstención de Whitby ante las fracciones con que ese reparto se expresa.

«The writing of the book is to hasten the coming of God’s kingdom upon earth» — para qué sirve escribir el libro, según el propio dictado.

«The description in line 31 fits the first page of the Book of Enoch (Sloane MS 3189, fol. 3a) exactly, and this suggests that the Book of Enoch was written as the words were first delivered, at least up until the section that is composed of squares 49 × 49, and is not a fair copy» — un hallazgo codicológico de Whitby: el Libro de Enoc se escribió a medida que se dictaba, no es copia en limpio.

«The Enochian script in fact reads asney vah nol (see MN38). The mistake remains in the Book of Enoch» — un error de transcripción que Whitby detecta y que quedó dentro del propio Libro de Enoc.

«The statement that they concern ‘letters names, vsed in sense’ suggests that these are letters used as numbers. The parts of the Enochian language for which a translation does exist do not bear this out however, for the numbers are represented by different words: 5 is 0, 1 is L and 9 is M, for instance» — una hipótesis de Whitby sobre una hoja insertada y la evidencia que la contradice: en el enoquiano traducido los números se dicen con otras palabras.

«The book in the vision consists of 49 leaves, but Dee needs more than one leaf to write down the contents of the first leaf in the visionary book, thereby exceeding 49 leaves in his copy» — el problema material que Whitby explica: la copia no puede tener las hojas que el libro visto declara.

«Dee has transcribed much of the tables by ear and so is uncertain about the true spelling of some words on account of the hard and soft sounds that the letters are capable of representing» — la consecuencia de dictar al oído sobre la ortografía del enoquiano.

«As a result of the fact that not all rows consist of 49 words, a perfect table of 49 × 49 squares cannot be constructed. The table would be ‘wide’ since the squares would be filled with words rather than single letters; the ensuing tables in the Book of Enoch use only single letters or numbers» — por qué la cuadrícula perfecta no se puede construir, según Whitby.

«The word ‘solgars’ may give a clue as to the date of thase notes. On 3 June 1583 Dee was given instruction to inscribe the word ‘solgars’ in Enochian script on a ‘plate of lead’ along with the name of a patient numerically expressed» — cómo data Whitby unas notas por una sola palabra: la del talismán de plomo que se mandó grabar en junio de 1583 con el nombre del enfermo en cifra.

«The commas show the ends of these words which are evidently written from left to right, although the Enochian language is normally written from right to left» — una anomalía de dirección de escritura que Whitby registra dentro del dictado enoquiano.

«These lines differ from the previous lines in that each square now only holds one letter, rather than a complete word, and this caused Dee to foresee difficulty in drawing up a» — el cambio de sistema que crea el problema de la cuadrícula: de una palabra por casilla a una letra por casilla.

«This folio consists of ten circles showing clues as to the identity of ten places» — qué es la hoja de los diez círculos del manuscrito: las pistas de los sitios de donde había que recoger tierra para hallar el tesoro.

«The script is not Enochian, but probably something made up by Kelly, since there is a strong suggestion of fraud concerning this scroll» — el juicio de Whitby sobre la escritura del rollo del tesoro.

«On 5 June 1383 Dee noted that Kelly was ‘in a marvellous great disquietnesse of minde, fury, and rage’ because he had heard of a commission being out to ‘apprehend him as a fellon for coyning of money’, because his ‘wife was gone from Mistresse Freemans house at Blokley’, and because ‘Mr. Husey had reported him to be a cosener» — los tres motivos de la furia de Kelly que Whitby alinea junto a ese juicio: la comisión por moneda falsa, la ida de su mujer y la acusación de embaucador; la fecha la imprime esta reimpresión *1383*.

«The table of places of hidden things and treasures belonging to Menahan, my Gordanil (?), soldier and prince of the Danes who was driven out, and to many other most famous men (in the southern part of Britain) who fought against the inhabitants of that same place. I have decided to remove and hide this table here, with the agreement of my nearest friends and relations, [so that] sometime [it may be] for the use and help of my countrymen who return. By this table, when it is understood, they can easily bring the hidden things to light» — el contenido del rollo en la traducción de Whitby: un príncipe danés expulsado deja a sus paisanos la tabla de los sitios donde escondió sus tesoros.

«Why a Dane should leave a message for his compatriots written in coded Latin is incomprehensible and furthers the argument that it is a fraud perpetrated by Kelly» — el argumento decisivo de Whitby contra la autenticidad del rollo.

«At 87a, 2, ‘Menahan’ is ‘Menadon’. ‘Gordanil’ may be a fabricated word for a title of some kind, or perhaps of a tribe (e.g. ‘Menahan, of my Gordanil tribe» — las variantes del nombre dentro del propio documento y las dos lecturas que Whitby ensaya para el segundo término.

«The only place that I have been able to identify, however, is Mons Mene which is almost certainly what is now called Keon Hill, some seven miles NNE of Blockley. It is most likely that all the places are in the Cotswold area» — hasta dónde llega la identificación de los diez sitios del rollo.

«Mowntegles Arnid is presumably not intended to recall Lord Honteagles but the coincidence is telling» — una coincidencia de nombres que Whitby señala sin convertirla en prueba.

«population under Canute and while powerful factions rose in dispute on his death in 1035 it is false to think of the Danes either invading or leaving England’s shores» — la objeción histórica que Whitby le pone al relato del rollo: daneses, sajones y britanos formaban una población bastante unida, y no hubo invasión ni salida de daneses que contar.

«Inexplicably Charlotte Fell Smith believed this note to indicate Dee’s mistrust of Kelly when it clearly concerns the doubt over the character for the letter ‘k’ in the coded document» — una corrección de Whitby a Charlotte Fell Smith: la nota que ella leyó como desconfianza de Dee hacia Kelly es sobre una letra del cifrado.

«Dee evidently sees these marks for himself, but they could be self-inflicted by Kelly, perhaps indeed by pressing groats upon his wrist, although such an action generally only produces an impression of the outer edge of the coin» — cómo trata Whitby las marcas que aparecen en la muñeca de Kelly: reconoce que Dee las vio y explica cómo podrían haberse hecho, con la objeción técnica incluida.

«Since Dee could not see the spirits (see line 24), the scene must have afforded Kelly much amusement, unless they were indeed afflictions of his mind» — las dos lecturas que Whitby deja abiertas de esa escena: diversión de Kelly a costa de Dee o padecimiento real.

«There is no mention of a Book of Enoch in the Bible, but it may be inferred from Enoch’s prophesying, since the prophecies of the Old Testament prophets are written down» — cómo se justifica dentro del sistema la existencia de un libro que la Biblia no menciona.

«And Enoch also, the seventh from Adam, prophesied of these, saying, Behold, the Lord cometh with ten thousands of his ‘aints, To execute judgment upon all, and to convince all that are ungodly among them of their ungodly deeds, which they have ungodly committed and of all their hard speeches which ungodly sinners have spoken against him» — el versículo de la Epístola de Judas que Whitby pone detrás de esa inferencia, en la traducción que da del latín del manuscrito.

«According to the marginal note ‘28 dayes’ should read ‘18 days’. The instruction that the Book of Enoch was to be written in 40 days was given in an Action of 6 April 1583 and so 12 days have passed since then. A further 28 days would complete the 40» — cómo verifica Whitby por aritmética una corrección marginal de Dee sobre el plazo de los cuarenta días.

«In fact Dee went to London on 6 May while Kelly completed the transcription of the tables of the Book of Enoch and no mention is made of Dee finding any books under his pillow that night» — lo que efectivamente pasó ese día, según Whitby: la promesa de los libros bajo la almohada no se cumplió.

«Esdras, accompanied by five angels, wrote 204 books under the inspiration of God» — el precedente bíblico de escritura dictada que el pasaje invoca.

«Washing is in the Bible a sign and symbol of repentance, sanetification, redemption and the receiving of the Holy Spirit» — el sentido bíblico del lavatorio que aparece en la visión.

«Evidently a spirit, though the name is not recorded elsewhere in Dee’s writings that have survived the passage of time» — una constancia negativa sobre un nombre de espíritu que no reaparece.

«The Macedonian is clearly giving an untrue answer, so it is likely that Dee has explained the circumstances of his coming across the word . The Macedonian would hardly be gratified by the reference of to himself and so sought to defend his reputation» — cómo lee Whitby un episodio de visitantes: el griego responde en falso y busca defender su fama.

«I have not been able to find this title in Dee’s library list (Harleian MS 1879), nor in the more legible transcript by Ashmole (Ashmole MS 1142). It ought to be there as the library list is dated 6 September 1583 and, as Dee was soon going abroad, one would expect the record to be accurate and complete» — una búsqueda negativa sobre un título que el manuscrito nombra: no está en el inventario de la biblioteca ni en la copia de Ashmole.

«It is possible, however, that the title given here is in fact a sub-title following some other form of identification that is noted in the library list» — la salida que Whitby deja abierta para esa ausencia.

«it is possible that the spirit Gariladrah may have made some appearance in some Action with another scryer during Kelly’s absence. This is mere conjecture» — una conjetura que Whitby formula y desarma en la misma frase, porque no consta que hubiera otro vidente.

«Daemonic help may be invoked by using pieces of earth collected from the ten places shown on the scroll» — el procedimiento del tesoro tal como lo resume Whitby.

«The cause of Kelly’s conviction that the spirits, are all devils is the lack of communication from the angels presaged by the black heptagonal cloud. In this MS no spirit discovered as an illuder has uttered words of truth and so his statement at lines 6–7 must refer to experiences outside those in this MS, either prior to his meeting Dee or during Dee’s absences» — de dónde viene la convicción de Kelly de que todos los espíritus son diablos, y qué implica: habla de experiencias que este manuscrito no registra.

«Kelly’s desire to break with Dee and pursue his way alone suggests that much of the argument may be stage-managed» — la sospecha con que Whitby cierra el pasaje: buena parte de la disputa pudo estar montada.

«The soul of man achieves many good and bad things without the body. Moreover the body may not achieve any of these without the mind. Wherefore the law of liberty is known before the fact» — el pasaje de san Marcos el Anacoreta que Dee copia, en traducción de Whitby: el alma obra sin el cuerpo y el cuerpo no obra sin la mente.

«A contrite heart). Without contrition in the heart it is impossible to be entirely freed from vice and blemishes. However, I say, the heart eats away at the threefold moderation of sleep, food and bodily freedom. An excess and abundance of these others breeds pleasure; but pleasure promotes improper thoughts and is inconsistent with prayer and proper thought» — el otro pasaje del mismo tratado, sobre el corazón contrito y la triple moderación del sueño, la comida y la libertad del cuerpo.

«The second sentence is rather difficult to understand, but presumably when St. Mark says that the heart eats away at moderation» — cómo interpreta Whitby una frase oscura de esa cita, marcando su lectura como presunción.

«There is a struggle between Impulses that tend to moderate behaviour and impulses that tend to licentious behaviour and only a contrite heart can overcome the impulses that lead to licentiousness» — la doctrina que Whitby saca de ahí: solo un corazón contrito vence los impulsos que llevan a la licencia.

«The instruction that the book should be written in 40 days was given in an Action of 6 April (80a, 16), but the first Enochian table was delivered nine days earlier on 29 March» — el desfase de fechas que Whitby vuelve a medir sobre el plazo del Libro de Enoc.

«There could hardly be a stronger warning against the presumption of trying to hasten God’s revelations» — cómo califica Whitby una reprensión del dictado a Dee y a Kelly.

«There seems little doubt that this is Dee, since in any comparison of Dee and Kelly that the angels make, Dee is declared to be the more steadfast» — cómo desambigua Whitby un pronombre del dictado por el patrón de todo el manuscrito.

«Cedar is a symbol of Christian incorruptibility and was the wood used in the building of Solomon’s temple» — la correspondencia del cedro que Whitby aporta, con su precedente salomónico.

«The doctrine of the decay of nature is not in accord with the promise of a new age upon earth, but a general decrease In godliness has been frequently pointed out by the angels» — una contradicción interna del sistema que Whitby consigna sin armonizar: la decadencia del mundo contra la edad nueva prometida.

«Dee has not actually tried to hasten the revelation of the book, but his asking what sign might foreshadow further revelation shows a similar presumption. There is some echo of Christ’s words to the nobleman: ‘Except ye see signs and wonders, ye will not believe’ (John IV, 48). Faith does not demand signs» — cómo mide Whitby la falta de Dee: no apura la revelación, pero pedir señal es la misma presunción.

«I can find no reference to the incident, but evidently the adulterous man found, or thought he found his legs on fire. St. Bride’s Church is in Bride Lane near Ludgate Circus» — una búsqueda negativa sobre un suceso que el manuscrito da por conocido, con el único dato que Whitby puede aportar.

«If a continuous multiplication be performed, beginning with the first monad, of all numbers which have been described, from the first to the last [and] In [their] natural sequence—so that the product of the first and second be multiplied by the third, and the product [of that multiplication] by the fourth, and so on up to the last [number]—then the ultimate product indicates the [number of] permutations possible among the several terms [of the series], [This rule can be applied] likewise for any number and variety of things» — la regla de permutaciones que Dee enuncia en la Monas hieroglyphica, citada por Whitby en la traducción de Josten.

«In 1564. The date of the first printing of Monas hieroglyphica. this was one of the very few works in which the laws of permutation were discussed, although they were by no means unknown at the time» — cómo sitúa Whitby ese pasaje en la historia de las matemáticas, con la reserva de que la ley no era desconocida.

«That the Enochian alphabet begins with the letter ‘B’ may be taken as mystically significant as it is the first letter ef Genesis in Hebrew and it is the letter chosen by God to begin the Creation according to the Zoharic exposition» — el sentido que Whitby atribuye a la primera letra del alfabeto enoquiano, con sus dos apoyos: el Génesis hebreo y el Zohar.

«The first three columns on the right give the letters on the right side of the border of the Holy Table (lnnyaoauaanbblmpseaoi), which is again written from right to left. The next three columns give the letters of the bottom border» — cómo se leen las letras del borde de la mesa santa, según la reconstrucción de Whitby: en columnas verticales de abajo arriba y de derecha a izquierda.

«Confusion over the tables bedevils the construction of the Holy Table» — el juicio de Whitby sobre el conjunto de esas tablas.

«The Book of Soyga evidently gives an alphabet, much in the manner of the exposition of the Enochian alphabet, in which the name of the letter ‘A’ is zad. of the letter ‘D’ is zac and of the letter ‘M’ is lin. In Enochian a similar use of the names of the letters to create the name Adam would be Vngalvntal» — cómo funciona el alfabeto del Libro de Soyga según lo poco que Dee recordaba, con el equivalente enoquiano que Whitby construye.

«Il was described as being apparelled like a Vice at 89b, 24, although a pied coat is more the dress of a Fool» — una divergencia de vestuario dentro del propio manuscrito, consignada sin armonizar.

«The letters of the ‘heart’ or centre of the table at 98a, 11, are twelve, whereas there are 44 letters forming the‘body’ or ‘flesh’. Only if there were 48 letters in the ‘bod’ could the ‘heart’ be ‘the fowrth part’. The only other explanation is that it is a reference to the fact that the letters of the ‘heart’ occupy the four corners of what might be called the ‘body’ of the table at 98a, 7, but it is all very confused» — cómo verifica Whitby una proporción del dictado, la encuentra falsa, ensaya una salida y declara el resultado confuso.

«In Monas hieroglyphica Dee noted three numerical approaches to the Tetragrammaton. YHVH has a numerical value of 26. If considered as a ‘Pythagorean quaternary’ of 1, 2, 3 and 4, it may be contemplated in the light of its 24 permutations, its sum of 10 (1+2+3+4) or its complete addition of 30» — los tres tratamientos numéricos del Tetragrámaton que Dee expone en la Monas, con el cuaternario pitagórico y sus veinticuatro permutaciones.

«the Tetragrammaton may be contemplated in the light of its multiple sum of 12 (1 × 2 × 3 × 2), its sum of 8 (1+2+3+2) or its complete addition of 24» — el segundo de esos tratamientos, el del cuaternario artificial, con sus tres cifras.

«These divisions only have an arbitrary relation with the three approaches to the Tetragrammaton outlined in the Commentary to line 28 above, but the same divisions are applied to Dee’s magical implements» — el límite que Whitby pone a esa correspondencia y a la vez su extensión: las mismas divisiones se aplican a los instrumentos mágicos.

«The square of (3+4) is 49, which is the number of spirits in the table of good angels in Book III. The significance of the ternary and quaternary has been pointed to at 95a, 46–48 and it is worth noting that the square of 5 and the square of 4 in relation to the right-angled triangle at line 40 are the first two terms in the series demonstrating Pythagoras’ Theorem with whole factors» — la aritmética con que Whitby glosa el ternario y el cuaternario del pasaje, hasta el teorema de Pitágoras.

«What II means by ‘centrally’, however, is not clear, nor does Dee understand, but both the character at 9b and at line 40 above are numbered from» — una abstención compartida: ni Whitby ni el propio Dee entienden el término del dictado.

«Every letter in each table of the Book of Enoch, which presupposes a vast number of names of God» — la consecuencia aritmética de que cada letra del libro sea un nombre divino.

«God being one, his names do not signify different beings» — el principio teológico con que se resuelve esa multiplicación de nombres.

«it is impossible that the creator of the majesty of the All, the father and lord of all beings, should be designated by one or even by a multiplicity of names’ God has no name, or rather he has all names, since he is at once One and All, so that one must either designate all things by his name, or give him the name of all things» — el pasaje del Asclepio que Whitby trae por la traducción de Frances Yates: Dios no tiene nombre, o los tiene todos.

«The different names of God signify different aspects of God and his Creation, from beginning to end» — la lectura que el propio manuscrito da a esa multiplicidad.

«Heavens and Stars are Divine Animals, and their souls intellectual, participating of the Divine mind’ (Agrippa, Occ. Phil. III, vii, p. 384). The reference to an ‘infinite number’ of souls precludes any adherence to a theory of transmigration of a limited number of souls» — el pasaje de Agrippa sobre las almas de los astros y el límite que Whitby saca de una palabra del dictado: hablar de infinitas almas excluye la transmigración.

«This refers to Kelly, who was now 27 years old, while Dee was 55» — la diferencia de edad entre el vidente y su patrón, que Whitby aporta para leer un apelativo del dictado.

«Uriel is speaking although he has voiced the word of God in the first person earlier» — una precisión de voz dentro del dictado: el ángel habla como ángel después de haber hablado como Dios.

«I have not been able to discover any references to this spirit beyond that here» — una búsqueda negativa sobre el nombre del ángel malo de Kelly.

«My profession is true philosophy» — cómo define Dee su propia profesión en una nota marginal latina.

«The distinction here is between the promise of a second coming at an undefined time and the certainty of the second coming in the near future» — la distinción que Whitby marca en el dictado sobre la segunda venida.

«If the book was ever finished in this manner, it has not survived» — una constancia negativa sobre la copia del Libro de Enoc en caracteres enoquianos.

«Ashmole’s transcript has ‘marks’, however, which is an unusual divergence» — una divergencia entre la copia de Ashmole y su propia lectura del manuscrito, que Whitby destaca por rara.

«The new age to be heralded by the Book of Enoch will end the schism in the churches and replace it with one true religion. This lies very much at the heart of Dee’s hopes for the future and his reasons for going abroad» — qué está en juego en el Libro de Enoc, según Whitby, y por qué eso explica el viaje al continente.

«The stone is here granted a use like a ‘glass perspective’ within which anything desired may be seen (see Introduction pp. 76–7). The Powers such vision appear to be offered to Dee personally, but the use of a scryer may simply be implied» — la función que se le da a la piedra en este pasaje y la duda que Whitby deja abierta sobre quién habría de mirar.

«If the table were to stand upon the four smaller seals, they would be damaged since they are made of wax. A protective wooden cover for each seal is described» — la razón material de las fundas de madera: los sellos son de cera y las patas los aplastarían.

«After all the trouble gone to concerning the Holy Table and the other magical implements, this limited use must have seemed rather strange, but the implication is that after the table has been used in August, the new age will quickly be heralded in» — la extrañeza de Whitby ante lo poco que se le manda hacer a la mesa santa, y la explicación que ofrece.

«Each king may be placed first according to laws which the Book of Enoch will reveal. Since each governs a day of the week, each takes precedence upon» — cómo se resuelve la precedencia entre los reyes espirituales, según el dictado: por el día de la semana.

«Ashmole may be wrong in attributing this line to Dee where the leaf is torn» — una atribución de voz de Ashmole que Whitby pone en duda por el estado del folio.

«A proverbial expression akin to ‘I see which way the wind is blowing» — la glosa de un modismo de Dee dentro del registro.

«Dee is not to receive direct angelic help in copying the Book of Enoch into Enochian characters, but God may direct his judgment» — el límite de la ayuda angélica en la copia del libro, según el dictado.

«In the Bible the ‘imagination of man’s heart’ is frequently described as evil and stubborn, implying a neglect of God» — el sentido bíblico de la imaginación del corazón que Whitby aporta.

«The sin of carnality is a result of the Fall, and although marriage is a blessed state that redeems the sin, abstinence is conducive to a higher spiritual state» — la doctrina de la abstinencia que Whitby glosa en el pasaje, con el matrimonio como estado que redime.

«This is Annael who has been absent since and who is designated as ‘the mercy of God» — la vuelta del primer ángel del manuscrito, identificado por su etimología.

«The Table shown in the stone is here referred to as the Tabernacle, stressing its holy nature» — un cambio de nombre dentro del dictado y lo que Whitby lee en él.

«The first series of 49 calls in the Book of Enoch consists of more than 49 words» — la comprobación de Whitby sobre la cuenta de las llamadas.

«How everything may now appear more beautiful when covered by a veil is not clear. The statement may refer to things just prior to the covering with the veil or to the veil itself» — una abstención con dos lecturas posibles ante una frase del dictado.

«The earth is heavy and troubled with the iniquities of the enemies of light. It is therefore cursed, because it is in the depth of perdition and darkness» — la maldición de la tierra en el dictado latino, en traducción de Whitby.

«Perhaps he may say, but he is not one who may hear. We see the groaning [earth], but he is not one who may pity. Let us therefore sanctify his holy [place] because we are sanctified in him» — la sentencia con que ese pasaje se cierra, en traducción de Whitby, y lo que implica sobre el Dios que la dice.

«The implication is that God is a God of Wrath as well as a God of Mercy» — cómo lo formula Whitby.

«noble, bore a device showing Michael slaying the dragon. At the time of its original issue during the reign of Edward IV its value was 6s 8d, but by the reign of Edward VI it had acquired a value of 10 shillings» — la iconografía de la moneda de oro que Kelly pide y el valor que fue tomando de un reinado a otro: el ángel que mata al dragón.

«Raphael is speaking God’s words and not his own» — una precisión de voz que Whitby hace dentro del dictado.

«C.H. Josten writes that ‘it is not known how these Dee manuscripts, and Ashmole’s transcripts of them, have found their way into the Sloane collection of manuscripts at the British Museum» — Whitby trae a C. H. Josten para consignar que la vía por la que los manuscritos llegaron a la colección Sloane se ignora.

«This volume [was purchased at the sale] is in Dr. Dee’s own handwriting, [of Sir Joseph Jekyll’s library in January 1739/40] as far as fol. 108» — la nota de guarda de Sir Frederic Madden, jefe del departamento de manuscritos del British Museum, escrita en enero de 1854 y citada por Whitby con sus tachaduras entre corchetes, que es lo que le permite dudar de la procedencia del original.

«The use of old papers for this purpose was a common culinary practice and a similar misfortune befell many of the manuscripts in the possession of the eighteenth-century scholar William Warburton» — Whitby quita excepcionalidad a la pérdida remitiendo al caso paralelo de la biblioteca de William Warburton, estudiado por W. W. Greg.

«a quantity of folio paper books of his [Dee’s] own writing, consisting of many parts of his Liber mysteriorum, and conferences with angels» — la descripción con que el catálogo Planta de 1802 asentó los manuscritos de Dee en la colección Cotton, traída por Whitby para rastrear su circulación.

«Since Smith’s account only three works have attempted to give any comprehensive and accurate assessment of the whole of Dee’s life: Charlotte Smith’s biography John Dee (London 1909); I.R.F. Calder’s unpublished University of London doctoral dissertation John Dee Studied as an English Neo-Platonist (1952); and more recently John Dee by Peter J. French» — el estado de la cuestión biográfica que Whitby declara en 1988: la biografía de Charlotte Smith de 1909, la tesis inédita de I. R. F. Calder de 1952 y el John Dee de Peter J. French de 1972.

«Since my concern is with Dee in relation to his magical dealings between 1581 and 1583, I propose to do little more than give the straightforward facts of his life and major works here» — Whitby acota lo que su capítulo biográfico se propone: los hechos, no una interpretación de la vida entera.

«Dee often refers to the book as being ‘the Book of Dunstan’ and Fell Smith suggests that it may have been a copy of the manuscript Tractatus…de lapide philosophorum which was formerly believed to be the work of that saint» — la identificación que Charlotte Fell Smith propuso para el libro alquímico que Kelly trajo, traída por Whitby con su reserva.

«Ashmole-interpreted the horoscope as showing ‘him a Man of cleere Understanding, quick Apprehension, an excellent Wit, and a great propensity to Philosophicall Studies» — cómo leyó Elias Ashmole la carta natal de Kelly que Dee había levantado.

«I.R.F. Calder notes that ‘Jupiter is in the Medium Ooelum indicating great worldly honour and position, but it is ill aspected suggesting misfortune and ultimate disaster’ being ‘moreover…conjoined with Mars, which unequivocally in this tenth house denotes a rash and hasty character, boastful, presumptuous, stubbornly weak, one swayed by extravagant passions and generally unbalanced and treacherous» — la lectura contraria que I. R. F. Calder hizo de la misma carta en su tesis de 1952, traída por Whitby junto a la de Ashmole y sin arbitrar entre las dos.

«Anthony à Wood was informed that Kelly had studied for a time at Gloucester Hall, Oxford, but finding no such name in the matriculation register, assumed that he entered under the name of Talbot, three persons of that name being at Gloucester Hall in 1573» — cómo Anthony à Wood salvó la ausencia de Kelly en el registro de matrícula de Oxford suponiendo que se inscribió como Talbot.

«Halliwell’s edition of the diary reads ‘I was sent to E.K.’, which is an incorrect transcription» — Whitby corrige la lectura de James O. Halliwell en su edición del diario de Dee.

«on the point of turning into art, science, practical psychology, or, above all, religion on account of a ‘real overlapping of the fields of all these activities» — la formulación de D. P. Walker que Whitby toma para decir por qué los bordes de la magia renacentista no se dejan trazar.

«Angels and daemons were substituted for the impersonal planetary influences and ‘would be attracted or compelled by the various forces and would then accomplish the effects, acting not only on the body and spirit but also on the higher parts of the soul» — la formulación de D. P. Walker sobre lo que cambia al pasar de la magia natural a la demónica, citada por Whitby.

«There was for everyone, without exception, a good and a bad astrology, just as, for nearly everyone, there was a good and a bad magic. There was general agreement on the criteria for distinguishing the magics: bad magic was to do with the devil and demons; good magic was ‘natural’—though one could of course argue endlessly about the proper application of these criteria» — la distinción entre buena y mala magia según D. P. Walker, con su reserva: el criterio era claro y su aplicación, discutible sin término.

«[The] tradition, as Ficino left it, comprises two kinds of magic, the natural, spiritual magic of [his De vita coelitus comparanda, the third book of de triplica vita (Florence 1489)], and the demonic magic, only hinted at in that work, but quite easily discoverable from his other writings. The tradition, therefore, was likely to grow in two divergent directions; which it did. The demonic magic, combined with mediaeval planetary magic, led to the overtly demonic, recklessly unorthodox magic of Agrippa and Paracelsus. The spiritual magic tended to dissolve into something else: music and poetry, as with La Boderie; orthodox Christianity, as with Giorgi; unorthodox Christianity, as with Pcrsio. At the end of the 16th century the two strands of the tradition come together again in the planetary oratory of Paolini and the magic practised by Campanella» — el esquema de D. P. Walker sobre las dos ramas en que se dividió la tradición de Ficino, que Whitby cita entero para situar a Agrippa.

«I use the word ‘daemon’ rather than ‘demon’ to avoid the presupposed connection with evil» — la decisión terminológica que Whitby declara en nota: escribe *daemon* y no *demon* para no dar por supuesta la conexión con el mal, porque un daemon puede ser bueno, malo o imparcial.

«I am particularly indebted for much of what follows to the study by D. P. Walker» — la deuda que Whitby declara al abrir el capítulo sobre la magia renacentista, junto a Thorndike, Shumaker y Yates.

«They were correctly dated as having been written in the second and third centuries AD by Isaac Casaubon (the father of Meric Casaubon» — la datación del Corpus Hermeticum que Whitby consigna en nota, atribuida a Isaac Casaubon en 1614 —el padre del editor de las Acciones posteriores de Dee.

«It is called catoptromantia when a mirror is placed in a basin full of water and a pure boy or a pregnant woman, who has not yet reached her ninth month, is used to perceive in the mirror things that are requested. In Book I Chapter 12 [of Polycraticus] John of Salisbury gives the name of Specularii to those who give answers through curious consultations in polished and clean bodies, such as bright swords, basins, ladles and various kinds of mirror suitable for augury» — la traducción inglesa que Whitby da de la definición latina de Boulenger, señalando que su segunda mitad es cita directa del Policraticus de Juan de Salisbury.

«Catoptromantia lis the art] which displays visions of things that are asked for in polished mirrors. The art was used by the Emperor D[idiu8] Julianus, who bought the empire and Spartianus writes:“Julianus, furthermore, was mad enough to perform a number of rites with the aid of magicians, such as were calculated either to lessen the hate of the people or to restrain the arms of the soldiers. For the magicians sacrificed certain victims that are foreign to the Roman ritual and chanted unholy songs, while Julianus performed rites, which took place, so we are told, before a mirror, into which boys are said to gaze, after bandages have been bound over their eyes and charms muttered over their head6. And in this performance one lad, it is said, saw the arrival of Severus and the retirement of Julianus» — la traducción de Whitby del pasaje de Del Río, con el testimonio de Espartiano sobre el emperador Didio Juliano y los niños con los ojos vendados; en nota añade que según Dión los ritos incluían sacrificio de niños.

«He had drawn from his purse very gently (as if it had been some precious jewel) a mirror that was scribbled over with a confusion of characters and on which there was magisterially drawn this great word Tetragrammaton. The four corners on the back were painted with several crosses and the signs of the planets» — la traducción de Whitby del arranque del relato de Tahureau: el espejo garabateado de caracteres con el Tetragrámaton y, al dorso, cruces y signos de los planetas.

«Then he asked me whether I did not see anything in the mirror. I replied to him that he was quite correct and that I did not see anything, except the image of our two facets. “That’s strange,” said my philosopher, putting on a melancholy expression. “It must be that there is something wrong with you, for as for myself, I see him as clearly and just as naturally as if I were talking to him. I see him reading a book. Ah,” he said to me then, sighing to the Tuscan, “I believe that you have no» — el desenlace en la traducción de Whitby: el visitante no ve más que los dos rostros, y el mago concluye que le falta fe.

«Not dissimilar from the above is crystallomanteia, except that in this case it is practised with pieces of crystal clasped in rings, in a small vase, or even unadorned and shaped like a cylinder or obelisk. In these a demon claims to live, a certain person of NUrenberg is said to have seen treasures shown by a demon in a crystal in 1550. When he sought them afterwards at a certain spot dug out in front of the city, he and a friend he had summoned to be a witness saw a chest in a cave with a black dog lying down in front of it. The magician entered the cave and was going to drive away the dog and open the chest, but he had not brought a sop for Cerberus. The dog shook the top of the cave and overwhelmed the wretched man in ruin, also filling the cave with earth» — la traducción de Whitby del pasaje de Del Río sobre la cristalomancia y el caso de Núremberg de 1550, con el perro negro sobre el arca y el mago que no llevó la sopa para el Cerbero.

«The accused says that a hundred times, from his first coning to the town of Wombwell, he practised the following ait for the recovery of goods that had been secretly stolen: first he placed a certain youth of less than twelve years of age on a stool in the presence of the said William and placed a crystal stone in the hand of the said boy or youth, making him say the Pater Koster» — el arranque de la traducción que Whitby da de la confesión latina de William Byg: un muchacho de menos de doce años en un banco con la piedra de cristal en la mano.

«He says that twenty times boys like this had seen nothing appear in the stone and that he himself never saw anything at this time» — el final de esa misma traducción, que es lo que Whitby subraya: veinte veces los niños no vieron nada, y el propio Byg no vio nunca nada.

«They told the accused how two goblets had been stolen from the church at Derthington and requested him, in so far as he would, to lend his help in respect of their recovery. The accused agreed to their wishes and they took him to a certain honest nan called Fltzwllllam, a gentleman From there they went to Derthington and in the presence of that sane Fitzwillian, together with a certain Scurdville and others, the foresaid Bishop and Paget produced two boys and seated then on two wicker stools. The accused practised the said art in then and one of the boys saw in the foresaid stone a certain man, whom he did not know, holding the silver cup in his hands» — la traducción de Whitby del segundo caso de la confesión de William Byg: dos cálices robados en Derthington, dos niños sentados en banquetas de mimbre y uno de ellos viendo en la piedra a un hombre con el cáliz de plata.

«The same writer also noted that Meric Casaubon was ‘a very learned and Pious Man but most lamentably troubled with Hypochondriac Melancholy» — cómo juzgaba ese mismo lector contemporáneo al editor Casaubon.

«Modern scholarship takes the view that while a system of cryptography is expounded in the first two of the three books of Steganographia, the work was indeed on daemonic magic and the cryptography provided a veil for the magical content and a means for the author to defend his work as being other than it really was» — el estado de la cuestión sobre la Steganographia que Whitby resume: hay cifra en los dos primeros libros, pero la obra es de magia demónica y la cifra le servía de velo.

«a boke for which many a lerned man hath long sowght and dayly yet doth seeke’ and which was ‘for your honor, or a Prince, so meet, so nedefull and comodious, as in humayne knowledg, none can be meeter, or more behofefull» — cómo describió Dee la Steganographia a Burghley en 1563, tras copiarla entera en diez días.

«My efforts to trace such a manuscript and to get in touch with Mr. Deacon through his publishers have been fruitless, and I am rather sceptical of the reference. Deacon says that the text of the Action was dispatched to London from Dee on the Continent through the agency of Francis Garland and yet does not name the recipient, who ought to he Walsinghan, and I do not see why Dee should retain a copy which would pass to his son Arthur. If the Action was an encoded nessage intended for Walsingham, then I would expect any copy to be kept in as secret a place as the other Actions, The style of the Action is distinctly different from the rest and Deacon’s book is the only work on Deo that Makes Mention of it» — la búsqueda negativa que Whitby declara sobre la fuente de Richard Deacon: no pudo localizar el manuscrito ni contactar al autor, y ningún otro trabajo sobre Dee lo menciona.

«One of the more remarkable facts is that the calls in the angelic language which make up the Claues Angelicae (Sloane MS 3191, fols 1–13) were delivered backwards, often in single letters, intermittently between 13 April and 13 July 1584 (TFR, pp. 78–209), and yet the translation of the words into English is with a few exceptions consistent. It is difficult to believe that Kelly could deliver the calls purely from memory in such a manner and over such a period of time, particularly since the letters were sometimes taken from the letter-filled squares of the Book of Enoch, directions being given which table was to be used and how many squares in each direction were to be counted in order to obtain each letter» — el dato que Whitby opone a la tesis del fraude memorístico: las llamadas se dictaron al revés y letra a letra durante tres meses, y su traducción resulta casi siempre consistente.

«Kelly was a fraud who deluded his pious master» — el veredicto de Frances Yates sobre Kelly, que Whitby cita para objetarle que entonces habría que atribuirle además una memoria extraordinaria.

«the characters have a general appearance rather like Samaritan—though their stylised forms may also suggest Ethiopic. The scripts they do not resemble are proto-Semitic, or Egyptian hieroglyphic, or Sumerian—a resemblance that would seem essential if we were to believe that the script, like the angelic language, dated back to “before the Flood”, and was the most ancient script of mankind» — el cotejo paleográfico de Donald Laycock: los caracteres recuerdan al samaritano y al etiópico, y no se parecen a las escrituras que tendrían que parecerse si fueran anteriores al Diluvio.

«Dr Laycock wonders whether Dee might have been in possession of an Ethiopic version of the Book of Enoch which he could not read, but also points to Dee’s copy of the Voarchadumia of Pantheus (1530) which is now in the British Museum and which contains an alphabet designated as Enochian» — las dos pistas que Laycock deja abiertas: una versión etiópica del Libro de Enoc que Dee no pudiera leer, y su ejemplar de la Voarchadumia de Panteo, que trae un alfabeto llamado enoquiano.

«Meric Casaubon stated that the Characters ‘are no other, for the most part but such as were set out and publised long agoe by one Theseus Ambrosus out of Magical books» — la adjudicación que Meric Casaubon hizo de esos caracteres a los alfabetos mágicos publicados por Teseo Ambrogio Albonesi en 1539.

«that there are occasional resemblances between these various scripts and the Enochian characters, no one script is consistently similar enough to warrant its being regarded as a source and Dr Laycock’s conclusion that ‘the Dee/Kelley alphabet may be fanciful, based perhaps on subconscious recollection of similar scripts in earlier literature’ (p. 29) is as yet the only one that may sensibly be reached» — el balance de Whitby sobre todos esos cotejos y la conclusión de Laycock que asume: el alfabeto puede ser invención, apoyada quizá en recuerdos inconscientes de escrituras vistas.

«I.R.F. Calder suggests that ‘there is a possibility that “Soyga” might have been the famous Voynitch MS. which has defied all decipherers from Kircher onwards» — la identificación que I. R. F. Calder propuso para el Libro de Soyga, traída por Whitby como posibilidad.

«The further practical consequence of such variegated patterns of faith was a widespread de facto toleration: not a merit of the Reformation, but the very atmosphere in which it operated, tantamount to its lack of any clear focus. ‘In affairs of religion everyone does as he pleases, and thus something like peace obtains between the parties,’ observes one censorious Catholic, and the thought is seconded by a Lutheran: ‘In Austria there is almost too much liberty in religion» — la tolerancia de hecho en las tierras de los Habsburgo según R. J. W. Evans, con dos testimonios de época: un católico que la lamenta y un luterano que la encuentra excesiva.

«After the 1520s little religious violence broke cut and serious persecution was very rare throughout the century, Ferdinand’s attack on the Bohemian Brethren for a few years from 1547 being the clearest case. The traditional Catholic edifice still stood, partly because it enjoyed the protection of the dynasty, more importantly because no single Protestan. roup had the strength or organization to replace it» — la explicación que Evans da de esa calma: el edificio católico se sostenía por la protección dinástica y porque ningún grupo protestante podía reemplazarlo; la grafía *cut* por *out* es del OCR.

«The book contained a series of prophecies about events to be expected from 1564 to 1584; Dee evidently bought it at the time, and it is striking how he has underlined especially those passages connected with Habsburg or Bohemian history. Leowitz himself forecast some violent change to coincide with the new trigon which would enter the heavens in 1584, and he was very probably a personal acquaintance of Dee’s» — el indicio que Evans encontró en el ejemplar de Dee del almanaque de Cyprian Leowitz: subrayó los pasajes sobre Bohemia y los Habsburgo, y el autor pronosticaba un cambio violento con el trígono nuevo de 1584.

«I found an Englishman with his family at Cracow, called Mr. Dee, who, as is said, has followed Laski, quitting a certain estate for uncertain hope. It is to be feared that he will repent of it at leisure» — el juicio de un corresponsal de Walsingham en 1584 sobre el viaje de Dee: dejó una hacienda cierta por una esperanza incierta.

«The significance of many details, especially of the diagrams, in the manuscripts is not easily understood, and it may be said here that a future biographer of John Dee will have a difficult task in eliciting from these papers an account of the precise nature and methods of the magical system to which they refer» — el juicio de C. H. Josten sobre los manuscritos mágicos de Dee que Whitby pone como epígrafe de su Conclusión: quien quiera sacar de esos papeles el sistema mágico tendrá tarea difícil.

«a letter from Dr. Miro Velinský of the State Library of Prague assures me that their ‘specialists reported that they know of no manuscript, written by or relating to the above mentioned authors, which could be found on the territory of Czechoslovakia» — la búsqueda negativa que Whitby documenta con carta: la Biblioteca Estatal de Praga no conoce manuscrito alguno de Dee o de Kelly en territorio checoslovaco.

«The use of a colon in abbreviations was common during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (see Samuel A. Tannenbaum» — la clase de nota que abre el comentario: un uso de puntuación de época, fundado en el manual de paleografía de Tannenbaum.

«It is unlikely that the chest would have been sold before Dee’s death considering what Dee knew it contained, although some books from his library were disposed of by his daughter Katharine during his final years (Smith MS 95, fol, 131a, and Ashmole MS 1783, fol. 149a). Had she been aware that the chest contained her father’s dearest possessions, Katherine would not have sold it, and were she unaware, it is hard to believe she would have disposed of it when more money could be obtained from her father’s books» — el razonamiento con que Whitby descarta que el cofre se vendiera antes de morir Dee: su hija habría vendido antes los libros, que valían más.

«The transcription follows the folio numeration made in pencil in the top right corner of each recto side of the manuscript by the manuscript Department of the British Library. For ease of reference the recto and verso sides of each folio haue been designated ‘a’ and ‘b’ in the transcription and the folio number with its side designation has been noted in square brackets in the top right corner of each page of the transcription. Where a page of the transcription contains text which proceeds from one folio side to another, both folio sides are noted (e.g. [62a–62b]). Except in the case where a folio side has no marginal notes and the text of that side ends with a happy coincidence at the bottom of a page of the transcription, the end of each folio side is designated by a continuous line across the page, after which follow the marginal notes, separated from the next folio side by another continuous line» — la primera convención de la transcripción: se sigue la foliación a lápiz de la British Library, se designan recto y verso con a y b, y una línea continua cierra cada cara de folio.

«Blank pages are indicated by the word ‘blank’ within slanting brackets between the continuous lines that mark the beginning and end of a folio side» — cómo se marcan en la edición las páginas en blanco del manuscrito.

«The transcription provides a line by line reproduction of the original text and every fifth line of each folio side has been numbered down the right hand side of each page of the transcription» — la lineación de la edición: reproducción línea por línea y numeración de cada quinta línea al margen derecho.

«Where a complete line cannot be contained in one line of transcription, the text of that line is continued below the beginning of that line, but separated by single spacing in contrast to the double spacing between each line» — cómo se distingue la continuación de una línea larga del salto a la línea siguiente: por el interlineado.

«These are reproduced between the continuous lines which nark the end of one folio side and the beginning of another and are prefixed by the letters ‘MN’ together with the number of the line by which they are to be found» — cómo se editan las notas marginales de Dee: entre las líneas de cierre de folio y con la sigla MN más el número de línea.

«Unless otherwise noted, marginal entries occur in the left hand margin. Where they occur elsewhere their location is either noted in full, or else by the abbreviation ‘RH’ for right hand margin (e.g. MN30RH signals a right hand marginal note to line 30» — la convención de posición para las notas marginales, con la abreviatura del margen derecho.

«These are marked within square brackets. An illegible deletion or an erasure is marked by dots between the brackets» — cómo se editan las tachaduras y raspaduras del manuscrito.

«It is often difficult to distinguish Dee’s minuscules and majuscules, particularly with the letters S, L, V, W and Y» — el problema paleográfico que Whitby declara y el criterio con que lo resuelve: para dos letras decide por tamaño relativo y para las otras tres solo admite formas determinadas.

«In the transcription I haue changed Dee’s form for both ‘I’ and ‘J’, when it occurs, to either ‘I’ or ‘J’ according to whether the sound is a vowel or a consonant. I haue consistently changed long ‘s’ to short ‘s’» — las dos normalizaciones gráficas que Whitby aplica: la letra que vale por i y por j se resuelve por su sonido, y la ese larga pasa a corta.

«I haue reproduced the contractions and abbreviations used by Dee, noting the full form in the Commentary when difficulty might arise» — cómo trata Whitby las abreviaturas de Dee: las conserva y explica en el comentario cuando hacen falta.

«Dee uses three forms of ampersand, &, C and and I have transcribed them all as ‘&’. I haue used the transcription ‘&c’ for the form & and ‘etc’ for the form . Dee consistently uses ligatures on ‘oe’ and ‘ae’ and I haue ignored these when they are miniocules. I haue also ignored the ligatured long ‘s’ and ‘t’ which Dee sometimes uses. Consequently the only ligature which is noted is capital» — cómo unifica Whitby los ampersands y las ligaduras del manuscrito, con la única excepción que declara.

«The manuscript is written in black ink and I haue noted the occasional use of red ink in the Commentary» — cómo se consigna el uso de tinta roja.

«Where a word is illegible or the manuscript has suffered damage, I haue turned to Ashmole’s transcript (Sloane MS 3677). Where this has proved fruitful, readings of words or parts of words taken from Ashmole’s transcript haue been placed within pointed brackets» — de dónde salen las lecturas suplidas: de la transcripción de Ashmole, marcadas entre corchetes angulares.

«Where Ashmole’s transcript has failed to provide the answer because the original had suffered damage even by the time that it came into his hands, I haue reproduced within pointed brackets the line of dots that he has used for illegible or missing text, thus indicating that his transcript does not provide any further information» — y qué se hace cuando ni Ashmole tenía el texto: se reproduce su propia línea de puntos, para que se vea que no hay más información.

«The manuscript is in Dee’s hand with the exception of certain words and inserted leaves in Ashmole’s hand and fol. 99, which apart from a» — el reparto de manos dentro del manuscrito según las convenciones de la edición: casi todo Dee, algo de Ashmole y el folio 99 de Kelly.

«Scaled down representation of the Holy Table as shown in an engraving in Meric Casaubon’s A True and Faithful Relation of What Passed for Many Yeers Between Dr. John Dee…and Some Spirits (London 1659)» — el único pie de figura del apéndice: la mesa santa reproducida a escala reducida a partir del grabado de la edición de Casaubon de 1659.

«Sloane MS 3188. Dee’s Actions with spirits between 22 December 1581 and 23 May 1583. Sloane MS 3189. The Book of Enoch, in Kelly’s hand» — cómo asienta la bibliografía los dos manuscritos centrales: el que aquí se edita y el Libro de Enoc, este último de mano de Kelly.

«Sloane MS 3191. ‘48 Claues angelicae’; ‘Liber scientiae auxilii et victoriae terrestris’; ‘De heptarchia mystica’; ‘Tabula bonorum angelorum invocationes’. All are in Dee’s hand. Sloane MS 3677. Ashmole’s copy of the contents of Sloane MS 3188. Sloane MS 3678. Ashmole’s copy of the contents of Sloane MS 3191» — el resto del núcleo manuscrito, con las cuatro obras de mano de Dee y las dos copias que Ashmole hizo.

«Cotton MS Appendix XLVI, parts 1 & 2. Dee’s Actions with spirits later published by Meric Casaubon as a True and Faithful Relation» — de dónde salió la edición impresa de las Acciones posteriores, según la bibliografía.

«Cotton Charter XIII, art. 39. A chart drawn by Dee in 1570 outlining how to ‘Make this Kingdome Flourishing. Triumphant, Famous, and Blessed» — el plan de 1570 con que Dee se proponía hacer floreciente al reino, asentado entre sus manuscritos.

«Cotton Charter XIV, art. 1. Traces the ancestry of Queen Elizabeth and John Dee back to the earliest Welsh kings» — la genealogía que Dee trazó uniendo su linaje al de la reina hasta los primeros reyes galeses.

«Harleian MS 1879, arts 1, 5 & 6. Catalogue by Dee of some 230 manuscripts in his possession; catalogue by Dee of printed books in his library; catalogue by Dee of manuscripts in his library. The last two items are dated 6 September 1583» — los tres catálogos de la biblioteca de Mortlake que Dee dejó, fechados poco antes de irse al continente.

«Ashmole MS 423, art. 122. Ashmole’s transcript of Dee’s personal memoranda found in the margins of Stoffler’s Ephemerides. covering the period from 1543 to 1566» — de dónde salen los memoranda personales de Dee que sirven de diario: de los márgenes de unas efemérides impresas, transcritos por Ashmole.

«Sloane MS 3824. A number of instructions for summoning angels and experiments in the art of scrying. 17th century» — el tipo de manuscrito con que Whitby compara la práctica de Dee: recetarios de invocación y de scrying del siglo XVII.

Círculo mágico (circulus) — El círculo exterior del Sigillum Dei se divide en cuarenta casillas que cuarenta criaturas blancas van llenando con una letra y un número, y del mismo círculo se dice que sirve para atar espíritus perversos, como los nombres santos alrededor del pentáculo de Salomón.

Pentáculo (sello-síntesis) — El Cuarto Libro atribuido a Agrippa manda inscribir en el lamen un carácter de seis ángulos y tantos pentágonos como espíritus se quieran llamar; el pentáculo salomónico se trae como comparando del círculo del sello.

Talismán (imagen astrológica) — El lamen es una lámina triangular de oro batido que, llevada al pecho, se declara defensa del cuerpo en todo lugar y ocasión; nunca se hizo, y un año después la entidad Il declaró falso y diabólico su carácter.

Evocación (llamar y constreñir espíritus) — Cada rey o príncipe se invoca en su día, parándose sobre su sello circular, poniendo el sello individual sobre la mesa santa y usando la invocación de la De heptarchia mystica; Whitby llama a esas instrucciones magia demónica ceremonial.

Gematría (aritmética de las letras) — Los nombres del sello se extraen contando casillas a derecha o a izquierda según que el número vaya sobre la letra o debajo, y el ángel obtiene del mismo círculo un nombre divino de cuarenta y dos letras restituyendo dos aes suprimidas.

Tetragrammaton (el Nombre de cuatro letras) — Dee distingue en la Monas tres tratamientos numéricos del Tetragrámaton —cuaternario pitagórico, cuaternario artificial y sus sumas—; el mismo nombre aparece dibujado en el espejo del mago del relato de Tahureau.

Imaginación (phantasia) — El principio de la magia natural es la vis imaginativa, y en el manuscrito Dee sostiene que los ángeles insinúan su mensaje por la imaginación del hombre, a lo que Uriel responde que no tienen voz sino un ruido pleno que llena todo lugar.

Magia Natural — El término se usa con sentidos muy distintos, de la teoría musical de Ficino a todo lo que no fuera hechicería, y Whitby declara no tratarla como cosa aparte de la demónica porque Agrippa ya había borrado la frontera.

Daimon (entidad intermedia, ni ángel ni demonio) — Los astros dan a cada hombre el demonio de su profesión, que cambia si el hombre cambia de oficio y puede ser amigo o contrario de su genio; en el manuscrito Dee recibe el ángel de su profesión, que declara ser la filosofía verdadera.

Necromancia (nigromancia) — La fama de Dee y Kelly como nigromantes sobrevive a los dos y crece, y a ella pertenece la anécdota de la exhumación en Walton-le-Dale que se cuenta mucho después de la muerte de Kelly.

Secreto (lo que se jura no fijar por escrito) — Al margen del manuscrito se lee que los secretos de Dios no han de revelarse a los hombres, y el propio dictado bendice a quien guarda ocultos sus nombres.

Crítica de fuentes (criterios de inclusión y descarte) — Whitby marca en rojo lo que solo sobrevive en la copia de Ashmole, reconstruye las letras perdidas de la tabla de los cuarenta y nueve declarando que sus posiciones no se pueden fijar, y corrige lecturas de Ashmole, de Halliwell y de Charlotte Fell Smith.

Cadena de transmisión (quién tomó de quién) — La lengua del Libro de Enoc se presenta como la que los ángeles enseñaron a Adán para nombrar las criaturas según sus propiedades, anterior a Babel y superior al hebreo como lengua santa.

Grimorio (libro de magia) — Las obras de magia ceremonial como la Clave de Salomón rara vez se imprimían y circulaban en copias manuscritas, y Whitby advierte que poseer una copia no basta para dar por practicada la magia.

Horas planetarias — Cada rey y príncipe gobierna un día de la semana y sus seis ministros perfectos gobiernan cada uno cuatro horas de ese día, aunque Whitby declara que el reparto no cuadra en todos los casos.

Templo de Salomón (el escenario del oficio) — Se le atribuye a Salomón un anillo con el que obró maravillas, con Michael de mediador entre él y Dios; el cedro de la visión es el de la construcción de su templo.

Cuatro elementos (fuego, aire, agua, tierra) — Las tablas quinta, sexta y séptima de los cuarenta y nueve espíritus se reparten la calidad de la tierra y de los mares, los movimientos aéreos y una sabiduría de naturaleza divina, y sus emblemas son agua, animal, hierbas, abanico y fuego.

Microcosmos (el hombre-mundo) — El dictado reparte los números entre Dios, el mundo y el mundo menor, y sitúa a los ángeles del lado de Dios y a los operadores del lado del mundo menor.

Mónada (el glifo que condensa el esquema entero) — De la Monas hieroglyphica salen la lectura numérica de la cruz, la regla de las permutaciones que Dee aplica al alfabeto enoquiano y los tres tratamientos del Tetragrámaton; el libro fue el que Dee dedicó a Maximiliano II.

Ocultismo (occultisme) — Whitby sostiene que la magia no se revivió en el Renacimiento sino que se rehabilitó, y que lo que cambió fue una relación entre Dios y el hombre concebida como intelectual y no material.

Piedra filosofal (lapis philosophorum) — El polvo rojo que Kelly trajo de los Cotswolds se declaró la piedra o algo muy cercano, y el Libro de Dunstan había de dar la manera de hacer la proyección; el oro sembrado de la visión se lee como semilla que crece a costa de los metales bajos.

Putrefacción (putrefactio) — La quinta etapa alquímica, en que la materia se vuelve pez líquida y se simboliza con un cadáver, corresponde al quinto día de la Creación y a las aves que suben y bajan de la visión.

Geometría (la quinta arte liberal, fundamento del oficio) — La instrucción angélica da al sello nueve pulgadas de diámetro y veintisiete de circunferencia, cuando serían veintiocho y pico, y Whitby lee en esa pulgada de diferencia el saber matemático rudimentario de quien dictaba.

Gnosis (conocimiento salvífico) — La unión con Dios se alcanza contemplando el universo como creación suya o elevándose sobre la materia por la ascesis, y en los dos casos por la mens divina que hay en el hombre.

Prisca theologia (la teología antiquísima) — El supuesto ahistórico de que Platón dependía de Moisés llevó al Renacimiento a creer que una sola tradición podía rastrearse en todo el pensamiento anterior.

Iniciación (recepción por grados / metamorfosis del ser) — Al hombre del capuchón negro, que representa a Dee, se le quita la ceguera espiritual, se le viste de nuevo y se le corona de laurel para señalarlo entre los elegidos de Dios.

Materia prima — La sentencia latina de los siete metales, que declara que generados a la vez son una sola cosa, remite a la concepción aristotélica de una materia única con formas infinitas, que es lo que funda la transmutación.

Prodigio (prodigium, portentum, ostentum) — La estrella nueva de 1572 se lee como señal de una gran alteración de la religión y de una catástrofe universal en las naciones del norte a partir de 1583.